in Religion would breed factions in the State And therefore seeing Abundans caut la non nocet to prevent all sinister practises they provided wisely to settle their Successor in assurance and security with advice and consent of the kingdom the which they did in their life time by way of request because the States of Bohemia were not yet bound to settle the heires for haereditas non est viventis sed defuncti heires are ever in expectation till their Parents dye and when they take possession they cease to be heires and become owners Besides it is no good argument because the consent of the States were demanded therefore succession hath no place For all well governed kingdoms successive have also a shew and a forme of Election In England King Henry the second requested the consent of the Parliament that in his life time he might see his Sonne crowned King so did King Edward the third sollicite for Rich. 2. and when Rich. 3. was Elected King the words of the act are we do chuse you our Soveraign Lord and King ex Rotul Parl. 1. R. 3. therefore it is plaine that Election doth not exclude succession but succession guideth the Election For in the same record this is expresly added it is agreed by the three estates that K. Rich. 3. is lawfull King of England by inheritance and due election So as inheritance and election are not two things incompatible especially in those kingdomes where Custome hath given a Royall prerogative to the blood of a Familie But yet I will make the matter clearer Anno 1547. it was enacted in Bohemia as by the record appeareth that according to the Edict of Carolus quartus and the order of Vladislaus and to the literae reversales of Ferdinand 1. the States should ever and only proceed and no otherwise And the States of Bohemia cannot now claime any such Laws Liberties or Customes to eject a King out of the right line and familie wherein the Crown hath been so long invested specially till the issue be extinct For by the words of the Law non aliter eis competeret libera Electio and whereas they tell a tale of a Custome in Bohemia to chuse strangers and the Sonnes of the King of Poland eminent for their vertue they may aswell tell a tale of Amadis de Gaule And for that which Aeneas Silvius reporteth of Carolus the seventh of France Sternbergius was the primus Motor of that to the King of France to avoid a mischeif by an hereticall intrudor who desired that a Catholique Prince might prevent George Podibradius an Hussite who as he did foresee was like by violence to usurpe the Crown as appeareth by Dubravius l. 30. And although I confesse that the Champions of this cause artificially lay their colours yet can they not make black white but as Iuglers only make it seeme so to others For this my last argument is unanswerable The Princes Electors when the States of Bohemia laboured at Franckford that they would not accept Ferdinand as an Elector but suspend his voice quod nunquam plenarium adeptus est Imperium they rejected them and their motions and made this answer to the Bohemians That ex cap. 7. Auâ— Bullae only he who was the lawfull Successor of Mathias ought to be admitted to the Election as King of Bohemia And they so judged it first because the States of Bohemia the seventh of Iune 1617. Solemnly accepted Ferdinand for their King and confirmed their act by Oath therefore no question ought to be made of his claime and title Secondly they alleadged that Jurisdictio Electoralis nulli competit nisi Regi Bohemiae jure haereditario nemo alius nisi Rex ad Electionem unquam erat vocatus Thirdly they said King Ferdinand had lawfully received of the Emperour Mathias his Investiture the Office of Electorate and the cheif Cup-bearer and was put in possession thereof and further they added that Maximilian the second Anno 1562. was summoned by the name of King of Bohemia and Elector to be at Franckford to choose the King of the Romanes and this being in his Fathers life time he signed the Decree though he had no other Election Ceremony or possession then Ferdinand had and the like they avouched of Rodolphus Therefore seeing the Noblest Iudges the Colledge of Electors have adjudged this controversie by reason custome presidents and law who will not rather obey learned authority then be misled by wrangling subtilâ—y Aâ— for Moravia Silesia and Lusatia which Maximilian the second did hold ex testamento patris they were Seignories descended to K. Ferdinand the first by inheritance and though annexed to Bohemia yet as properly appurtenant to the King and not to the kingdome of Bohemia Now for as much as upon this Axis vêªt the supposed nullity of Ferdinands Election and the invalidity of his Title in succession all the motions and commotions of Bohemia were carryed and seeing the weakenesse of that Axis is apparent that it cannot beare the burthen layd upon it they have more cause to lament their error then to defend it CHAP. 4. For the title of the Palsgrave IT remaineth now to demurre upon the title of the Palatine Quo titulo ingressus est Wherein I must first humbly pray your Majestie that I may speake the truth freely and not abuse you or flatter them He only and barely upon no other tiâ—le thâ—n a supposed election by Count Thurn some of the States and the directors by whom the Crown was offered unto him and he accepted it Paenam pro munere poscit How can this action bee justified judge you how can a second election and contract prejudice a precontract solemnly made and satified with all ceremonies And which is no small disadvantage the twentieth of March Mathias being dead 1619. the 25. of August King Ferdinand was chosen Rex Romanorum and Emperour And shortly after a few factious subjects conspiring together made the Count Palatine their King whom they Crowned the fourth oâ—November after whose Coâ—onation was no more than Raptus Helena and his agents Proci alienae sponsae Here is first to bee considered what pretences could be alleadged to dispossesse Ferdinand and divorce him and the Realme secondly who they were and by what authority â—he did elect Frederick The Count Palatine in his Declaration printed 1619. Cur Regni Bohemia Regimen in se suscepit alleadgeth certaine cavills and unmateriall pretences for the same First that Leges Regni fundamentales evertit privilegia provinciarum quas sibi subjugare voluit cum liberae erant electionis his supposed oppression of their liberties is a scarre-Crow a shew without substance and already confuted and rejected Therefore two other hainous crimes and crying sinnes they charge him with for which he ought to forfeit his claime to the Crowne Tyranny and depopulation Tyranny in tormenting their consciences Depopulations by spoyling the Country with hostility contrary to his oath For the first they
was more then an heir apparant for they could not undo that which they had done and dispence with their Oathes no more then Henry the second of England could unKing Henry his Sonne though he take Armes against him because he was created King by order and Authoritie Besides after this Election by the Emperours investiture being possessed of the Electorate of Bohemia it stood as reall livery and seisin of his right honour and jurisdiction which no man could avoid or defeate and furthermore there is extant one Letter from the States and two from the Directors themselves written in the life time of Mathias which were sent to King Ferdinand wherein they all give him the title of King of Hungaria and Bohemia and call him their good Lord and Prince and moreover they all promised to provide him a Crown fitt for their King and Lord So soone as God should take to his mercy the Emperour Mathias Therefore if the State only had absolute power to Elect their King then was Ferdinand orderly generally and freely Elected And if they had not such power how had they power afterwards to create another how could the power serve the turne for Frederick and be defective for Ferdinand CHAP. 3. That the Crown of Bohemia is not only Elective BVt because Camerarius and Plâ—ssen the unhappy Advocats of an evill cause labour to defend a paradox that the Kings of Bohemia are only Elective which if it were true doth not prejudice Ferdinand whom the State have Elected and the Palatines own Declaration printed 1619. Cur Regns Bohemia Regimen in se suscepit why he usurped the title of King of Bohemia alleadgeth that Ferdinand leges regni fundamentales ever iâ— privilegia Provinciarum quas sibi subjugare voluit velut bared tarias cum libera erant Electiones The which assertion was very frivolous seeing Ferdinand holds Bohemia by Election aswell as by inheritance for it is evident by all Laws Customes records and histories of that Country that since Bohemia was a Kingdom the Crown and Electorate have passed not by Election only but also by Inheritance and succession and all Antiquaries have derived and drawn from Vratistâ—vius primus Anno 907. by eight descents the Inheritance of that Realme succeeding in one line and familie and therefore as we deny not a forme of Election So cannot Camâ—rarius deny the verity of succession Againe when Vratislavins the second was created King by Henry the fourth Emperour the Dominion continued still in the same race and blood for many descents jure successionis electionis And when Phillip the Emperour created Primislans Othocarus King of Bohemia and Crowned him at Mentz An. 1197. when for a time the title of a King had been suspended The Crown and Scepter continually remained as incorporated into that stock and familie for many yeares after Moreover Carolus the fourth was both Emperour and King of Bohemia and from him and his issue the Crown descended to Vladislaus since whose time the kingdom hath ever remained by succession in that familie without discontinuance oâ— interruption except when Podilradius a Hussite by practise sedition and forcible entrie usurped the Crown But to omitt other reasons Women and daughters have often inherited the Crown and is it not probable that they had it by Election only But admitt Bohemia ever heretofore had been Elective yet are the States of that Country restrained by Law never to Elect a stranger King but when theâ—e is none of the blood Royall left in remainder And that I prove by an authenticall record the Decree of Carolus the fourth wherein it is said Electionem Regis Bohemia in casu eventu auntaxa quibus do Geneal gia progenia aut pros pâ—a regali Bohemia Masculus vel Femella superstes legitimus nullus fuerit oriundus quod Deus avertat vel er quemcung al um modum vacare contigerit dictâ—m Regnum ad Praelatos Duces Principes Barones Nobiles Communitatâ—m dicti Regni pertinentiarum e usdem decernimus rite legitimè in perpetuum pertinere So here is granted a power of Election but limited by a duntaxat to make that free Election only when all the branches of the Tree are fallen and none remaineth of the Stock And let no man object that ancient Customes cannot be altered by Imperiall constitutions for here the Emperour interpreteth the priviledges of Former Emperours and declareth in what sence they are given Exponit non abrogat consuetudinem Besides 70 Aur Bvllae the fundamentall Law of the Empire it is enacted that all the Electorships should descend by inheritance wherein Bohemia was comprehended and that for want of heires Bohemia should not escheate to the Empire as other Seignories of the Electors did but that the States of the kingdom should make choice of their King And because practise and Custome are the best Interpreters of Laws I will shew an example Sigismond the Emperour Grandfather of Carolus the fourth being King of Hungaria and Bohemia called an Assembly of both States of both kingdomes at Snoyma a towne in Moravia where he put in his Sonnes claime and required them for the better setling of the Government to accept and acknowledge for his Successor Albert of Austria who had married Elizabeth his only daughter and heir of both Realmes so to establish that by consent which was his right by Law and why they should do it he gave them this reason because by the marriage of Mary the undoubted heir he himself possessed Hungaria in her right and his Grandfather John inherited the Crown of Bohemia in his wives right both which are confrmed by the testimony of Dubravius l. 27. Histor. Bohemia and by Francisc Resieres câ—m 4. Besides Dubravius l. 28. relateth that Pâ—tasco Embassadour from the States of Bohemia to Frederick the Emperour perswaded him ut sumeret sibi regni gubernicula and make himself King in respect he was the principall of that Stock and roote of the Tree of Austria id quod ei licebat said he ex antique sedere inter Bohemos Austrios icto de successione Regni the which pact was called Pactio Iglaviensis made between Rodolphus primus and Primislaus the summe whereof was this Vt nullo relicto haereâ—e Regni Bohemiae ad Rodolphi posteritatem Regnum deferatur So here is an argument cited to authorise the same which had been an Idle part and a frivolous argument if no other Prince should weare the Crown but one Elected by the States only without regard of his blood And although to dazell the eyes of men some have objected that Ferdinand the first did sollicite the States in his life time to Elect his Sonne Maximilian and Maximilian used the like mediation in the behalf of Rodolphus his Sonne which proveth the States had power to chuse their King I answer The times were then troublesome and the Country dangerously infected and so as it was probable that factions
as Hen. 6. preserved amitye with the Netherlands he prospered and flourished Yea say the enemies of peace but now the case is altered Burgundy was then in mediocrity now it is in extreames for the King of Spaine is growne too great too potent and seekes to over shadow his neighbours and terrifie them with his titles of greatnesse as if Iupiter would ravish Europa These are vaine thunderbolts of fancie for the benefites which the Realme may reape by peace with Spaine being well setled are of farre more advantage then can any way be expected by joyning with Holland For thereby you shall againe establish commerce and traffique set all trades on work in the Realme enrich your merchants advance your Staples which bee your Maiesties Indies increase or at least continue your customes and so store and furnish your Exchequer by peace which the warres will continuâ—ally exhaust and draw drie Moreover by this peace you may better hold Holland in awe and a little restrain their insolency by a virtus unita and I see there is need to do so if you wil bridle their headinâ—sse you must keep them between hope and feare neither make them despaire of your aide by entertaining their enemies nor give them cause to presume by rejâ—cting the amity of Spaine And so holding them in suspence they wil seek by all good offices to win you for they know that England onely can curbe them and advance their enemie And so a state alwaies living in Armes must be used because they are more dangerous neighbours then all others and want neither will nor meanes to offend and by necessity are forced to respect onely themselves and to use all extreame shifts to uphold so broken and corrupt a state And for that argument of the greatnesse of Spaine I say it is therefore the greater honour to England to have so great a Prince to seeke and imbrace your amity Philip the third 1604. sent the great Constable of Castile with an olive branch in his hand to seeke peace bury al offences and reconcile the two Kingdoms with a perfect Amnestia here you see their greatnesse is no obstacle to amity and the rather because there never was till of late betweene England and Spaine any nationall contention nor any antipathy between the two crowns but now there is true but ab initio non fuit sic and cursed be he that would make variance continue perpetually betweene Kings and Realmes But that your Highnesse may know how great and entire the love and amity long continued betweene Spaine Portugall and England hath been the records shew that Anno 36. Hen. 3. Alphonsus King of Castile made a league with England for him and his successors solemnly contra omnes homines which he constantly observed So as when the French solicited a truâ—e betweene them he denyed cessation of armes and would hearken to no motions of a treaty till King Edw. 2. did mediate for it and the knot was so fast tyed betweene these two Realmes that Edw. 1. did marrie Elenor the Kings sister who proved a deare and loving wife unto him and plausible to the whole Realme in respect of which contract and marriage King Alphonsus renounced and râ—signed to King Edw. all his right and title to Aquitaine And his love and amity still increased for Iohn Protectour of Castile Anno 18. Edw. 2. sent a thousand horse and ten thousand foote to aide the King of England against France and so afterwards 18. Edw 3. before he made his challenge and invaded France King Peter of Castile agreed with King Edw. mutually the one to aid the other and the same King made the like league with Ferdinand King of Portugall But of all others John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster by his actions his marriage and his titles did incorporate in a perfect union these two crownes as if nature had determined by an holy Sacrament inviolably to couple and linke together these three Kingdoms and by an union of blood to confirme that amity for of him all the Kings of Spaine and Portugal are descended Wherupon after the civil warres in Eng. were ended K. H. 7. a politick Prince sought to match his Sonne Prince Arthur with the Lady Katherine of Spaine that there might continue a perpetuall succession of consanguinitie between the two crownes and therefore renewed the old league with Philip the first of Austria an. 1505. the which continued warmely and faithfully untill the schisme and unkindnesse of Hen. 8. made some variance unfortunately betweene them But all this notwithstanding they object that the like is not hereafter to be expected of Spaine which by the union and accesse of Austria Portugall and both the Indies cannot be contained in any circle nor tyed by any pact to hold friendship with any Prince farther then he pleaseth These are the scar-crowes of Amsterdam vaine and untrue for Maximillian the Emperour after that great union made a league with King Hen. 8. 1507. and held so good correspondency with him that at Turvey he did his Maiesty the greatest honour that ever was done to England to take a hundred crownes a day to serve under his standard and he further promised King Henry to assist and aid him to take possession of the crowne of France Besides Carolus 5. on whom the greatnesse and glory of Spaine and Austria was most eminent and powerfull did be not come to visit King Henry in England did he not make the treaties of entercourse with him Anno 1515. and 1520 did he not confirme their amity by the treaty of Cambrâ—y 1529 So as there was a reciprocall and inviolable friendship betweene them till the Kings divorce from Queene Katherine the disgrace of his Aunt the schisme of England and King Henries confederation with the French King did much alien the Emperours heart from him but it was no rooted hatred For notwithstanding all his supereminent of titles and Kingdomes Anno 1543 they embraced one anothers friendship and renued it againe tractatu auctioris amicitiae And lastly King Edw 6. being dead the same Charles 5. as if hee had foreseene how one of these crownes stood in neede of the other married his legitimate son to Queene Mary with such conditions as were most honourable and profitable And after her death nothing but a quarrell of Religion ambition and faction broke the bond which prudently and out of his temperate disposition King Philip 3. laboured to tye a new and binde with a faster knot if his Royall offer had beene as wisely accepted as by the Count of Villa Mediana it was nobly tendred By all which appeareth their folly and vanity that thinke there can be no peace made with Spaine nor articles kept nor faith nor fidelity observed But consider who can oppose this peace with reason The Hollanders will I doubt not and they have meanes and spies in your Court I dare not say in your Councell as others here confidently affirme that know it but their quarrell
THE ANSWER TO Tom-Tell-Troth THE Practise of PRINCES and the LAMENTATIONS of the KIRKE Written By The Lord Baltismore late Secretary of STATE London Printed 1642. Most Gracious Prince I Know well what Reverence Subjects owe to their Soveraigne and am not ignorant of the puissance and Majesty of a King of great Brittaine believe I should not presume to write to so great a Monarch if the Loyalty of a Subject the honour of Your vertues and some particular obligations of my own did not command me to neglect all other respects and prefere Your safety honour and bonum publicum before any dangers or blame I foresee may incurre and the rather because I speake in your owne care only without publishing or imparting to others that which I delivered unto Your Majesty The cause is briefly thus Wandring abroad in the world I was informed of certaine secret conference in Holland and how to relieve the distressed estate of the Count Palatine and I have seene diverse discourses out of England of the necessity to maintaine the Ancient authority of Parliaments how to assure Religion from oppression and alteration and how to reforme the government there both in Church and Common-wealth audacious arguments and as insolently handled I meane not to trouble Your Highnesse with pedlors stuffe and so stale wares as Vox populi and votiva Angliae but to inform You of some books amongst many others T. T.Troth The practise of Princes and the lamentation of the Kirke which are the works of such Boutefeus as are able to set the whole State on fire imbroyle the Realm and aliene the hearts of people from their Prince for these Maskers under the Visards of Religion seeke to undermine Loyalty and either to ingage you abroad in forraigne wars or in danger Your person at home in Civill And yet I write not to confute these learned scriblers more worthy to be contemned then answered but to advertis Your Highnesse of them that by an obsta principiis you may upon such smoake prepare all things needfull to quench such a fire when it shall flame and first breake out which is may doe when you least looke for it For by nature these spirits are fiery hot spurs and fitter for any thing then that they most professe Piety and Patience And that they may plainely appeare in their own likenesse Your Highnesse may bee pleased to mark and consider how sawcily and presumptuously they contemne Monarches scorne and disgrace them The Emperour Tom Tell-Troth calls a quiet lumpe of Majesty and in scorne of him tells his Reader he cannot wrong a Mouse without the Spaniard which I think the K. of Denmarke Will not believe he mocks the K. of France and tells him he is not old enough to be wise and that he hearkneth to lying Prophets and to be led by spirits of illusion The King of Spaine he calleth the Catholike usurper and the great ingrosser of the West-Indies And which argueth a spirit of Frenzie he spareth no King for of King Iamâ—s himselfe he delivereth such a character as is both disloyall and most intollerable And first touching his maintenance of Religion he taxeth him mâ—st scandalouslâ— that he is only head of the Church Dormant there are so many corruptions in it that he hath more pulled downe the Church with his proceedings then raised it up by his writings and whereas he calleth himselfe defender of the Faith His faithfull Subjects saith he have just cause to question it for the Papists were never better defended as appeareth by the Kings private instruction to Iudges and prohibition of Pursevants And for his inclination to peace for which hee was most commended they wrest it wholly to his dishonour and professe they have too much cause to complaine of his unlimited peace and suspect that his peaceable disposition hath not proceeded so much out of his Christian pietie and justice as out of meere impotencie and basenesse of mind Besides touching his honour and reputation he flouts him for he saith a number of defects cover the glory of his Raigne and that the greaâ— stocke of Soveraigne reputation which our late Queene left us is quite banished and is to bee reckoned amongst other inventions we haâ—e lost through the injury of his time so as now great Brittaine is lesse in glory strength and riches then England was whereby our adverse parties have the triumph of the time and heâ— alledgeth the reasons because when Gundamore taught to juggle who knew the Kings secrets before most of His Councell so as discontent runs with a seditious voyce over the kingdome And in contempt of his choyce of a Treasurer they alledge that the Merchants feared the Court would pull down the Exchange because one of their occupation was made Treasurer so aâ— all things must be bought and sold But above all other scandalous defamations the description they make of a protestant King Page 25.26 27. is most transcendent and traiterous let him saith he excell in mischiefe let him act Nero Phalaris c. he shal not need to feâ—re nor weare a private Coate for he may have Lords temporall for hâ—s â—unuches spirituâ— for his mutes and whom hee will for his Incubus and kisse his Minions without shame Behold a Calvinist in puris naturalibus perfectly factious and under the Cloake of zeale Carnifex regum peruse Mariana and all the works of the Iesuites looke as curiously into their acts and proceedings as they were examined at Paris and you shall not find I such paradoxes of mischiefe and such prophane calumniations of Princes which may parallell and match these yet I can overmatch them or equall them for they murmure as much at Your Majesties own proceedings neither doth your Monarchie oâ— mild tempâ—r priviledge or exempt you from their tongue-shot and the poyson of Aspes in their lips The Author of the Practise of Princes printed 1630. in England pag. 11. saith that the people when King Iames died seeing our King that now is making great preparations and for ought we knew with great sinceritie Yet by the practise of the Duke and his faction retaining all his fathers Counsell which for the most part were Hispaniolized Frenchified Romanized or Neutralized and suffering some worse both spirituall and temporall to be added unto them all those forces were soone brought to nought Things are grown to a great deale worse passe then before and to the great greif of goodnesse and good men without Gods speciall mercy remedy lesse This is the picture and portraiture they make of your Government and they dare censure their Soveraign and like mad-men they also rave against your Councell pag. 13. what a miserable thing is it to see wicked Counsellors get such a hand over the King that he is wholly ruled by them neither dares he favour a good man nor his cause further then they admit Thus they currishlie barke against Kings and Councells and spitt upon the Crown like Friends of Democracies of confusion
and irregularitie who after the example of their Master Bezas Resveille-matin do here as maliciously defame your Father as he did there your Majesties Grandmother Yet let us proceed and dive inâ—o the bottome and discover what they ayme at it is certaine they intend first to reforme the State and to suppresse Episcopall jurisdiction and casheere so many places of Baronies in the upper house and yet these men pretend to be friends and Patrons of Parliaments and order But by the words of the Practise of Princes I will make this appeare pag. 17. Ministers saith he are Christs Embassadours and therefore ought to have free libertie to speake in the word of the Lord to Kings anâ— Statesmen in good sort for things appertaining to the furtherance of Christs Kingdom and against such practises as hinder the same till they have thâ—t libertie Princes cannot say rightly that Christ hath his Embassadours or Kingdom received in their Courts which some undertake to prove cannot be till the Hieraâ—chie and Dominion of the Lord Bishops never by Christ ordained but forbidden be overthrown as dangerous to Protestant Princes and Staâ—es and so he stumbleth on à Malo in peius For first they would overthrow the Bishops and Councellors so as pag. 18. he directly saith Out of all which he that will may see that the losses dishonours and troubles that have fallen to this Land and indeed to our Religion and brethren in the Palatinate Germany and France have cheifly sprange from two fountaines First a corrupt Councell and Clergie in England then from a vaine policie of suppressing such Preachers and Parliament men as sought to discover the mischeife of treacherie I need not explaine their words being plaine enough nor seek to discover their intentions which the words reveale And surely the Bishops wer blinded if they should expect any favour or good allowance if God should so punish this Realme that your Majestie should dye without issue which God forbid for the Successor these men desire will deale with them as he did with the Luthâ—rans at Prague and according to the articles 1602. at Heidlebergh Totus Lutheranismus eorumliberi de medio tollantur Much more will he abolish Rochets and their titles for their Lands sake Notwithstanding this is not all for though they seeme to tax Bishops and Councellors yet they glance so farre as they dare at your Majestie and though they shoot at them they ayme at your perfidiouslie For marke their words and ponder them well pag. 11. men that take Gods word for their guide sc. that all the servants of that Prince are wicked that hearken to lyes they say that things can never go well with the Religion and State of England till the Councell which hath been so Dukeyfied be in a manner wholly changed and these men therefore count them fooles who think not if God should take away the King issuelesse and that the injured K. and Queen of Bohemia should come to the Crown things must needs mend which cannot except the Councell were also changed and made examples to keep others from the like treacherie So these men that take Gods word for their guide think if God take away the King issuelesse things must needs mend Surelie it is a speech untymelie and disloyall and uttered unseasonably the Queen being with Child and if not yet both of them being young and hopefull that speech did not become a good subject But could the State no otherwise mend except the King and Queen of Bohemia should beare and weare the Crown of England It seemeth so by these false Prophets For the Councellors must be made examples and punished for treacherie and the present King dares not do any thing but what they like and therefore the Scottish Minister did of late speake in Knoxes tone and Pereus That Princes may be deposed quando gravant conscientias subditorum And so this hot brayned Minister pag. 21. is become a Prophet for he is perswaded as he saith that who so live but a few yeares shall see a greater rott of Nobility and Prince-like Clergie then ever was seen in this Land which he gathereth from the never fayling word and truth of God as his words import So then it seemeth that great rott must be when the King dyeth issulesse and so they divine of your Majesties death and that is the day of the Lord they pray for They look for the rising of another Sunne which is treason to do before this be sett which now illuminateth England and God grant it may long and gloriously shine there I think surelie these men aliquid monstri alunt for they trust too much to faction and to a strong side for as T.T.T. said in Taverns ten healthes for one are drank to you forraigne Children more then to you and many weare Ribbands and favours as marks of their homage and loyalty to the Messias they look for I seeke not to prejudicate the Innocent but to advise your Majestie to use all due circumspection and be well armed against all treacherous plotts and projects For no tone sounds so ill in Kings eares as aspirations And I know well that in Queen Elizabeths time the Oath of association was publickly tendred to all Subjects for a lesse dangerous cause and against them that were in prison and miserie who had no such Tutors and School-masters as the Hollanders are Such quick-silver Ministers as the brood of the Palatinate we are not now troubled so much with Mar-Prelats as with Mar-Kings which is an accident unseparable from Calvinisme which never got sure footing in any Country but desolation followed Your Majestie may be pleased to call to mynd and set before your Eyes how miserably your Grandfather was made away of the disciples of Knox and how your Grandmother who had as good right and footing in Scotland as you have in England was deposed by the same spirits Remember also in what danger King Francis the second of France did stand by the conspiracie of Amboys and his brother Charles at Meaux by those Calvinists Praecones turbarum I speake nothing of Swedland nor of the Count of East-Freizeland whom not â seditione ferè totâ diditione pepulissent as Heisekenmus a learned Lutheran writeth and I will câ—nclude all with the reasons of these Calamities and tempests raised by the Consistorians which Sebastian Castalio giveth l. de praedestinat a man once nearely allyed to Calvin in divers opinions who maketh a difference between the true God and the God of Calvin He teacheth us that Calvins God ingendreth Children without mercie proud insolent and bloudie and that it cannot be otherwise he sheweth causes For that Calvins God is the Author of Sinne not by permission only but efficaciter and he predestinated the greatest part of the world not only to damnation but also to the cause of damnation and suggesteth to men wicked affections Wherefore if it be true that of malus corvus malâ—m ovum of evill
causes evill effects of an evill spirit evill motions proceed I cannot marvayle of the tumults of Bohemia of the many battayles and rebellions in Fâ—ance and the horrible treasons in Scotland and I may well doubt that the like which hath been in other places may fall out in England knowing by whose doctrines they were all guided and bred by what furies they were inspired and what God they served and adored who was the Authour of sinne the badge of Calvinisme But to leave the persons and their errors and come nearer to the matter let us enquire what remedies these zealous brethren prescribe to cure the wounds of the State and salve the Kings honour You have two occasions saith Tom-tell-troth to have the honour of your Mayden Armes for which the old Martyrs would have suffered death first to reestablish your own Children in Germany and next to preserve Gods Children in France And there is no way to vindicate your honour but by fighting with him that hath Cozened you and by driving the Enemy out of their Country For men hardly think you are their father for the lamentable estate you suffer them to runn into How violent and ignorant are these discontented Empericks who appoint remedies worse then the disease For no wise man would counsell you to hazard all by taking armes against the two greatest Monarches in Christendom against whom you have no just quarrell of your own part or for the Common-wealth And yet I know that Anno 1623. a pamphlet was published without the Authors name intitiled Certaine reasons why the King of England should give over all treaties and enter into war with Spaine and that for two causes the one for the prescription of the Palatin which he calls the head of all these evills And the other for that the Spaniards possesse by force the patrimony of the Infants and eject the Palatin and his wife out of the same contrary to hopes and promises made for their restitution and therefore there is just cause why the Father should vindicate the honour of his Sonne So here are two motives to perswade the King to breake off all amity and further negotiation with Spaine only and in post to proclaime war against them The prescription of the Palsgrave and the invading and detaining of his Estate War and hostility are the meanes prescribed for this restitution and the finall end of all is to breake off all treaties all entercourse and correspondencie with Spaine A Colerick course certainly whereof King James approved not and although they seeme to vilifie and abuse his Judgement yet his speech uttered in Parliament was more solid and provident then the precipitation of these projectors For said he in matters of this waight I must first consider how this course can agree with my conscience my honour and the justnesse of the cause And next how I shall be enabled to performe the same a breif speech sound and methodicall For surely if the title and Crown of Bohemia was unlawfully usurped by the Palsgrave which his wisest and greatest Friends sought ever rather to excuse then defend then his prescription was well grounded upon lex Talienis aquum bonum and reason of State And so they would perswade you to undertake the patronage of a quarrell unjust and dishonourable which would lye as a heavie and sinfull burthen upon the conscience of a pious and just Prince Therefore I take this to be the foundation of all these controversies whether the Palsgrave were lawfully and justly elected King of Bohemia For if he were not you altogether loose and not vindicate your honour to fight for him being not a King injured but an injuror For no war can be justifiable but that which is begun upon just and urgent occasions wherein Justice prudence honour and safety shall beare the standard of England Neither were it convenient that England which hath so long triumphed in her peace and prosperitie should now thus rashlie be drawn fatally to maintaine the errors of ambition and a quarrell unnecessary for you not properly pertaining to England nor to your Majestie but by consequence and participation CHAP. 2. That Ferdinand was lawfully Elected King of Bohemia ANd although I doubt not but that your Majesty hath read some partiall breviat of the cause and state of this businesse yet I will be bold to lay open the truth of it breifly without glosse or partialitie or respect to either partie fearing neither nor having any other end but that your Highnesse may not erre with the Multitude by misinformation Ferdinand Sonne of Archduke Charles and nephew to the Emperour was elected King of Bohemia An. 1617. by an Assembly of the States of Prague upon the Emperours summons when Mathias declared that seeing his glasse was almost run to leave the Kingdom setled in peace and to prevent all Civill dissention he requested that after his decease they would agree to accept of Ferdinand for his successor whom for his vertue and piety he had adopted his Sonne provided that during his life without his speciall commission Ferdinand should not intrude himself into the government of his realme and should also take his oath to ratifie and confirme the priviledges granted to the Country Hereupon the 7. of Iune the three States of Bohemia gave this answer to the Emperours proposition That for his request and for the fatherly affection that he did ever beare to that kingdom they consented and agreed to accept Ferdinand for their King and thereupon they assigned the 24. of Iulie for the day of his Coronation at Prague upon which day this decree was solemnly read and the States assembled being asked according to Custome by the cheif Burgrave if any did dislike or could shew cause to contradict this Free Election they all freely and orderly with a generall applause approved it and upon that so good warrant the Burgrave proclaimed Ferdinand King of Bohemia and offered unto him as their Custome was a certaine contribution of his inauguration So here is an Election made Frequenti Senatu plenâ curiâ the Emperours assent who was King in Esse a consent of the States in a generall assembly and modo formâ according to Law and Custome And Ferdinand himself was present and brought upon the stage to take the Oath usually ministred to his predecessors and to conclude the whole Country acknowledged his regality by doing really the homage unto him So as no defect was in the proceeding no Competitor no barre or opposition to his claime neither was there any packing or partiality in the Election and by this solemnity he was created actually King and albeit his government was not to commence untill after the death of Mathias yet the Royalty he had in Esse their Oathes at his Coronation their homages and their contribution was a full confirmation of his title in presenti and the rather because the States themselves did him all the honour appertaining to their King so he
aggravate it Aucta in immensum religionis gravamina and for the second Vi armorum hostiliter in eos saevitum magna crudelitate c. Therefore to excuse their insurrections that they might not be named rebellion hee concludeth Quis miratur si quod indesperatis morbis fieri solet extremus afflictae provinciae ad extrema remedia descenderunt These are fictions for he can produce no greivance in the State which was not bredd by their own impatience and abundance of distemper'd humours They could never produce any mandate from K. Ferdinand or nominate any who were persecuted upon that mandate and the Law requireth in rebus prejudicij plenis plenas exigi probationâ—s did ever Ferdinand deny tolleration of those oâ— the Confession of Auspurgh or did he ever revoke or disanull the grants of Rodolphus or Mathias I beseech your Majestie heare an Emperour wrongfully accused plead his own innocencie An 1620. Febr. 17. in his Edâ—ctalis Cassatio Nos saith he post omnium Regâ—â— privilegiâ—rum confirmationem quod promisâ—rimus infra quatuor hebdomadas ad manus supremi Burgravij missuros prâ—misimus At subditi nostri benevolam nostram oblationem ne responso dignati sunt Tamen dictae confirmationis diploma juxtaten-remedicti R. Mathiae tot verbis clausulis ad Burgravium transmisimus idemque etiam Baronibu Equitibu Civibus Pragae congregatis But how did they welcome this faire offer of peace and mercie The Emperour affirmeth upon his honour Non a cepârunt diploma inducias armorum suspensati nem spreverunt literas ejus epudiâ—runt that is They by contempt and defiance provoked him to use these extremities whereof they complaine being vanquished But to make a closer fight the Argument which the Palatine useth for the defence of the Bohemians will appeare in the right shape of vanitie if I may weigh it with English waights and change the name and if I may to make the Judges the better to apprehend thus breiflie draw it into forme The poore afflicted Catholiques of England have their greivances dayly multiplied their estates spoiled their persons disgraced c. Therefore being driven to such extremities they may justlie and lawfullie take Armes in defence of their Religion and Libertie how will the Judges like this reason Surelie prefeâ—r me to Newgate worthilie and yet this is the substance of their Argument one Iohn of Stile is named for the Directors The antecedent of this Argument is comprehended in his own words Aucta iâ— immensum Religionis gravamina Now if this reason be good to move compassion to the Bohemian so it may for the English If you object that the Lawes of England punish Catholiques and abolish the exercise of their Religion so likewise doth the Law of the Empire and Bohemia condemne the Calvinists If you say for the peace of the Realme the King cannot tolerate Catholiques experience sheweth the like for the Calvinises whom the Empire accuseth of heresie schisme and innovation which last cannot justlie be imputed to the Catholiques And touching the consequent it is the Palatines own conclusion viêª Quis miratur si quod in desperatis morbis fier solet ad extrema quoque remedia descenderant So if the Catholiques should follow the Palsgraves opinion and advice indâ—speratis morbis that is in violent persecution they may lawfullie take Armes and defend themselves but they are otherwise Catechized and better instructed in the School of true patience and humilitie and practise doctrine and conscience to draw in the Yoake of our Saviour They object also that the Emperours Councell prohibited the exercise of their Religion and pulled down two Churches lately edified for that use one in the Town of Brunaw where in despight of the Abbott cheif Lord of the Soyle they presumed to erect a Temple and the other at Clostergrap belonging to the Archbishop of Prague The Emperour Mathias upon petition delivered unto him An 1616. and haveing heard the cause debated Judicially decreed that they should be demolished because the building of them was against Law and the contempt of the cheif Lords unto whom both the jurisdiction and propriety of the Soyle appertained as the Emperour signified to Thurn and I doubt not but my Lord of Cant. would have done the like had any such attempt been made at Croydon by the Catholiques of Survey But what is this to Ferdinand who can justlie charge him with his predecessors actions Actio mâ—riturâ—oum personâ But Ferdinand shewed too much severity against those reformers in Moravia Surelie he did nothing but by the direction of the Emperour whom it was requisite he should obey and assist being chosen his â—uccessor both to support his Majesties authority and to â—acifie the troubles of those Provinces so as executing his Commission it was not his act but the Emperours But marke their iniquity they set all the Realme on fire and cry out against them that seek to quench it they gave the first blows and when they are beaten for it they complaine they are oppressed and hyperbolically exclaime in eos saevitum est tantâ crudelitate Against King Mathias was their first insurrection and after his death the Directors took Armes to barr Ferdinand out of the Realme so as he had neither time nor opportunity or occasion to exercise such cruelty whereby he should deserve to forfeit his title to the Crown or be condemned for breaking his Oath to the States And therefore the Count Palatines pretences were insufficient and goutie and to say truely Camerarius and his Camerado did but veâ—nish over the colours slovenly hid of those tumults of Bohemia and did build their Paradoxes upon weake and sandy grounds And therefore I conclude all with the Authority of learned Roclester lib. de potestate Papa in temporalibus who fetts this down as certaine as one of Euclides Elements pag. 639. Non potest Apostolus Christianos eximere à subjectione de jure naturali debitâ aut Regem quemquam privare â—ure suo cùm gratia non destruit naturam cùm Regnum in natura Evangelium in gratiâ fundatur sicut Evangelium non dat Regnum sic nec auferre potest And therefore he exclaimeth Tota haec ratio seditiosa est proditoria mulâ—â— udini fraena laxat Rebellioni viam sterniâ— And in the same opinion was Doctor Bilson in his book of Obedience and Doctor Marton Now touching the Directors who were the principall persons and agents in this Election two things are to be considered First the Originall Secondlie what lawfull authority and whose Commission they had for their warrant For their Originall it had a beginning in this manner when the Emperour Mathias languished at Vienna by a long sicknesse Count Fhurn took advantage of the time and conspiring with many of his Confederats upon a suddaine surprised the Castle of Prague the Emperours Armory and the Court and in a rage they apprehended his Majesties Lieutenants and Cheife
Officers of the Realme the President Slavata Methansky Marshall of the kingdom and Secretary Fabricius whom they cast headlong out of a window forty cubitts high from the ground who yet miraculouslie were preserved and afterwards they Hollandized bravely for they took the Scepter and Crown of Bohemia into their own hands and to make good their tumultuous proceedings they leavied an Army and took upon them to create new Magistrats whom they called Directors to govern the State and to excuse themselves of these insolencies they writ their Letters to King Mathias dated the 27. of March 1618 and alleadge a few poore reasons to excuse and shaddow their proceedings First that the President and the rest were enemies to the State and sought to disturbe the peace of the Realme and also whereas King Rodolphus granted them free exercise of their Religion which say they was confirmed by your Majestie that these men purposed to deprive us of the benefit of these your grants and therefore said they we were forced for our defence to enter into league against them so they oppressed the Magistrats before they sensibly felt the smart of persecution and to prevent a thing only purposed as they gave out they really actually rebelled But this was only a cunning shift for they practised to draw the Provinces of Moravia Silesia and Lusatia to joyne with them and not content to keep themselves within the limits of Bohemia they did rise a degree of mischeif higher and sollicited the upper Austria the Emperours own inheritance and no way subject to their Directorship to runn the like desperate course with them as if their end and scope had been to set all the Empire in combustion and to have a King and a Religion of their own Edition Although these excesses of disorder were inexcusable to be offered to the Emperour whom in their own Letters they acknowledge to be á Deo sibi prastitum Regem Dominum ac Magistratum clementissimum yet King Mathias with great mildnesse and clemencie sought to pacifie rather then to provoke their furies and therefore on the 6. of Iune 1618. he answered their Letters thus That it did not become Subjects to take Armes against his Lieutenants though they had offended before they did complaine of their injuries received and sought redresse by order of Justice For he protested he never intended to abrogate or suspend their priviledges or revoke his letters of tolleration and therefore they did him injurie without better grounds to forge such slanders against his Governour And further he promised to compound all quarrells and ease their greivances by a moderate course of commission Lastly seeing there appeared no enemies in Bohemia to molest and persecute them he advised them to dismisse their Armies and levie no more forces and he assured them reciprocally he would dismisse his Souldiers cui causam said he dederat vestra conscriptio and for the better assurance he vouchsafed to write unto them againe the 18. of June and a third time also to ratifie what he had graciouslie promised To all which letters they never returned thankes nor answer but like Salvages marched to Budvise and Comotonium where they compelled the Magistrats to revolt from the Government of the Castle and which was a treason in the highest degree they took Carleistein where the Kings Crown and treasure were kept they deposed the Burgrave seized upon the Kings rents and revenues and converted all to their own use which was an Apish imitation of the union of Vtreche So here is Riott in the beginning tumult in the proceedings and treason in all But now for the lawfull authority of the Directors whence had they their lawfull vocation and commission they took upon them an absolute power more like Tribuni plebis then Officers of the Crown nay a more high power to degrade a new King and at their own pleasures to create such Magistrats as they liked and to dispose at their pleasures the Crown and the kingdom a power unknown in any orderly State greater then the Ephori and Hermostae of the Lacedaemonians or the Archontes of Athens or Highstewards of England who notwithstanding were ordinary and lawfull Magistrats and established by consent of the States but these arrogate and usurpe a power to degrade old Kings and create new a transcendent prerogative which no wise State will admit nor trust any subjects with such unlimited power and if they be not Magistrats Idolum nihil est and if they be Magistrats I follow the Bishop of Rochesters judgment à superiore est potestas eorum ab eo solo destitui possunt à quo instituuntur Answer me then Categoricallie were they chosen by the King or States generall or were they his Lieutenants or Regents in his absence or Procuratores Regni No such thing no commission no durante beneplacito no authoritie appeareth no power from those that had power and superioritie to grant it Neither were they chosen by the Kings and States of the Countrie but by Assemblies of a faction who contrary to order and Custome presumed to usurpe Authoritie and Domineere over the Countrie The King is the head of the State the Clergie a part of the State yet neither was the King nor the Archbishop of Pragu nor the Bishops of the Realme the Chancellor the President of the Councell the Marshall nor the principall Secretarie nor the Burgrave nor most of the Nobilitie present either at the creation of their irregular Officers or at the Election of the Palsgrave All this was done by Count Thurn and a few seditious persons who had no power themselves to give such power to others and could have no supreame power unlesse they would unking Mathias which no man could do by Law or order for it is a false Paradox that the States of any kingdom are above the Prince and may bind his hands depose him And no man can demonstrate that the states and Directors of Bohemia had ever power to depose one and Elect another Prince In Denmark and Poland kingdoms meerelie Elective yet the Kings Office is to assemble the States as the Emperour doth at the Diett and the Danes also are bound to choose the Sonne of the last King as they confessed themselves in their apologie 1523. And therefore they did Elect Schioldus Sonne of that Monster Lother King of Denmark Moreover where a Prince is Soveraign no Subject can be partaker of his Soveraigntie which is a qualitie not communicable for it resideth in the union of a bodie politique and if it be devided without the Princes consent it looseth the Soveraigntie An. 42. Hen. 3. certain Officers were elected and appointed to see the performance of orders set down by the Parliament and to correct the transgressors thereof and the Kings brethren and the Barons did take their Oathes to see the same observed yet that act had no force till the King consented 1. Rich. 2. as Ranulphus Higdensis testifieth constituti
Socinus Iu. consil 65. num 2. l. 3. Et in hoc omnes convenire affirmant And Gail l. 2. c. 13. num 21. de pace publicae And H. Rosentall is confident in this opinion that the Emperour cannot pardonne the Sonnes l. de Feud c. 10. concl 38. whereunto I cannot subscribe But to put Camerarius by Law to silence And Gail overthroweth all their plots and practises l. 1. de pace publica cap. 5. in crimen laesae Majestatis incidit qui bellum in Imperio sine Caesaris licentia gerit movet In what State then standeth he that warreth against Caesar himself and that for his own inheritance And to put all out of Controversie he yeeldeth this reason Quia usurpat sibi ea quae sunt solius Principis nam movere bellum ad solum Imperatorem pertinet It is a marke of supremacie and an inseparable prerogative to Kings Is Vicarius Imperij here excepted N for the same man c. 1. l. 9. saith conditio paâ—is publicae omnes omnium ordinum status Imperij majorum minorum gentium cujuscunque dignitatis personas aequè obligat And that you might not imagine the Lawes of the Empire are made like spider-webbs only to catch Flyes and to be broken by great ones he adds this clause licet sit contra potentiores promulgata Nay further here that great Antiquarie and a Protestant Goldastus li tit. 190. who cites this ancient Law Nemo inter Imperij fines militum sollicitate nisi de voluntate Ducis istius circuli Curetque side jussione statuum nihil se contra Caesarem Principes subditos clientes Imperij moliturum But the Directors of Bohemia begann this war against the Emperour Mathias and the Palsgrave and they continued it against Ferdinand And the said Goldastus relateth a decree made by the Emperour Ludovicus Pius against the King of the Romans and his Confederates as guilty of a high treason for attempting against him and the State for which cause the King was judged to loose his head And the like Iudgement was pronounced by Otho 1. against his Sonne Ludolphus King of the Romanes But I will conclude all with the Law of Lande-Freiden made by Maximilâ—an the first Pacem publicam armatâ manu violantibus poena proscriptionis quam Bannum Imperiale vocamus irrogatur scâ—viâ—ae necisque And so I leave this cause rather to be pittied then disputed if the offendors had not been too long Advocats of their own offences and had not sought rather to exasperate the victor then to pacifie him till it was too late CHAP. 6. Of King James his not taking Armes to vindicate the honour of his Son proscribed HAving thus curiously examined the grounds and causes of the Proscription of the Count Palatine and how they stand in Law and conscience without any partiality neither taking affection to the one part whom I know not nor to the other whom I pittie but as the truth of the cause leadeth me I aske this question Why is King James accused for not taking armes to vindicate the honour of his Son so proscribed And why should the King of England give over all treaties and enter into war with Spaine if the Palatine be not restored being the King of Spaine neither did nor could proscribe him but the Emperour For Spaine as your Majestie knoweth hath no command in the Empire nor title nor Authoritie The Archduke Albert sent aide to King Ferdinand his nephew with the consent of Spaine to aide their Familie and to revenge so intollerable injuries to the Emperour in a just cause First the Count Bucquoy and after Marquesse Spinola great Commanders marched thither whereof the one with the Emperours forces dispossessed and ejected the Palatine out of Bohemia the other invaded the Palatinate and took possession of it An. 1620. and Verdugo and others his successors did hold it aswell to weaken the Emperours competitor to discomfort their partie to force the Palatine to relinquish his title for arma tenenti omnia â—at qui â—ustanegat as also to ingage the same for a pawne to satisfie the charges of four just a waâ— and to pay the penaltie of an offence so odious And there is no reason why the King of Spaine might not succour the Familie whereof he is the Root seeing these lands were the proper possession of Charles the Fifth And by him freely given to the family Neither did Spaine breake the treatie with England an. 1604. in any article by that support and therfore they shall do well to set the saddle on the right horse and accuse the Emperour for proscribing the Palâ—tine and the imperiall diet for ratifiing the same which no wise man will do For it cannot bee honourable to justifie an unjust and condemned action or seeke to take vengeance on the execution of justice on offenders decreed by the generall consent of the whole Empire And it was wisely said of King Iames in his oration to the Parliament Quis me constituit judicem inter vos He were very well ill advised that would perswade the King to fight for the Church of Bohemia and undertake to preserve Gods children in France as they call them by the sword For as that worthy Iohannis Roffensis said lib de potestat Papaec 20. Quis tribunal illud erexerit in terris in quo Rex de Rege paâ— de pari judicet Iudex alterius Regis nemo Rexâ—conditus est et rempublin rempublicam concitant I know King Iames was defensor fidei but in his owne circle and immâ—â— intra quat nor maria for Kings like plannets have their proper spheares and bounds of authority in which they move proprio motu and may not extend their prerogative of dignitie into places where it hath no jurisdiction or influence but by intercession and graces But Spaine hath abused us they say with hopes and promises given and not performes for they keepe yet the Palatinate what do they inter upon this to trust no more your enemies but give over all treaties with them We expect saith Tom. T. T. to see an armie raised as well as subsidies and that the King would really and royally ingage himselfe in the right waie Touching the first the Spaniard can restore no more then he hath and for that it is fit Don Carolo be heard who is a man of integritie and plain dealing the Infanta hath ever had a princely compassion of my Ladies grace the Countesse Palatine and all her Councell can witnesse how really she did mediate that the town in the Palatinate belonging to her dowrie might by the Spaniards be preserved for her and not suffered to fall into huksâ—ers hands and though C. Gondamore hath beene much defamed in England for a juggler in this case yet I have heard by wise men that he imploied his friends conferred sincerely with men of action and imploiment and used al means he could invent and contrive how to satisfie the
is de capite for which they seeke their owne ends not yours and though some of your puritan Subjects will dare to contradict it yet let traffique be heard and consult with your merchants who can best tell where entercourse and commerce is to be for their most advantage And I am sorry that so religious a King and so magnanimous as the King of France for privatum odium singulare commodum I should lay any block in the way of peace yet your highnesse knoweth that France hath their particular exceptions and piques against Spaine which no way concerne England and pretend what they will for your good it is their owne they seeke and keepe Spaine low and draw dry their finances but you shall shew to the world both great policy and vertue to glorifie your judgement if you can keep them both your friends albeit è duobus milibus utrum 〈◊〉 tibi ut your Majesty and Councell can best judge Therefore I beseech your Majesty consider what inconveniences may happen to England if either you should bee councelled to restore the Palatine or revenge his quarrell in despight of justice whom the law and justice have cast downe For cui bonos it can be no honour to defend a mans errours who might have said with Albinus Arma ameus capio let not a non putaram be laid to your charge The Realme hath no such interest in the quarrell of Forreigners but by alliance and I should pitty that Councellours weaknesse who should advise your Highnesse to the contrary for nothing is so neere and deare to a King as his Crowne and solus populi supreme lex est it is not your case but by consequence and participation and if you would attempt to restore or revenge him by indirect courses how are you provided to performe it Vana est sine viribus ira and to breake with Spaine and doe the Palatine no good is to damnifie England undoe your merchants and blemish the honour of your judgement CHAP. 7. Reasons why the Count Palatine is not to bee restored by Armes CAll therefore most gracious Prince true polici experience and vertue to give you councell and consult whether that your attempt be honourable falsible and for a King of England Cicero at Rome the best schoole of civill government being asked his opinion in a case like to this whether it were good for Lentulus and the common-wealth to undertake the charg to restore Ptolomy and put him in possession of his Kingdome out of which he was ejected he gave this advise li 1. epist familia si exploratum tibi sit posse te illius regni potiri non esse constandum si dubium non esse conandum and why totius facti tui judicium non tam ex concilio tuo quam ex eventu homines esse facturos si cecidisset ut volimus et optamus omnes te sapientur et fortiter si aliquid est offensum eosdimillos te et cupidè et temerè fecisse dicturos apply this to your selfe and you cannot erre Ptolomy was a Prince deposed and to be restored by force of armes who had cast his self into the protection of the Romanes and yet the danger hazard and uncertainty of that action did disswade and discourage the whole state I will shew another president to guide your judgment neerer to your case Christian the second King of Denmarke was deposed by his uncle Fredericke and his owne subjects his wife Isabella sister to Charles the 5th as the Palatines wife is to your highnesse and afterward hee was betrayed by Canutus Gulderstein who promised him in Fredericks name security and capitulations but notwithstanding he was taken and imprisoned many yeares yet the Emperour his brother maintained her and her children very nobly but though his cause was just his title without question his case lamentable Halfnia Malbogia and both Burgers and Paisants seeking his restoration and his cause depending in suite at Spires where he was like to have judgement for him as is manifest by the acts and records there Denmark contra Denmark in causa spolij as Melchior Geldastus testifieth yet for divers causes the Emperour resolved not to hazard himselfe and his people in a war so dangerous and unnecessary and for a man of forlorne hope and especially he himselfe being engaged in other occasions of more importance touching his honour and safety hee neglected this which though it were a crosse to his friends yet for their good hee was not to neglect himselfe and his State But if the practises of your predecessours may bee thought best to guide you Queene Isabell wife to King Edw. 2. flying to her brother the King of France for succour against the Spencers the Kings minions the French Kings Councell advised him to give her money and leave her to solicite such friends as she could procure but in no sort to appeare in the action nor give commission to levie men against the King of England for so he should give cause to renue the warre and set France in an uproare and danger which were a thing incommodious to himselfe and inconvenient to the State such was their warinesse and providence to preferre the place safety and prosperity of their Country farr above the respect of particular persons not regarding the Queene his sister so much as his crowne and safety And afterwards when Sir Iohn Heynault Lord Braumont undertooke to restore her both the heart of Heynault and his cheife officers opposed it as an enterprize of more courage then wisedome and although good successe made it seeme good yet it was not so of it selfe but by accident for the Queene having strong partie in England as now the Palatine hath in Germany the Barons sent over the Archbishop of Canterbury to assure her of their assistance and besides she carried over into England with her solem orientem Prince Edw. the Kings sonne and heire It was lately objected to me that the famous blacke Prince aided Don Pedro King of Castile against his Subjects who rebelled and wrongfully expelled him and therefore King Charles ought to doe the like for the aide of his sister I denie that he ought and I say also that the consequence is not good for the Prince aided a lawfull King against rebels you shall aide a usurper against a lawful King and an Emperour so in the cause there is odds Besides have you a blacke Prince the mirrour of all martiall Princes to be imployed in this expedition Or have you in Spaine or Ger. such a Rendezevous to let in your Forces with facility as he had in Aquitaine And besides you shall break a treaty of peace solemnly sworne which the Princes did not I adde also that valiant Candâ—is disswaded the Prince from undertaking the action you ought saith he to be content with the state you have and not to pull upon you the malice of forreign Princes but Prince Edwards owne reason why he
undertook it proveth strongly that your highnesse ought not to undertake the like for the Palsgrave for his argument was as heroicall as himself that he would attempt it for the right heir who was dispossessed of his inheritance by one who had no right to it the which was a matter of honour and such as the Kings son could not endure because it was a bad president and a wrong to the Royal state of all Monarchies whereupon King Edward 3 his father gave his consent to the enterprize Now if that argument were forcible to move him then it is as strong to move you not to assist the Palsgrave either for his restoration or revenge because hee dispossessed K. Ferdinand without any just title or claime and only upon quirks and cavills Queene Elizabeth shewed more wisedome and taught them a wiser lesson rather to have protected religion and the country then to usurp the crowne and though for the safety of her owne estate she went too far yet her colours were wel died and had a good glosse although in the end she repented and sought for peace Ann. 1588. when it was too late Lay this consideration to your heart before you strike up the drumme and learne by other mens harmes to prevent your owne When Queene Elizabeth began to aide the low-country-men I know she had 700 co l. in her Exchequer but before the 4. yeare of her raigne shee was forced to sell her land her people were taxed with subsidies tenths and privy-seals above two Millions and 800000. l. all which the realme lost and she gained nothing no not sure and thankfull friends I wil use no ominous predictions nor tell you the Astrologicall prophecy of Litenbergius who lived above 140. yeares before the battell of Prague I omit how that brave P. Sebastian King of Portugal ruined himselfe and lost his K. by iuvenile concilium by assisting a weak competitor against a strong adversary The world seeth that Man field and Alberstate are buried in oblivion and without a tombe and nothing prospereth that is undertaken to a perverse end or without good ground of justice The magnanimous King of Denmark albeit Tyeko Brabe had long before given him faire warning and a good caveat to looke to himselfe yet for his friends sake he hath dangerously run upon a rocke and hazarded his person his estate In land Holst the lives of his Subjects and his honour by taking armes against the Emperour First by assisting Halberstat and after revengeing the Palatine I wonder that so great a Prince did not remember that hee and his predecessours did hold Dith-Marsh in feodo of the Empire ever since Frederick the Emperour and also the Dutchy of Holsten for the which solemnly by an Embassador Pogge Wisch he did sweare homage and fealty to the Emperour and yet which was no small errour with his owne hands he did in contempt cast into the conditions of peace offered unto him by the peaceable Emperour Ferdinand for which hee may repent too late But Paulus Nagel who promised him mountains in his Kallender hath deceived him as Doctor Fink did the Hollanders and surely he is felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum For it is a safe Councell that Polibius gave non tantum praesentia spectare sed et futura prospicere et quis exitus in de futurus sit And as Niceas advised lib. 7. Thucid temeritas superbiaque populorum injusta bella suscipientium eos funditus perdit But Claud l. 11. annal. Taciti gave his friends this rule to rectifie all your judgements in this desperate case Princeps quantumvis graviter offensus prius securitati suae quà m vindicte consulat It is better to digest patiently some wrongs then stirre to revenge them and to keepe your owne estate securely guarded before you seeke to damnifie anothers And to say truely it is no policy in you to venture further in these actions then were fit and it were grosse folly to hazard your owne Crowne to recover a Coronet for another in a time of so dangerous practises And it is necessary to foresees whether the Palatine being by force put into possession of his Country the warre may so bee ended and you may bee sure to live in peace otherwise you shall enter into a laberinth and be entangled in a perpetuall incumbrances which your father did wisely foresee and if onely revenge must end the quarrell and satisfie you who then shall judge when the quarrell is sufficiently taken To conclude for the love and reverence I beare you I will not presume the councell your highnesse but to tell you the Councel of the state of Corsica lib. 1. Thucid non est semper prudentiae velle cum alijs periclitari sed ubi extra teli factum et periculum tutus in aliorum discrimine atque etiam post victoriam esse potiris But how much then more when there is doubt of the victory I will put your Majesty in mind of true judicious councellours Turpe est said Hermotinus in Thucid si quae respublica ut aliam ulciscatur acceptamque injuriam vindicâ—t ipsam majorem quam alias parat calamitatem incidat And how can you assure your state not to run this hazard Let them not abuse you and presse you with your honour for quicquid ex aequitate et justitia faciendum est licet sepè non ex dignitate reipub. fieri videatur ut bellum et calamitas imminens evitetur Remember that the Par. of England advised Rich. 2 to do homage for Callice and Guyen rather then to enter into war And the most glorious and fortunate Prince Edw. 3. told the Parliament anno 25. that to avoid the effusion of blood hee was content to disclaime all the right and interest he had in the crowne of France quietly and peaceably to enjoy his owne chart original de renunciat in thesaur If this King so great and victorious and fortified with an issue borne to inherite fame was desirous to imbrace peace upon tearmes of inequality and disadvantage though it concerne both the prosperity of the Realme and his own honour Hath your Majesty reason to precipitate your selfe and your Kingdome into an unnecessary war to endanger the state and prodigally spend your treasure and that which is dearer the lives of your Subjects for revenge of a quarrell ill begun and now in desperate termes A wise Prince will measure his undertakings by his power and great attempts need the directions of great judgments Forget not I pray you that Hen. 3. was driven to pawn his robes jewels and gold of St. Edwards Shrine and Edward 3. morgaged the crowne imperiall to Sir Iohn Wâ—senham a merchant invadavit magnam coronam Angliae for mony to supply him saith record Therefore without urgent cause be not by any giddy councell drawn hereafter to doe injuries to your neighbours or any more to invade Cales or Retz Hannibal invaded Jtaly and thereupon came the lest of Carthage King Iohn of France invaded Aquitaine and was led captive to England If by invadings then first the King of Spaine and the Emperor should invade you which God forbid how can the ill Councellours that misled you satisfie the the Realme and cleare your honour or how can they with conscience answer posterity for so much blood of their progenitors shed by reason of their folly Therefore this is my humble supplication and suite to your Majesty that your self would be pleased to peruse and ponder these few lines and to bee perswaded that nothing moveth me to this scribling presumption but my owne fidelity and the love of some of your servants here that pray for your happinesse Protesting and taking God to witnesse that I write by no instruction of Forreigners not for no pension nor obligation to any forreigne Prince whatsoever but this Hanc animum concede mihi ut caetera sunto FINIS
King of England but ultra posse non est esse It is neither the fault nor the fallacie of Spaine and for the restitution of the Palatinate your Majestie well knoweth and I think hath discovered that there is a knot in that businesse which onely the Duke of Bavaria can untie The Emperour cannot except he would hazard to loose part of his owne inheritance the upper Austria and what if that cannot during the Duke of Baviers life be yet effected will you breake of all treaties with Spaine for a matter hee cannot compasse nor prevaile to effect Will you make a perpetuall deadly feud with Spaine because he cannot yet therein fully satisfie you It is a cause neither charitable nor politique for marke the reason and project of this silly states-man pag. 13 your children saith he perhaps may have committed a fault and though you thought good to purge them yet to let them still drinke of affliction you may be thought justus sed crudelis pater Well how should the King helpe his children and shew his royall wisedome as well as naturall affection and regard the kingdome as well as his cradle A secret treasure saith he lies hid in your peoples hearts wee will contribute more to redeeme the credit of our nation then to regaine the Palatinate men and mony are the engines of war send forces that shall be able to make their way thither Mark I humbly pray your Majestie how ignorance roveth and looseth it selfe and yet he saith as much as any other can object If you aske him shall they march into the Palatinate No saith he there is great difficulty to get thither the Palatinate is ill seated for us to warre in being remote from the sea and surrounded with enemies and the protestant league is beheaded which should have succoured you and therfore here solveth that you must not confirm the action to the bare Palatinate for so it will never have an end but draw it selfe into such a circle of troubles as wee may look twelve years hence to see two such armies keep one another at a bay in the Palatinate as now they doe in the low Countries So by this his Argument to recover the Palatinate you must not march thither For the reasons he wisely alleadgeth for that it is out of your way Is not this man in a labyrinth for hee wisheth a thing whereof hee hath no hope something hee would have done but he knoweth not what nor how what then qua spe quo concilis would he proceed heare a counterfeit Hanniball speak like a souldier give the Hollanders your helping hand and lend the Palatine an armie to dispose of as he shall see cause Consider well first that his plot is to relieve or revenge the Palatine but not to recover the Palatinate I hope your prudence and providence is such as you wil be assured how they wil imploy this army For if the Hâ—llanders must tutor him they will assaile Flanders or some parts of the Empire or invade Spaine or the Indies and your Majesty shall beare the name of the great Nimrod have all the blame and malice of your neighbours and yet the Palaâ—ine himselfe shall gaine nothing by these sharkers who serve onely their owne turne by you both and when you come to the account and reckoning for the charges you shall finde neither honour comfort profit thankfulnesse nor reputation by dealing with them Nay Tom T. T. in all his booke hath but one wise sentence and that touching them the Pedlers whom wee our selves set up for use are become our masters in the East-Indies and think themselves our fâ—llowes It is now given out in Holland that your Majestie meaneth not to make peace with Spaine but to confirme the treaties made with the Hollanders at Southampton before the last journey to Cales which report I cannot beleive for your wisedome may foresee many dangers and inconveniences by it it is neither for the benefit of your merchants nor for the wealth of your Realme nor the peace of Europe nor your owne safeâ—ie And I beleive France will finde in the end occasions to cast them off for the Gummarists and the Huganots draw in one line have suck't one nurse and like no royaltie Forget not your Amboyna and the imperious and cruell usage of our merchants in the east-Indies Forget not how scornefully they used Sir William Morison your Fathers Admirall of the narrow seas not without apparent contempt of your Majestie Forget not how thâ—y used your sea men and Fishers in Greâ—neland And call to remembrance how unthankfully they used Quâ—ene Elizabeth their Patrone and Protectour Anno 1594 whâ—n she seâ—t Sir Thomas Bodley to demand the mony she had laâ—ed out for them And as if they hated Royaltie and the King himselfe they cause and suffer to bee printed Tom Tell-truth and other malicious libells and scandalous to defame Majestie and bring it into contempt and secretly publish them in Brabant and Flanders Consider also how presumptuously they only use the fishing on your coasts without licence and challenge it as a due to them which the French never durst doe Besides you may discerne clearely what insolency Armata semper militia ever groweth unto and I can witnesse how falsely they dealt with the Earle of Leicester and my Lord Willoughby who was forced to write an Apology for himselfe against them And as for your glorious Father I protest for all his favours to them which were many and great yet how shamefully they spake of him both living and dead I cannot with modesty relate Nay they have dared to sheere the grasse from under their feete and laugh at his councell and therefore they have planted so many low-country-men in England to serve their turne who robbed you and transported all your gold thither that the States might make their benefit of it which your Starre-chamber can well witnesse and these men are yours externally theirs in heart and affection neither hath your Majesty cause to repose too much trust in them for their Astrologer Dr. Fink long since foretold them of a Starre rising out of the east which I perceive they long to see come into England that they might adore him But to speake freely and loyally it would be censured by forraigne Princes as a great weaknesse in so wise a Prince to hazzard your owne safety and the welfare of the Kingdome and the lives of your dearest Subjects for a cause so desperate And on the contrary part to enter into amity and league with your ancient confederates with Spaine and all men of judgement and impartiall hold it most honourable and profitable Your leagues with the house of Burgundy were ever wont to be tyed with a suâ—e knot and inviolable even by Hen. 2. Rich. the 1. and Hen 3. Edw. 1. bestowed upon Flandâ—rs and Brabant great pensions as it appeareth by the records of the Exchequer Edw. 3. loved no nation better and so did they him So long