transfert regna mutat imperia propter peccata populi regnare facit hypocritam Peccatum peccaâ—it populus tuus Domino tradidit eos in manus Gentium dominati sunt etiam qui oderunt eos Sed non obliviscitur misereri Deus nec continebit in ira sua milericordias suas Erit enim cum dormis cum patribus tuis sepultus in senectute bona visitabit Dominus populuÌ„ suuÌ„ faciet redemtionem plebis suae Eliget enim sibi viruÌ„ secundum cor suum qui faciet omnes voluntates suâ—s qui me opitulante regnuÌ„ adeptus Anglorum Danico furori finem imponet Erit enim acceptus Deo gratus hominibus amabilis civibus terribilis hostibus utilis ecclesiae Qui cum praescriptum terminuÌ„ regnandi in justitia pace compleverit laudabilem vitam sancto fine concludet Quae omnia in beato Edwardo completa râ—i exitus comprobavit Expergefactus Pontifex rursus ad preces lacrimasque convertitur licet faelicitatem suae gentis non esset ipse visurus de malorum tamen fine câ—rtus effectus gratiâ—s agens Deo plurimum graâ—nlabatur Factus igitur animaequior populis poenitentiam praedicabat quibus Dâ—us misericordiam non defuturam constantissime pollâ—… From these passages whether reaâ—â— as man as fictitiâ—us as some repute them I shall onely observe these reall Truths 1. That in King Ethelreds reign great Parliamentary Councils were usually assembled to consult of the weighty affairs state if not succession of the Realm of England 2. That godly men in all ages have been deeply affected with the misery exile disinheriting and extirpation of the Royal Issue and Posterity by invading forreign usurpers and with the oppressions of their native countrey under their usâ— ped power and have poured forth frequent and fervent prayers unto God in secret for their restitution and relief 3. That the Nobility Clergy and people of England have ever had a propense naturall inclination and affection to the true royall Blood and Posterity of the Nation though forcibly constrained to abjure and renounce them for a season by prevailing Intruders electing them for their Kings and preferring them before all others upon the very next opportunity to vindicate their rights and liberties and rejecting the usurpers and their race 4 That though the Kings of England were usually reputed hereditary yet in truth they were for the most part actually elected by the Prelates and Nobles in parliamentary Councils and appointed by the generality of the Clergy and people and had oaths of allegiance given to them by their subjects 5. That God doth many times beyond all probability and expectation restore disinherited Princes to their Crowns of which they have been forcibly deprived after many years dispossession and without any wars or effusion of blood even by the Nobles and peoples own voluntary choice and act without their seeking as he did here restore Prince Edward after 25 years interruption and Aurelius Ambrosius long before to the British Crown to omit all others 6. That Crowns invaded ravished by force of armes and bloodshed are seldome long or peaceably enjoyed by the usurpers themselves or their posterity that of Curtius being an experimentall truth Non est diuturna possessio in quam gladio inducimur All which we find experimentally verified in this History of King Edward his election and restitution to the Crown of England worthy our special observation King Edw. coming to the Crown was not onely very charitable to the poor humble mercifull and just towards all men but also PLURES LEGES BONAS IN ANGLIA STATUIT quae pro majore parte adhuc in regno tenerentur Whereupon about the year 1043 as the Chronecle of Brompton William Caxton in his Chronicle and Mr. Selden inform us Earl Godwin a sugitive in Denmark for the murther of prince Alfred hearing of his piety and mercy resolved to return into England humbly to implore his mercy and grace that he might have his lands again that were confiscated having provided all things for his voyage he put to sea and arrived in England and then posted to London UBI REX ET OMNES MAGNATES AD PARLIAMENTUM TUM FUERUNT Where the King and all the Nobles were then at a parliament here he beseeched intreated his friends kindred who were the greatest Lords of the land after the King that they would study to procure to him the Kings Grace and friendship who having thereupon taken deliberate counsel among themselves led him with them before the King to seek his Grace But so soon as the King saw him he presently appealed him of TREASON of the death of Alfred his brother and using these words unto him said THOU TRAITOUR GODVVIN I THEE APPEAL FOR THE DEATH OF ALFRED MY BROTHER WHOM THOU HAST TRAITEROUSLY SLAIN To whom Godwin excusing himself answered My Lord and King saving your Reverenoâ— and Grace Peace Lordship I never betrayed nor yet slew your Brother unde super hoc pono me IN CONSIDERATIONE CURIAE VESTRAE whence I put my self upon the consideration and judgement of your Court concerning this matter Then said the King KARISSIMI DOMINI COMITES ET BARONES TERRAE c. Most dear Lords Earls and Barons of the land who are my Liege men now here assembled you have heard both my appeale and Godwins answer Volo quod inter Nos in ista appellatione RECTUM JUDICIUM DECERNATIS ET DEBITAM JUSTITIAM FACIATIS I will that between us in this appeale you award right Judgement and do due Justice COMITIBUS VERO ET BARONIBUS SUPER HOC AD INVICEM TRACTANTIBUS Hereupon the Earls and Barons debating upon this businesse among themselves some among them were different in their opinions from others in doing just judgement herein For some said that Godwin was never obliged to the King so Bromton to Alfred writes Caxton by homage service or fealty and therefore HE WAS NOT HIS TRAITOUR and that he had not slain Alfred with his own hands But others said Quod Comes nec Baro nec aliquis Regi subditus BELLUM CONTRA REGEM IN APPELLATIONE SUA DE LEGE POTEST VADIARE That neither the Earl nor any Baron nor any Subject to the King could by the Law wage Battel against the King in his Appeal but ought wholy to but himself in his mercy and to offer him competent amends Then Leofric Earl of Chester or Coventry as Caxton a good man towards God and the world spake and said The Earl Godwin after the King is a man of the best parentage of all England and he cannot deny but that BY HIS COUNCEL Alfred the Kings Brother was slain wherefore I award as touching my part that himself and his son and every of us DUODECIM COMITES the twelve Earls who are his friends and kinsmen should go humbly before the King laden with as much gold and silver as every of us can
and to govern them justly according to their Coronation Oaths and not arbitrarily or tyrannically according to their pleasures 5. That no Freemen in that age could be justly imprisoned banished or put to death but for some hainous misdemeanors and that by a legal trial and conviction 6. That the Subjects of England then held it their bounden duties in times of forein invasion to defend the Realm their Lives Liberties Properties both by Land and Sea against forein Enemies yet they held themselves dis-obliged and were generally averse to defend the person or Title of any Usurper of the Crown against any forein Prince or other Person who had a better right and title to it 7. That our English Ancestors in that age esteemed their hereditary Liberties good antient Laws and Customs more dear and pretious to them than their very lives and would rather die fighting for their Laws and Liberties like freemen than live under slavery or bondage to any Soveraign whatsoever 8. That the Kings of England in that age could neither give away nor legally dispose of their Crowns Kingdoms or Crown Lands to others without the privity and free consent of their Nobles and Kingdom in general Parliamentary Council as is evident by Harolds answers to VVilliams Embassadours the recited passage of Matthew Paris upon that occasion and this of Samuel Daniel p. 34. So much was done either by King Edward or Harold though neither act if any such were was of power to prejudice the State or alter the course of right succession as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown by a donation made by Testament which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom could be of no validity at all For the Crown of England being held not as patrimonial but in succession by remotion which is a succeeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will the right descending to the next of blood only by the Laws and Custom of the Kingdom For the successor is not said to be the Heir of the King but of the Kingdom which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any Act of his Predecessors 9. That the Nobilities Clergies and peoples free-Election hath been usually most endeavoured and sought after by our Kings especially Intruders as their best and surest Title To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations naturally slowing from the premised Histories of King Edward Harold and William not unsuitable to nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts and saddest contemplations of the present age considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs 1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent ambitious or covetous person who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression the kingdoms perturbation and his Sovereigns affront or danger as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons 2. That devout pious soft-natured Princes are aptest to be abused and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers 3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to heditary kingdoms for their King to die without any certain known and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions as is evident by King Edwards death without issue or declared right heir 4. That right heirs to Crowns who are of tender years weak judgement or impotent in Frien is and Purse are easily and frequently put by their rights by bold active and powerfull Intruders as Edgar Atheling was both by Haroid and William successively Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right 1. That Harold who first dethroned him to make him some kind of recompence and please the Nobles of his party created Edgar Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour 2ly That King William the first to whom he submitted himself and did homage and fealty used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court not only at first buâ— even after he had twice taken up armes against him joyning first with the English Nobilitie then with the Danes and Scots against his interest For Edgar coming to him into Normandy Anno 1066. out of Scotland where he lived some years where nihil ad praesens commodi nihil ad futurum spei praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset he not only pardoned his fore-past offences but magno donativo donatus est pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat writes Malmesb. receiving a great donative from him and a pound of silver for a stipend every day and continuing many years in his Court. After which Anno 1089. He went into Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence with 200 Souldiers and many Ships whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin and the loss of his best Souldiers he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany who endeavoured to retain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth but he contemning all their proffers out of a desire to enjoy his Native Country returned into England and there lived all Kings Williams reign In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his brother Robert deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother with whom he sided had conferred upon him and banished him out of Normandy whereupon he went into Scotland where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means returned into England being in so great favour with the king that in the year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army Ut in ea consobrinum suum Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium patruo suo Dufenoldo qui regnum invaser at expulso Regem constitueret Whence returning into England he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country as Malmesbury thus records Angliam rediit ubi diverso fortunae ludicro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suo in agro consumit Where most probably he died in peace since I find no mention of his death No less than 4 successive kings permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security such was the Christian Generosity Charity and Piety of that age without reputing it High Treason for any to relieve or converse with him as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it had they lived in those times who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised But I say unto you love
Iesus Christ and abolished Pagan Idolatry in their Dominions And of later times as our English Realm brought forth King Henry the 8th the first Christian King in the world who by Acts of Parliament abolished the Popes usurped power and jurisdiction out of his Dominions King Edward the sixth his son the first Christian King and Queen Elizabeth the first Christian Queen we read of in the world who totally abolished suppressed Popery banished it their kingdoms and established the publike Profession of the Protestant Religion by publike Statutes made in their Parliaments So during the reigns of our Saxon Kings after they turned Christians this Realm of England procreated more devout holy pious just and righteous Kings eminent for their piety justice excellent Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws transcendent bounty to the Church Clergy and Martyrdom for the defence of Religion and their Country against Pagan Invaders than any one Kingdom throughout the World There being no less then 15 or 16 of our Saxon Kings and 13 Queens within 200 years space who out of piety devotion and contempt of the world according to the piety of that age out of date in this voluntarily renounced their earthly Crowns and Kingdomâ— and became professed Monks Nuns to obtain an incorruptible Crown and Kingdom in Heaven 12 Kings crowned with Martyrdom being slain by Pagan invaders 10 of them being canonized for transcendent Saints and enrolled for such in all Martyrologies Lâ—turgies of the Church which I doubt few of our new Republican Saints will be Yea the piety of our Kings in that age was generally â—o surpassing Ut mirum tunc fuerat Regem non Sanctum videre as John Capgrave informs us Whence Wernerus a forein Chronologer in his Fasciculus temporum records Plures se invenisse sanctos Reges in Anglia quam in alia mundi Provincia quantumcunque populosa And Abbot Ailred long before him gives this memorable testimony of the Sanctity Martyrdom Justice and study of the peoples publike weal before the private shining forth in our Saxon Kings more than in any other kings throughout the world Verum prae cunctis civitatibus Regnisve terrarum de sanctitate Regum suorum Anglia gloriatur quorum alii coronati martyrio de terreno ad caeleste Regnum migraverunt alii exilium patriae praeferentes mori pro Christo peregre deligerunt nonnulli posito diademate disciplicinis se monasticis subdederunt quidam in justitia â—t sanctitate regnantes prodesse subditis quam praeesse maluerunt whose footsteps I wish the pretending self-denying antimonarchical domineâ—ring Saints over us would now imitate inter quos istud Sydus eximium gloriosus Rex Edwardus emicuit quem cernimus in divitiis egenum in deliciis sobrium in purpura humilem sub corona aurea seculi contemptorem So as the Prophesies of Psal 72 2 6. Isay 42 4 10 12. c. 49. 1 23. c. 51 5. c. 60 9 10 11. c. 66. 19. seem to be principally intended and verified of our Kings Isle above alâ—others in the world No wonder then that these ages of theirs affordus notwithstanding all the wars tumults combustions therein sundry memorable Presidents of great Parliamentary Councils Synods Civil and Ecclesiastical excellent Laws and Canons made in royal Charters confirmed by them with divers memorable Monuments both of our Parliamentary Councils Kings Princes Nobles Peoples constant care diligence prudence fortitude in defending preserving vindicating and perpetuating to posterity the good old Laws Liberties Franchises Rights Customs Government publike justice and Propriety of the Nation to suppress abolish all ill Law tyrannical unjust Proceedings Oppressions Exactions Imposts Grievances Taxes repugnant thereunto to advance Religion Piety Learning the free course of Iustice and the peoples welfare Which I have here in a Chronological method for the most part faithfully collected out of our antientest best Historians and Antiquaries of all sorts where they ly confused scattered and many of them being almost quite buried in oblivion and so far forgotten that they were never so much as once remembred or infisted on either in our late Parliaments and Great Courts of Iustice in any late publike Arguments or Debates touching the violation or preservation of the fundamental Laws Liberties Properties Rights Franchises of the Nation now almost quite forgotten and trampled under foot after all our late contests for their defence I have throughout these Collections strictly confined my self to the very words and expressions of those Historians I cite coupling their relations together where they accord in one citing them severally where they vary and could not aptly be conjoyned transcribing their most pertinent passages in the language they penned them omitted by our vulgar English Chronologers and annexing some brief observations to them for Explanation or Information where ther is occasion The whole undertaking I here humbly submit to the favourable acceptation and censure of every judicious Reader who if upon his perusal thereof shall esteem it worthy of such an Encomium as William Thorne a Monk of Canterbury hath by way of Prologue praefixed to his own Chronicle Valens labor laude dignus per quem ignota noscuntur occulta ad noticiam patescunt praeterita in lucem praesentia in experientiam futura temporibus non omittantur quia labilis est humana memoria necesse constat scriptis inseri memoranda ne humanae fragilitatis contingens oblivio fieret posteris inopinata confusio It will somewhat incourage me to proceed from these remote obscure times to ages next ensuing in the like or some other Chronological method But if any cut of disaffection to the work or diversity from me in opinion shall deem these Collections useless or supersluous I hope they will give me leave to make the selfsame Apology for my self and them as our most judidious Historian t William of Malmesbury long since made for himself and his Historical collections Et quidem erunt multi fortassis in diversis Regionibus Angliae qui quaedam aliter ac ego dixi se dicant audisse vel legisse Veruntamen si recto aguntur judicio non ideo me censorio expungent stilo Ego enim veram Legem secutus Historiae nihil unquam posui nisi quod à si delibus relatoribus vel scriptoribus addidici-Porro quoquo modo haec se habeant privatim ipse mihi sub ope Christi gratulor quod continuam Anglorum Historiam ordinaveram vel solus vel primus at least wise in this kind Si quis igitur post me scribendi de talibus munus attentaverit mihi debeat collectionis gratiam sibi habeat electionis materiam Quod superest munus meum dignanter suscipite ut gaudeam grato cognitoris arbitrio qui non erravi eligendi judicio Thus craving the Benefit of thy Prayers for Gods Blessing on these my publications for the common liberty weale and Benefit of the Nation I commend both them
procured the English School to be fréed from all Taxes and Tributes by the Popes special Bull. And we never read he imposed the least publick Tax upon his Subjects during all his wars and Exigences by his own Regal Power upon any pretext pell the Enemies whereby the Common people were so incouraged and became such good Souldiers that if they heard of the Enemies approach they would fight and rout them Rege etiam Ducibus inconsultis in certamen ruerent eisque semper numero scientia praeliandi praesâ—arent ita hostes contemptui militibus Regi risâ—i erant as Malmesbury writes The Country people themselves fighting with the Danes at Ligetune put them to â—light recovered all the prey they had taken and likewise the Danes Horses as they likewise did in some other parts Amongst other places this King reâ—aired the walls of Colchester put warlike men in it certum eis stipendium assignavit and assigned them a certain stipend as Mat Westm records neither he noâ— other our Historians making mention of assigned wages to any other Garrisons or Souldiers in that age At last the Danes in most places throughout England perceiving King Edwards power and wisdom submitted themselves unto him elected him for their King and Patron and swore homage and fealty to him as likewise did the Kings of Scotland Northumberland and Wales In the year of Grace 905. This King Edward assembled a Synod of the Senators of the English Nation as Malmesbury or a great Council of Bishops Abbots and faithfull people as Matthew Westminster and others stile it in the Province of the Gewisii which by reason of the Enemies incursions had been destitute of a Bishop for 7 years space Whereupon the King and Bishops in this Council taking good advice made this a holsom constitution That instead of 2 Bishops whereof one had his Sea at Winchester the other at Schireburn 5 Bishops should be created ne Grex Domini absque cura Pastorali luporum incursionibus quateretur Whereupon they in this Council elected 5 Bishops to wit Frithstan for Winchester Athelin for Schireburn Aedulfe for Wells Werstan for Crideton and Herstan for Cornwal assigning them their several Sees and Diocess and two other Bishops for Dorchester and Cirencester all consecrated by Archbishop Plegmond at Canterbury in one day Wil. of Malmesb. and some others write that this Council was summoned upon the Letter of Pope â—ormosus who excommunicated king Edward with all his Subjects for suffering the Bishopricks of Winton and Scireburn to be void for 7 years space together But this must needs be a great mistake since Pope â—ormosus was dead ten years before this Council and before these Bishopricks became void and his pretended Epistle to the Bishops of England makes no mention at all of the king as Sir Henry Spelman well observes In the year 906. king Edward made a Peace and firm agreement with the Danes of Northumberland and East-England at Intingford when as some think he and Guthurn the Dane reconfirmed the Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws formerly made and ratified by his Father King Alfred and Guthurn But Guthurn dying in the year 890 full eleven years before this Edward was king could not possibly ratifie these Laws at the time of this Accord being 16 years after his decease as the Title and Prologue to those Laws in Mr. Lambard and Spelman erroneously affirm wherefore I conceive that this confirmation of these Laws was rather made in the year 921. when all our Historians record that after king Edward Anno 910. had sent an army into Northumberland against the perfidious and rebellious Danes slain and taken many of them Prisoners and miserably wasted their Country for 4 days space for breaking their former Agreement with him after his Sister Aegelâ—led An. 919. had forced the Danes at York to agree and swear that they would submit to her and her Brothers pleasure in all things and after Edward had vanquished the other Danes Scotch and Welsh in many Battles thereupon in the yeat 921. the king of Scots with all his Nation Stredded king of Wales with all his people et Regnaldus or Reginaldus Reginald King of the Danes with all the English and Danes inhabiting Northumberland of which Reginald then was King comming to King Edward An. 921. submitted themselves unto him elected him for their Father and Lord and made a firm Covenant with him And therefore I conjecture that Gnthurnus in the Title and Preface of these Laws is either mistaken or else mis-written for Reginaldus then King of these Northern Danes who had no King in the year 906 that I can read of in our Historians Abbot Ethelred gives this Encomium of this Kings transcendent modesty and justice Rex Edwardus vir mansuetus et pius omnibus amabilis et affabilis adeò omnium in se provocabat affectum ut Scotti Cumbri Walenses Northumbri et qui remanserant Daci eum non tà m in Dominum ac Regem quam in Patrem eum omni devotione eligerent Tanta dehinc Modestia regebat Subditos tanta Justitia inter proximum et proximum judicabat ut contra veritatem non dico nihil velle sed nec posse videretur unde fertur quibusdam iratus dixisse dico vobis si possem vicem vobis redidissem Quid non posset Rex in Subditos Dominus in Servos Potens in infirmos Dux in milites Sed quicquid non dictabat aequitas quicquid veritati repugnabat quicquid non permittebat Justitia quicquid Regiam mansuetudinem non decebat Sibi credebat impossibile I wish all our modern domineering Grandees would imitate his presidential Royal Example Yet I read of one injurious Act done by him After the decease of his renowned Sister Elfleda Queen of Mercia Anno 920. he dis-inherited her only Daughter Alfwen or Elwyn his own Neece of the Dominion of all Mercia who held that Kingdom after her Mother seising and Garrisoning Tamesworth and Nottingham first and then disseising her of all Mercia uniting it to his own Realms and removing her thence into West-Sex Magis eurans an utilitèr vel inutilitèr Quan an justè vel injustè Writes Henry Huntingdon which innrious action Si violanda sit fides regni causâ violandae will not excuse The Chronicle of Bromton records that King Edward as he inlarged the bounds of his Kingdom more than his Father So Leges condidit he likewise made Laws to govetn it which are there registred to Posterity in two parcels as made at several times but in what year of his Reign this was it informs us not The first of these Laws declaring his zeal to publick Justice according to the Laws then in Force is this Edwardus Rex mandat et praecipit omnibus Praefectis et Amicis suis ut Justa judicia judicent quam rectiora possint Et in judiciaâ—t Libro stant nec parcant nec dissimulent pro anqua
periculum ducitâ—â— in itinere obvium habuerit potestatem habeat eripiendi eum ab imminen i periculo in toto Regno meo The old Charter begins thus In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi Quamvis Decreta Pontificum verba Sacerdotum inconvulsis ligaminibus velut fundamenta montium fixa sunt tamen plerumque tempestatibus turbinibus saecularium rerum Religio sanctae Ecclesiae maculis reproborum dissipatur ac â—…itur Iccirco profuâ—… succedentibus posteris esse decrevimus ut ea quae salubri Consilio et communi assensu definiuntur nostris literis roborata firmentur c. Hoc itaque Dunstano Doroberniensi at que Oswaldo Eboracensi Episcopo adhortantibus consentiente etiamer annuente Brithelmo Fontanensi Episcopo caeterisque Episcopis Abbatibus et Primatibus Ego Edgar divina dâ—â—poâ—…one Rex Anglorum c. And it concludes thus Acta est haec Privilegii â—aginâ— confirmata apud Londonium Communi Concilio omnium Primatum meorum Then follow the subscriptions of King Egar Alfgina his Mother Prince Edward Kinred King of Scots Mascusius the chief Admiral both the Archbishops 6 Bishops 8 Abbots 3 Dukes and other Officers Which Charter and Privileges at the Kings request were ratified by Pope John the 13 in a general Council at Rome Anno Dom. 971. by a special Bull that they might remain inviolable yet both the Abbey it self Lands Privileges are long since demolished dissipated annihilated such is the mutabiliunity of all sublunary things The self same year Anno 970. King Edgar by his Charter granted and confirmed sundry Lands and Privileges to the Monastery of Medeshamsted formerly demolished by the Danes which Bishop Aethelwold had repaired and named Burgh perpetually exempting it from all Episcopal jurisdiction yoak and exaction Quatenus nec Rex nec Comes nec Episcopus praeter Christianâ—â—atem attinentium Parochiarum nec vicecomes nec ulla alia major minorve persona ulla dominatione occupari praesumat excepta moderata expeditione Pontis Arcisve constructione VVhich Charter was ratified by the kings own subscription both the Archbishops sundry Bishops Abbots Dukes and other chief Officers and the sign of the Cross after each of their Names In the year 973. King Edgar after his seven years penance expired on the Feast of Pentecost in the 30th year of his age was solemnly Crowned and consecrated King and wore his Crown with great glory at Akemancester alias Bath both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald with all the rest of the Bishops of England ac Magnatibus universis and all the Nobles being there preâ—ent at his Coronation and received the accustomed Gifts usually given to the Nobles being at such inaugurations Soon after the same year this King with a very great Fleet and Army sayling round about the Northern parts of England came to Westchester where his eight tributary Kings or Vice-royes namely Kyneth king of Scots Malcome King of Cumberland Marcus king of Man and many other Ilands and the other 5 kings of Wales Dufnall Siferth Howel Iames and Iuchill met him as he had commanded them and swore alleâ—i nce to him in these words That they would be faithfull and assisting to him both by Land and Sea Which done he on a certain day entred with them into a Barge and placing them at the Oares himself took the Helm and steered the Barge very skilfully whiles they rowed it down the River of Dee from his Palace to the Monastery of St. John Bapist on the other side all his Dukes and Nobles following and accompanying him in other Barges where having made his Prayers they all rowed him thence back again in like pompe to his Royal Palace which when he had entred he said to his Nobles That any of his Successors might then say he was King of England when with so many Kings following and subject to him he should enjoy the Prerogative of the like pompe and power But Mr. Fox subjoyns In my mind this king had said much better God forbid that I should glory in any thing but in the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ The year following An. 974. Certain Merchants comming from York arived in the Islle of Thanet in Kent where they were presently taken by the Ilanders and spoyled of all their goods which king Edgar being informed of was so far incensed against these Plunderers that he spoyled them of all their Goods and deprived some of them of their lives Which Huntingdon and Bromton thus record Rex Edgarus undecimo Anno Regni sui jussit praedari Insulam Tenet Quia jure Regalia spreverant non ut host is insaniens sed ut Rex malo mala puniens The same year as Malmesbury Ingulphus and others write king Edgar by his regal Charter caused the secular Priests to be removed out of the Monastery of Malmesbury and introducing Monks in their places restored to them the Lands and Possessions of the monastery which the secular Priests formerly enjoyed and had leased 〈◊〉 that upon a full hearing before the Wise-men Bishops others in his presence most likely in a Parliamentary Council as this clause in his Charter intimates Haec a praedictis accommodata Clericis a contensioso possessa est Edebnoto sed superstitiosa subtilique ejus disceptatione aSapientibns meis audita et conflictatione illius mendosa ab eisdem me praesente convicta Monasteriali a me reaâ— â—a est usui If the Council of Winchester hereafter cited Anno 975. was held in King Edgars life time as some affirm most probably this debate here mentioned touching these Lands was held in and before that Council and this Charter therein made and ratified with the subscriptions of the Kings Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots and Dukes thereto annexed according to the custome of that age Although King Edgar in his younger daies was subject to many Vices and committed some injurious Tyrannical Acts recorded by Malmesbury Fox Speed and others yet repenting of these his youthfull lustfull Vices he proved such a just and prudent King that our Historians of elder and later ages give these large Encomiums of his Justice Prudence Piety Vertues and politique Government worâ—hy perpetual memory and immitation So excellent was he in Justice So sharp was he in correction of Vices as well in his Magistrates Officers and other Subjects that never before his days was less felony by Robbers nor less extortion or Bribery by false Officers such as were wicked he kept under them that were Rebels he repulsed the godly he maintained and the just and modest he loved the learned and virtuous he encouraged He would suffer no man of what degree or quality soever he were to elude or violate his Laws without condigne punishment In his time there was neither any private Pilferer nor publike Theef but he that in stealing other mens Goods would venture and suffer as he was sure the loss of his own Goods and
Huntindon Wigorniensis and others record made an Edict Ut quicunque Anglorum sanus esset secum in bello procederet That every Englishman who was in health should go with him in battel against the Danes An innumerable multitude of people upon this assembled together to assist him But when his and his son Edmonds forces were conjoyned in one body the King was informed that some of his auxiliaries were ready to betray and deliver him up to the enemies unless he took care to prevent it and save himself and as some write the Mercians refused to fight with the VVest-Saxons and Danes whereupon the expedition was given over and every man returned to his own home After this Edmund Ironside raised a greater Army than before against Cnute and sent Messengers to King Ethelred to London to raise as many men as possible he could and speedily to come and joyn with him against the Danes but he for fear of being betrayed to the Enemy presently dismissed the Army without fighting and returned to London Hereupon Ed. Ironside went into Northumberland where some imagined he would raise a greater Army against Cnute the Dane but he and Vhtred Earl of Northumberland instead of incountring Cnute wasted the Counties of Stafford Shrewsbury and Leicester because they would not go forth to fight against the Danes Army in defence of their Country and King Cnute on the other side wasting with fire and sword the Counties of Buckingham Bedford Huntindon Northampton Lincoln Nottingham and after that Northumberland Which Edmond being informed of returned to London to his Father and Earl Uhtred returning home being compelled by necessity repaired to Cnute and submitted himself to him with all the Northumbrians making a Peace with him and giving him hostages for performance thereof and for his and their fidelity Not long after Uhtred and Turketel Earls of Northumberland were both treacherously slain by Turebrand a Dane by Cnutes command or Commission Which done Cnute made one Hirc some stile him Egric Earl of Northumberland in his place and then returned with all his army to his Ships in triumph a little before the feast of Easter with a very great booty Not long after King Ethelred born to troubles and mischief after manifold labours vexations treacheries and incessant tribulations ended his wretched life in London where he died May 9th Anno 1016. being there buried in St Pauls Church finding rest in his Grave by death which he could never find in his Throne all his life having attained it by Treachery and his Brothers Soveraigns murder whose Ghost as Malmesbury and others write did perpetually vex and haunt him all his reign and made him so subject to and fearfull of plots and treacheries that he knew not whom to trust nor ever deemed himself secure even in the midst of his oft raised Armies Nobles People though ready to adventure their Lives for his defence I have related these Passages of the Danish wars and invasions during Ethelreds reign more largely than I intended 1. Because on the Englishmâ—ns parts they were meerly defensive of their Native Country King Laws Liberties Properties Estates Lives against forein Invaders and â—…rpers 2ly Because they more or less relate to my forementioned Propositions touch-the fundamental Rights Liberties Properties of the English Nation 3ly Because they shew forth unto us the true original grounds causes motives necessities and manner of granting the very first Civil Tax and Tribute mentioned in our Histories by the King and his Nobles in their General Councils to the Danish invaders to purchase peace and the true nature use of our antient Danegelt and rectifie some mistakes in our common late English Historians Immediately after King Ethelreds decease Episcopi Abbates Duces et quique Nobiliores Angliae in unum congregati as Wigornienâ—…s Hoveden â—…n Duneâ—…s Râ—…us de Diceâ—o Bromton Or Maxima pars Regni tam Clericorum quam Laicorum in unum congregati 〈◊〉 Matthew VVestminster Or Proceres Regni cum Clero as Knyghton expresses it Pari consensu in Dominum et Regem Canntum eligere All the Bishops Abbots Dukes and Nobles of England and the greatest part of the chief Clergy and Laity assembled together in a kind of Parliamentary Council by unanimous conient elected Cnute for their Lord and King notwithstanding their solemn Vow and Engagement but the year before never to suffer a Danish King to reign over them Whereupon they all repaired â—o Cnute to Southampton omnemque Progeniem Regis Ethelredi coram illo abhorrentes et abnegando repudiantes as Wigorâ—iâ—â— sis Huntindon Knyghton and others record and there in his presence abhorring and utterly renouncing and abjuring all the Progeny of King Ethelred they submitted themselves and swore â—eâ—lty to him as to their only King and Soveraign he reciprocally then swearing unto them That he would be a faithfull Lord unto them both in things appertaining to God and the World which our Historians thus express Quibus ille juravâ—t quoa secundum Deum secundum seculum fidelis illis foret Dominus Only the City of London and part of the Nobles then in it unanimously chose and cryed up Ed. â—ronside King Ethelreds 3. son by Elgina his first Wife Daughter to Duke Thored as Speed and others relate though Matthew Westminster and others register his birth Non ex Emma Regma sed ex quadam ignobili foemina generatus qui utique matris suae ignobilitatem generis mentis ingenuitate corporis strâ—…it te redintegrando redemit After Edmonds election he was crowned King by Liuing Archbishop of Canterbury at Kingston upon Thames where our Kings in that age were usually crowned No sooner was he thus advanced to the Regal dignity but he presently marched undauntedly into VVest-Sex and being there received by all the People with great gratulation and joy he most speedily subjected it to his Dominion Which being divulg'd in other parts many Counties of England deserting Cnute voluntarily submitted themselves unto him such is the sickleness of the People unconstancy of worldly power and affairs Cnute in the mean time to be revenged of the Londoners for making Edmond King marched to London with his whole Army and Fleet besieged and blocked up the City with his Ships drawn up the Thames on the West-side of the Bridge and then drew a large and deep trench round about the City from the Southside of the River whereby he intercepted all ingress and egress to the Citizens and others whom he shut up so close that none could go in or out of the City and endeavoured by many strong assaults to force it but being still repulsed by the Citizens who valiantly defended the walls he left off the siege with great confusion and loss as well as dishonor Thence he marched with his Army into Dorsetshire to subdue it Where King Edmond meeting him with such forces as he could suddenly raise gave him battel at Penham near Gillingham where
without expecting any actual violence to banish and expell them From all these memorable Historical passages as we may observe the great unconstancy vicissitude and changes of earthly Princes favours worldly honours preferments and popular favour with the great inconveniencies of admitting or advancing forreigners to any places of trust or power under the King or Court so we may likewise conclude that by the Law of that Age. 1. That no Englâ—sh man ought to be condemned executed imprisoned or put to death upon any great mans bare suggestion no not by the Kings own speciall command which if given ought to be disobeyed in such cases but only by and after a Legall hearing tryall and conviction of the offence 2. That the Kings of England were then sworn and obliged to govern their people by good just and wholesome Laws and Customes not by their arbitrary pleasures powers or commands 3. That the Parliamentary Councels and Nobles in that age were very carefull to defend and maintain the Liberties Rights good Laws and Customs of the people and to prevent and abolish all unjust Laws and Encroachments repugnant to them 4. That Parliamentary Councels were then frequently summoned by the King upon all publique emergent occasions and differences and to make war and peace either at home or in forreign parts 5. That the Parliamentary Councels of that time consisted of the Earles Barons Nobles and Praelates of the Realme duly summoned to them without any mention of Knights or Burgesses elected and sent to them by the people of which there are no presidents in this Kings reign Enough to prove Modus Tenendi Parliamentum supposed to be made and observed in this age a meere cheating imposture of later daies as in truth it is 6. That all delinquents of what quality soever justly or unjustly accused ought to appear and justify themselves before the King and his Nobles in their Parliamentary Councels without armed Guards forces Tergiversation or resistance upon due suÌ„mons to appear before them by the Laws of that time 7. That Kings and great mens coming to Parliamentary Councels with Armies strong armed Guards and holding them with power or under Armies is inconsistent with their Liberty Priviledges and are an occasion of civill wars disturbances much mischief to the Nation as then they proved 8. That English Peers then were and ought to be tried banished judged by their Peers both in Parliamentary Councels and other Courts 9. That no English Peer or Freeman could then be lawfully and judically banished the Realme but in and by sentence and judgement of a Parliamentary Councel for some contempt or offence demeriting such a punishment 10. That Peers and great men obstinately refusing to submit themselves to the triall and judgement of Parliamentary Councels or to appear in them or the Kings Courts to justify themselves without hostages fist given for their securiy may justly be sentenced and banished by our Parliaments for such contempts and affronts to justice 11. That the subjects were bound to ayd and assist their Kings as wel against Traitors Rebels Pyrates as against forreign enemies under our Saxon Kings 12. That forreigners are usually the greatest occasioners and fomenters of civil wars That such Incendiaries deserve justly to be banished the Nation And that civill wars between King and subjects English and English and their shedding of one anothers blood in such wars was then deemed most unnatural odious execrable by all prudent means and councels to be timely and carefully prevented and not to be begun or undertaken but by good advice and common consent in great Parliamentary Councels upon weighty urgent inevitable necessities 13. That the abolishing of ill and enacting of good Laws the removing of ill Counsellors and Instruments about Kings ordering matters of war and defence by Land and Sea and setling of peace were the antient proper works businesses imployments of our Saxon Parliaments 14. That the English Freemen have been always apt forwards cordially to joyn with such Nobles and Great men who are most cordial and active to defend their just Liberties Laws Rights against foreiners and others who invade them Soon after the forementioned agreement between the King and Godwin King Edward according to his forementioned promises to make good Laws for all his people out of all the former British and Saxon Laws by Order of his Wisemen compiled an universal common Law for all the people throughout the whole Realm which were called King Edwards Laws being so just and equal and so securing the profit and wealth of all estates that the people long after as Mr Fox and others record did rebel against their Lords and Rulers to have the same Laws again when suspended or taken from them or dis-used and prescribed this Oath to William the Conquerour himself and every of our Kings since to be solemnly taken at the time of his Coronation for the further ratification and better inviolable observation of these Laws and perpetuating them to all posterity SIR will you grant and keep and by your Dath confirm to the people of England the Laws and Customs granted to them by antient Kings of England rightfull men and devout towards God namely the Laws and Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy and to the Peopie by the glorious King Edward to your power To which the King must answer I will doe it before he be anointed or crowned King Now because these Laws of King Edward made by his Wisemens Counsel and advice as this Clause Sapientes caeperunt super hos habere consilium et constituerunt in the Chapter De illis qui has Leges despexerent implyes are so famous and fundamental most of our Common old Laws being founded on or resulting from them I shall give you this brief account of them out of our Historians as most pertinent to my subject matter and usefull for those of my profession to be informed of being generally not so well versed in Antiquity History and Records as were to be wished for the honour and lustre of their honourable publike calling pretermiting the grosse Forgery and Imposture of Modus tenendi Parliamentum so much cryed up by Sir Edward Cooke for its Antiquity and Authority as made and observed in Edward the Confessors reign when as it is a meer counterfeit Treatise and Spurious Antiquity scarce antienter than King Richard the 2. as I have proved in my Levellers levelled and Mr. Selden manifests in his Titles of honour pars 2. p. 713 738 to 745 yea it s own mentioning the Bishop of Carlisle which Bishoprick was not erected til the year 1132 or 1134. the Mayors of London which had no Mayor til the year 1208 and of other Cities with Knights and Burgesses usual wages all instituted long after the Conquerours reign the not mentioning of this Modus in any of our Records Histories or judicious Antiquaries and its difference from all the Modes and Forms of Parliaments and
absoleverunt non paucis ante adventum Normannorum annis Clerici literatura tumultuaria contenti vix Sacramentorum verba balbutitbant stupori et miraculo erat caeteris qui grammaticam noscet Monachi subtilibus indument is et indifferenti genere ciborum regulam ludificabant Optimates gulae venerii dediti Ecclesiam more christiano mane non adibant sed in cubiculo et inter uxorios amplexus matutinorum solemnia et Missarum a festinante presbytero auribus tantum libabant Vulgus in medio expositum praeda erat potentioribus ut vel eorum substantiis exhaust is vel etiam corporibus in longinquas terras distractis acervos the saurorum congererent quamvis magis ingenitum sit illi genti commessationibus quam operibus inhiare Illud erat a natura abhorrens quod multi ancillas suas ex se gravidas ubi libidini satisfecissent aut ad publicum prostibulum aut ad aeternum obsequium vendicabant Potabaâ—nr in commune ab omnibus in hoc studio noctes perinde ut dies perpetuantibus parvis abjectis domibus totos sumptus absumebant Francis Normannis absimiles qui amplis superbis aedificiis modicas expensas agunt Sequebantur vitia ebrietatis soâ—ia quae virorum animos effaeminant Hinc factum est ut magis temeritâ—te et furore praecipiti quam scientia militari Willielmo congressi uno praelio ipso perfacili servituti se patriamque pe ssundederint Ad summam tunc er ant Angli vestibus ad medium genu expediti crines tonfi barbas rasi armâ—llis aureis brachia onerati picturatis stigmatibus â—uâ—em insigniti in cibis urgentes crapulum in potibus irritantes vomicâ— Et haec quideÌ„ extrema victoribus suis participarunt de caeter is in corum mores transeuntes Sed haec mala de omnibus generaliter Anglis dicta intelligi nolim Scio clericos multos tunc tempor is simplici via semitam sanctitatis trivisse Scio multos Laicos omnis generis conditionis in hae eadem gente Deo placuisse faecessat ab hac relatione invidia non cunctos pariter hac invâ—lvat calumnia Verum sicut in tranquillit ate malos cum bonis fovet plaerumque Dei serenitas ita in captivitate bones cum malis nonnunquam ejusdem constringit severit as I have insisted more largely upon the Historical part of Harolds usurpation perjury short and troublesom reign tragical death Duke Williams claims to and manner of acquiring the Crown of England for this reason especially To refute the common received Error of some ignorant Historians of many illiterate Statists and Swordmen of this age and of sundry temporizing Ignoramusses of my own robe who publickly averr in their Pamphlets Speeches Charges and Discourses that Duke William claimed and obtained the Crown of England only as a Conqueror and thereupon altered the antient Laws Customs of the Realm and gave New Laws unto it by his own absolute power as a Conqueror thereof Upon which false Ground they inferre That those in late and present Power coming in by the same Title of Conquest may lawfully give new Laws to impose what Taxes Government they please upon the English as well as Scotish and Irish as a meer conquered Nation by their own inherent authority seeing by the Laws of Warr regularly all Rights and Laws of the place and Nation conquered be wholly subject to the Conquerors will And hereby they justifie all their late Impositions Taxes Excises Sequestration Seisures Sales of all the publike revenues of the Nation and many thousand private mens Estates by their Westminster and White-Hall Ordinances Edicts with the changes of our Government new-modellings of our Parliaments and all other irregular proceedings destructive to our Fundamental Rights Laws Liberties Government which they formerly covenanted inviolably to maintain without grant or consent by any free full lawfull English Parliaments Now to demolish all these their superstructures by subverting their false Foundation of D. Williams pretended Title to the Crown of England only by Conquest It is most apparent by the premised Historical Authorities 1. That King William alwayes claimed the Crown of England both before at and after his Coronation as of right belonging to him by the promise gift contract gift and bequest of Edward the Confessor and as his heir and next kinsman by the Mothers side 2. That he alleged this gift and grant of the Crown to him to be made with the consent of the Archbishops of Canterbury Earls Godwin Syward and other Nobles of the Realm ratified by special Messengers sent unto and Hostages delivered him for its performance and by Harolds own solemn agreement and Oath sent to him by King Edward for that purpose as himself at least suggested to him which designation and grant of King Edward to William was no fiction but a truth confessed by all our Historians and Harold himself who by his answers never denyed but only endeavoured to evade it and voluntarily acknowledged by all the Nobles of England both at his Coronation and in Parliament it self in the 4. year of his reign 3. That after King Edwards decease divers of the Nobles would have elected William King in pursuance hereof but that Harold perjuriously usurped the Crown by meer force and power without the least right unto it or any election by the Lords or people setting the Crown on his own head the very day King Edward was interred and thereby prevented Williams election to it 4. That hereupon divers of the Nobles Prelates and other English sent private Messengers to William into Normandy to come and demand his right to the Crown as due unto him promising hostages and their assistance to recover it 5. That thereupon he sent Embassadors twice or thrice to Harold one after another before his landing insisting on his meer right and Title to the Crown to gain it by parly without effusion of bloud 6. That upon Harolds obstinacy he appealed to the Pope and to all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council for the justice of his Title and Right to the Crown who declared his Title Lawfull and Just and thereupon encouraged assisted him all they could to regain it by force of arms from the Usurper Harold who would not otherwise depart from it 7. That immediately after his landing he made claim unto it only by the foresaid Right Title and thereupon prohibited his Souldiers to plunder the Country or hurt any of the Inhabitants as being his by right 8. That very few of the English Nobility or Nation would march or engage with Harold against William and sundry withdrew themselves from the battel as conscious of Harolds usurpation perjury and Williams just cause against him however other causes were then pretended and amongst the rest his own Brother-in-laws the greatest Peers of the Realm Earl Morcar and Edwin deserted him in the fight 9. That after the first battel won and Harold slain all
that so the whole Nation of the English might all jointly and at one time be freed from the Danish Oppression And so the Danes who by a firm covenant sworn unto by both sides a little before ought to have dwelt peaceably with the English were too opprobriously slain and the women with their children being dashed against the posts of the houses miserably powred out their souls When therefore the sentence of this decree was executed at the City of London without mercy many of the Danes fled to a certain Church in the City where all of them were slain without pity standing by the very Altars themselves Moreover that which aggravated the rage of this persecution was the death of Guimild Sister of King Swain slain in this manner in England she was lawfully maried to Count Palingers a Noble man of great power who going into England with her husband they both there received the faith of Christ and Sacrament of baptism this most prudent Virago being the mediatrix of the peace between the English and Danes gave her self with her husband and only son as Hostages to King Ethelred for the security of the peace she being delivered by the King to that most wicked Duke Edric to keep that Traytor within few days after commanded her husband with her son to be slain before her face with four spears and last of all commanded her to be beheaded She underwent death with a magnanimous minde without fear or change of countenance but yet confidently pronounced as she was dying That the shedding of her bloud would bring great detriment to England Henry Huntindon thus relates the story of this Massacre In the year 1002. Emma the Jewel of the Normans came into England and received both the Diadem and name of a Queen with which match King Ethelred being puffed up with pride bringing forth perfidiousness caused all the Danes who were with peace in England to be slain by clandestine Treason on one and the same day to wit on the feast of St. Brice concerning which wickedness we have heard in our infancy some honest old men say that the said King sent secret Letters into every City according to which the English on the same day and hour destroyed all the Danes either cutting off their heads without giving them warning with swords or taking and burning them suddenly together with fire Vbi fuit videre miseriam dum quisque charissimos hospites quos etiam arctissima necessitudo dulcâ—ores effecerat cogeretur prodere et amplexus gladio deturbare writes Malmsbury The News of this bloudy Massacre of the Danes being brought into Denmark to King Swain by some Youths of the Danish Nation who escaped and fled out of England in a ship moved him to tears Vocatisque cunctis Regni Principibus Who calling all the Princes of his Realm together and relating the whole series of what was acted to them he diligently enquired of them what they would advise him to do Who all crying out together as with one mouth DECREED That the bloud of their Neighbours and Friends was to be revenged Whereupon Swain a cruel man prone to shed bloud animated to revenge by his Messengers and Letters commanded all the Warriers of his Kingdom and charged all the souldiers in forein Regions greedy of gain to assist him in this expedition against the English which they cheerfully did he having now a fairer shew to do foully than ever wrong having now made him a right of invasion who had none before Anno 1003. King Swain ariving with a great Navy and Army in England by the negligence and treachery of one Hugh a Norman whom Queen Emma had made Earl of Devonshire took and spoyled the City of Exeter rased the wall thereof to the ground and burnt the City to ashes returning with a great prey to his ships leaving nothing behind them but the ashes After which wasting the Province of Wiltshire a strong Army congregated out of Hamshire and Wiltshire went with a resolution manfully and constantly to fight with the Enemy but when both Armies were in view of each other ready to joyn battel Earl Edric their General a constant Traytor to his Country and secret friend to the Danes feigned himself to be very sick and began to vomit so that he could not possibly fight Where upon the Army seeing his slothfulness and fearfullness departed most sorrowfull from their Enemies without fighting being disheartned by the Cowardise of their Captain Which Swane perceiving he marched to Wilton and Sarisbery which he took pillaged and burnt to the ground returning with the spoil to his Ships in triumph The next year Swane to whom God had designed the kingdom of England as some old Historians write sailing with his Fleet to Norwich pillaged and burnt it to the ground Whereupon Ulfketel Duke of East-England 〈◊〉 man of great valour seeing himself surprized and wanting time to raise an Army to resist the Danes cum Majoribus East-Angliae habito Consilio taking Counsel with the Great men of East England made peace with Swane which he treacherously breaking within three weeks after suddenly issuing out of his ships surprized pillaged and burnt Thetford to the ground and covering the Country like Locusts spoyled all things and slaughtered the Country-men without resistance Which Duke Ulfketel being informed of commanded some of his Country-men to break his ships in pieces in his absence from them which they not dared or neglected to do and he in the mean time raising an Army with as much speed as he could boldly marched against the Enemy returning with great booties to their Ships where after a long and sharp incounter on both sides the English being over-powered by the multitude of the Danes were totally ronted and all the Nobles of East-England there slain in their Countries defence who fought so valiantly that the Danes confessed they had never an harder or sharper battel in England than this The great loss the Danes sustained in it though they got the field and an extraordinary famine in England the year following greater than any in the memory of man caused Swane to return into Denmark to refresh and recruit his Army King Ethelred quit of these Enemies Anno 1006 deprived Wulfgate the Son of Leonne whom he had loved more than all men of his possessions and all his homours propter injusta judicia for his unjust judgements and proud works and likewise commanded the eyes of the two Sons of that Arch-Traitor Edric Strcona to be put out at Cocham where he kept his Court because Edric had treacherously inticed a bloody Butcher Godwin Porthound whom he corrupted with great gifts to murder the Noble Duke Althelin at Scoborbyrig as he was hunting whom Edric purposely invited to a Feast that he might thus treacherously murder him While these things were acting in the month of July the Danes returning with an innumerable Navy into England landing at
Great Councils of that or later ages held in England or Ireland with the many falshoods and absurdities in it will sufficiently evidence it to every intelligent Peruser to be a late Bastard Treatise and no such Antient Record as Sir Edward Cooke most confidently averrs it upon groundless Reasons and bold false averments void of Truth Which Modus if really made and observed in his reign and after ages no doubt our Historians would have mentioned it as well as his Laws of which they give us this following account Henry de Knyghton records That King Edward after his Coronation Consilto Baronum et caeterorum Regni received established and confirmed the good Laws which for 68 years lay as it were asleep among the sleepers and buried in Oblivion These Laws are called the Laws of St. Edward not because he had first invented them but because they being as it were put under a Bushel and laid in oblivion from the time of his Grandfather King Edgar he put to his hand first to find them out and then to establish them Wil. of Malmesbury thus writes of these Laws Omnes Leges ab antiquis Regibus maxime ab antecessore suo Ethelredâ— latas sub interminatione Regiae mulctae perpetuis temporibus observari praecepit in quarum custodia etiam nunc tempore bonorum sub nomine Regis Edwardi Iuratur non quod ille statuerit sed observaverit The Author of the antient Manuscript Chronicle of Litchfield and Mr. Selden out of him together with Roger Hoveden and Bishop Usher inform us concerning these Laws Ex illo die magna autoritate veneratae et per universum regnum corroboratae consecratae sunt prae caeteris regni legibus Leges Regis Edwardi quae quidem prius inventae constitutae fuerunt tempore Regis Edgari avi sui Veruntatem post mortem ipsius Regis Edgari usque ad Coronationem S. Regis Edw. quodcontinet annos 67 predictae leges sopitae sunt eâ— penitus praetermissae Sed postquam Rex Edwardus in regno fuit sublimatus Consilio Baronum Angliae Legem 67 annis sopitam excitavit excitatam reparavit reparatam decoravit decoratam confirmavit confirmata vocata est Lex sancti Regis Edwardi non quod prius ipse invenisset eam sed cum praetermissa fuisset oblivioni penitus dedita a morte avi sui Regis Edgari qui prius Inventor ejus fuisse dicitur usque ad sua tempora videlicet 67 annis The Chronicle of Bromton col 956 957. gives us this large account of these and our other ancient Laws This holy King Edward the Confessor Leges communes Anglorem genti tempore suo ordinavit ordained common Laws in his time for the English Nation because the Laws promulged in former times were over-partial For Dunwallo Molmucius first of all set forth Laws in Britain whose Laws were called Molmucine sufficiently famous until the times of King Edward amongst which he ordained That the Cities and Temples of the Gods and the ways leading to them and the Ploughs of Husbandmen should enjoy the privilege of Sanctuary After which Marcia Queen of the Britons Wife of Guithelin from whom the Provinces of the Mercians is thought to be denonated publish da Law full of discretion and justice which is called Mercian Law These two Laws the Historian Gildas translated out of the British into the Latine tongue and so it was afterwards commonly called Merchenelaga that is The Law of the Mercians by which Law 8 Counties were formerly judged namely Gloucestershire Worcestershire Herefordshire Shropshire Cheshire Staffordshire Warwickshire and Oxfordshire After these there was superadded a Law written in the Saxon or English tongue by Ina King of West-Saxons to which Alfred King of the West-Saxons afterwards superadded the Law which was stiled West-Saxenelega that is the Law of the West-Saxons By which Law in antient times the 9 Southern Counties divided by the River of Thames from the rest of England were judged namely Kent Sussex Surrey Berkeshire Wiltshire Southampton Somersetshire Dorset and Devonshire At length the Danes dominering in the Land a third Law sprang up which was called Danelega that is the Law of the Danes by which Law heretofore the 15 Eastern and Northern Counties were judged to wit Middle sex Suthfolk Northfolk Herthfordshire Cambridgeshire Huntingdonshire Lincoln-shire Nottinghamshire Derbyshire Northamptonshire Leicestershire Buckinghamshire Beddefordshire and Yorkshire which County of York heretofore contained all Northumberland from the water of Humber to the River of Twede which is the beginning of Scotland and is now divided into six Shires Now out of the foresaid three Laws Merchenelega West-Saxenelega and Danelega this King Edward set forth one common Law which even to this day is called the Law of Edward The like is recorded by Hygden in his Polychronicon l. 1. c. 50. Mr. John Fox in his Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 213 214. Samuel Daniel his Collection of the History of England p. 22. John Speed his History of Great Britain p. 410. Fabian Holinshed Caxton Grafton and others almost in the self-same words These Laws are no where extant in any Manuscripts or printed Authors as they were originally compiled and digested into one body by him and his Barons but as they were presented upon Oath to and confirmed by King William the Conqueror in the 4th year of his reign of which Ingulphus Abbot of Croyland in the close of his History to which they are annexed in some Manuscripts gives us this account flourishing in that age Attuli eadem vice mecum de Londonâ—is in meum Monasterium Leges aequissimi Regis Edwardi quas Dominus meus inclytus Rex Willielmus autenticas esse et perpetuas per totum Regnum Angliae inviolabiliter tenendas sub paenis gravissimis proclamarat et suis Insticiariis commendarat eodem idiomate quo editae â—unt ne per ignorantiam contingat nos vel nostros aliquando in nostrum grave periculum contraire offendere ausu temerario regiam majestatem ne in ejus censuras rigidissimas improvidum pedem ferre contentas saepius in eisdem hoc modo These Laws are partly Ecclesiastical partly Civil recorded by Roger de Hoveden Annalium pars posterior p. 611. to 631 by Mr. Lambaerd in his Archaion Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 2. c. 4. Spelmanni Concili p. 613. Mr. Iohn Selden ad Eadmerum Notae Spicelegium p. 172. to 195. Mr. Iohn Fox his Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 214. wherein those who please may peruse them In these Laws it is observable 1. That all capital corporal pecuniary punishments fines for criminal offences and all reliefs services and duties to the King are reduced to a certainty not left arbitrary to the King his Iustices or other Officers for the Subjects greater liberty ease and security 2. That they protect preserve the Possessions Privileges Persons of the
Mr. Cambden Godwin Stow and Speed record this Story which none of our other antient Historians mention That after Duke William had slain Harold and the City of London with the generality of England had submitted to his power being struck with the fear and terror of Harolds death and the Englishmens great slaughter except Kent alone William marched with his forces towards Dover Castle the lock and key of the Realm the better to command the Seas and awe the Kentishmen to subject it and the other parts of the County to his power Archbishop Stigand then lylying close in that County either to renew the warr or to obtain more honourable and just conditions of subjection for his Kentishmen than any others effected for his Kentish people that which none in his Country did besides For perswading all his Kentish men to keep at home and not stirr out of their confines when he heard of Williams approach advising with Eglesine Abbot of St. Augustinet they two being the chiefest Lords and Governours of Kent and the principal men of Kent they considered that the whole Realm was in a very sad and ill condition for whereas before the comming of the said William none of the English was a Servant that now all indifferently as well Noble as Ignoble were subjected to the perpetual Servitude of the Normans And out of the dangers of their neighbours assuming matter for their own and their Counties preservation they assembled all the Commons of Kent to Canterbury where they represented to them the imminent dangers of the Country the misery of their neighbours the insolency of the Normans and the calamity of a servile condition all which now were too apparently seen The English till then were frée-born and the name of bondage never heard among them and they amongst the rest but now nothing but servitude attended them in case they unworthily yielded as others had done to the insolency of this griping Enemy Whereupon by common advice all the people decreed and declared to meet Duke William et cum eo pro Patriis Legibus certare and to fight with him for the Lawes of their Country chusing rather to end an unhappy life by fighting for them in the field than to undergoe the unaccustomed yoak of bondage or to be reduced from their accustomed liberty to an unknown and unsure Slavery The Archbishop and Abbot chusing rather to die in battel than to behold the miseries of their Nation after the example of the holy Maccabees became the Captains of the Kentish Army resolving to die in defence of their Country and Laws whereupon they all resolved to meet together at Swanscomb two miles from Gravesend at a set time Where assembling accordingly they secretly kept together in the woods watching the Dukes approach all joyntly agreeing to block up his passage on all sides and to surround the Duke and his Army on a sudden that they might not escape them every one of the Horse and Footmen carrying a green bough in his hand that they might not be discovered and wherewith if need were they might impeach and hedge up the Normans passage The Duke marching the next day through the fields near Swanscomb the whole multitude of the Kentishmen like a moveable wood surrounded him approaching nearer and nearer to him with a soft pace Which â—…tagem so daunted the Duke even with the very sight of their approach who being as he thought free from all Enemies was now suddenly beset on all sides with these moving woods that he knew not but all the other vast woods he saw might be of the like nature neither had he time to avoid the danger The Kentishmen having thus enclosed him round about casting down their boughs bended their bowes drew out their swords shaked their pikes held forth their other arms displayed their banners and sounded their trumpets in token of battel The Duke and his Army being herewith astonished though so puffed up with their former late victory that they had even now to their seeming the whole Realm of England in their hand were so extraordinarily terrified herewith that they stood in danger not only of the losse of the Victory and Army but he even of his own life Whereupon he desired a parley with the Kentish before the battel was joyned Upon this Stigand and Egelsine their Generals were sent Embassadors to the Duke on the behalf of the rest who spake thus to him in their Kentishmens names Most Noble Duke behold the people of Kent are come forth to meet thee as thy friends and are ready to receive and obey thee as their Lâ—ege Lord if thou shalt grant their most just requests demanding only such things as make for peace and such as only tend to retain the Liberty received from their Ancestors and preserve the Laws and Customs of their Country Neither will they be reduced under Bondage never yet felt by them nor tolerate any new Lawes For they can bear Royal Authority but not Lordly Tyranny Wherefore receive the Kentishmen not as thy Servants but as thy loyal loving and affectionate Subjects Yet upon this condition That all the People of Kent may for ever enjoy their antient Liberty without diminution and use the Laws and Liberties of their Country But if thou endeavourest to take away their Liberty and the Immunity of their Laws thou shalt likewise take away their Lives together with them they being all ready at present to give thee and thine battel and to try the uncertain chance of Warr Being fully resolved rather to die in the field than in any sort to depart with their Countries Laws and Customs or to live under strange Laws or servile Bondage the name and nature whereof is and ever shall be strange unto us For although the rest of the English can submit themselves to Slavery yet Liberty is the proper badge of Kentish men The Duke astonished with this Oration and his new troubles with a perplexed troubled mind advised hereupon with his Counsellors and wisely considering that the event of the battel would be very doubtfull that if he should depart without accomplishing his designe or if he should suffer any repulse or inconvenience from this warlike people that it would not onely redound to his great infamy but that it would endanger the loss of his new-acquired kingdom undo what ever he had hitherto effected and turn all his hopes and security into danger if he should not joyne Kent the key of the whole Realm to the rest of the Kingdom and retain it more by friendship and compact thus offered to him than by force And considering likewise that their demands were not unreasonable he thereupon not so willingly as wisely rather out of necessity than voluntarily granted to the Kentish men that they should live freely according to their antient Laws and Customes Whereupon there being a League made between William and the Kentishmen and Hostages given on both sides for performance of it they
the Prelates and Clergy generally except Abbot Frederick appeared for him and would not consent to set up Edgar though right heir 10. That after good deliberation all the Nobles Prelates Londoners and others who first appeared for Edgar with the greatest part of the Clergy people of the English Nation without the least fight or resistance or before any siege or summons from him together with Prince Edgar himself voluntarily went out and submitted themselves sware faith and allegeance to him as their Soveraign at Berkhamsted and after that joyfully received him with highest acclamations as their lawfull King at his entry into London 11. That all the Prelates Clergy and Nobility soon after without any coercion upon his foresaid right and Title freely elected and solemnly crowned him as their lawfull King in a due and accustomed manner and then did Homage and swore new Allegiance afresh unto him as their rightful Soveraign 12. That he took the Ordinary Coronation Oath of all lawfull Kings to mainitan and defend the rights persons of all his people to govern them justly c. as became a good King which a King claiming by meer conquest would never do All these particulars are undeniable Evidences that Duke William never made the least pretence claim or title to the Crown and Realm of England only as an absolute Conqueror of the Nation but meerly by Title as their true and lawfull King by designation adoption and cognation seconded with the Nobles Prelates Clergy and peoples unanimous election And although it be true that this Duke ejected Harold and got actual possession of the Throne and Kingdom from him by the sword as did Aurelius Ambrosius and others before and King Henry the 4. Edward the 4. Henry the 7. with others since his reign yet that neither did nor could make him a King by conquest only no more than these other Princes seeing the end of this warr was not against the whole English Nation the greatest part whereof secretly abbetted his interest but only against the unjust Usurper and Intruder King Harold and his adherents not to create a Title to the Realm by his and their Conquest but to remove a Usurper who invaded it without and against all right and to gain the actual possession thereof by arms from which he was unjustly withheld by force against those pretended lawfull Titles which he made So that he got not the Right Title but only the actual possession of the Crown by his Sword not as a universal Conqueror of the Realm without right or Title but as if he had been immediate heir and lawfull Successour to the Confessor who designed him to succeed him For fuller confirmation whereof I shall here subjoin these ensuing proofs 1. King William himself at his very Coronation in London as Mr Cambden informs us said That the kingdom was by Gods providence appointed and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the glorious granted unto him and that this most bounteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his heir in the kingdom of England 2ly In his Charter to the Church of Westminstor he resolves as much in direct terms where he recites In ore gladii Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum dâ—victâ— Haroldo rege Cumsuis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum beneficio concessionis Domini Cognati mei gloriosi Edwardi CONCESSUM conati sunt auferre c. So that his Title was from Edward though his possession by the sword 3ly In the very Title of his Laws published in the 4th year of his reign which he was so far from altering that he both by Oath and Act of Parliament ratified confirmed all the Laws and Customs of the Realm used in the Confessors time and before presented by a Grand Enquest unto him out of every County of England upon Oath without any alteration praevarication or diminution he stiles himself or is stiled by the Collector of these Laws HEIR AND COSEN TO Edward the Confessor even in the ancient Manuscript which Sir Henry Spelman hath published Incipiunt Leges S. Edwardi Regis quas in Anglia tenuit quas WILLIELMUS HAERES cognatus suus POSTEA CONFIRMAVIT To which I shall likewise subjoyn the words of the Charter of his Sonn King Henry the 1 Anno 1108. translating the Abbey of Ely into a Bishoprick wherein he gives his Father William the self-same Title Ego Henricus providente divina clementia Rex Anglorum Normannorum Dux Willielmi magni Regis filius QUI EDWARDO REGI HAEREDITARIO JURE SUCCESCIT IN REGNUM renouncing all Title by conquest and claiming only as Heir to King Edward by Hereditary right 4ly Earl William himself in none of his Charters Writs Speeches Writings ever stiled himself a Conquerour of England nor laid claim to the Crown and Realm of England by Conquest after his inauguration which Title of Conqueror was afterwards out of the flattery or ignorance of the times given unto him by others Therefore the words which the History of St. Stephens in Caen in Normandy reports he used at his last breath The Regal Diadenâ— which none of my Predecessers ever wore I got and gained by the Grace of God only I ordain no man heir of the Kingdom of England which all our Historians unanimously contradict affirming that he ordained VVilliam Rufus his second son particularly to succeed him in it at his death upon which Title only he enjoyed it but I commend the same to the eternal Creator whose I am in whose hands are all things For I became not possessor of so great honour by any hereditary right but by an humble conflict and with much effusion of blood I took it from the perjured King Harold and after I had either slain or put to flight his favourits and Servants I subdued the kingdom to my self must either be reputed false and fabulous as most esteem them or else have this construction that he gained the actuall possession of it against Harold and his adherents only by the Sword and that he had not an hereditary right thereto as next heir by descent to the Crown but only by adoption from and as heir by donation to King Edward as next of kin by the Mothers side which he made his only Title 5ly Those antient English Historians who first gave him the name of Conquerour did it not in a strict proper sence as if he were a meer universal Conquerour of the Nation disposing of all mens Estates persons and the Laws of the Realm at his pleasure for that he never did but only as one who gained the actual possession thereof from a perjured Usurper and his forces by strength of arms conquering them by open battel in the field but still claiming it by gift contract and designation from King Edward as his Kinsman as an heir who forcibly outs a disâ—eisor and intruder comes in by Title and Inheritance only
though he gains the possession by force This is evident by the forecited words of Mathew Paris and this passage of Henry de Knyghton not extant in Hygden out of whom he seems to tanscribe it Et sic quia Normannus Iure haereditatis tenuit Normanniae Ducatum ideo Dux Regnum vero Angliae mero Conquestu in respect of actual possession et clameo subscripto in respect of Title by claim by gift from King Edward Ideo Rex which claim and Title being backed by the unanimous election of the Prelates Clergy Nobility People and right heir to the Crown himself who all submitted and sware homage fealty and allegiance to him as their lawfull King infallibly demonstrate him to be no Conquerour in respect of Title in a strict legal military sense even in the judgement of those antient and modern Historians who give him that Title but only in regard of Harold and his party and the actual possession which he got by conquest And in this sense alone is that Distick in the Chronicle of Bromton to be understood Dux Normannorum Willielmus vi validorum Rex est Anglorum Bello Conquestor eorum 6ly Our Great Antiquary Richard Vestegan in his Restitutions of decayed Antiquities learned Mr. John Selden in his Review of the Hist of Tithes p. 482 483. Sir John Hayward in the life of King VVilliam the first Mr. Nathaniel Bacon in his first part of his Historical Discourse of the uniformity of the Government of England chap. 44 45 46 55 56. to omit others most fully prove and assert That the entry of William the first into the royal Government of England neither was nor properly could be by Conquest but by Title and by the free election of the Nobles Clergy and People That although the several Titles he Pretended were perhaps if curiously examined not sufficient to give him a true legal Title and Right to the Crown of England à parte ante because not agreed unto and confirmed by the general consent of the Nobles Kingdom and Nation in a Parliamentary Great Council but only by the King and some particular Prelates and Nobles out of Parliament as Harold in his answers alleged yet being ratified exparte post both by the subsequent consent agreement submission election Oath homage and fealty of all the people Nobles Clergy by their legal free crowning of him at first by Edgar Atheling his own submission sealty and resignation of his royal right and Title thereby unto him and ratified by succeeding Parliamentary Councils it became an indubitable Right and Title both in Law and Justice to him and his Posterity against all others who could lay no legaller Title thereunto he continuing confirming all the antient fundamental Laws Liberties Customs and Government of the English Nation without any alteration both by Oaths and Edicts I shal therefore conclude this point with the words of Shard a learned Lawyer in King Edward the third his reign who when the Kings Counsel in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough would have made a Charter of king Edgar void because they alleged all Franchises were devolved to the Crown by the Conquest replyed thereto The Conquerour came not at all to put any who had lawfull possession out of their rights but to dispossess those who by their wrong had seised upon any land in dis-inherison of the King and his Crown And with the words of our judicious Historian Sa. Daniel concerning this king VVilliam Neither did he ever claim any power by conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom desiring to have his Testamentary Title howsoever weak to make good his succession rather than his sword And though the stile of Conqueror by the slattery of the time was after given him he shewed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not introducing none of those Alâ—erations which followed by violence but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State and the occasions offered and that by way of reformation And although Sir Hen. VVotton gives this verdict of them VVe do commonly and justly stile him the Conquerour For he made a general conquest of 〈…〉 Kingdom and People either by Composition or Armes c. Yet he addes He was Crowned on Christmas day 1066. at which time he would fain have compounded a Civil Title of I know not what Alliance or Adoption or rather Donation from Edward the Confessor As if hereditarie kingdoms did pass like Newyears gifts The truth is he was the heir of his Sword Yet from these pretences howsoever there sprang this good That he was thereby in a sorting aged to cast his Government into a middle or mixed nature as it were between a lawfull successor and an Invader though generally as all new Empires do savour much of their beginning it had more of the Violent than of the Legal If any domineering Souldiers or others upon this false surmise of Duke VVilliams right to the Crown and Realm of England by meer conquest shall henceforth presume to claim and exercise a meer arbitrary absolute tyrannical and despotical power over our English Nation Laws Liberties Parliaments Estates Persons as over a meer conquered Nation against all Commissions Trusts Oaths Engagements Declarations and the rules both of Law and War it self being raised waged commissioned only to defend and preserve us from conquest by the opposite party Let them know that they are far greater worser Enemies to their own Native Country than this Norman Duke or any of our former British Saxon Danish Norman or English Kings who never claimed the Crown by meer conquest in any age but only by some real or pretended Title of Inheritance or at least by a free and general election both of the Nobility Clergy and people as this King William did From the former Historical Passages concerning Harold Tosti Duke William and the Kentishmen I shall deduce these legal Observations 1. That no Tax Subsidie or Imposition whatsoever could in that age be imposed on the English or Norman Subjects by their Kings or Dukes but by their common consent in their Parliamentary Councils where they were denied when inconvenient to the publike as well as granted when convenient 2. That no English or Norman Subjects were then obliged to aid and assist their Soveraigns with their persons arms estates or subsidies granted in any foreign invasive war but only left free to contribute what private assistance they thought fit in such cases 3. That no publike wars in that age were ever undertaken but by common advice and consent in great Parliamentary Councils 4. That the Kings of England in that age however they came to the Crown by right or wrong held it both their bounden duty interest safety to defend and preserve the Laws Rights Liberties of the Church and people to enact and maintain good Laws and abolish all evill Laws Rapines Exactions Tributes
1. p. 200. l Polych l. 6. c. 11. 〈◊〉 239. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col 870. Speeds History p. 406. m Histor Novorum l. 1. p. 1. n Histor l. 5. p. 356. o Io. Brom. Chron. col 870. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 202. p Ingulphi Historia p. 889. will Malmsb. De Gestis Regum l. 2 c. 9. Mat. VVestm VVigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Huntindon Hoveden Anno 975 976. Chron Iohan Bromton col 871 872. Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 1. Col. 2313. Eadmerus Hist Novorum l. 1. p. 1. Polychronicon l. 6. c. 12. Fabian Caxton Grafton Holinshed Speed in the Lives of Edgar and Edward Fox Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 203. 204. Mat. Parker in Archbishop Dunstans life Antonini Chron. pars 2 Tit. 16. Anno 975. Proposit 5 6 8. q Malmsbur De Gestis Regum l. 2. c. 9. p. 61. Mat. Westmin Wigorniensis Ingulphus Simeon Dunelmensis Huntindon Hoveden Bromton Ann. 975. Osburne Capgrav Mat. Parker Godwin in the Life of Dunstan Baronius Spondanus Annal. Eccl. An. 975. n. 12. Surius Concil Tom. 2. Fox Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 202 203 204 205. Proposit 2. 4. r Historia p. p. 889. See Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 203 204. Proposit 6. Proposit 5 6. s wigorn An. 977. p. 360. Roger Hoveden Annal pars prior p. 425. Joh. Bromt. Chron. col 870. Sim. Duuelm Hist de Gest Reg. col 160. Antiqu Eccles Brit. p. 56. Spelm. Concil p. 497. Anno 977. t Malmesh de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 9. Mat. westmin An. 975. VVigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Hntindon Hoveden Bromt. Anno 975. Gervasins Osburn Capgrave Matthew Parker Godwin in the life of Dunstan Polychronicon l. 6. c. 12. Fabian Caxton Holinshed Grafton Baker in the life of King Edward Fox Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 204 205. Speeds Htstory p. 411 412. Baronius Spondanus An. 977. n. 2. Spelm. Concil p. 494 495. Camdens Britannia p. 243. Proposit 6. Proposit 8. Anno 978. u Matt. VVestm VVigorn Simeon Dunelm Huntind Hoveden Radul deDice Ethelr Bromt. An. 977 978. Malmes bury de Gest Reg. l. 8. c. 2. Polych l. 6. c. 13. Antonius Chron. pars 2. Fabian Caxton Holinshed Graston Speed Fox and others in the life of King Edward Proposit 8. x Histor l. 5 p. 357. y De Gestis Regum Ang. l. 2. c. 9. p. 61. De Genealog Reg. Anglor p. 362. Anno 979. z Ingulphi Historia p. 889 890. Mat. VVestm VVig Sim. Dunel An 978 979 c. 1016. Chren Inhannis Bromton col 877 878. Will Malmsbur de Gestis Regum l. 2 c. 18. Eadmerus Hist Novorum l. 1. p. 1. Hoveden Annal pars prior p. 427. c. Hen. de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 2. Polychron l. 6. c. 12 13. Caxton Fabian Holinshed Grafton Speed Stow others in the life of K. Ethelred Radulphus de 〈◊〉 ceâ—o Abbrev. Chron. col 46â— Proposit 8. * Seeâ— Mat. Westm Malmsb. Huntindon Hoveden Ethelwerdus Ingulphus Wigorniensis Simcon Dunelmensis 〈◊〉 Bromton Polychronicon Hen. de Knyghton Fabian Speed Holinshed Graston Daniel in their lives a De Gestis Regum 〈◊〉 2. c. 10. b De Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 2. Anno 980. c Mat. West Malmsbury Ingulphus Huntindon Hoveden Simeon Dunelm Bromton Wigorn. Radulphus de Diceto Polychron Antiqu. Eccles Brit. Fox Holinshed Grafton Speed d Mat. Parker Antiqu. Eccl. Brit. p. 63 64. Proposit 1. 4. 8. e Antiqu. Eccl. Brit. p. 62 f Acts and Monuments Vol. 1. p. 207. Speeds History Anno 982. g Ms. de Operibus B. Edelwoldi Episcopi h Titles of Honor second part c. 5. sect 6. p. 693. * Munda Saxonice Pax dicitur sed et Satisdatio ut hic ni fallor interpretatur Proposit 4 6 i Matthew Westminst An. 983 986. VVigorn and Sim. Dunelm An. 986. Ingulphi Hist p. 8â—0 Wil. Malmesb de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Hoveden Annal pars prior p. 427. Huntindon Hist l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Jo Bromton col 878. Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Ang. l. 1. c. 2. col 2515. Fox Acts and Monumeuts vol. 1. p. 207. Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 61. Godwins Catalogue of Bishops p. 394. Speed p. 144. Anno 986. Propos 2 4. An. 988 99â— k Mat. VVestm VVigorn Huntindon Hoâ—â—den Bromt. Speed Holinsh Fox Grafton l Gervasius Antiq. Ecclef Brit. and Godwin in the lise of Spricius Proposit 1. m Huntind Hist l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Iohan Bromton col 879. n Hist Novoruml 1. p. 1. Propos 1 5 6 〈◊〉 o De Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. p De Gestis Pontif. l. 1. p 203. q Histor l. 5. p 357. r col 879. Proposit 1 6 9. s Polychr l. 6. c. 13. t De Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 2. u Antiqu. Eccles Brit. p. 64. x Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. 207. Proposit 1. 4. y Page 415 416. Proposit 1 6 9. z A Collection of the History of England London 1634. p. 16. Propoposition 1 6 9. a william Malmsbur De Gestis Regum l. 2. c. xo p. 64. Spelman Concil p 503. Anno 991. Proposiâ—â— 6. 9. b Florentius wigorniensis Mat. westm Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden Huntindon Hist l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Johan Bromton col 879. 880. Speed Holinshed Grafton Fox Anno 992. Proposit 6 9. c VViâ—ormensis Bromt. Huntindon Hoveden Mat. VVestminst Malmes bury Simeon Dunelm Radulphus â—â—strensis Fabian Holinshed Speed Anno 993. Anno 994. d Florent VVigorn Stm. Dunelm Mat. Westm Anno 994. William Malmes de Gest Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Huuâ—indon Hist l. 5. p. 358. Hoveden Aâ—nal pars prior p. 428. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col 880 Polych l. 〈◊〉 c. 13. Henry de Knyghton de Evenâ— Angl. l. 1. c. 2. Fabian Grafton Holinshed Stow Speed Spelm Glossarium Tit. Danegelt Radulph de Diceto Abbrevi Chron. 461. Proposit 1 6 9. An. 997 998 999. e Wigorniensis Mat. VVes Huntindon Rad. de Diceto Simeon Dunelmensis Polychron Bromton Hen. Knyghton Malmsbury Hoveden Fabâ—on Holinshed Speed Grafton and others Proposit 1 6 9. f Hen. Huntindon Histor l. 6. p. 359. Chro. Johau Bromton Col. 883 884 Polychâ—onicon l. 5. c. 60. Anno 1000. g Mat. Westm Hoveden Wigorniensis Sim. Dunelmensis Holinshed Speed and others Anno 1000. h Wigorniens Huntindon Hoved. Ethelwerdus Ingulphus Malmsb Radulphus de Diceto Radulphus Cistrensis Simeon Dunelm Bromton Mat. VVestmin Hen de Knyghton Mat. Parker Fox Fabian Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Anno. 1001. 1002. Proposit 1 6 8 9. i Chron. VVil. Thorn col 1780 Spelmanni Concil p. 504. to 510. Proposit 6 10. Proposition 2. * â—…ensis and others Anno 1002. k Huntindon Hoveden Malmsb. Mat. VVestm Radulphus de Diceto Simeon Dunelm VVigorn Bromton Hen. de Knyghton Fox Acts Monuments Vol. 1. p. 207. Polychron Fabian Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Proposit 2. l Historiarum l. 6. p. 360. Proposit 2. m De Gest Regum l. 2. c. 10. p. 64. n Mat westmin An. 1012 p. 391