here do tell it The Earl of Inchiquin and Captain Henry Boyle with the generality of the Protestant Gentlemen in the Province of Munster having entred into an Association in Decemb. 88. as the Protestants in Ulster and Connaught had done they resolved to seize upon Corke and Bandon as the places of greatest Strength and Consequence in the Province Their Design took effect at Bandon which joyned with them But the Lord Deputy having notice of their Proceedings sent Major-General Mac-Carty now Lord Mount-Cassell to observe them He pretending to keep fair with them they attempted bringing him over to declare for the P. of Orange and some of them had hopes of it but he proved too cunning for them prevented their seizing of Corke and when Captain Henry Boyle upon that disappointment fortified his House Castle-Martyr he besieged him there Upon this Sir Tho. Southwell in the County of Limerick and several other Protestant Gentlemen marched with the greatest Force they could make to raise the Siege in their march they seiz'd on all the Papists Horses and this Mr. Browne who was then one of them took the Horses of Neagle of Moyallow who was then High-Seriff of the County of Corke and a Man was killed in the Fray and all this our Author calls only making his escape from those who came to plunder him But to tell out my Story Sir T. Southwell and his Company hearing upon their March that Castle Martyr was surrendred he endeavoured to make his way to Sligo to joyn the Lord Kingston and other Associators in Connaught who were all in Arms and as this Author tells p. 170. he and 200 of his Men were taken by a small Party of K. J's Dragoons not much to the Glory of their Courage And this Author says p. 171. That they were over-persuaded to plead Guilty though they had not been guilty of any Overt Act that could be construed Treason What this Author means by Overt Acts or what by Treason he will tell us in the next and likewise give us some probable Reason why K. J. should Reprieve and afterwards Pardon Sir Thomas Southwell and all the rest who were engaged in that business and have such a particular Malice only at Browne whom he knew as little as any of the rest Otherwise he must give us leave to suspend a little our belief of his Narrative in this matter particularly that K. J. should influence either Judge or Jury to take away Mr. Brown's Life and that he should be inexorable in Mr. Brown's Case alone and yet so very merciful to all the rest is a Contradiction to believe if his Case or Circumstances did in no ways differ from theirs But it is no wonder that this Author cannot keep him self from Contradictions through the whole Series of his Book when the very Titles the Heads of his Discourse are contradictory one to another which one would think an ordinary Care might have avoided C. 2. s 8. n 10. the Title is That K. J's Desire to be absolute induced him to change his Religion And yet c. 3. s 1. n. 5. the Title is Zeal for his Religion made him act against his Interest to that Degree says this Author in his Prosecution of this c. 3. s 1. n. 5. p. 46. that the Protestants could not but conclude that K. J. was so intent upon destroying them that so he compassed that Design he cared not if he enslaved himself and the Kingdoms P. 45. That he had a setled Resolution not to mind any Interest which came in Competition with his grand Design of advancing Popery and the Slavery of the Nations To effect which it is manifest he was content to be a Vassal to France Thus the Author Here are Contradictions upon Contradictions That K. J. should be content to be a Vassal that he might be Absolute If you say that must be understood only of his other Grand Design viz. advancing Popery which had the Ascendant even over his Interest or his desire of being Absolute This will contradict the other Head of Discourse which gives the desire of Absoluteness in him the Ascendant over his Religion as being the Ground-work and Motive which induc'd him to change his Religion And yet page 10. of his Thanksgiving-Sermon Perhaps says he K. J. chiefly desired an Absolute Authority over his Subjects that he might compel them into the bosom of his Church And it does not appear a less Contradiction than any of these that a King should change the Principles of the Church of England as then taught for those of Rome out of a desire to be the more Absolute The Church of Rome 4 Coun. Lat C. 3 c. gives Power to the Popes to Depose Kings and they have shewn many Examples of it On the other hand the Church of England when K. J. forsook her Communion damn'd this Deposing Doctrine and the Practice of it and valued themselves upon the Principle of Non-Resistance to their King upon any Pretence whatsoever as their distinguishing Character and an essential part of their Religion and they had never varied from it nor was it thought by any or themselves that ever they would I am sure if they were not in earnest with it then they can give no demonstration now that they can be in earnâ—st with any thing and it is in every bodies mouth That K. J's trusting too much to their Passive Obedience hastened his Ruin which could not be if he had not thought this to have been their Principle Now for a King of this Opinion to quit this Church and go to that Church which teaches the Deposing Doctrine to do this out of a desire of Abâ—â—luteness is such a Contradiction as this Author would have seen at another time C. 3. s 12. n. 15. p. 153. he makes K. J. most absolute in the Parliament in Ireland That this Parliament openly profess'd it self a Slave to the King's Will and that he was look'd upon as a Man factiously and rebelliously inclin'd that would dare to move any thing after any Favourite in the House had affirm'd that it was contrary to the King's Pleasure Accordingly the Author instances several particulars of K. J's Absoluteness in this Parliament particularly That upon his signifying his dissatisfaction to the Repeal of Poyning's Act the Parliament let it fall with several other Acts tho' the Irish had talk'd much and earnestly desired the Repeal of Poyning's Act it being the greatest sign and means of their Subjection to England Yet p. 37. you have the Irish dispute his Orders and and stand on the Laws and they would not suffer him to dispense with their Act of Attainder c. And yet p. 18. They pish'd at the Laws as Trifles and declared they liked no Government but that of France that they would make the King as Absolute here as that King was there P. 31. The Temper and Genius of these Men were at Enmity to the Laws and fitted for Slavery They promoted and
Account of which he may be deprived of c. And pag. 23. he says of these Principles That they have poisoned the very Springs and Fountains of Government and so deeply tinctur'd Mens Minds that he prays God we may not still live to see the miserable Effects of it Thus Dr. Sherlock even since his Conversion But you may say how does it appear that this Author now sets up these Principles You shall be Judge Pag. 49. he says That it is ill trusting any one any King with such a Power This is in his c. 3. s 1. n. 8. Again c. 1. n. 10. p. 11. he expresses himself in these Words viz. The antient Government with which he the King was intrusted p. 41. he falls upon those who stopt the Bill of Exclusion with this wholsome Advice Never to trust Men of King James's Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us Here the King's Power is onely what the People please to trust him with Pag. 57. He says That it is not the King's Money that pays the Soldiers but the Kingdoms and thence it will follow that they are not the King's Soldiers but the Kingdoms 67. He says That every Law is certainly a Compact between the King and the People wherein by a mutual Consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience That therefore the People may as lawfully dispence with their Allegiance to the King 68. as the King dispence with the Execution of a Law That the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties 77. Properties and Lives except the Interest they have of chusing their own Representatives in Parliament Whereby he will exclude by very much the greatest part of the Nation from having any security for their Lives c. i. e. all but the Electors of Parliament men for none other have any Vote in chusing their own Representatives But the Author makes them amends by giving every one of them a power to dispence with their Allegiance to the King when ever they think that the King dispences with the Execution of any Law He makes them all Popes to dispence with Oaths or any other Duty when they think it reasonable And as he gives them Power over their Oaths of Allegiance so he does over the King's Treasury and Army It is Their Mony Their Army and why should not They command them The King himself acts but by their Commission and by all Rule and Right every Man is accountable to him from whom he has his Commission But now our Author is upon the Rode you shall see how he improves He derives the Eccles Authorily from the People p. 206. he stops at nothing And since he is a granting to the People they shall have all even the Ecclesiastical Authority which is trusted in the Crown shall be derived from the People and transferrable by them to whom they think fit For he makes King James's breach of trust in the Ecclesiastical Authority a provoking temptation to his People to think of transferring it to some other Person This will gratify the Phanaticks as well as Commonwealth-men That even the Ecclesiastical Authority is derived from the People His Interpretation of its not being Lawful upon any Pretence to take Arms against the King c. pag. 221. n. 3. And now to Crown all He gives as large and loose an Interpretation of that famous Principle of the Ch. of England viz. of it s not being Lawful upon any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King c. as Bradshaw Rutherford Bellarmin or Mariana could desire viz. He says it was only meant That private Men should not take up the Sword or resist the King upon any Pretence that is says he upon any Pretence of private Injury or Wrong done to them in particular Beyond this none of the Republicans Phanaticks and Jesuits in the World could go So that this was no very distinguishing Principle of the Church of England as we us'd to call it But if you will allow the same Parliament which enacted the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance to the King c. to understand their own Meaning or think that the declared Sense of the Legislators is the true Sense of the Law then our Author has widely mistaken his Mark and misinterpreted this Law For 12 Car. 2. c. 30. it is declared That neither the Peers nor Commons nor both together nor the People Collectively nor Representatively in Parliament or out of Parliament nor any other Persons whatsoever have any Coercive Power over the Kings of England Now judge whether all this is meant only of Private Men as our Author would make you believe And take Notice that this is not to be taken as a Grant from that Parliament It is a Recognition wherein they declare what was the Law before them And they vouch that this Prerogative of the King to be exempt from all Coercive Power is by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And that neither Lords nor Commons nor any other Persons not only now have not or hereafter shall not have any such Power over the King but that they never had or ever ought to have such Power I hope our Author will confess That this is somewhat a greater Authority and ought to have greater Weight with us than his single Opinion which he has taken up but of late And to confound that Distinction of the Parliament being Coordinate with the King and making the King but one of the three Estates which would imply their having something to do with the Sword which is the Supreme Power of Government joyntly with the King and therefore in some Cases might restrain him by Force which was the Pretence in 41. to obviate all this the Militia which is the Sword of England is by Act of Parliament put in the Hands of the King alone And it is declared in express Words 13 Car. 2. That the Sword is solely in the King's Power and that neither one nor both Houses of Parliament can or Lawfully may Raise or Levy any War offensive or defensive against his Majesty c. The Title of this Section p. 221. is King James and his Party endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion by misrepresenting the Persons and Principles of Protestants But it is not in the Power of Jesuit or any you can imagine to misrepresent the Protestant Principles more than this Author in this same Section as you have seen that is if you will allow that the Protestants did ever represent them Right before And whereas he Objects in the foremention'd Place That by it the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance it was never intended to give up the Constitution of the Government or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom The Answer is very easy for by the Judgment of what he calls the Constitution of the Government viz. King and Parliament
the Bishop of Derry Hopkins who was then there did protest against their shutting out the King's Forces and refused to joyn with those who did it for which and other Reasons this Author then gave he was against any Bodies going to the North or joyning with them as being a joyning in Rebellion About the Year 86. or 87. After his going from Wexford Waters to several of the Bishops of Munster he wrote a Letter to a Person of undoubted Credit giving an Account of what happened in his Journey and of the Substance of what he Discoursed with the Bishops of Waterford Corke and Cloyne he wrote That among other things he advised them as the only way to prevent the Dangers that were imminent to a steaddiness in their Loyalty and Religion and that he asserted that if the King and our Temporal Governors should enact unjust Laws that the Subject has no Remedy but Patience against whom we allow no other Weapons but Prayers and Tears and that it was a most unlawful thing for any to call in a Foreign Force or erect a New Government to redress unjust Laws And adds That it is a sad thing that it is not observed that Rebellions in the State and Schisme in the Church arise from this one Principle to wit That Subjects may in some Cases resist or seperate from their Lawful Governors set over them by God Whereas the Principle of Non Resistance is a steady Principle of Loyalty and it will be found no easier Matter to shake either the Church or State that is settled on it And he repeats it again That it is intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succors out of Pretence that their own Governors have made Laws against Reason Conscience and Justice and foolish to allege in their Defence That all Mankind is of one Blood and bound to help one another Which now he has made his great Argument in this Book Chap. 1. Sect. 5 What is above-written I have from the Person to whom he wrote it and more to the same purpose and if he desire it his Letters shall be produced The same Person told me that about the beginning of this Revolution he was in Company with the Author and another Gentleman I think it was Dr. Dun who blamed the preaching of Passive Obedience so high as the cause of what had befallen us whom this Author smartly reproved and vindicated the Doctrine of Passive Obedience to the highth But that Zeal and Courage has left him with his Principles or while he counterfeits his Principles there is a difference of assurance in defending some Causes which makes him now shun all those who knew his former Principles and have not changed as well as himself He refused to see all the time he was in London last August and September a Deprived Bishop with whom he was as intimate as any Man and had contracted a great Friendship and when he was minded of it to see his Old Friend he would not said they should fall into Heats And beginning of this last October 1692 being in Oxford on his Road to Ireland Mr. Hudson of University-College was with this Author in the Schools-Quadrangle at the very time Mr. Dodwell his admired Acquaintance was going up to the Library and Mr. Hudson asking whether he should call after him our Author forbad him saying He knew Mr. Dodwell would be angry with him If he thought that Mr. Dodwell was in an Error he ought to have endeavoured to convince him No he knew that Mr. Dodwell stood upon the same Ground where he left him and that it was he himself had Prevaricated and forsaken his first Love and therefore was ashamed to meet with the Man who knew his Principles so well before and who had stuck close to them in the Day of Tryal The very sight of such a Man is an upbraiding of their Cowardise and Unconstancy who have deserted their Principles and raises Guilt in their Faces which their Eyes would discover though they were hardened against a Blush Heu quantum mutatus ab illo From the well reputed and deserving Dr. K. who honoured and admired and loved Mr. Dodwell above most Men would have gone far to see him and was proud of corresponding with him and now shuns his sight as Guilty Sinners would the Face of Heaven O if this Author had retained his Integrity how much greater would he have appeared in the Friendship Esteem and Fellow-Suffering of this Great Man then in his Guilty Purple But Deserters must shew their Zeal and discover their own Shame Behold now how he starts and quotes it as a full Proof of King James's Arbitrary Designs That it was Enacted in their Act of Recognition in Ireland That the Decision in all Cases of a misused Authority by a Lawful Hereditary King must be left to the sole judgment of God Indeed I was amazed to see him quote this as so strange a thing which is over and over to be found in the Acts both of England and Scotland and Ireland as if he had not only forsaken but quite forgot what he had formerly taught He has got new Principles and a new Language p. 182. it ought to be 190. for it is false Printed he says K. J. was ungrateful to the Irish Protestant Clergy This is very familiar but what was the King's Ingratitude Because if they had been disloyal in Monmouth or Argile's Rebellion they might have made an Insurrection c. So that this Author thinks the King is in their Debt for not Rebelling And I suppose this is all the way that they brought him to the Throne as this Author says in the same place It seems these Irish Clergy have been mighty Men and we have not known it But he says that by their Zeal for King James they lost the Affections of their People This is a Scandal I verily believe upon the Irish Protestants They were I hope better Men I have known some of them and this Author ought to know them better I have not heard that any of the Irish Protestants took Offence at that Passage which this Author Printed in the Preface to a Sermon of the Lord Bishop of Kilmore's preached in the Author's Church of St. Warborrough's in Dublin in March 1684. the first year of King James's Reign It was entituled St. Paul's Confession of Faith There in a Letter of this Author 's to the Lord Bishop which is Printed in the Preface he avers positively in these words viz. It is impossible for any one of our Communion to be disloyal without renouncing his Religion This past better with the Irish Protestants Dr. Till Extent of Loyalty in his Serm. 2 Apr. 80 before K. C. 2. than that Super-Loyal Strain of our famous Dr. Tillotson which he Preached before the King at Whitehall Apr. 2. 1680. upon Josh 24.15 did please the Church of England men here other than those who took the Court for the Standard of their
Security from the Members of the Church of England more than from either Popish or Presbyterian Dissenters That when either of these two last-nam'd take Arms against the King for the Propagation of their Religion they act pursuant both to the Principles and Practice of their Churches but no true church-of-Church-of-England man can take Arms against the King in Defence of his Religion Liberty Property or any pretence whatsoever without at the same time renouncing the Principles of his Church or in Dr. Burnet's words turning Renegado and Apostate from it and from the constant Practices of its true Professors to this present Age. And though God has sifted Her and discovered Her unsound Members most of whom were Phanaticks grafted contrary to Nature yet we may perceive by the Remnant He has left that it will end in rendring her more Pure and Glorious after she has past the Refiner's Fire These Considerations have taken me a little out of the Road if it be out of the Road of the present Business I will return to the Author We have seen his Sincerity in the Original Matter of Fact and Mother of all the rest viz. Who were the Aggressors in the late miserable Revolution of Ireland for they were answerable for all that followed Matter◠of Fact set down by this Author at random But there are many other Particulars besides those to which I have spoken wherein the Author shews great variety of prevarication And tho he pretends to so great exactness which any one would believe by his Method yet it is visible that he set down things at random meerly for want of pains to examin them C. 3. S. 12. at the end p. 165. he pretends to compute what the Estates of all the Jacobites in England and Scotland are worth But this may pass more innocently than where it reflects upon any particular Persons Reputation in these Cases it is not only uncharitable but unjust to say any thing at a venture If we know not the thing to be true we are to err on the charitable side and not mention what may reflect upon another but if we do we must be sure to set down our Vouchers so as to leave no umbrage to suspect the Truth This our Author I am afraid has not so punctually observed through all this Book particularly in the Characters which he takes upon him to give of so many persons C. 3. S. 3. he accuses the Judges particularly the Lord Chief Justice Nugent ibid. n 5. p. 61. of down-right Bribery That he went sharer in Causes before him and not only appeared for them on the Bench but also secretly encouraged and fomented them I have heard others say who are no Admirers of that Judge That they are confident this is a rank Slander and Calumny and that no such thing can be proved against him However an Accusation of so heinous a Nature ought not to have been exhibited especially in Print without some Proofs along with it This Nugent says the Author was pitch'd on by K. J. to judge whether the Outlawries against his Father and his Fellow Rebels should be reversed Now I am assur'd That his Father viz. the Earl of Westmeath was not Outlawed which if so this is such another careless Mistake as this Author makes ibid. n. 3. pag. 60. where he calls Felix O Neil a Master of Chancery in King James's time Son of Turlogh O Neil the great Rebel in 41 and Massacrer of the Protestants That Turlogh O Neil was Brother to the Famous Sir Phelom O Neil and was not Father to this Felix O Neil I have been told by Men of Ireland That this Felix O Neil's Father's Name was Phelom and that he was so far from being a bloody Masacrer in 41. that he was civil to the Protestants in those times particularly to 〈…〉 Guilliam Father to Meredith Guilliam now a Major in K. W's Army whom he obliged by his civil Usage of him when he was Prisoner with the Irish and the same Guilliam's Relations do still acknowlege it But as to the Reversing of these Outlawries this Author has not done right to K. J. For upon the Representation made to his Majesty by the Earl of Clarendon then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of the ill Consequences of the Reversal of these Outlawries particularly the Jealousie it gave of encroaching upon the Acts of Settlement which you will see more at large in King James's Letter of the Third of May 86. to the Earl of Clarendon and his Lordships proceedings thereupon which are hereunto annexed No. 20 His Majesty did not press that matter any farther and so there was a stop put to these Reversals during the Government of my Lord Clarendon in Ireland and for any thing I can hear afterwards till this Revolution So that this seems rather an Imposition upon the K. as there were many by my Lord Tyrconnel and those of his Party than a thing that sprung immediately from the King 's own Breast or that he pitcht upon Judge Nugent on purpose to carry it on violently as this Author sets it out in his Guesses at Random and would have it pass for some mighty Matter To this Class will justly belong what I have before mentioned of this Author 's bold and positive Politicks upon foreign Princes and States and likewise of the P. of W. Fr. League c. which he had from the same Intelligence and avers with the same Assurance By Innendoes wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon He has likewise an Art of making many things pass by Innendo's whose Falshood would have appeared if they had been plainly related For Example c. 3 s 12. p. 144. telling of the assurances sent over by King James to Ireland by the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant and Sir Charles Porter Lord Chancellor he says These Declarations gained belief from the credulous Protestants especially that made by Sir Charles who behaving himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office went a great way to persuade them which being the Ground of their being persuaded by him more especially than by my Lord Clarendon plainly insinuates as if my Lord Clarendon had not behaved himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office there This Author is the first Irish Protestant I have heard give my Lord Clarendon an ill word as to his Government in Ireland On the contrary they all speak exceeding things of him particularly of his Zeal and Pains for Supporting the Protestant Interest in that Kingdom which gain'd their hearts to as great a degree if not more than most Chief Governours had ever been there they never parted with any Chief Governour with so much regret and as I have been told none courted him more when he was there than this Author who was admitted one of his Excellency's Chaplains but now thinks fit that should be forgotten at least kept for a more seasonable Juncture But C 2. S. 4 n. 1. p. 19. he
AN ANSWER TO A BOOK Intituled The State of the PROTESTANTS IN IRELAND Under the Late King JAMES's Government In which Their Carriage towards him is Justified and the Absolute Necessity of their endeavouring to be Free'd from his Government and of Submitting to their present Majesties is Demonstrated London Printed in the Year 1692. TO THE READER READER I Did not intend to have troubled you with any Preface But this is occasioned by a Pamphlet lately published called An Answer to GREAT BRITAIN's JUST COMPLAINT wherein pag. 54. there is this Character of the Book I have Answered which he calls Dr. King's whom I have not nam'd but now may from the Authority of this Author A Book says he writ with that known Truth and Firmness of Reason that every Page of it is a Demonstration which hath been often threatned with an Answer but the long silence of the Party shews Guilt and Despair For the long silence I must tell the Reader That this Answer was prepared upon the first coming out of Dr. King's Book and therefore the Quotations of the Page are according to the first Edition of it in Quarto in the later Editions the Doctor has found cause to make some Amendment which I have taken notice of That this Answer has not before this time appeared in Print has been occasioned by the severe Watch that is kept over all the Presses which has made many interruptions and long delays considering which it is more to be wonder'd at that it has now got through the Briars than that it has stuck so long This must excuse a Difference you will find in the Paper in some Sheets and other Eye-sores of the Impression being done at different Times and Places For these I shall be less concern'd if you will pardon one which was occasioned by the Importunity and Fears of some of the Printers that is to call People by their usual though not proper Names like the Woman of Samaria's de Facto Husband Joh. iv 16. or as Oliver was called a Protector and Absalom a King This Answer to Britain's Complaint recites some of the grossest Mistakes of Dr. King's Book and from his Credit delivers them for most undoubted Truths As pag. 54. That the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement was carried on by King James 's own Sollicitation and that he did struggle with his Bishops and Judges to carry it and after he was duly informed of the Cruelty and Injustice of it that he still pressed it and at last got it passed The notorious Falshood of which I have shewn from undeniable and good Protestant Vouchers and more are to be had if either of these Authors have the hardiness not to submit upon that Point Pamphlet pag. 55. Every where Protestant Churches were taken from them by Force and given to Popish Priests by the Order or Connivance of the late King Which is so far from Truth that Dr. King himself gives Instances to the contrary and tells c. 3. s 18 n. 11. how King James did struggle against the Popish Clergy in behalf of the Protestants and turn'd out the Mayor of Wexford for not obeying His Majesty's Orders in Restoring the Protestants Church there which the Popish Clergy had usurp'd and that He appear'd most zealous to have the Church Restored and exprest himself with more passion than was usual upon that occasion And Dr. King cannot name one Protestant Church in Ireland that was taken from them either by King James's Order or Connivance His Majesty was so very careful in this Point that even at Dublin where he kept his Court neither the Cathedral nor any Parish-Church in the whole City was taken from the Protestants The King only took Christ-Church for his own use which was always reputed as the King's Chappelâ— And Dr. King himself and others then preached Passive Obedience in their own Pulpits in Dublin to that degree as to give offence to some of their Protestant Hearers who thought they stretched it even to Flattery Pamphlet This was done in those parts of Ireland where the Protestants were very peaceable under King James That is where they were so under his Power that they durst not stir for none else then in that Kingdom were quiet and even those who lived under King James's Protection were giving Intelligence against him and betraying him all they could which Dr. King does not only confess but justifies it and was himself one of the Chief which I have sufficiently shewn and I suppose he will not deny but reckons it now as his Merit Pamphlet Those Protestants who scaid in Ireland were oppressed c. But it is evident that they preserved their Effects Houses and Improvements better than those who left the Kingdom and now live Richer and have more to shew which they preserved by King James's Clemency than their Neighbours brought with them from the Countries whither they fled from his Protection Pamphlet Upon Complaint no Protestant could have Redress I have shewn many who had And I believe Dr. King cannot shew one who had not as far as was in the King's Power to grant it And that much more than they deserved at his Hands by their own Confession at this Day and many of them do complain that their Grievances have not been so well Redressed since And if King James can be represented by these Men as a Tyrant and a Bloody Persecutor while he Courted them and sought by all winning Ways to gain them which was certainly the Case while he was among them in Ireland it may bring Men into suspence to believe what is told of the French Hungarian or of any other Persecution But I will not Anticipate what you will find in the following Leaves to which I refer you Only I think it necessary to acquaint you That Pag. 8. of this Answer upon the Head of One Prince interposing between another Prince and his Subjects when he uses them Cruelly I refer to a Book which I thought would have been Published as soon as this and therefore said little to that Point But now that I see no Hopes of its coming out give me leave to enlarge a little and tell Dr. King what advantage the Jacobites make of this Doctrine They say it would justifie King Lewis or any other King to interpose between them and King William For they pretend that they are much more Cruelly used by King William than even Dr. King himself says the Protestants were by King James In England they tell us That their Clergy are Deprived that they are imprisoned without Law for no other fault than Reading the Liturgy of the Church of England in their Houses They complain of Double Taxes Excessive Fines and Bail and Illegal Imprisonments That in Ireland besides the Deprivation of the Clergy all Men and Women who refuse the New Oaths incur a Premunire That in Scotland they are Fined Imprisoned Massacred as Glen-coe c. and put to the Torture against the very Claim of Right
as Nevil Pain c. their Clergy Barbarously Rabbled and Episcopacy Abolished Though they say that the Prince of Orange in his Declaration to Scotland Dated at the Hague 10. Octob. 88. Promises to preserve their Church as then Established among them From any Alteration And makes that the chief End and Design of his then intended Expedition Then they tell of the many wicked and illegal Courses which were taken to overturn the Foundations of Church and State in that Kingdom That when the Meeting of the Estates of Scotland was called by the Prince of Orange's Circular Letters in March 89. none were sent to several Royal Brughs in the North which is the most Episcopal and consequently the most Loyal part of Scotland And therefore such sent no Representatives That at the first Meeting of the Estates they refused when it was moved to adjourn for eight Days as they did in England to give time to the Members from the remote parts of the North to get to Edenbrugh But did precipitate Matters before they came That the Oaths required by Law to be taken by all the Members of Parliament or any Judicature before they can sit or vote there were without Law laid aside By which means the Anti-Monarchical and Fanatical Party were let into the House That several Noble-men and Gentle-men who had been Forefaulted for Treason and so had no Property nor Interest in Scotland were admitted as Members of this Convention before their Forfeitures were Rescinded even by this Convention and so were made the King's Judges to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against him for the Injuries which they pretended he had done to them And that one of these viz. the Earl of Argyle was sent with the tender of the Crown of Scotland to the Prince and Princess of Orange by Act of Convention 24 Apr. 89. before his Forefaulture was taken off which was not done till 1 Aug. 89. by the 4th Act of the first Session of the first Parliament of William and Mary That by these Means the Fanatical Party in that Convention were the most Numerous And framed such a Committee of Elections as for any or no Cause turn'd out any Episcopal Member who came in Competition with one of their own That by their Act 4 July 90. they rescinded all the Forefaultures since the year 1665. and Monmouth by name and Richard Rumbold an English-man who was to have Assassinated King Charles II. at Rye-house and in publick Proclamations in Scotland was taken notice of as the supposed Executioner of King Charles I. That within this Act of Grace were included all that were concerned in the publick and open Rebellions of Pentland-hills Bothwell-brig Monmouth and Argyle and the very Assassinates of the Lord Archbishop of St. Andrews those Furies incarnate were all as many as were alive enabl'd to be Members of Parliament and to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against their King That King William by his additional Instructions to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated the 17th of July 89. empowers him to pass Acts for Rescinding all Foresaultures since 1660. But this exceeded the Modesty even of that Parliament They would not expresly own that no Treason could be committed against K. C 2. or K. J. 2. at the same time that they Deprived and Foresaulted so many on the behalf of K. W. That the Fanatical Mob who had Rabbled the Episcopal Clergy were Armed and made the Guard of that Convention and resolved to sacrifice any who durst oppose their Designs witness Sir George Mackenzy that great Ornament of his Nation and Profession who was forced to fly from their Fury to save his Life it being made appear they had laid Plots to murder Him and Others They tore Episcopal Ministers Gowns off their backs in the streets of Edinburgh where the Convention sate and attacked the Lord Archbishop of Glasgow there That the Bishops who are the First of the Three Estates of Parliament were excluded from sitting in that Parliament before they were a Parliament by vertue of Instructions sent from King William to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated 31 May 89. in these words You are to pass an Act turning the Meeting of Estates into a Parliament and that the Three Estates are to consist of the Noblemen Barons and Burgesses Accordingly the Meeting of Estates wherein the Bishops sate was turned into a Parliament 5 June 89. the Bishops being first excluded which the Jacobites think a material Objection against the validity of all the Acts of that Parliament particularly that of 22 July 89. abolishing Prelacy and the Act 7 June 90. setling Presbyterian Church-Government Whence the Jacobite Episcoparians desire us to take a view of the Methods how their Church was over-turned They first tell us That the major part of Scotland and much the greater part of the Nobility and Gentry are Episcopal and therefore that Episcopacy would carry it in any fair and free Convention of the Estates in Scotland That several Reasons are given above why it was not so in the late Convention there That the Presbyterian Managers did instigate and set on their Rabble to fall upon the Episcopal Clergy and drive them by violence from their Churches and that the Presbyterian Ministers who had preached in those Parishes by a Toleration from King James should take possession of them before the Meeting of the Estates where they would endeavour to excuse the Rabble and continue the Possession and likewise make use of this as an Argument That Episcopacy was contrary to the inclinations of the people That the Rabbling began in December 88. and to make way for it a Report was industriously spread abroad as in England That some Thousands of Irish were landed in Galloway and marching forward with Fire and Sword Upon which the Fanaticks took Arms and fell upon the Episcopal Clergy with a Violence that is hardly credible That they drove them from their Churches plundered their Houses assaulted their Persons pricking some with Bodkins c. till they have gone distracted in which miserable condition a Gentleman told me he met an old Companion of his at the College an Episcopal Clergy-man who had been thus served by that Rabble That they turned the Wives and Children of the Episcopal Clergy out of their Houses to shift as they could upon which many of their Children dy'd and their Wives miscarried A Presbyterian but who abhorr'd the Brutality of these Proceedings told me that he was at the Rabbling at Air and saw an Episcopal Minister's Wife who had been but three or four days delivered turned out with her Children into the Streets and all People shut their Doors upon them insomuch that this Gentleman mov'd with so lamentable a Spectacle bestirr'd himself in Compassion to them and that it was Eleven at Night before he could get a poor Cabbin to give them shelter That they used to lead the Ministers about in Triumph tearing their Gowns which they called the Rags of the Whore and burning the
Book of Common Prayer where-ever they could find it calling it the Mass in English This was the Western Fanatick Rabble who began their Work upon Christmas Day to be witty in their Malice That at Edinburgh it self the Tumult was so high that the Mob forced the King's Palace rifted the Chancellor's Lodgings gutted the Chappel designed for the Order of the Knights of St. Andrew carried the King's Picture to the Mercat-Cross and there publickly stabb'd and tore it with the like Indignities as some ungrateful and bruitish Villains express'd in the rancor of their Hearts against the King's Statue at Newcastle and Glocester That upon these violent Disorders the King being gone from England and no settled Government in the Nation the College of Justice at Edinburgh took Arms and kept Watch and Ward to secure the Peace of the City and their Clergy from being Rabbled That then a Proclamation came from the Prince of Orange commanding all persons to lay down their Arms That the College of Justice did thereupon lay down their Arms but the Fanaticks did not for they said that they knew the Order was not intended against them and they proceeded to greater Insults against the Episcopal Clergy and fell upon those they had not medled with before and a Tumult was raised at Glasgow and those of the Rabbled Clergy who thought themselves protected by the Prince's Proclamation and thereupon returned to their Churches and Livings were much more rudely treated than before and particular Favours were granted to the Town of Glasgow by 15 Act of 2 Sess of 1 Parl. of W. and M. for the Zeal of the Community of the said City who were the principal Rabblers for the Protestant Religion as it is expressed in the Act. That the Rabbled Clergy made application to the P. of O. for Protection from this Outrage and sent Dr. Scot Dean of Glasgow who assisted by Dr. Fall Principal of the College of Glasgow did represent their deplorable Condition to his Highness who gave them no other Answer than to refer them to the Meeting of the Estates which did not assemble till 14 March following That they suffering unspeakable Hardships and Indignities all that time from December to March made the same Request for Protection from the Rabble to the Meeting of Estates then convened In answer to which That the Meeting of Estates by their Act 13 Apr. 89. excluded from the Protection of the Goverument all the Ministers who had been Rabbled before that day and were not then in Possession of their Churches And being turned into a Parliament by their Act 7 June 90. declared That these Rabbled Ministers had Deserted their Churches and therefore adjudged them to be Vacant and ordered those Presbyterian Ministers who without any Law had taken possession of them when the Incumbents were driven away by the Rabble to continue their possession and have Right to the Benefices and Stipends according to their entry in the Year 89. viz. when the Incumbents were Rabbled And to this being an Act of Parliament the Royal Assent was given That these Ministers Rabbled before 13 Apr. 89. and for that only reason declared to have abdicated by the Parliament were about 300. That the foresaid Act 13. Apr. 89. obliged all that remained to Pray for K. W. and Q. M. as King and Queen of Scotland and read a Proclamation publickly from their Pulpits against the owning of King James And that they might not have too long time to consider of it it was to be read under pain of Deprivation the next day viz. 14 Apr. 89. by all the Ministers of Edinburgh the 21st by all on that side the River Tay on the 28th by all be-north Tay which was hardly time to have the Proclamation transmitted to them all At Edinburgh the Proclamation came not from the Press till late on Saturday night and it was to be read at Morning-Service next day so that many of them it is supposed had not an hours time to resolve That this severe Act was more severely executed by the Earl of Crawford then President of the Council and other Presbyterian Lords and that near as many were turn'd out by the Rabble within doors as the Field-Rabble had done That Matters being thus prepared for total Abolition of Episcopacy all haste was made to do it An Act was framed for that purpose and Instructions were sent to the Commissioner in these words You are to Touch the Act already passed Abolishing Episcopacy as soon as you can and to Rescind all Acts inconsistent therewith That the haste required was observed for these Instructions were signed by King William at Whitehall the 17th of July 89. and the Act was Touched at Edinburgh the 22d of the same month Thus fell Episcopacy in Scotland Two Months and eleven Days after King William and Queen Mary took upon them the Crown of that Kingdom which was the eleventh of May 89. That those Presbyterian Ministers who were ejected by Law Anno 1662. upon the Restoration of Episcopacy were restored to the Churches they had before by Act of this Parliament 25 April 90. without any Provision made for those who were ejected That they did not pretend to that Regard to any who should be Deprived as the Parliament of England seemed to do by allowing Twelve of the Clergy who should refuse the Oaths the Third of their Bishopricks or Livings during their Life and left it to K. W. to apply it to which Twelve of them he thought fit But that he has applied it to none lest they should fare better than their Deprived Brethren in Scotland That not only those Presbyterian Ministers who were outed by the Bishops Anno 1662. but even those who had been Deposed and put under Censure as Incendiaries and wicked Men by their own Presbyterian Synods Anno 1660 and 1661. without being released from those Censures by any Synod or Ecclesiastical Authority of their own were Restored Anno 1690. by Act of Parliament That these as being most violent were most esteem'd and one of them Mr. Hugh Kennedy was made Moderator of the General Assembly Anno 1690. while he lay under the Censure of their own Kirk which was not taken off till the end of that same Assembly That thus their Church was established by Men thrust out of their Church as the State by Men Forefaulted by the State That by Act of their Parliament 7 June 90. Setling Presbyterian Church Government the whole Church-Government and Authority is placed in the hands of those Presbyterian Ministers outed since the first of January 1661. who were not then above Fifty or Sixty in number and such as they should admit exclusive of all other Presbyters which was a greater Superiority settled in one Presbyter above another than that which they Abolished in the Bishops as an insupportable Grievance And these new-modell'd Presbyters invested with Episcopal Power in Opposition to Episcopacy did exercise it with a Tyranny and Lordliness the Bishops had never
of Orange from that Contempt to which the States had reduced his Family and they were forc'd to make him their Sâ—at-holder as the Condition of saving their Country Therefore we know not well how to compute the Success of this staggering Commonwealth which is not yet an hundred years old and owes its Life to the Contention of its Neighbours and by Foreign Wars secures Peace at home which lasts no longer than they can have leisure and time to worry one another and shew the natural Effects of Popular Government which was worthily celebrated in Mobbing the De-Wits and will shew it self again when theâ—e shall be occasion But notwithstanding of all this our Author will allege that they had reason to take Arms rather than pay these unreasonable Gabels and Taxes which were impos'd upon them by their King To which I will nâ—w only say That they have paid much greater Taxes to their Deliverers than to their Kings But they fought for Religion as well as Taxes and they have got what they fought for for they pay the greatest Taxes in the World and they have got all Religions in the World Their Church is calculated for nothing but the Advancement of Trade and therefore has no other Authority than the States please to allow no more than a Company of Taylors Weavers or any other Society set up by the State Their Clergy are only Tools which the State makes use of for the better support of Temporal Government They may be call'd a Corporation or Committee of Religion but do not deserve the name of a Church who can forfeit their Charter to the State and are dismissable by them at their pleasure Erastus rather than Calvin was Moderator of these Assemblies General I would gladly have our Author's Opinion upon this Point He will perhaps say That they grow rich and thrive by these means No it is not by these means but their Scituation Soil and other Circumstances forces them to Industry they must work starve or drown and God has brought them under that happy Necessity to shew the World an Example of the great value and force of Industry how much it alone can do without the assistance of any other Vertue Therefore their Case will not be a Rule to other Nations But our Author says That at this day we shall find every Nation Happy and Thriving according as they have preserved themselves from Slavery He means Ireland of which he writes which at this day has glorious Effects of Happiness and Thriving to shew being reduc'd to a Wilderness from a Noble and a Plentiful Countrey and one half of the Souls in it are Perished and all Impoverished upon the Pretence of Preserving themselves from Slavery He says All Countreys under unlimited Monarchies decay in their Strength and Improvements By this he means poor France and the Eastern Monarchies whence we bring all our Riches But suppose it were granted That France has decay'd in Strength since its King grew Absolute and that there were no Riches in the Indies yet the Subjects of these Absolute Monarchs are free from Civil Wars Rebellions are rare among them they enjoy Peace which alone outweighs all the Pleasure of Riches if Civil War and Dissention go along with them as Solomon says Eccles 4.6 Better is an handful with quietness than both the hands full with travel and vexation of spirit Better is a Dinner of Herbs where Love is Prov. 15.17 than a stalled Ox and hatred therewith Riches are a Blessing they may be likewise a Curse Luke 12.15 A mans Life consisteth not in the Abundance of the things which he possesseth Peace and Quietness are more valuable than Riches for Riches without them afford little satisfaction and it were better be Poor than to have Riches to serve only for a ground of Debate or that Plenty should make us wanton so as to kick against our Governors and devour one another therefore till you can free your Principles of Liberty and Freedom as you call 'em from this main Objection of being an Inlet to Civil War and Confusion even Slavery and Beggary will be preferable to them in the judgment of wise men and of all that are not mad and intoxicated with the mere Name and Sound of Liberty tho the Effects of that prove the most absolute and miserable Slavery in the World who think there is no Liberty but in being free from Government tho they are thereby exposed to the Lawless and Arbitrary Attempts of their Equals and Inferiors but this they think nothing of so they may not be under their Lawful Superiors These are occasional Observations of this Author who would have you believe them without examining I hasten to give you a further view of his strain of Argumentation You have seen already the bent and force of all his Arguments viz. That a King who does design to destroy one part of his People does thereby Abdicate the Government of those whom he designs to destroy But King James had this Design against the Protestants of Ireland ergo he proves that King James had this Design Chap. 2. whose Title is Seventh Reason Destroying our Religion That King James design'd to destroy the Protestant Religion Now I say this is no Consequence for he might design to root out the Protestant Religion but not to destroy the Persons of the Protestants which is the foundation upon which this Author builds all his Arguments All Governments set up some Religion as the Established Religion of their Country and there are none which are in earnest with Religion but would wish all others to be of their Religion but that therefore they would destroy all who will not be of their Religion is our Author's Consequence which if it fail there is no Argument in his Book England no doubt would gladly rid it self of Popery to which end it is made Treason to turn Papist and their Priests are banished upon pain of Death and the Law debars Papists from Places of Trust and many Advantages which the other Subjects freely enjoy But that therefore the Government intends to cut the Throats of all the Papists in England or those that have now submitted in Ireland and therefore has Abdicated the Government of them is the Author's Doctrine which would be needful for him to explain for Reason is Reason in England and in Ireland and whoever should advance such an Argument in England I 'm confident would be looked on by the Government not only as a very weak and inconsiderable Reasoner but that he ought to be animadverted as an invidious seditious and Treasonable Incendiary who by this means endeavoured to render the Government odious and stir up the Subjects to Rebellion The same Argument will justifie what Dundee and the Highlanders have done in Scotland against the Present Government and it will justifie the Episcopal Party there if they should take Arms every day in opposition to the present Settlement of that Kingdom By
the publick printed Accounts of the Persecution and violent Rabbling of the Episcopal Ministers and others of their Principles they have suffered more from the Presbyterians in Scotland than even this Author was afraid of from King James in Ireland But not only the Papists in England and Episcopal Party in Scotland and the present Papists in Ireland may justifie their taking Arms against the Present Government when they please but the Irish Papists in 41 might have justified their Rebellion against King Charles I. by this Author's Principles which do indeed justifie all the Rebellions that ever were in the World or all that can be invented for none can want some of the Pretences which he allows for Rebellion But especially it gives full Liberty to all Dissenters in Religion to take Arms against the Government but more plainly if the Government shut them out from Places of Trust and Profit for such a jealousie of them may easily be improved into a Design for their Destruction But if any Penal Laws be made against them then the Design is apparent it goes beyond a Design it is a real Attempt upon them actually assaulting them c. But of all things How could the Irish who adhered to K. James be made Rebels to K. William before they submitted to him How could this be doâ—e by our Author's Principles If you say he had Title to Ireland by being King of England because Ireland is but an Appendix to the Crown of England Answer But from the beginning it was not so and the Government of England being dissolved as you say by Abdication and returned back to the suppos'd Original Contract or first Right of Mankind to erect Government for their own Convenience of consequence the Tye which England had upon Ireland by Conquest was dissolved and Ireland left as well as England in their suppos'd Original Freedom to chuse what Government and Governours they pleas'd But all this notwithstanding this Author's Principles freed them from K. William because of the Presumptions they had to think that K. William intended to invade their Property Lives and Religion He declared that he came to Establish the Protestant Religion By his Declaration of Grace 7 July 90 he pardons none either as to Life or Estate but only Poor Labourers Common Souldiers Country Farmers Plow men and Cottiers and such Citizens Townsmen Tradesmen and Artificers who should return by the 1st of August and even these were to forfeit all but their personal Chattels as you will see in the Declaration N. 6. Appendix And by the publick Resolution of his Judges 21 Nov. 90. which you will see in the Appendix N. 7. very few had hopes lest them either of Life or Estate even upon their submitting to King William and living peaceably under his Government pursuant to his Declarations And I am told that thousands of them are out-law'd since they submitted to his Protection notwithstanding of the many fair Promises which were made to them afterward upon several Occasions particularly General Ginckle's Proclamation printed at Dublin 4 Feb. 90. wherein he assures the Irish Papists in their Majesties Names that all of them who wâ—â—â—d submit to their Majesties Government should be protected as to their Religion Estates and Liberties These following Words are verbatim the Words of that Proclamation viz. Their Majesties hereby giving demonstration to the World that it is not their Design to oppress the Inhabitants of this Nation either by persecuting them for their Religion Ruining them in their Estates and Fortunes or Enslaving them in their Liberty These are the Words of that Proclamation which have not hinder'd the multitude of Out lawrys and other Proceedings and Forfeitures against those Irish who submitted to the Government As to their Religion they do not complain but that K. William has been very Gracious to them and they enjoy it in more ample Manner than ever they had it under any Protestant Prince But as to their Persons Estates and Liberties they cry out heavily of Breach of Publick Faith and Great Oppression If our Author had the improving of these and other their Circumstances how easily could he argue them into the lawfulness of taking Arms for their Defence But if the Argument of Glenco were on his side no doubt he would summon the Nation to rise as one Man and would Abdicate all the Governments in the World It is well for the Government that this Author is not touched by the late Act imposing the Oaths in Ireland the Refusal of which is no less than Premunire which does not only invade your Property but makes you uncapable of having any Property at all so much as to the Cloaths upon your Back or ever to breath the common Air out of a Jayl and none above eighteen years of Age no not Women of any sort Maids Wives or Widows are exempted What Declamations could our Author make upon this How far would he make this exceed the French Dragooning or even the Spanish Inquisition if he had such a Handle against King James Some Instances of the Author's manner of Argumentation I have heard from some who are acquainted with this Author that he is a Man of good Reason But in this Book I must say that his Zeal has transported him to take that for Reason which is the farthest from it in the World and which it is impossible he should think to be so in any other Case C. 3. s 8. n. 6. p. 102. He tells how Derry shut its Gates against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment And n. 7. p. 103. he proves they were obliged to do thus by their Foundation and names the Charter granted by K. James I. One would wonder how the King should grant a Charter to oppose himself The Author's Reason is That this Town was founded to be a Shelter and Refuge for Protestants against the Insurrections and Massacres of the Natives The Natives had before that time made frequent Rebellions and Derry was built as a Security against them therefore our Author thinks that if ever it should so happen that the Protestants should turn Rebels and the Natives be Loyal the King's Charter was meant to support the Protestants in their Rebellion This is too extravagant to need Confutation C. 3. s 12. n. 16. p. 154. He inlarges upon the Reasons they had in Ireland as well as in England to dread Papists in a Parliament and grounds his Argument from Q. Mary's House of Commons which was not well thought on for his Purpose for though that Parliament did overturn the Protestant Religion and set up Popery in its place yet the Protestants of England thought it their Duty for Conscience sake to suffer Martyrdom under those cruel Laws rather than to take Arms against their Popish Governours It is a Topick as ill chosen which he urges in the third Paragraph of n. 18. of the same Section p. 160. where the Argument he uses to cure the Folly of those Jacobites who were
were Eye-witnesses That long before K. J. left England the Protestants in the North of Ireland were generally all in Arms appointed themselves Officers Inlisted Men Arm'd and Array'd them they Regimented themselves and had frequent Rendevouzes they appear'd in the Field with Drums beating and Colours flying they chose Governors of Counties and appointed Councils and Committees to carry on their Business they Disarmed the Irish and such of the Protestants as they suspected not to be Cordial to their Cause I need not mind you that all this was not only without any Authority from the King but that it was not so much as pretended on the contrary iâ— appears by what they did after and boast of here as their Merit that all this was intended at least by many of them in direct Opposition to the King You cannot imagine that they could in a moment march out Horse and Foot in good Order and all Officer'd as they did at Eneskillen against those two Companies that were sent to quarter there It is therefore certain that sometime before this they had Marshall'd themselves Inlisted their Men chosen their Officers c. which was Treason by the Law tho they had not entred upon Action and I believe no Man in the World but our Author will deny this to be in Opposition to the Government What Government would not think it so Therefore the shutting up of Derry Gates against the E of Antrim's Regiment and Eneskillen refusing to quarter two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy was not all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England as our Author words it Their former Preparations in order to that Resistance they then made was as much Treason in the eye of the Law tho not so great Treason as the Resistance it self But when did they begin to make these Preparations We are told in one of the Accounts Printed by the Irish Protestants intituled A faithful History of the Northern Affairs of Ireland from the late K. James ' s Accession to the Crown to the Siege of London-Derry by a Person who bore a great share in thâ—se Transactions We are told in this Account p. 7. That they began to Arm and to engage themselves in Associations about Sept. 88. before those written Associations which were afterwards published In the Prosecution of which Affair the Lord B. in the Counties of Armagh and Monaghan and Sir A. R. in Down and Antrim appeared most forward This was when the report grew hot of the P. of O's design'd Expedition into England they then as that Author says p. 6. did presume too far upon the Opinion of their own strength and finding the Affairs of England run successfully on the Protestants side rashly fancy'd themselves able enough to attempt their Deliverance I am the rather inclin'd to believe him not only because he says that himself bore a great share in those Transactions but I find him so far from being a Friend to K. James or writing on his side that he dips his Pen in Gall against him and represents him even with Virulence and he writes on purpose to vindicate their Proceedings in the North of which himself he says bore a great share and therefore not likely to speak with any Design to Prejudice their Cause and he tells us quite contrary to our present Author That the Protestants in the North of Ireland began very early two Months before the P. of O. Landed here and were from that time gathering strength Arming Marshalling and Training their Men to the Discipline of War and the use of their Arms in which I am told they were very diligent till at length they were able to make that first opposition which our Author speaks of at Derry and Eneskillen This was before the P. of O. came into England and I find a little after viz. about the end of Novemb. 88. When the happy tydings of the P. of O. Landing had reached our Ears in Ireland says Mr. J. Boyse in his Vindication of Mr. Osborn in reference to the Affairs of the North of Ireland p. 11. Mr. Osborn was entrusted by his Brethren the Nonconformist Ministers and other Gentlemen of Note and Interest in the Province of Ulster to get some Gentleman or other sent over from Dublin to the Prince with these following Instructions sign'd by those two whose names are subscribed in the name of the rest 1. That in our Name you congratulate the arrival of the P. of O. into England and his success hitherto in so glorious an undertaking to deliver these Nations from Popery and Slavery 2. That you Represent the Dangers and Fears of the Protestants in Ireland and particularly in the Province of Ulster and humbly beseech him to take some speedy and effectual care for their Preservation and Relief 3. That you Represent our readiness to serve him and his Interest in Prosecution of so glorious a Design as far as we have access Subscribed ARCHIBALD HAMILTON ALEXANDER OSBORNE Accordingly on Dec the 8th they sent over a Gentleman now in Town says the Book who in pursuance of these Instructions delivered in a memorial enlarging on these heads for they begg'd no particular favour for a Party to the then P. of O. the Originals of both which Papers are in my hands says Mr. Boyse whose Words these are Now I must inform you that the Nonconformists are much the most numerous Party of the Protestants in Ulster which is that is called the North of Ireland some Parishes have not ten not six that come to Church While the Presbyterian Meetings are crowded with thousands covering all the Fields this is ordinary in the County of Antrim especially which is the most populous of Scots of any in Ulster who are generally Presbyterians in that Country in other of the Northern Counties the Episcopal Protestants bear a greater Proportion some more some less But upon the whole as I have it from those that live upon the Place they are not One to Fifty nor so much but they would speak within Compass From hence we may conclude That the abovesaid Address to the P. of O. may be said to be the Address of the Protestants of Ulster especially considering that none of the others did Discent from it I suppose many Joyn'd in it for the Contest then was who should be most forward in shewing their Affection to the Cause and who could first meet his Highness thought they had most title to his favour And this our Author knows was before King James deserted England and I suppose he will not have the hardiness to say That this was nothing done in opposition to the Government I will give one Instance more We have heard and this Author could not but know of the great Alarm of an intended Massacre of the Protestants in Ireland upon the Ninth day of Decemb. 1688. The whole of this arose from a Letter said to be found in Cumber-street
make a Return of near a Hundred Voices These this Author leaves out Was it for the length do you think No it would have quite Ruined his Plot of making a Parallel 'twixt the Reasons for K. James's holding a Parliament in England 17. Nov. 88. and in Ireland May 89. viz. That there was an Enemy in the Kingdom which is indeed no reason and none of the Reason the King gave But such an Enemy as can make a Return of near a Hundred Voices would indeed hinder the Freedom of a Parliament in all its Circumstances Now let us see how many Voices the Enemy could Return in Ireland not one but of two Burroughs that is Derry and Enneskillen all the other Burroughs and all the Countys in the Kingdom were in the Kings Hands Now let our Author Judge of his Parallel and of his Ingenuity in Misquoting the King's Answer For he that does not tell the whole Truth that is Material is a False-witness He says p. 152. Several Corporations had no Representatives because they were in the Enemies Hands And yet the whole Number is but two as abovesaid But he thought the Word several would carry more in the Reading Add to this the difference there is 'twixt a Forreign Enemy being in the Country and the Insurrection of the Subjects A Subject that Rebels and will not Obey the King's Summons to Attend him in Parliament is a different Case from his being under a Forreign Power that will not let him come In the first Case he has forfeited his Right to Sit in Parliament and there is no reason that there should not be a Parliament because he will not come But in the other Case it cannot be a Free and Full Parliament where so many Members are under a Forreign Power But our Author has protested before GOD That he has not Aggravated nor Misrepresented any Thing and therefore we must suppose That it was only to Save himself the pains of Writing or his Reader of viewing these eight words which he leaves out in the Kings Answer to the Lords 〈◊〉 of the four Words ut Colonies ibi faciat which he forgot in his Quotation out of Grotius of which I made mention before Tho' it is plain that both these Ommissions do quite alter the Sence of the Words our Author quotes against that Interpretation which he would put upon them And therefore it must be confest that they were very Materially and if I were not awed by this Authors serious appeal to God I should have said Designedly omitted by this Author to Misrepresent the Sence of both these Quotations and for an Aggravation against K. James But for the present I shall only say this That where this Author seems most Exact and sets his Quotations as you would think Verbatim in the Mangent that you might suspect nothing as he does in these two Quotations of Grotius and K. James's Answer to the Lords there you are chiefly to suspect and you must stand upon your Guard C. 1. n. 6. He brings another Quotation out of Grotius de Jure c. l. 2. c. 25. n. 8. to shew That Tho' Subjects might not take Arms Lawfully even in the extreamest necessity it would not follow from thence that others might not take Arms in their behalf I know no No-body that sayes it would follow from thence But as to his Quotation Grotius sayes in the very same place That this pretence of Helping others has in all Ages been made use of to colour their Designs who intend to Invade their Neighbors Right Scimus quidem ex Veterib Novisque Historiis alieni Cupiditatem hos sibi quaerere obtentus sed non ideo statim Jus esse desinit si quid a malis Usurpatur Navigant Piretae ferro utuntur Latrones and that meer Possession does not give Right for that there are Pirats and Robbers who get things by Force All this the Author has wisely left out of his Quotation it would have spoiled the Design for which he brought it But I cannot imagin to what end he sets down another Quotation out of the same Book Lib. 2. c. 20. § 40. Where he tells us That it is so much more Honourable to Avenge the Injuries done to another than our selves by how much there is less Danger that the sense of anothers Pain should make us exceed in exacting such Revenge than of our own or Byass our judgment By this Rule he that Avenges the Injuries done to another must have no By-Ends of his own no Profit or Advantage accrue to himself by such Revenge else it may Byass his Judgment and make him Exceed in his Revenge viz. Instead of reducing his Neighbour to Reason to Seize upon all he has for himself How far this is Conducing to the End for which the Author produc'd it I leave to himself to consider But I will make an end of this unsavory Subject raking up the Absurdities and Contradictons into which a Mans Malice does betray him I will give but one Instance more upon this Head You have heard before now positively he asserted that the Irish were the Aggressons in the late Revolution that not one Protestant Acted any thing in opposition to the Government but only defending themselves against Robbers nor Acted against these Robbers till actually Assaulted by them c. as you have it p. 105. Yet c. 3. § 13. p. 178. as it is printed for it is wrong pag'd it ought to be p. 186. n. 4. He forgets this and gives several Reasons why the Irish papists Were not the Aggressors as That they lay under the strictest Obligations not to begin Acts of Cruelty from the Odium and Ill Success their Murders in Forty One had That the Protestants were extreamly Cautious not to give the least offence That it would hurt K. James's Interest in England c. The Matter is he was here Answering the Objection That very few Protestants lâ—st their Lives in Ireland under K. J. This he Grants to be true and it was a severe Objection For to represent a Man as the most Bigotted and Merciless Tyrant that design'd no less than the Total Extirpation of one main part of his people upon which Supposition this Author Grounds his whole Book and then when he has Subdu'd these Subjects of his and Redâ—c'd them by Arms after what to be sure he thought Rebellion in them and their Proclaiming another for their King and some part of them still standing out in Arms against him and those under his Power Betraying him all they could aâ—d deserting him every day which gave him just Grounds to believe that they wou'd all as they did joyn with the P. of Orange when he Landed These were the Greatest Provocations can be suppos'd and the Fairest Occasion given to such a Cruel Tyrant to wreck his Malice upon those whom he design'd to Destroy And yet after Representing a Man to be such a Bloody Monster to find that he Kills none
of these People would make any Body suspect he had not been sairly Represented and that he did not really design any such thing as the Destruction of these People at least not altogether so fully as the French King resolved the voiding the Edict of Nants which this Author avers p. 19. I say who would believe that K. James did as fully determin our Ruin as our Author there Words it since he not only refused to do it when it was in his Power and he Apprehended so great Danger from them but took Pains and used his utmost Authority to keep back others from doing it who were ready and zealous to have done it and thought it their Interest to do it Therefore in this Distress our Author was obliged to find out some other Reasons for this besides K. Jame's Clemency And a Man of less Ingenuity than his cou'd make a shift to find Reasons for any thing There is no Subject upon which something may not be said Pro and Câ—n and so here our Author contrives Reasons for this Clemency of K. James which may not spoil that Bloody Character he had given of him and he turns it upon Policy Interest not to Provoke England c. not foreseeing that the same Interest must remain while ever he was King of England and so secure the Protestants in Ireland and disapoint this Authors whole Book And likewise he was under a Necessity of Contradicting what he had said before of making the Irish the Assaylants and Murderers c. because he is now forced to give Reasons why they were not so You know who should have good Memorys and it is very difficult when a Cause has several and Contrary Aspects It runs a Man some times to bespatter that side which he means to Defend As truly I think has happened in the present Case For if the most Malicious Jacobite had gone about to expose the present Government under the Name of K. James This Author Wounds the Present Government in the Person of K. James and the Papists he could not have done it more effectually than it is done in this Book For Example when England found the old Oath of Supremacy inconsistent with the Present Settlement they wisely abrogated it and made a new one But Ireland could not do this wanting a Parliament And in the Acts of Parliament in Ireland as in England there is a Penalty upon the refusal of this Oath which the then Civil and Military Officers in Ireland avoided by ordering it so That that Oath should not be tender'd to them as it was not at first to the Military nor to all the Civil Officers Now see how our Author exposes this Practice in the Person of the Papists c. 2. p. 38. § 9. He tells of an Horrible Artifice the Papists had to avoid the Oath enjoin'd on all Officers Civil and Military by Act. 28. Hen. 8. c. 13. and 2. Eliza. c. 1. viz. The Oath was never tender'd to their new Officers and Consequently said they they never refused it neither are they lyable to the Penalties of the Act. This was plainly against the design of the Statute a playing with the Words of it and shewed us that Laws are Insufficient to secure us against such Jesuitical Prevarications Thus our Author not Considering that the same Jesuitical Prevarications must by his Rule be Charged not only upon the Irish Protestants as abovesaid but upon the Roman Catholicks in K. Williams Army who are many more in England than K. James had in his Army here and before the Alteration of the Oaths here by Act of Parliament they must either have this same excuse for avoiding these Oaths or have none at all p. 114. He says the Protestants in Ireland chose rather to ly in Jayl than take some new invented Oath that was put to them without any Law to enjoin it Why would not this Author tell us what Oath this was I am told that there was no new Oath Imposed upon the Protestants in Ireland by K. James and it is not very likely where as you have heard from the Sovereign of Belfast and other Vouchers before Nam'd K. James did not trouble the Protestants even with the Oaths enjoyn'd by Law But I have been told that in Cork Limerick and other Garrisons upon the Sea Coast where there were many Protestants the Officers without any Order from K. James thought it reasonable to take that Security of these Protestants when they drew their Men out of these Garrisons into the Field and when they were Alaram'd with the English Fleet that these Protestants would not Joyn with their Enemies but be true to K. J. And I am told likewise that none of these Protestants did refuse it But if they did as this Author says could they take it ill to be secured in Prison who when the Enemy was hourly expected refused to promise not to Joyn with them or betray the Garrison to them Secondly this is an ill Reason for what the Author told us before viz. That K. James had not the least Reason to suspect or Disarm the Protestants and therefore this Author calls it perfect Dragooning of them as bad as was done in France But this Author tells his own Reason why they would rather ly in Jayl than take this Oath viz. Because there was not any Law to enjoyn it and they thought this a Violation of the Law and therefore that they ought to Suffer any hardship rather than Comply with it For if you break one Law you may break all c. Now this is perfect Wounding the present Government and Condemning what the Protestants in Ireland even this Author himself has done viz. Taking an Oath of Fidelity to K. William and Q. Mary without any Law to enjoyn it That is before this late Act of Parliament for abrogating the Old Oaths of Allegiance and Imposing the new Oaths in Ireland But here I must not be mistaken for I am not of our Author's Opinion that there was no Law to enjoyn these Oaths I have shewn before That by the Common Law there is an Oath of Allegiance may be required from the Subjects which for greater Satisfaction I have set down in the Appendix n. 13. as it was Taken to K. J. in Ireland by these Protestants With some Authorities out of the Common Law to Justify the Legality of it But our Author either knew not this or was willing not to remember it and would rather Wound the present Government than miss such a Blow and Reflection upon the Government of K. J. whether this was done in the full sincerity of his Heart without Aggravation or Misrepresenting against K. J. he has taken GOD to witness and there we must leave it The 26. Septemb. 90. There Issued three Proclamations from the Lords Justices of Ireland which I have hereunto Annex'd one Banishing the Wives Children and Familys of all in Rebellion against their Majesties or Kill'd in that Rebellion and of all