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A43971 The art of rhetoric, with A discourse of the laws of England by Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury.; Art of rhetoric Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. 1681 (1681) Wing H2212; ESTC R7393 151,823 382

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I hereby lay any Aspersion upon such Grants of the King and his Ancestors Those Statutes are in themselves very good for the King and People as creating some kind of Difficulty or such Kings as for the Glory of Conquest might spend one part of their Subjects Lives and Estates in Molesting other Nations and leave the rest to Destroy themselves at Home by Factions That which I here find fault with is the wresting of those and other such Statutes to a binding of our Kings from the use of their Armies in the necessary defence of themselves and their People The late long Parliament that in 1648 Murdered their King a King that sought no greater Glory upon Earth but to be indulgent to his People and a Pious defender of the Church of England no sooner took upon them the Soveraign Power then they Levyed Money upon the People at their own Discretion Did any of their Subjects Dispute their Power Did they not send Souldiers over the Sea to Subdue Ireland and others to Fight against the Dutch at Sea or made they any doubt but to be obeyed in all that they Commanded as a Right absolutely due to the Soveraign Power in whomsoever it resides I say not this as allowing their Actions but as a Testimony from the Mouths of those very Men that denyed the same Power to him whom they acknowledged to have been their Soveraign immediately before which is a sufficient Proof that the People of England never doubted of the Kings Right to Levy Money for the Maintenance of his Armies till they were abused in it by Seditious Teachers and other prating Men on purpose to turn the State and Church into Popular Government where the most ignorant and boldest Talkers do commonly obtain the best preferments again when their New Republick returned into Monarchy by Oliver who durst deny him Money upon any pretence of Magna Charta or of these other Acts of Parliament which you have Cited You may therefore think it good Law for all your Books that the King of England may at all times that he thinks in his Conscience it will be necessar for the defence of his People Levy as many Souldiers and as much Money as he please and that himself is Judge of the Necessity La. Is there no body harkning at the door Ph. What are you afraid of La. I mean to say the same that you say but there be very many yet that hold their former Principles whom neither the Calamities of the Civil Wars nor their former Pardon have throughly cur'd of their Madness Ph. The Common People never take notice of what they hear of this Nature but when they are set on by such as they think Wise that is by some sorts of Preachers or some that seem to be Learned in the Laws and withal speak evil of the Governors But what if the King upon the sight or apprehension of any great danger to his People as when their Neighbours are born down with the Current of a Conquering Enemy should think his own People might be involved in the same Misery may he not Levy Pay and Transport Souldiers to help those weak Neighbours by way of prevention to save his own People and himself from Servitude Is that a sin La. First If the War upon our Neighbour be Just it may be question'd whether it be Equity or no to Assist them against the Right Ph. For my part I make no Question of that at all unless the Invader will and can put me in security that neither he nor his Successors shall make any Advantage of the Conquest of my Neighbour to do the same to me in time to come but there is no Common Power to bind them to the Peace La. Secondly when such a thing shall happen the Parliament will not refuse to Contribute freely to the safety of themselves and the whole Nation Ph. It may be so and it may be not For if a Parliament then sit not it must be called that requires 6 Weeks time Debating and Collecting what is given requires as much and in this time the Opportunity perhaps is lost Besides how many wretched Souls have we heard to say in the late Troubles What matter is it who gets the Victory We can pay but what they please to Demand and so much we pay now and this they will Murmur as they have ever done whosoever shall Raign over them as long as their Coveteousness and Ignorance hold together which will be till Dooms-day if better order be not taken for their struction in their Duty both from Reason and Religion La. For all this I find it somewhat hard that a King should have Right to take from his Subjects upon the pretence of Necessity what he pleaseth Ph. I know what it is that troubles your Conscience in this Point All Men are troubled at the Crossing of their Wishes but it is our own fault First we wish Impossibilities we would have our Security against all the World upon Right of Property without Paying for it This is Impossible We may as well Expect that Fish and Fowl should Boil Rost and Dish themselves and come to the Table and that Grapes should squeeze themselves into our Mouths and have all other the Contentments and ease which some pleasant Men have Related of the Land of Cocquam Secondly There is no Nation in the World where he or they that have the Soveraignty do not take what Money they please for Defence of those respective Nations when they think it necessary for their safety The late long Parliament denyed this but why Because there was a Design amongst them to Depose the King Thirdly There is no Example of any King of England that I have Read of that ever pretended any such Necessity for Levying of Money against his Conscience The greatest sounds that ever were Levyed Comparing the value of Money as it was at that time with what now it is were Levied by King Edw. 3d. and King Henry the 5th Kings of whom we Glory now and think their Actions great Ornaments to the English History Lastly As to the enriching of now and then a Favourite it is neither sensible to the Kingdom nor is any Treasure thereby Conveyed out of the Realm but so spent as it falls down again upon the Common People To think that our Condition being Humane should be subject to no Incommodity were Injuriously to Quarrel with God Almighty for our own Faults for he hath done his part in annexing our own Industry and Obedience La. I know not what to say Ph. If you allow this that I have said then say that the People never were shall be or ought to be free from being Taxed at the will of one or other being hindred that if Civil War come they must Levy all they have and that Dearly from the one or from the other or from both sides Say that adhering to the King their Victory is an end of their Trouble that adhering to his
Enemies there is no end for the War will continue by a perpetual Subdivision and when it ends they will be in the same Estate they were before That they are often Abused by Men who to them seem wise when then their Wisdom is nothing else but Envy to those that are in Grace and in profitable Employments and that those Men do but abuse the Common People to their own ends that set up a private Mans Propriety against the publick Safety But say withal that the King is Subject to the Laws of God both Written and Unwritten and to no other and so was William the Conqueror whose Right it all Descended to our present King La. As to the Law of Reason which is Equity 't is sure enough there is but one Legislator which is God Ph. It followeth then that which you call the Common-Law Distinct from Statute-Law is nothing else but the Law of God La. In some sense it is but it is not Gospel but Natural Reason and Natural Equity Ph. Would you have every Man to every other Man alledge for Law his own particular Reason There is not amongst Men an Universal Reason agreed upon in any Nation besides the Reason of him that hath the Soveraign Power yet though his Reason be but the Reason of one Man yet it is set up to supply the place of that Universal Reason which is expounded to us by our Saviour in the Gospel and consequently our King is to us the Legislator both of Statute-Law and of Common-Law La. Yes I know that the Laws Spiritual which have been Law in this Kingdom since the Abolishing of Popery are the Kings Laws and those also that were made before for the Canons of the Church of Rome were no Laws neither here nor any where else without the Popes Temporal Dominions farther than Kings and States in their several Dominions respectively did make them so Ph. I grant that But you must grant also that those Spiritual Laws Legislators of the Spiritual Law and yet not all Kings and States make Laws by Consent of the Lords and Commons but our King here is so far bound to their Assents as he shall Judge Conducing to the Good and safety of his People for Example if the Lords and Commons should Advise him to restore those Laws Spiritual which in Queen Maries time were in Force I think the King were by the Law of Reason obliged without the help of any other Law of God to neglect such Advice La. I Grant you that the King is sole Legislator but with this Restriction that if he will not Consult with the Lords of Parliament and hear the Complaints and Informations of the Commons that are best acquainted with their own wants he sinneth against God though he cannot be Compell'd to any thing by his Subjects by Arms and Force Ph. We are Agreed upon that already since therefore the King is sole Legislator I think it also Reason he should be sole Supream Judge La. There is no doubt of that for otherwise there would be no Congruity of Judgments with the Laws I Grant also that he is the Supream Judge over all Persons and in all Causes Civil and Ecclesiastical within his own Dominions not only by Act of Parliament at this time but that he has ever been so by the Common-Law For the Judges of both the Benches have their Offices by the Kings Letters Patents and so as to Judicature have the Bishops Also the Lord Chancellour hath his Office by receiving from the King the Great Seal of England and to say all at once there is no Magistrate or Commissioner for Publick Business neither of Judicature nor Execution in State or Church in Peace or War but he is made so by Authority from the King Ph. 'T is true But perhaps you may ●●ink otherwise when you Read such Acts of Parliament as say that the King shall ●ave Power and Authority to do this or that by Virtue of that Act as Eliz. c. 1. That your Highness your Heirs and Successors Kings or Queens of this Realm shall have ●●ll Power and Authority by Virtue of this Act by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England to Assign c. Was it not this Parliament that gave this Authority to the Queen La. For the Statute in this Clause is no more than as Sir Edw. Coke useth to speak an Affirmance of the Common-Law For she being Head of the Church of England might make Commissioners for the de●iding of Matters Ecclesiastical as freely ●s if she had been Pope who did you know pretend his Right from the Law of God Ph. We have hitherto spoken of Laws without considering any thing of the Na●ure and Essence of a Law and now unless we define the word Law we can go no ●arther without Ambiguity and Fallacy which will be but loss of time whereas on the contrary the Agreement upon our words will enlighten all we have to say ●hereafter La. I do not remember the Definition of Law in any Statute Ph. I think so For the Statutes were made by Authority and not drawn from any other Principles than the care of the safety of the People Statutes are not Philosophy as is the Common-Law and other disputable Arts but are Commands or Prohibitions which ought to be obeyed because Assented to by Submission made to the Conqueror here in England and to whosoever had the Soveraign Power in other Common wealths so that the Positive Laws of all Places are Statutes The Definition of Law was therefore unnecessary for the makers of Statutes though very necessary to them whose work it is to Teach the sence of the Law La. There is an Accurate Definition of a Law in Bracton Cited by Sir Edw. Coke Lex est sanctio justa jubens honesta prohibens contraria Ph. That is to say Law is a just Statute Commanding those things which are honest and Forbidding the contrary From whence it followeth that in all Cases it must be the Honesty or Dishonesty that makes the Command a Law whereas you know that but for the Law we could not as saith St. Paul have known what is sin therefore this Definition is no Ground at all for any farther Discourse of Law Besides you know the Rule of Honest and Dishonest refers to Honour and that it is Justice only and Injustice that the Law respecteth But that which I most except against in this Definition is that it supposes that a Statute made by the Soveraign Power of a Nation may be unjust There may indeed in a Statute Law made by Men be found Iniquity but not Injustice La. This is somewhat subtil I pray deal plainly what is the difference between Injustice and Iniquity Ph. I pray you tell me first what is the difference between a Court of Justice and a Court of Equity La. A Court of Justice is that which hath Cognizance of such Causes as are to be ended by the Possitive Laws of the Land and a
little worth if they tended not to the preservation and improvement of Mens Lives seeing then without Humane Law all things would be Common and this Community a cause of Incroachment Envy Slaughter and continual War of one upon another the same Law of Reason Dictates to Mankind for their own preservation a distribution of Lands and Goods that each Man may know what is proper to him so as none other might pretend a right thereunto or disturb him in the use of the same This distribution is Justice and this properly is the same which we say is one owns by which you may see the great Necessity there was of Statute Laws for preservation of all Mankind It is also a Dictate of the Law of Reason that Statute Laws are a necessary means of the safety and well being of Man in the present World and are to be Obeyed by all Subjects as the Law of Reason ought to be Obeyed both by King and Subjects because it is the Law of God Ph. All this is very Rational but how can any Laws secure one Man from another When the greatest part of Men are so unreasonable and so partial to themselves as they are and the Laws of themselves are but a dead Letter which of it self is not able to compel a Man to do otherwise than himself pleaseth nor punish or hurt him when he hath done a mischief La. By the Laws I mean Laws living and Armed for you must suppose that a Nation that is subdued by War to an absolute submission of a Conqueror it may by the same Arm that compelled it to Submission be compelled to Obey his Laws Also if a Nation choose a Man or an Assembly of Men to Govern them by Laws it must furnish him also with Armed Men and Money and all things necessary to his Office or else his Laws will be of no force and the Nation remains as before it was in Confusion 'T is not therefore the word of the Law but the Power of a Man that has the strength of a Nation that makes the Laws effectual It was not Solon that made Athenian Laws though he devised them but the Supream Court of the People nor the Lawyers of Rome that made the Imperial Law in Justinian's time but Justinian himself Ph. We agree then in this that in England it is the King that makes the Laws whosoever Pens them and in this that the King cannot make his Laws effectual nor defend his People against their Enemies without a Power to Leavy Souldiers and consequently that he may Lawfully as oft as he shall really think it necessary to raise an Army which in some occasions be very great I say raise it and Money to Maintain it I doubt not but you will allow this to be according to the Law at least of Reason La. For my part I allow it But you have heard how in and before the late Troubles the People were of another mind Shall the King said they take from us what he please upon pretence of a necessity whereof he makes himself the Judg What worse Condition can we be in from an Enemy What can they take from us more than what they list Ph. The People Reason ill they do not know in what Condition we were in the time of the Conqueror when it was a shame to be an English-Man who if he grumbled at the base Offices he was put to by his Norman Masters received no other Answer but this Thou art but an English-Man nor can the People nor any Man that humors them in their Disobedience produce any Example of a King that ever rais'd any excessive Summ's either by himself or by the Consent of his Parliament but when they had great need thereof nor can shew any reason that might move any of them so to do The greatest Complaint by them made against the unthriftiness of their Kings was for the inriching now and then a Favourite which to the Wealth of the Kingdom was inconsiderable and the Complaint but Envy But in this point of raising Souldiers what is I pray you the Statute Law La. The last Statute concerning it is 13 Car. 2. c. 6. By which the Supream Government Command and disposing of the Militia of England is delivered to be and always to have been the Antient Right of the Kings of England But there is also in the same Act a Proviso that this shall not be Construed for a Declaration that the King may Transport his Subjects or compel them to march out of the Kingdom nor is it on the contrary declared to be unlawful Ph. Why is not that also determined La. I can imagine cause enough for it though I may be deceiv'd We love to have our King amongst us and not be Govern'd by Deputies either of our own or another Nation But this I verily believe that if a Forraign Enemy should either invade us or put himself in t a readiness to invade either England Ireland or Scotland no Parliament then sitting and the King send English Souldiers thither the Parliament would give him thanks for it The Subjects of those Kings who affect the Glory and imitate the Actions of Alexander the Great have not always the most comfortable lives nor do such Kings usually very long enjoy their Conquests They March to and fro perpetually as upon a Plank sustained only in the midst and when one end rises down goes the other Ph. 'T is well But where Souldiers in the Judgment of the Kings Conscience are indeed necessary as in an insurrection or Rebellion at home how shall the Kingdom be preserved without a considerable Army ready and in pay How shall Money be rais'd for this Army especially when the want of publick Treasure inviteth Neighbour Kings to incroach and unruly Subjects to Rebel La I cannot tell It is matter of Polity not of Law but I know that there be Statutes express whereby the King hath obliged himself never to Levy Money upon his Subjects without the consent of his Parliament One of which Statutes is 25 Ed. 1. c. 6. in these words We have granted for us and our Heirs as well to Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbots and other Folk of the Holy Church as also Earls Barons and to all the Commonalty of the Land that for no Business from henceforth we shall take such Aids Taxes or Prizes but by the common Consent of the Realm There is also another Statute of Ed. 1. in these words No Taxes or Aid shall be taken or Leveyed by us or our Heirs in our Realm without the good will and assent of the Arch-Bishops Bishops Earls Barons Knights Burgesses and other Freemen of the Land which Statutes have been since that time Confirmed by divers other Kings and lastly by the King that now Reigneth Ph. All this I know and am not satisfied I am one of the Common People and one of that almost infinite number of Men for whose welfare Kings and other Soveraigns were by God Ordain'd For
Bishops and Right of Advowsans and Presentations belonged to himself and to the Nobility that were the founders of such Bishopricks Abbies and other Benefices And he enacted farther that if any Clerk which he or any of his Subjects should present should be disturbed by any such Provisor that such Provisor or Disturber should be attached by his Body and if Convicted lye in Prison till he were Ransomed at the Kings Will and had satisfied the Party griev'd renouced his Title and sound sureties not to sue for it any farther and that if they could not be found then Exigents should go forth to Outlawrie and the Profits of the Benefice in the mean time be taken into the Kings hands And the same Statute is confirmed in the 27th year of King Ed. the 3d which Statute alloweth to these Provisors six weeks Day to appear but if they appear before they be outlaw'd they shall be received to make Answer but if they render not themselves they shall forfeit all their Lands Goods and Chattels besides that they stand outlaw'd The same Law is confirmed again by 16 Rich. 2d cap. 5. in which is added because these Provisors obtained sometimes from the Pope that such English Bishops as according to the Law were instituted and inducted by the Kings Presentees should be excommunicated that for this also both they and the Receivers and Publishers of such Papal Process and the Procurers should have the same Punishment Ph. Let me see the Statute it self of 27 Ed. 3. La. It lies there before you set down verbatim by Sir Edw. Coke himself both in English and French Ph. 'T is well we are now to consider what it means and whether it be well or ill interpreted by Sir Edw. Coke And first it appeareth by the Preamble which Sir Edw. Coke acknowledgeth to be the best Interpreter of the Statute that this Statute was made against the Incroachments only of the Church of Rome upon the Right of the King and other Patrons to collate Bishopricks and other Benefices within the Realm of England and against the power of the Courts Spiritual to hold Plea of Controversies determinable in any of the Courts of the King or to reverse any Judgment there given as being things that tend to the Disherison of the King and Destruction of the Common-Law of the Realm always used Put the case now that a Man had procur'd the Pope to reverse a Decree in Chancery had he been within the danger of Premunire La. Yes certainly or if the Judgment had been given in the Court of the Lord Admiral or in any other Kings Court whatsoever either of Law or Equity for Courts of Equity are most properly Courts of the Common-Law of England because Equity and Common-Law as Sir Ed. Coke says are all one Ph. Then the word Common-Law is not in this Preamble restrained to such Courts only where the Tryal is by Juries but comprehends all the Kings Temporal Courts if not also the Courts of those Subjects that are Lords of great Mannors La. 'T is very likely yet I think it will not by every Man be granted Ph. The Statute also says That they who draw Men out of the Realm in Plea whereof the Cognizance pertaineth to the Kings Court or of things whereof Judgment is given in the Kings Court are within the Cases of Premunire But what if one Man draw another to Lambeth in Plea whereof Judgment is already given at Westminster Is he by this Clause involv'd in a Premunire La. Yes For though it be not out of the Realm yet it is within the meaning of the Statute because the Popes Court not the Kings Court was then perhaps at Lambeth Ph. But in Sir Edw. Coke's time the Kings Court was at Lambeth and not the Popes La. You know well enough that the Spiritual-Court has no power to hold Pleas of Common-Law Ph. I do so but I know not for what cause any simple Man that mistakes his right Court should be out of the Kings Protection lose his Inheritance and all his Goods Personal and Real and if taken be kept in Prison all his Life This Statute cannot be by Sir Edw. Cokes Torture made to say it Besides such Men are ignorant in what Courts they are to seek their Remedy And it is a Custom confirmed by perpetual usage that such ignorant Men should be guided by their Council at Law It is manifest therefore that the makers of the Statute intended not to prohibit Men from their suing for their Right neither in the Chancery nor in the Admiralty nor in any other Court except the Ecclesiastical Courts which had their Jurisdiction from the Church of Rome Again where the Statute says which do sue in any other Court or defeat a Judgment in the Kings Court what is the meaning of another Court Another Court than what Is it here meant the Kings-Bench or Court of Common-Pleas Does a Premunire lye for every Man that sues in Chancery for that which might be remedied in the Court of Common-Pleas Or can a Premunire lye by this Statute against the Lord Chancellor The Statute lays it only on the Party that sueth not upon the Judge which holdeth the Plea Nor could it be laid neither by this Statute nor by the Statute of 16 Rich. 2. upon the Judges which were then punishable only by the Popes Authority Seeing then the Party Suing has a just excuse upon the Council of his Lawyer and the Temporal Judge and the Lawyer both are out of the Statute the punishment of the Premunire can light upon no body La. But Sir Edw. Coke in this same Chapter bringeth two Precedents to prove that though the Spiritual-Courts in England be now the Kings Courts yet whosoever sueth in them for any thing tryable by the Common-Law shall fall into a Premunire One is that whereas in the 22d of Hen. 8. all the Clergy of England in a Convocation by publick Instrument acknowledged the King to be Supream Head of the Church of England yet after this viz. 24 of H. 8. this Statute was in force Ph. Why not A Convocation of the Clergy could not alter the Right of Supremacie their Courts were still the Popes Courts The other Precedent in the 25th of Hen. 8. of the Bishop of Norwich may have the same Answer for the King was not declared Head of the Church by Act of Parliament till the 26th year of his Reign If he had not mistrusted his own Law he would not have laid hold on so weak a Proof as these Precedents And as to the Sentence of Premunire upon the Bishop of Norwich neither doth this Statute nor that other of R. 2. warrant it he was sentenced for threatning to excommunicate a Man which had sued another before the Mayor But this Statute forbids not that but forbids the bringing in or publishing of Excommunications or other Process from Rome or any other Place Before the 26 Hen. 8. there is no Question but that for a
Doctrine Heresie but Justice Stamford leaves it out because when Heresie was a Crime it was a Plea of the Mitre I see also in this Catalogue of Causes Criminal he inserteth costly Feeding costly Apparel and costly Building though they were contrary to no Statute 'T is true that by evil Circumstances they become sins but these sins belong to the Judgment of the Pastors Spiritual A Justice of the Temporal Law seeing the Intention only makes them sins cannot judge whether they be sins or no unless he have power to take Confessions Also he makes flattery of the King to be a Crime How could he know when one Man had flattered another He meant therefore that it was a Crime to please the King And accordingly he citeth divers Calamities of such as had been in times past in great favour of the Kings they serv'd as the Favourites of Hen. 3. Ed. 2. Rich. 2. Hen. 6. which Favourites were some imprisoned some banished and some put to death by the same Rebels that imprisoned banished and put to death the same King upon no better ground than the Earl of Strafford the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and King Charles the first by the Rebels of that time Empson and Dudley were no Favourites of Hen. the 7th but Spunges which King Hen. the 8th did well Squeeze Cardinal Woolsey was indeed for divers years a favourite of Hen. the 8th but fell into disgrace not for flattering the King but for not flattering him in the business of Divorce from Queen Katharine You see his Reasoning here see also his Passion in the words following We will for some Causes descend no lower Qui eorum vestigiis insistunt eorum exitus perhorrescant this is put in for the Favourite that then was of King James But let us give over this and speak of the legal Punishments to these Crimes belonging Of Punishments ANd in the first place I desire to know who it is that hath the power for an Offence committed to define and appoint the special manner of Punishment for suppose you are not of the Opinion of the Stoicks in old time that all faults are equal and that there ought to be the same Punishment for killing a Man and for killing a Hen. La. The manner of Punishment in all Crimes whatsoever is to be determined by the Common-Law That is to say if it be a Statute that determins it then the Judgment must be according to the Statute if it be not specified by the Statute then the Custome in such Cases is to be followed But if the Case be new I know not why the Judge may not determine it according to Reason Ph. But according to whose reason If you mean the natural Reason of this or that Judge authorized by the King to have cognisance of the Cause there being as many several Reasons as there are several Men the punishment of all Crimes will be uncertain and none of them ever grow up to make a Custome Therefore a Punishment certain can never be assigned if it have its beginning from the natural Reasons of deputed Judges no nor from the natural of the Supream Judge For if the Law of Reason did determine Punishments then for the same Offences there should be through all the World and in all times the same Punishments because the Law of Reason is Immutable and Eternal La. If the natural Reason neither of the King nor of any else be able to prescribe a Punishment how can there be any lawful Punishment at all Ph. Why not For I think that in this very difference between the rational Faculties of particular Men lyeth the true and perfect reason that maketh every Punishment certain For but give the authority of defining punishments to any Man whatsoever and let that Man define them and right Reason has defin'd them Suppose the Definition be both made and made known before the Offence committed For such authority is to trump in Card-playing save that in matter of Government when nothing else is turn'd up Clubs are Trump Therefore seeing every Man knoweth by his own Reason what Actions are against the Law of Reason and knoweth what Punishments are by this authority for every evil action ordained it is manifest Reason that for breaking the known Laws he should suffer the known Punishments Now the person to whom this authority of defining Punishments is given can be no other in any place of the World but the same Person that hath the Soveraign Power be it one Man or one assembly of Men For it were in vain to give it to any Person that had not the power of the Militia to cause it to be executed for no less power can do it when many Offenders be united and combin'd to defend one another There was a Case put to King David by Nathan of a rich Man that had many Sheep and of a poor Man that had but one which was a tame Lamb The rich Man had a stranger in his House for whose entertainment to spare his own Sheep he took away the poor Mans Lamb. Upon this Case the King gave Judgment surely the Man that hath done this shall die What think you of this Was it a Royal or Tyrannical Judgment La. I will not contradict the Canons of the Church of England which acknowledgeth the King of England within his own Dominions hath the same Rights which the good Kings of Israel had in theirs nor deny King David to have been one of those good Kings But to punish with death without a precedent Law will seem but a harsh proceeding with us who unwillingly hear of Arbitrary Laws much less of Arbitrary Punishments unless we were sure that all our Kings would be as good as David I will only ask you by what Authority the Clergy may take upon them to determine or make a Canon concerning the power of their own King or to distinguish between the Right of a good and an evil King Ph. It is not the Clergy that maketh their Canons to be Law but it is the King that doth it by the Great Seal of England and it is the King that giveth them power to teach their Doctrines in that that he authoriseth them publickly to teach and preach the Doctrine of Christ and his Apostles according to the Scriptures wherein this Doctrine is perspicuously contained But if they had derogated from the Royal Power in any of their Doctrines published then certainly they had been too blame nay I believe that had been more within the Statute of premunire of 16 Rich. 2. c. 5. than any Judge of a Court of Equity for holding Pleas of Common Law I cite not this Precedent of King David as approving the breach of the great Charter or justifying the Punishment with loss of Life or Member of every Man that shall offend the King but to shew you that before the Charter was granted in all Cases where the Punishments were not prescribed it was the King only that could prescribe them
so nor do I see any reason to the contrary For the Subjects whether they come into the Family have no title at all to demand any part of the Land or any thing else but security to which also they are bound to contribute their whole strength and if need be their whole fortunes For it cannot be supposed that any one Man can protect all the rest with his own single strength And for the Practice it is manifest in all Conquests the Land of the vanquished is in the sole power of the Victor and at his disposal Did not Joshua and the high-Priest divide the Land of Canaan in such sort among the Tribes of Israel as they pleased Did not the Roman and Graecian Princes and States according to their own discretion send out the Colonies to inhabit such Provinces as they had Conquered Is there at this day among the Turks any inheritor of Land besides the Sultan And was not all the Land in England once in the hands of William the Conqueror Sir Edw. Coke himself confesses it therefore it is an universal truth that all Conquer'd Lands presently after Victory are the Lands of him that Conquer'd them La. But you know that all Soveraigns are said to have a double Capacity viz. a natural Capacity as he is a Man and a a politick Capacity as a King In his politick Capacity I grant you that King William the Conqueror was the proper and only owner once of all the Land in England but not in his natural Capacity Ph. If he had them in his politick Capacity then they were so his own as not to dispose of any part thereof but only to the benefit of his People and that must be either by his own or by the Peoples discretion that is by Act of Parliament But where do you find that the Conqueror disposed of his Lands as he did some to English-men some to French-men and some to Normans to be holden by divers Tenures as Knight-service Soccage c. by Act of Parliament Or that he ever called a Parliament to have the assent of the Lords and Commons of England in disposing of those Lands he had taken from them Or for retaining of such and such Lands in his own hands by the name of Forrests for his own Recreation or Magnificence You have heard perhaps that some Lawyers or other Men reputed wise and good Patriots have given out that all the Lands which the Kings of England have possessed have been given them by the People to the end that they should therewith defray the Charges of their Wars and pay the wages of their Ministers and that those Lands were gained by the Peoples Money for that was pretended in the late Civil War when they took from the King his Town of Kingston upon Hull but I know you do not think that the pretence was just It cannot therefore be denyed but that Land which King William the Conqueror gave away to English-men and others and which they now hold by his Letters Patents and other conveyances were properly and really his own or else the Titles of them that now hold them must be invalid La. I assent As you have shewed me the beginning of Monarchies so let me hear your opinion concerning their growth Ph. Great Monarchies have proceeded from small Families First by War wherein the Victor not only enlarged his Territory but also the number and riches of his Subjects As for other forms of Common-wealths they have been enlarged otherways First by a voluntary conjunction of many Lords of Families into one great Aristocracie Secondly by Rebellion proceeded first Anarchy and from Anarchy proceeded any form that the Calamities of them that lived therein did prompt them to whether it were that they chose an Hereditary King or an elective King for life or that they agreed upon a Council of certain Persons which is Aristocracy or a Council of the whole People to have the Soveraign Power which is Democracy After the first manner which is by War grew up all the greatest Kingdoms in the World viz. the Aegyptian Assyrian Persian and the Macedonian Monarchy and so did the great Kingdoms of England France and Spain The second manner was the original of the Venetian Aristocracy by the third way which is Rebellion grew up in divers great Monarchies perpetually changing from one form to another as in Rome rebellion against Kings produced Democracy upon which the Senate usurped under Sylla and the People again upon the Senate under Marius and the Emperor usurped upon the People under Caesar and his Successors La. Do you think the distinction between natural and politick Capacity is insignificant Ph. No If the Soveraign power be in an assembly of Men that Assembly whether it be Aristocratical or Democratical may possess Lands but it is in their politick Capacity because no natural Man has any right to those Lands or any part of them in the same manner they can command an Act by plurality of Commands but the Command of any one of them is of no effect But when the Soveraign power is in one Man the Natural and Politick Capacity are in the same Person and as to possession of Lands undistinguishable But as to the Acts and Commands they may be well distinguished in this manner Whatsoever a Monarch does Command or do by consent of the People of his Kingdom may properly be said to be done in his politick Capacity and whatsoever he Commands by word of Mouth only or by Letters Signed with his hand or Sealed with any of his private Seals is done in his natural Capacity Nevertheless his publick Commands though they be made in his politick Capacity have their original from his natural Capacity For in the making of Laws which necessarily requires his assent his assent is natural Also those Acts which are done by the King previously to the passing of them under the Great Seal of England either by word of Mouth or warrant under his Signet or privy Seal are done in his natural Capacity but when they have past the Seal of England they are to be taken as done in his politick Capacity La. I think verily your distinction is good For natural Capacity and politick Capacity signifie no more than private and publick right Therefore leaving this argument let us consider in the next place as far as History will permit what were the Laws and Customs of our Ancestors Ph. The Saxons as also all the rest of Germany not Conquer'd by the Roman Emperors nor compelled to use the imperial Laws were a Savage and Heathen People living only by War and Rapine and as some learned Men in the Roman Antiquities affirm had their name of Germans from that their ancient trade of life as if Germans and Hommes de guerre were all one Their rule over their Family Servants and Subjects was absolute their Laws no other than natural Equity written Law they had little or none and very few there were in the time
cannot conceive I understand well enough that the knowledge of the Law is gotten by much study as all other Sciences are which when they are studyed and obtained it is still done by Natural and not by Artificial Reason I grant you that the knowledge of the Law is an Art but not that any Art of one Man or of many how wise soever they be or the work of one and more Artificers how perfect soever it be is Law It is not Wisdom but Authority that makes a Law Obscure also are the words Legal Reason there is no Reason in Earthly Creatures but Humane Reason but I suppose that he means that the Reason of a Judge or of all the Judges together without the King is that Summa Ratio and the very Law which I deny because none can make a Law but he that hath the Legislative Power That the Law hath been fined by Grave and Learned Men meaning the Professors of the Law is manifestly untrue for all the Laws of England have been made by the Kings of England consulting with the Nobility and Commons in Parliament of which not one of twenty was a Learned Lawyer Law You speak of the Statute Law and I speak of the Common Law Ph. I speak generally of Law La. Thus far I agree with you that Statute Law taken away there would not be left either here or any where any Law at all that would conduce to the Peace of a Nation yet Equity and Reason which Laws Divine and Eternal which oblige all Men at all times and in all places would still remain but be Obeyed by few and though the breach of them be not punished in this World yet they will be punished sufficiently in the World to come Sir Edw. Coke for drawing to the Men of his own Profession as much Authority as lawfully he might is not to be reprehended but to the gravity and Learning of the Judges they ought to have added in the making of Laws the Authority of the King which hath the Soveraignty for of these Laws of Reason every Subject that is in his Wits is bound to take notice at his Peril because Reason is part of his Nature which he continually carryes about with him and may read it if he will Ph. 'T is very true and upon this ground if I pretend within a Month or two to make my self able to perform the Office of a Judge you are not to think it Arrogance for you are to allow to me as well as to other Men my pretence to Reason which is the Common Law remember this that I may not need again to put you in mind that Reason is the Common Law and for Statute Law seeing it is Printed and that there be Indexes to point me to every matter contained in them I think a Man may profit in them very much in two Months Law But you will be but an ill Pleader Ph. A Pleader commonly thinks he ought to say all he can for the Benefit of his Client and therefore has need of a faculty to wrest the sense of words from their true meaning and the faculty of Rhetorick to seduce the Jury and sometimes the Judge also and many other Arts which I neither have nor intend to study La. But let the Judge how good soever he thinks his Reasoning take heed that he depart not too much from the Letter of the Statute for it is not without danger Ph. He may without danger recede from the Letter if he do not from the meaning and sense of the Law which may be by a Learned Man such as Judges commonly are easily found out by the Preamble the time when it was made and the Incommodities for which it was made but I pray tell me to what end were Statute-Laws ordained seeing the Law of Reason ought to be applyed to every Controversie that can arise La. You are not ignorant of the force of an irregular Appetite to Riches to Power and to sensual Pleasures how it Masters the strongest Reason and is the root of Disobedience Slaughter Fraud Hypocrisie and all manner of evil habits and that the Laws of Man though they can punish the fruits of them which are evil Actions yet they cannot pluck up the roots that are in the Heart How can a Man be Indicted of Avarice Envy Hypocrisie or other vitious Habit till it be declared by some Action which a Witness may take notice of the root remaining new fruit will come forth till you be weary of punishing and at last destroy all Power that shall oppose it Ph. What hope then is there of a constant Peace in any Nation or between one Nation and another La. You are not to expect such a Peace between two Nations because there is no Common Power in this World to punish their Injustice mutual fear may keep them quiet for a time but upon every visible advantage they will invade one another and the most visible advantage is then when the one Nation is obedient to their King and the other not but Peace at home may then be expected durable when the common people shall be made to see the benefit they shall receive by their Obedience and Adhaesion to their own Soveraign and the harm they must suffer by taking part with them who by promises of Reformation or change of Government deceive them And this is properly to be done by Divines and from Arguments not only from Reason but also from the Holy Scripture Ph. This that you say is true but not very much to that I aim at by your Conversation which is to inform my self concerning the Laws of England therefore I ask you again what is the end of Statute-Laws Of Soveraign Power La. I say then that the scope of all Humane Law is Peace and Justice in every Nation amongst themselves and defence against Forraign Enemies Ph. But what is Justice La. Justice is giving to every Man his own Ph. The Definition is good and yet 't is Aristotles what is the Definition agreed upon as a Principle in the Science of the Common Law La. The same with that of Aristotle Ph. See you Lawyers how much you are beholding to a Philosopher and 't is but reason for the more General and Noble Science and Law of all the World is true Philosophy of which the Common Law of England is a very little part La. 'T is so if you mean by Philosophy nothing but the Study of Reason as I think you do Ph. When you say that Justice gives to every Man his own what mean you by his own How can that be given me which is my own already or if it be not my own how can Justice make it mine La. Without Law every thing is in such sort every Mans as he may take possess and enjoy without wrong to any Man every thing Lands Beasts Fruits and even the bodies of other Men if his Reason tell him he cannot otherwise live securely for the dictates of Reason are