Gregorie the Pope had appointed Mathew of Westminster saith that Merlin had prophecied Dignitas Londoniae adornabit Dorobriniam William Malmesbury writeth that he did it Sedulitate Regis hospitis meaning King Ethelbert châ—ritate ciuium captus But I thinke verely that he ment thereby to leaue a glorious monument of his swelling pride vanitie wherevnto I am the rather led by the obseruation of his stately behauiour vsed towards the Bryttish Bishops and some other of his acts that sauour greatly of vaineglory ambition and insolence Whatsoeuer the cause were that moued him thus to apparell Canterbury with the Archebishop of Londons Palle at Canterbury hath it continued euer sithence sauing that at one time Offa the King of Mercia or midle England partly of a disposition to honour his owne countrie and partly of a iuste displeasure conceaued againste Lambright or Ianbright as some copies haue it the thirtéenth Archebishop for matter of treason translated the honour of the See eyther wholly or partly to Lichefield But there it remained not long for after the death of King Offa Kenulsus his successour restored Ethelard to his place at Canterbury againe The whole Prouince of this Bishopricke of Canterbury was at the firste diuided by Theodorus the seuenthe Bishop into fiue Diocesse only howbeit in processe of tyme it grewe to twentie and one besides it selfe leauing to Yorke which by the first institution should haue had as many as it but Durham Carleil and Chester only And whereas by the same ordinance of Gregorie neither of these Archebishoppes ought to be inferiour to other saue only in respect of the prioritie of their consecration Lanfranc thinking it good reason that he should make a conquest of the Englishe Clergie since his maister King William had vanquished the whole nation conteÌ„ded at Windsore with Thomas Norman Archebishoppe of Yorke for the primacie and there by iudgement before Hugo the Popes Legate recouered it from him so that euer since the one is called Totius Angliae primas and the other Angliae primas without any further addition Of which iudgement one forsooth hathe yeelded this great reason that euen as the Kentish people by an auncient prerogatiue of manhoode doe chalenge the first fronte in eache battaile from the inhabitants of other countries So the Archbishop of their shyre ought by good congruence to be preferred before the rest of the Byshops of the whole Realme Moreouer whereas before time the place of this Archebishop in the generall Counsell was to sit next to the Bishop of sainct Ruffines Anselmus the Successour of this Lanfranc for recompence of the good seruice that hee had done in ruffling againste Priestes wyues and resisting the King for the inuestiture of clerkes was by Pope Vrbane endowed with this accession of honour that hee and his successours should froÌ„ thencefoorth haue place in all generall counsels at the Popes right foote who then said withall Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Papam And thus the Archebishops of Canterbury by the fraude of Augustine by the power of Lanfranc and by the industrie of Anselme were muche exalted but how much that was to the greeuous displeasure and pining enuie of the Archbyshops of Yorke you shall perceiue by that whiche followeth King Henry the firste kept vpon a time a stately Christmas at Windsore where the maner of our kings then being at certeine solemne times to weare their crownes Thurstine of Yorke hauing his crosse borne vp before him offered to set the crowne vpon the kings head But William of Canterbury withstoode it stoutly and so preuayled by the fauoure of the king and the helpe of the standers by that Thurstine was not onely disappointed of his purpose but he and his crosse also thrust cleane out of the doores William of Yorke the next in succession after Thurstine both in the Sée and Quarell perceiuing that the force of his predecessor preuayled nothing attempted by his own humble meanes first made to the king and after to the Pope to winne the coronation of king Henry the seconde from Theobald the nexte Archbyshop of Canterbury But when he had receiued repulse in that sort of suite also and found no way left to make auengement vpon his enemie he returned home al wrothe and mixing poyson in the chalice at his Masse wreaked the anger vpon himselfe After this another hurley burley happened in a Synode assembled at Westminster in the time of king Henry the second before Cardinal Hugo Pope Alexanders Legate betwéen Richard and Roger then Archbishops of these two Sées vpon occasion that Roger of York comming of purpose as it should séeme first to the assembly had taken vp the place on the right hande of the Cardinall which when Richard of Canterbury had espyed he refused to sit downe in the second roome complayning greatly of this preiudice done to his Sée whervpon after sundry replies of speache the weaker in disputation after the maner of shrewd schole boyes in LoÌ„don streats descended froÌ„ hote words to hastie blowes in which encounter the Archbyshop of Canterburie through the multitude of his meiney obteined the better So that he not onely plucked the other out of his place and trampling vpon his body with his his féete al to rent and tare his Casule Chimer and Rochet but also disturbed the holy Synode therwithal in suche wise that the Cardinall for feare betooke him to his féete the company departed their businesse vndone and the Byshops themselues moued suite at Rome for the finishing of their controuersie By these such other successes on the one side the Byshops of Canterburie following tooke suche courage that from thencefoorth they woulde not permit the Byshops of Yorke to beare vp the crosse either in their presence or prouince And on the other side the Byshops of Yorke conceiued suche griefe of heart disdaine and offence that from time to time they spared no occasion to attempt both the one the other Wherevpon in the time of a Parleament holden at LondoÌ„ in the reigne of King Henrie the third Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury interdicted the Londoners bycause they had suffered the Byshop of Yorke to beare vp his crosse whiles he was in the citie And much to doe there was within a few yeeres after betwéene Robert Kylwarby of Canterburie and Walter Giffard of Yorke bycause he of Yorke aduaunced his crosse as he passed through Kent towardes the generall Counsell The like happened also at two other seuerall times betwéene Friar Peckam Archebyshop of Canterburie and William Winkewane and Iohn de Roma Archbyshops of Yorke in the dayes of King Edwarde the firste At the length the matter being yet once more set on foote betwéene Simon Islepe the Archebishop of this countrie and his aduersarie the incumbent of Yorke for that time King Edward the third in whose reigne that variance was reuined resumed the matter into his owne hande and made a finall
William Becley in the reigne of King Henrie the sixt But nowe lately to repaire the losse of that dissolution Maister Roger Manwoode a man borne in the Towne and aduaunced by vertue and good learning to the degrée of a Serieant at the Lawe hathe for the increase of Godlinesse and good letters erected and endowed a faire Free Schoole there from whence there is hope that the common wealth shall reape more profite after a fewe yeares then it receaued commoditie by the Carmelites since the time of their first foundation This only is that whiche I had to say either of the present or passed estate of this place whiche done I will procéede to the narration of suche other thinges as long since happened thereaboutes partly for the illustration of the antiquitie of the towne partly for the setting forth of the cōmoditie of the hauen but chiefly for the obseruation of the order whiche I haue beegonne whiche is to pretermitte nothing woorthie note that I finde in stoarie concerning the place that I take in hand But bycause that whiche I haue to say dependeth altogether or for the greater parte vpon the Hystorie of the Danes whiche many yeares together disquieted this land it shal bée fitte aswell for the better explication of the thinges presently in hand as also for the more easie vnderstanding of other matters that must hereafter followe to disclose so compendiously as I may the first beginning procéeding and ending of the Danishe affaires warres and troubles within this Realme Aboute the yeare after Christe seuen hundreth foure score and seuen thrée vessels of the Northe East Countrie men whose ancestors had before within the compasse of one hundrethe and fourtie yeares sacked Rome in Italie foure seuerall times and whose ofspring afterward wonne Normandie from the Frenche King shewed them selues vpon the westerne shoare of England being sent before hand as it is supposed to espie the cōmoditie of the hauens the aduauntage of arriual the wealthe and force of the inhabitants to the end to prepare the way for greater powers then were appoin to followe These had no sooner set some of their men on lande but the Reeue or officer or Beorhtricke or Brictricke then King of the West Saxons had knowledge therof who came vnto them and demaunding the cause of their arriual would haue carried them to the Kings presence but they in their resistance slewe him wherevpon the people of the Countrie adioyning addressed themselues to reuenge and assembling in great numbers beate them backe to their ships not without the losse of some of their company And this was the first attempt that euer the Danes for so our hystories cal by one general name the Danes Norwais Gottes Vandals others of that part made vpon England after whiche tyme what horrible inuasions miseries calamities and oppressions followed shall appeare anone Not long after this enterprise a fewe ships of them made the lyke assay in Scotland and within short space after that also some other of them entred Tynemouth Hauen in the North parte of England and taking some small booties retourned to their vessels Now by this experiment they had gained sufficient knowledge of that for whiche they first came therefore thinking it fit tyme to assay further they rigged vp a greater numbre of ships armed more store of chosen souldiers entred the Riuer of Thamise with fiue and thirtie sayle landed in despight of the people fired spoyled herried and preuailed so farre that Egbert who then had the Monarchie ouer all England was faine to come with all his power to the reliefe and rescue But suche was the will of God for the punishement of Idolatrie and superstition which then ouerwhelmed this Realme that the Danes in stead of being discomfited by the Kings repaire were merueilously encouraged by his misfortune For after that they had once gotten the better in the field against him they were so embouldened therby that notwithstanding he afterward and some other valiant Princes following by great prowesse abated their furie in parte yet adioyning themselues to the Britons that then were in great emnitie with the Saxons and swarming hither out of their owne Countrie in such flightes that the number of the slaine was continually supplied with greate aduauntage they neuer ceassed to infeste the Realme by the space of thrée hundreth yeares and more during the reignes of fiftéene seuerall Kings till at the last they had made Etheldred flye ouer into Normandie leaue them his Kingdome During all whiche time howe mightely their forces increased vnder Hinguar Hubba Halfden Guthrum Aulaf and Hasten their Nauie being rysen from thrée ships to thrée hundrethe and fiftie at the least howe pitiously the East West Southe and Northe parts of the Realme were wasted the townes Cities religious houses and Monasteries of eache quarter being consumed with flames howe miserably the common people were afflictted men women and children on all sides going to wracke by their tempestuous furie howe marueilously the Kings were amased the arriualles of these their enemies being no lesse sudaine then violent howe barbarously the monuments of good learning were defaced the same suffering more by the immanitie of this one brutishe Nation then by all the warres and conquestes of the Pictes Scots Romanes and Saxons and finally how furiously fire and swoord famine and pestilence raged in euery place God and men Heauen and the elements conspiring as it were the fatall destruction of the Realme I may not here stand to prosecute particularly but leauing eache thing to fitte place I will procéede with King Etheldred and so to my purpose This man aboue all other was so distressed by their continual inuasions that since he wanted force to make his longer defence he thought it best to giue money for their continuall peace And therefore charging his people with importable tributes he first gaue them at fiue seuerall payes 113000. l. afterward promised thē 48000. yearely hoping that for asmuch as they seemed by the manner of their warre rather to séeke his coyne then his kingdome to rob then to rule at the least this way to haue satisfied their hunger but like as the stone called Syphinus the more it is moisted the harder it waxeth so no giftes could quenche the golden thirste of these gréedie raueners but the more was brought to appease them the more stonie and inexorable they shewed thēselues neuer ceassing euen against promises othes hostages to execute their accustomed crueltie Herevpon King Etheldred hauing nowe exhausted the whole treasure of his Realme and therefore more vnable then euer he was either by power or praier to help himself or to relieue his subiectes determined by a fine policie as he thought to deliuer bothe the one and the other For whiche purpose by the aduise of one Huna the generall of his armie he wrote letters to eache part of the Realme commaunding that vpon S. Brices day which is the morowe after Sainct
of this gallant brought to shame and confusion his Pecockes feathers pulled his black féete bewraied his fraude vnfoulded his might abated and him selfe in the ende suffered to sayle ouer with sorowe and ignominie Besides this Pryorie of S. Martines which was valued at a hundreth fourscore and eight poundes by yeare there was lately in Douer also an Hospitall rated at fiftie nyne poundes An other house of the same sorte called Domus Dei or Maison Dieu reputed worth one hundreth and twentie pounds And long since a house of Templers as they call it the which together with al other of the same kind throughout the Realme was suppressed in the reigne of King Edwarde the seconde The foundation of any of these I haue not hitherto founde out and therefore can not deliuer therof any certaintie at all Onely as touching this Temple I dare affirme that it was erected after the time of Conquest for as muche as I am sure that the order it selfe was inuented after that Godfrey of Bolein had wonne Ierusalem whiche was after the cōming in of the Conquerour To these also may be added for neighbourhoode sake if you will the Monasterie of S. Radegundes on the hyll two myles off valued at fourescore and eightéene pounds by yeare And here hauing perused the Towne Castle and religious buildings I woulde make an ende of Douer saue that Mathewe Parise putteth me in mynde of one thing not vnworthy rehearsall that was done in this Temple I meane the sealing of that submission whiche King Iohn made to Pandulphe the Popes Legate wherin he yealded his Realme tributarie and him selfe an obedienciarie and vassall to the Bishop of Rome And bycause this was almost the last acte of the whole Tragedie and can not well be vnderstoode without some recourse to the former parts and beginning and for that some men of late time haue taken great holde of this matter to aduaunce the Popes authoritie withall I will shortly after my manner recount the thing as it was done and leaue the iudgement to the indifferent Reader After the death of Hubert the Archebishop of Canterbury the Monkes of Christes Church agréed among them selues to chose for their Bishop Reginald the Subpryor of their house King Iohn hauing no notice of this election wherein no doubt he receiued greate wrong since they ought to haue of him their Conge deslier recommended vnto them Iohn Graye the Bishop of Norwiche a man that for his wisedome and learning he fauoured muche Some part of the Monkes taking soudaine offence at Reginalde for that he had disclosed a secrete out of their house and being glad to satisfie the Kings desire elected this Graye for their Bishop also Hereof grewe a great suite at Rome betwéen the more part of the Monkes on the one side and the Suffraganes of Canterbury and the lesse number of the Monkes on the other side The Pope vpon the hearing of the cause at the first ratifieth the election of Iohn Graye Howbeit afterwarde he refuseth bothe the electes and preferreth Stephan Langton whom the Monkes bycause the matter was not before litigious enough elected also Nowe King Iohn hearing that not only the election of Graye contrarie to the Popes owne former determination was made frustrate but that there was also thruste into his place a man familiarly entertained by the Frenche King his great enemie disliked much of the choice forbad Stephan the elect to enter the Realme The Pope againe who as Mathewe Parise writeth sought chiefly in this his choice Virum strenuum a stoute man that is in plaine speache a man that could exact of the Clergie kéep in awe the Laitie and encounter the King and Nobilitie séeing his champion thus reiected beginneth to startle for anger first therefore he moueth the King by minacing letters to admitte Stephan not so preuailing he enterditeth him his whole Realme And finally bothe prouoketh al Potentates to make open warre vpon him and also promiseth to the King of Fraunce full and frée remission of all his sinnes and the kingdome of England it self to inuade him this done he solliciteth to rebellion the Bishops nobilitie and cōmōs of the Realme loosing thē by the plenitude of his Apos to like power from al duetie of allegiaunce toward their Prince By this meanes diuine seruice ceassed the King of Fraunce armed the Bishops conspired the nobilitie made defection and the common people wauered vncertaine to what part to incline To be short King Iohn was so pressed with suspition feare of domesticall forreigne enemies on al sides that notwithstāding he was of great and noble courage and séemed to haue forces sufficient for resistance also if he might haue trusted his souldiers yet he was in the end compelled to set his seale to a Chartre of submissiō wherby he acknowleged himselfe to holde the Crowne of England of the Popes Mitre promised to pay yerely for the same and for Ireland 1000. Markes to the holy father his successours for euer this Chartre because it was afterward with great insultation and triumph closed in Golde was then commonly called Aurea Bulla the Bull of Golde Thus omitting the residue of this storie no lesse tragical and troublesome then that which I haue alreadie recited I report me to all indifferent men what cause Paulus Iouius or any other popishe parasite hathe by colour of this Bull to claime for the Pope superioritie Dominion ouer the King of this Realme since Iohn without the assent of the estates I meane his nobilitie and commons could not in such a gifte either binde his successours or charge the kingdome And for plaine declaration that his submission proceaded not with their consent I read in a treatise of one Simon de Boraston a Frier Preacher in the time of King Edward the third the which he wrote concerning the Kings right to the Crowne of Ireland that in the reigne of Henrie the third whiche next of all succeaded King Iohn there were sent from the King the nobilitie and the commons of England these Noble men Hughe Bigod Iohn Fitz Geffray William Cantlowe Phillip Basset and a Lawier named William Powicke to the generall Counsel then assembled at Lions in Fraunce of purpose and with commission to require that the saide Bull sealed by King Iohn might be cancelled for as muche as it passed not by the assent of the Counsel of the Realme and the same Authour writeth that the Pope for that tyme did put them of by colour of more waightie affaires whiche the Counsel had then in hand I know that it may wel be thought néedlesse to labour further in confuting a litle so weightles for it is true that Aristotle saith Stultum est absurdas opiniones accuratius refellere It is but a follie to labour ouer curiously in refelling of absurdities And therefore I will here conclude the treatise of Douer and procéede particularly to the rest of the places that lye on
for Hy ðrittig to the thither same place for them thirtie mancys goldes markes of golde and and aenne one sÆ¿eor collar neckbracelet beaH on of feoÆ¿ertig fourtie mancysan markes and and a ane cuppan Cuppe seolfrene of syluer and and Healfne a halfe head band couered with golde baend gyldenne bend gilden And And caelce euerie geare yeare to at Heora their gemynde mynde yeares mynde tÆ¿egra two daga feorme dayes ferme from rent corne and victuall of of HaeslHolte Haselholte and and tÆ¿egra of Æ¿oðringaberan and ij of baerlingan two dayes of from Watringbery and two dayes out of Berling and ij of HaeringeardesHam and two dayes out of Hertesham And to cristes circan And to Christes church lx 60. mancys goldes markes of golde xxx þam biscope thirtie to the Bishop Archebishop and and xxx þam Hirode thirtie to the Couent And And aenne a sÆ¿eor necke beaH bracelet collar on of lxxx 80. mancys markes and and tÆ¿a two cuppan cuppes seolfrene of syluer and and þaet the land aet land at MeapaHam Mepham And And to to Sct. Sainct Augustine Augustine xxx 30. mancys markes goldes of golde and and ij two cuppan cuppes seolfrene of syluer and and Healfne halfe a baend bend gyldene gilt And And þaet the land land aet at derentan Darnt byrHÆ¿ara to Byrware His for daeg his life dayes And And aefter after Hire his daege dayes into to Sct. Sainct Andree Androes for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran elders auncetors And And barlâ—ngas Berling to Æ¿ulfeHe Wulfee and and He he selle .x. shall giue a Hund peninga thousand pence into Sct. to Sainct Andree Androes for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran elders And And Æ¿ulfsie to Wulfsie Æ¿oðringabiras Wateringbyrye innon within ê§ that gecynde kinred And And syrede HeselHolt innon ê§ gecende to Syred Haselholt within that And Æ¿ulfege and Aelfege And to Wulfei and Elfey His his breðer brother HerigeardesHam Hartesham innon within ê§ that gecynde kinred to to Æ¿ulfege Wulfee ê§ the inland inland demeanes and and Aelfege to Elfey ê§ Ã»tland the outland tenancie And And Æ¿ulfstane to Wulfstane uccan Vcca Æ¿olcnestede Walkenstede innon within ê§ that gecynd kinred And And an a Hanðsecs hatchet dagger on of ðrym three pundan pounds And þa tyn Hyda on Straettune And those ten plowlands at Streiton into to þaem the mynstre mynster church to at Æ¿olcnestede Walkenstede And ê§ land aet fealcanHam And the land at Falcham aftre after byrHÆ¿ara Byrwares daege dayes into to Sct. Sainct Angree Androes for for Aelfric Elfrices Hire soule Hlaford their Lord and His yldran and his auncetors sÆ¿a euen Heora as their cÆ¿ide will Æ¿aes was And And bromleaH Brumley aeftre after briHtÆ¿ara Britwares daege into dayes to life Sct. Sainct Andree Androes sÆ¿a as Aelfric Elfric Hyre their Hlaford Lorde it Hit becÆ¿aeð bequeathed for for Hine him and and His yldran his elders auncetors And And Snodingeland Snodland eac also into to S. Andree aeftre Hire daege sÆ¿a Aelfere Hit becÆ¿aeð Sainct Androes after their dayes euen as Elfere it bequethed Aelfrices faeder and He seoðan on geÆ¿itnesse Eadgife being Elfrices father and he afterward in the witnesse hearing presence of Edgiue ðaere the Hlaefdian Ladie and and Odan of Odo Aercebisceopes the Archebishop and and Aelfeges of Elfey Aelfstanes Elfstanes sunu sonne and and Aelfrices of Elfric His his broðor brother and and Aelfnoþes pilian of Elfnothe pilia and godÆ¿ines aet faecHam and of Godwine of Facham and and of Eadrices Eadric aet of Ho. Hoo and and Aelfsies of Elfsie the preostes priest on of Crogdaene Croyden And And Æ¿ulfstane to Wulfstane lx 60. mancas markes goldes of gold to to daelanne deale for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran and elders and oðer other sÆ¿ile suche 60. mâ—rkes Æ¿ulfsige to Wulfsie to to daelanne deale betweene God and them be it and and Haebban haue Heom they Æ¿ið with god God gemaene together gif if Hy they Hit it ne do don not And And Æ¿ulfsige tydices eg to Wulfsie Titaesey and and ðam boc the writing innon within ê§ that gecynde kindred ij spuran on iij pundaÌ„ And ic bidde and two spurres of three pound And I pray for for godes Gods lufan loue minne my deere leofan leefe Hlaford ê§ He ne Lorde that he doe not þafige suffer ê§ aenig man uncerne cÆ¿ide aÆ¿ende that any man our testament doe breake turne aside And And ic I bidde praye ealle all godes Gods freond friendes ê§ Hi Æ¿Hrto filstan that they thereto helpe Haebbe Æ¿ið god gaemaene Æ¿e Hit brece god Haue they it with God together Betweene them and God be it that it do breake and God sy Him symle milde þe Hit Healdan be to them alwayes mylde mercifull that it holde keepe Æ¿ille will. It shall suffice for the moste parte of the matters worthy obseruation in this Testament that I haue already poynted at them with the finger as it were for that they appeare and shew themselues manifestly at the firste sight Onely therefore touching the estate and degree of this Testator I wyll for the more light and discouery thereof borrow a few wordes of you He himself here calleth Aelfric his Lord natural Lord saieth further that Aelfere was Father to this Aelfric Now what Aelfere Aelfric were it is not hard to finde for all our auncient Hystorians tell vs that in the dayes of King Edgar of King Edward the Martyr of King Ethelred these men were by birth cousines of the bloud royall by state Eorles which word we yet reteine in English and which we commonly cal Comites in Latine for that at the first they were parteners and companions as I may say with the King in takeing the profits of the Shyre or Countie that they were also by dignitie Ealdormen that is Senators and Gouernours of all Mercia or midle England And finally that they were of such great power and credit that Alfer the Father immediatly after the death of King Edgar restored al such priests thorowout midle England to their houses as the King by aduice of Dunstane the Monke had in his lyfe expulsed for the placeing of his Monks And that Aelfric the sonne resisted king Ethelred in that siege of Rochester whereof you heard when we were there For as much therefore as Aelfric was Hlaford or Lorde to our Testator and that Hlaford and Ãegn that is to say Lorde and Seruiteur be woordes of relation I gather that he was Ãegn which signifieth properly a Minister or frée Seruiteur to the Kinge or some great personage but vsually at those times taken for the verie same that we call now of the Latine woord Gentilis a Gentleman that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man wel borne or of a good stock and familie Neither doth it detract any thing from his Gentrie at al that I said he was a Minister or Seruiteur For I meane not thereby that he was Seruus whiche woord straightly
imprisoned not the Bishop of Borieux but the Earle of Kent The King liked well the conceit and causing Odo to be apprehended caste him into prison whence he was not deliuered during al the time of his reigne That done he made diligent inquisitioÌ„ for the hourdes of golde and by feare of torture caused the Bishops seruants to bewray the whole treasure Then also tooke he new order for the gouernement of this Shyre and bycause he was persuaded that nothing within the same was of more importance then Douer Castell he seised it into his handes foorthwith fortified it and chose out a noble maÌ„ called Iohn Fynes of whose prowesse and fidelitie he had made good tryal and committing vnto him not only the custodie thereof but the gouernment of the rest of the Portes also by gift of inheritaunce he named him Constable of Douer and Wardein of the Cinque Portes And to the end that he shoulde be of sufficient abilitie to beare the charge of the defence thereof he gaue him to the number of sixe and fiftie Knightes fees of lande and possession willing him to communicate some partes of that gift to suche other valiaunt and trustie persons as he should best like of for the more sure conseruation of that his most noble and precious péece He accordingly called vnto him eight other worthie Knightes and imparting liberally vnto them of that whiche he had receiued of the King bounde them by tenure of their lande receiued of the King to mainteine one hundreth and twelue souldiours amongest them whiche number he so diuided by monethes of the yeare that fiue and twentie were continually to watche and warde within the Castell for their seuerall stintes of time and all the rest ready at commaundement vpon whatsoeuer necessitie The names of these eight were WilliaÌ„ of Albrance Fulbert of Douer William Arsicke Galfride Peuerell William Maynemouth Robert Porthe Robert Creuequer called in the Latine Records De crepito corde that is Crackt harte And Adam Fitz Williams Eche of al whiche had their seuerall charges in sundry towres turrets bulworks of the castel and were contented of their owne dispence to mainteine and repaire the same in token wherof diuers of them beare the names and titles of these newe chosen Captaines euen till this oure present time And thus Douer being dispatched of a busie Bishop fenced by the Kings appointment furnished fraught and planted with a moste faithfull Constable vigilant Captaines and diligent warders gayned and reteined the opinion and name of a most important commodious and necessarie péece not only with the natiue Princes and Nobilitie of our owne Realme But also with suche foreigne Potentates as had warre and contention with vs in so muche as in sundry troubles ensuing at sundry times afterwarde within this Realme it did plainely appeare that this Castell was the chiefe marke whereat eche man directed his shot For King Stephan in the contention that arose betwéene him and Maude the Empresse for the title of the Crowne thought that no one thing stoode him more in hande then to get the possession of Douer Castell and therfore he neuer ceassed to sollicite Walkelm that theÌ„ had the custodie thereof till he had obteyned it Lewes also the French Dolphine which by the instigatioÌ„ of the Pope inuitating of the Nobilitie inuaded King Iohn vpon such cause as shall hereafter appeare hauing gained partly by tenure partly by surrender of the Barons that were of his faction almost al the Castels and Holdes lying on the Southe parte of the Realme coulde not yet thinke him selfe assured onlesse he had Douer also For his Father Philipe hearing that he had the possession of sundry other strong places and that he wanted Douer Sware by Sainct Iames arme whiche was his accustomed othe that he had not gayned one foote in Englande and therefore he made thither with all his power and besieged it streightly But that noble Captaine Hubert of Borroughe of whome I lately spake whiche was in his time Constable of the Castell Wardein of the Portes Earle of Kent and chiefe Iustice of all Englande defended it with suche couragious coâ—stancie that it was bothe a comforte to the Englishe subiecte and a wonder to the Frenche enemie to beholde it in so muche as I can not worthely impute the deliuerie of this Realme from the perill of forreigne seruitude wherein it then stoode to any one thing so muche as to the magnanimitie of this man Of whome also by the waye I thinke good to tell you this that in his time of Constableship at Douer and by his meanes the seruice of Castlegarde there whiche had contayned as I shewed before from the time of William the Conqueroure was with the assent of King Henrie the thyrde conuerted into a payment of money the lande béeing charged with tenne shillings for euerie Warder that it was bounde to finde and the owners thereby discharged of their personall seruice and attendaunce for euer At whiche time also he caused the same King to release by his frée Chartre the custome of Forrage due to this Castell and that done him selfe instituted newe lawes amongst the watchemen and increased the number of the Warders But nowe to my purpose againe Simon the Earle of Leycester and leader of the Barons warre againste King Henrie the thirde euen at the first wrested the Castell of Douer out of the Kings possession and kéeping the same during all his life vsed to sende thyther as vnto a place of most assuraunce all suche as he had taken prysoners After his ouerthrowe Edwarde then Prince and afterwarde the first King of that name assayled it with all speede and by the ayde of the prisoners within whiche had taken the great towre to his vse obteined it There lefte he prisoned Guy the sonne of this Simon but he escaped sone after by corruption of his kéepers To make an ende the Nobilitie of that time were fully persuaded that bothe the safetie and daunger of the whole Realme consisted in this one Castell And therefore saythe Mathewe Parise at suche time as King Henrie the thirde called ouer from beyonde the Seas his owne brother Richarde then King of the Romanes the Noble men who had him in some Iealouzie would not agrée that he or any of his should once enter within this Castell Not without good cause therfore hath Douer by greate préeminence béene reported the chiefe of the Fiue Portes assigned by lawes of Parleament as a speciall place for passage and eschaunge and by auncient tenure acknowledged for Lady and Maistresse of many Manors To it alwayes some man of great apparaunce is appoynted as Captaine and gouernour To it sundry Gentlmen of the Shyre paye yet money for the auncient duetie of their attendance and seruice And to it sinally the countrey men in all times of trouble haue an especiall eye and regarde As concerning the mayntenaunce of this Castell in fortification and building I finde not
and of burHHam Burham and of of Acclesse Acclesse and of of Horstede Horstede of fearnlege and of Farley of terstane and of Teston of Cealce and of Chalke of HennHyste and of Henhyrst of and of Aedune Edon Ãonne Then is is seo the fifte fifte per paes peere the Arcebiscopes Archebishops to Æ¿roteHam to Wrotham to Maegþanstane and to Maydstone to and to Æ¿oþringebyran Wateringbyrie to Netlestede and to Nettlested to þam and to the tÆ¿am PeccHam two Peckams to HaeselHolte and to Haselholte to MaeranÆ¿yrþe and to Mereworth to Lillanburnan and to Layborne to SÆ¿anatune and to Swanton to OffaHam and to Ofham to Dictune and to Dytton to Æ¿esterHam and to Westerham iiij gyrda to þillanne and foure yardes to plancke iij. Sylle to and 3. plates to leccanne laye Ãonne Then is is syo the seoxte sixte per peere to to Holingaburnan Holingborne to and to eallan all þam laeþe that Lath iiij gyrda to þelliene And foure yardes to plancke iiij sylla to leccenne and foure plates to laye Ãonne Then is is syo the syoueþe seuenthe syo eaHteþe per. and the eight peere to HoÆ¿aran land to the men of Hoo to to Æ¿yrcenne woorke fyfte And foure Healf gyrd to þillanne yardes and a halfe to plancke vj. sylla to and sixe plates to lyccanne laye Ãonne Then is is syo the nigaþa nynthe per peere þaes the Aercebiscopes Archebishops ê§ is syo land per aet þam that is the land peere at the Æ¿est West aende ende to to fliote Fleete to His clyfe and to his cliffe Bishops cliffe to HeHHam and to Higham to and to denetune Denton and and to to Melantune Mâ—lton and and to to Hludesdune Ludsdowne and and to to MeapeHam Mepham and and to to Snodilande Snodland and and to to berlingan Berling and and to to peadlesÆ¿yrðe Paddelsworthe and and ealla ða daeneÆ¿aru to all that valley men and iiij gyrda to ðillianne and foure yardes to plancke and and ðryo three sylle plates to leccanne to laye Haec descriptio demonstrat apertè vnde debeat pons de Rouecestra restaurari quotÃens fuerit fractus Primum eiusdem Ciuitatis Episcopus incipit operari in orientali brachio primam peram de terra deinde tres virgatas plancas ponere tres suliuas 1. tres magnas trabes supponere Et hoc faciet de Borchastalle de Cuclestana de Freondesbiria de Stoche Secunda pera pertinet ad Gillingeham ad Caetham vnam virgatam plancas ponere 3. suliuas supponere Tertia pera pertinet iterum ad Episcopum eiusdem ciuitatis qui debet 2. vÃrgatas dÃmid plancas ponere 3. suliuas supponere hoc fiet de Heallinges Trottescliue Meallinges Suthfleotes Stanes Pinnendene Falceham Quarta pera pertinet ad Regem debet 3. virgat dimid plancas ponere 3. suliuas supponere Et hoc fiet de Eilesforda de toto illo laesto quod ad illud maneriuÌ„ pertinet de supermontaneis de Aclea de Smalaland de Cusintune de Dudesland de Gisleardes land de Wulâ—cham de Burham de Aclesse Horsteda Fearnlega Terstane Cealca Henhersta de Hathdune Quinta pera est Archiepiscopi debet 4. virgat plancas ponere 3. suliuas summittere hoc debet fieri de Wrotham Maedestana Oteringaberiga Netlesteda duabus Peccham Haeselholt Maerewurtha Lilleburna Swanatuna Offeham Dictuna Westerham Sexta pera debet fieri de Holingburna de toto illo laesto quod ad hoc pertinet 4. virgat plancas ponere 3. fuliuas supponere Septimam octauam peram debent facere homines de Hou 4. dimid virgat plancas ponere sex suliuas supponere Nona pera quae vltima est in occidentali brachio est iterum Archiepiscopi 4. virgat plancas ponere tres suliuas summittere Et hoc debet fieri de Northfleta Cliua Heahham Denituna Meletuna Hludesduna Meapeham Snodilanda Berlinges Peadleswrthe de omnibus illis hominibus qui manent in illa valle Et sciendum est quod omnes illae suliuae quae in ponte illo ponentur tantae grossitudinis debent esse vt bene possint sustinere omnia grauia pondera superiacentium plancarum omnium desuper transeuntium rerum By these it may appeare that this auncient bridge consisted of nyne Arches or peres conteined in length about twentie and sixe roddes or yardes as they be here termed Toward the reparation and maintenance wherof diuers persons parcels of lands and townships as you see were of dutie bounde to bring stuffe to bestow both cost labor in laying it This dutie grew eyther by tenure or custome or both it séemeth that according to the quantitie and proportion of the Land to bee charged the carriage also was either more or lesse For here is expresse mention not of Townes and Manors only but of Yokes and Acres also whiche were contributorie to the aide of carrying pitching and laying of piles plankes and other great timber And here by the way it is to be obserued that so muche of the worke as ariseth of stone and earth is called Pera of the Latine word Petra that the great ground posts plates or beames be termed Sulliuae of the olde Saxon word Sylle whiche we yet euery where knowe by the name of a Ground Sille And that the Tables or Boordes whiche are laide ouer them are named Plancae or Plankes as we yet also in our vulgar language doe sound it But nowe in our time by reason that diuers Landes are purposely giuen to mainteine the newe Bridge all this auncient duetie of reparation is quite and cleane forgotten although by the statute 21. and 2. the forenamed landes remaine liable as before yea and the newe Bridge it selfe also for want of the execution of that or some other suche politique way of maintenance bothe presently lacketh helpe and is like hereafter if remedie in time be not applied to decline to great ruine and decay Whiche thing is so muche the more to be foreséene and pittyed as that the woorke is to the founder a Noble monument to this Citie a beautifull ornament and to the whole Countrie a great benefite commoditie and easement Of this latter woorke being not muche aboue eight score yeres of age Syr Robert Knolles a man aduaunced by valiant behauiour and good seruice vnder King Edward the third from a common Souldiour to a most commendable Capitaine was the first Authour who after that he had béene sent Generall of an armie into Fraunce and there in despite of all their power had driuen the people like sheepe before him wasting burning and destroying Townes Castles Churches Monasteries and Cities in suche wise and number that long after in memorie of his acte the sharpe points and Gable endes
of ouerthrowne Houses and Mynsters were called Knolles Miters he returned into England and meaning some way to make himselfe as well beloued of his Countrie men at home as he had béen euery way dread and feared of Straungers abroade by great policie maistred the Riuer of Medwey and of his owne charge made ouer it the goodly work that now stādeth with a chappel Chauntrie at the end died ful of yeares in the midst of the Reigne of King Henrie the fourth Stroude aunciently called Strodes of the Saxon worde Strogd which signifieth Scattered bicause it was a Hamlet of a few houses that lay scattered from the Citie ABout the beginning of the Reigne of King Henrie the third Gilbert Glāuille the Bishop of Rochester of whom you haue already heard foūded an Hospitall at Stroude whiche he dedicated to the name of the blessed Virgin and endowed with liuelyhode to the value of fiftie and two pounds by yeare A name or familie of men sometime inhabiting Stroude saith Polydore had tailes clapped to their breeches by Thomas Becket for reuenge and punishment of a dispite done to him in cutting of the taile of his horse The Author of the new Legend saith that after Saint Thomas had excomunicated two Brothers called Brockes for the same cause that the Dogges vnder the table would not once take Bread at their handes Suche belike was the vertue of his curse that it gaue to brute beastes a discretion and knowledge of the persons that were in daunger of it Boetius the Scotishe Chronicler writeth that the lyke plague lighted vpon the men of Midleton in Dorsetshyre Who bicause they threwe Fishe tailes in great contempt at Saint Augustine were bothe themselues and their posteritie stricken with tailes to their perpetuall infamie and punishment All whiche their Reportes no doubt be as true as Ouides Hystorie of Diana that in great angre bestowed on Acteon a Deares head with mightie browe anthlers Muche are the Westerne men bound as you sée to Polydore who taking the miracle from Augustine applieth it to S. Thomas and remouing the infamous reuenge frō Dorsetshyre laieth it vpō our men of Kent But litle is Kent or the whole English Nation beholdding either to him or his fellowes who amongst them haue brought vpon vs this ignominie note with other Nations abrode that many of them beleue as verely that we haue long tailes be monsters by nature as other men haue their due partes and mēbers in vsual nūber Polydore the wisest of the company fearing that issue might be taken vpon the matter ascribeth it to one speciall stocke and familie whiche he nameth not and yet to leaue it the more vncertain he saith that that family also is worne out long since and sheweth not when And thus affirming he cannot tel of whome nor when he goeth about in great earnest as in sundrie other things to make the world beléeue he cannot tell what he had forgotten the Lawe wherevnto an Hystorian is bound Ne quid falsi audeat ne quid veri non audeat That he should be bolde to tell the trueth and yet not so bolde as to tell a lye Howbeit his Hystorie without all doubte in places not blemished with suche folies is a worthie work but since he inserteth them many times without all discretion hee must of the wiser sorte be read ouer with great suspicion wearines For as he was by office Collector of the Peter pence to the Popes gaine and lucre so sheweth he himselfe throughout by profession a couetous gatherer of lying Fables fained to aduaunce the Popish Religion Kingdome and Myter ¶ Halling in Saxon Haling that is to say the holsome lowe place or Meadowe I Haue séene in an auncient booke conteining the donations to the See of Rochester collected by Ernulphus the Bishop there intituled Textus de Ecclesia Roffensi a Chartre of Ecgbert the fourthe christened King of Kent by the which he gaue to Dioram the Bishop of Rochester ten ploughlandes in Halling together with certeine Denes in the Weald or common wood To the which Chartre ther is amongst others the subscription of Ieanbert the Archbishop and of one Heahbert a King of Kent also as is in that booke tearmed Which thing I note for two speciall causes the one to shewe that aboute that age there were at one time in Kent moe Kinges then one The other to manifest and set fourth the manner of that time in signing subscribing of Déedes and Charters a fashion much differēt from the insealing that is vsed in these our dayes and as touching the firste I my selfe woulde haue thought that the name King had in that place béen but onely the title of a second Magistrate as Prorex or viceroy substituted vnder the very King of the countrie for administratiō of iustice in his aide or absence sauing that I read plainly in an other Chartre of another donation of Eslingham made by Offa the king of Mercia to Eardulfe the Bishop of the same See that he proceeded in that his gift by the consent of the same Heahbert the king of Kent and that on Sigaered also by the name of Rex dimidiae partis prouinciae Cantuariorum both confirmed it by writing and gaue possession by the deliuery of a clod of earth after the maner of seison that we yet vse Neither was this true in Heahbert onely for it is euident by sundrie Chartres extant in the same Booke that Ealbert the King of Kent had Ethelbert another Kinge his fellowe and partener who also in his time was ioyned in reigne with one Eardulfe that is called Rex Cantuariorum as well as hée So that for this season it should séeme that eyther the kingdome was diuided by discent or els that the title was litigious and in controuersie though our hystories so farre as I haue séene haue mencion of neyther This old manner of signing and subscribing is in my fantasie also not vnworthy the obseruation wherein we differ from our auncestors the Saxons in this that they subscribed their names commonly adding the signe of the crosse togeather with a great number of witnesses And we for more suertie both subscribe our names put our seales and vse the help of testimonie besides That former fashion continued throughout vntill the time of the conquest by the Normans whose manner by litle and litle at the length preuailed amongst vs For the first sealed Chartre in England that euer I read of is that of King Edward the confessours to the Abbey of Westminster who being brought vp in Normandie brought into this Realme that and some other of their guises with him And after the comming of William the Conquerour the Normans liking their owne countrie custome as naturally all nations doe reiected the maner that they found héere and reteyned their owne as Ingulphus the Abbat of Croyland which came in with the conquest witnesseth saying Normanni cheirographorū confectionē cum crucib