in danger of his wrathe o miserable tyme vbi tacere non licet quid cuiquam licet 3. To this opinion Luther subscribeth and which is rare they both C. and L. accord against the supremacie of Princes in cawses Ecclesiastical for tom 2. fol. 259. saith Luther quid ad not mandatum Principis Electoris Saxoniae Princeps secularis est mogistratus quem gladium non munus predicandi curae habere debet as yf a secular magistrate had nothing to doe vvith Cleargie busienes And tom 1. Latin he expownds hym self fol. 540. Non est regnum aut principum etiam veram doctrinam confirmare sed ei subijci seruire Which is quite contrarie to the acts of parliement either of H. 8. of E. 6. or Quene Elizabeth 4. It may be yow will Imagin that though Luther was so singuler yet the Lutherans arr not but yow ar deceaued and that yow shall fynd by ther greatest and most learned Champion M. Chemnicius epist ad elector Brandenburg first he shouweth that it is not conuenient vt punitionis officium contra Caluinistas interea temporis penitus quiescat which is to be noted as a thing he much regarded and shortlie after of the religion and the Quene of England he giueth this sentence that 1. no good thing is further to be expected of her 2. that she vsed the Protestants of Germanie hardly 3. that she noorisheth a new sect risen in her realm of Puritans 4. and lastlie he maiks it a â—east that she being a woeman haith taken vpon her to be maker of Ecclesiasticall Lavves quod femineo à seculis inaudito fastu se Papissam caput Ecclesiae fecit these ar his words and surelie none of our Bushops depriued could saye more tho more manerlie for the statut consisting of two brainches the one they defend stowtlie that the king ought not to haue the supremacie in the other they disagree emong them selfs 5. Cartvvright haith vvritten manie chapters in his last book against this supremacie who yet was neuer conuented in the starchamber nor arraigned for yt neither was forced to recant his writings The Puritans ar as earnest as the Catholicks that it ought not to rest in the king but differenc is in whome the power should rest whether by a monarchie in the Pope or in an oligarchie of the elders The English Puritans of Amsterdam in ther Confessio fidei 1607. pag. 50. art 2. ded resolue that vnicuique Ecclesiae particulari est par as plenum ius ac potestas exercendi fruendi exequendi institutaomnia quaecunque Christus Ecclesiae suae dedit obseruandae in perpetuum So then euerie parish-preast is a Pope in his parish and haith par plenum ius and whether this aduancement of the Consistories be not more preiudicial to princes then the Conclaue more subiect to mutinies more open to confusion and anarchie I referr my self to learned Hooker 6. I will conclude with D. whiracre and that vvith some admiration he Doth so boldlie affirm a matter so notoriousle vntrew pag. 4. against M. W. Raignolds in his preface The title saith he of supreme head of the Church haith bean misliked by diuers godlie learned men and of right it belongeth to the sonne of god and therfor neuer ded our Church geue that title in such vvords vnto the Prince neither ded the prince euer challeng it I vnderstand not vvhat this meaneth for yf he meane plainlie and withowt aequiuocating then certanlie he abuseth his reader with a fable yf I obiect the statut of 26. H. 8. c. 1. or 35. H. 8. c. 3. I knovv he vvill say it vvas not our Church that gaue that title But Syr that will not serue yow for 1. E. 6. cap. 12. yf anie person after the 5. of March next shall affirm that the king his heyrs or successors kings of this realme is not or ought not to be supream head in earth of the Church of England and Ireland immediatlie vnder God it shall be treason for the third affirmation so hear is the act of your own Church for vvhich Gardiner was sent to the towr and these godlie men sc Gilbie Caluin Knox Luther who so much misliked it in king Henrie had not cawse to like it better 1. Eliz. when it was chainged into supream gouernor for the one had as much powre as the other And surelie D. Whit. rather shifteth of the obiection then answereth it for these godlie he meaneth wear Caluin Gilbie the Lutherans and his ancient frend maister Cartwight who all condemned the vse of that title of supreme head and think yow that he ded hym self like it I imagin that he vvould not othervvis haue mayd so she an euasion for his coÌ„mendation of the men that denied it his own reason deriued from ther vvords that it belonged onelie ond properlie to the sonne of God his fable that neuer ded the Prince Challeng that title show fullie the Doctors mynd that he would not subscribe voluntarilie to that opinion and taik the oath and desyred to euade But vvhat euer his opinion vvas of the matter he commended those that most impugned it Novv to return to the Bushops seing the supremacie and the oath vvas the main and the mean obiected to depriue them vvhich vvas as much impugned by ther ovvn half brethren Lutherans and Caluinists as by the Bushops seing Cartvvright pvas tolerated licensed to preache not restrained nor punished for his opinions and seing so manie and so eminent men concurred vvith the Bushops in that opinion as I haue shovved ther vvas and is some reason to haue expected yf not a more merciefull sentenc yet a more fauourable execution of the sentenc and seing they fovvnd so litl fauor and releaf it doth vvitnes to all posteritie ther exceading patienc to taik vp ther cross and follovv ther maister For not vvithstanding all this aduersitie disgrace vvants and loss of libertie the magistrates never had cavvse to complayne of anie inuectiues or libells No Reueilematin no homelies of sedition wear dispersed no VVyat no Oldcastel appeared in the feald the soldiers and knights of the Rhodes vvear not detected of anie conspiracie the Realme was not disquieted nor embroyled A miraculous patienc by a supernatural grace they ded rather choose to suffer them selfs then the realm should which was a great happienes to England and the like not hard of vpon so great a mutation of state and which was neither to be ascribed to the pollicie and prouidenc of the Chancelor or Secretarie nor anie feare of punishment vvhich might be inflicted vpon the Bushops for they could fall no lower being all readie cast down to the grownd and they that could hope for nothing nead not feare anie thing but reallie and trewlie it was to be imputed to the nature patienc humilitie and obedienc innated in religious and vertuous men who ar trewlie Catholique These vertues and this there patience showeth well the nature of the English
performed yf the Admiral for his own particular had not layd a block in his vvays But aboue all others it is memorable and worthie to be remembred vvhat a bloodie quarrel it vvas mayd that king Edvvard the sixt the first protestant king in England might not marrie Quene marie of Scotland vvho was euer honored and esteamed a Catholik and yet the protector vvould haue mayd no scruple of Conscienc in that Caluinisme and Lutheranisme ar as opposite as Antipodes and yet they haue matched oft together and ther Issews ar the records thereof And was it then tollerable in the reformed churches and is it intollerable vvith Spayne what then is the cawse of this great scrupulositie and feare Is it for the state of the kingdome or feare of alterations The husband is head of the vvyfe and tho the Infanta vvear born in familia Imperatrice yet ther is no soverainetie invested in her she can maik no mutation of State without the censent of the state And yovv haue the les cavvse to distrust that hauing a president before of king Philip vvho being king of England yet neither could nor vvould attempt anie alteration And yf the protestants ar sure to hould ther religion it is inhumanitie to repyne that she shall be suffred to enioye hers No man of honor vvil offend a ladie of such honor for a quarrel to her sovvle to her faithe and her vvorship of god What then is the reason vvhy this match is so distaist full Is it for the hate and odiousnes of the name and qualities of a Spanyard surelie ab initio non fuit sic that is neither an anciēt quarrel nor a naturall impression in the English For in the tyme of king Edvvard the 3. Ther vvas a firm and fixed amitie betvvean England and Portingal and of Lancaster ther king ar discended And for Castil they matched Constance the Daughter and heyr of king Peter to Iohn of Gaunt by vvhose right the crovvn appertained to hym And his daughter Catharin married vvith Henry the third king of Castil and therby the vvhich remaineth in the Sauoye records resignation of that crovvn vvas mayd by Iohn of Gannt and so all the controuersie vvas ended betwean them and the kings of Spaȳne as floorishing brainches of the tree and stock of Lancaster haue peacablie possessed that kidgdome So as Prince Charles shal by this match vvarme his bedd with his own blood I may add further that king Henry the seuenth married his sonn̄ to king Ferdinando his daughter to continew the succession of amitie I might remember the treaties of 1505. betvvean k. Henry the 7. and king Philip for the preseruation and noorishment of that league and frend ship And hovv much and hovv tenderly Charles the 5. embraced and esteamed yt vvell appeareth by the Treatie arctioris amicitiae 1543. And by the renoumed treatie of Callice the greatest honor that was evver doon to the crovvn of England and by the treatie 1507. bevvean Maximilian the Emperor Charles king of Spayne and king Henry the 8. by the treaties for entercourse 1515. and 1520. by the treatie of Cambray 1529. and by that famous treatie 1542. Thus the tvvo kings and kingdomes still renewed and noorished mutuallie and vvarmelie a perfect frendship and kind correspondencie till the schisme of Henry the 8. the diuorce disgrace and dishonor of Quene Katharin and the cōfederation therupon with France cooled the zealle of this seruent affection So as ther vvas at that tyme no such cavvse of hatred disfauor or vnkindnes bevvean these tvvo kingdomes nor anie national dislike or contention vvhich first brake out end appeared in England in Quene Maries tyme principallie for the quarrel of a new religion then fiuee yarres old For ther vvas no pretenc but onelie that to maik the breach which Wyat desired Yet this is not the trevv and sole motiue of the grudg ther is and impostume vvhich can not be cured till it be lanched The hatred and remembranc of 1588. Manet alta mente repostum It is trew Hinc illae lachrimae But let vs be indifferent look vpon the wrongs doone to them aswel as ther attemps for reueng And vnpartially consider who gaue the cawse and forced them to taik armes The Moonie intercepted which the king had sent to the Duke of Alua the Assistanc of the princ of Oreng by Gilbert Morgan and others ther seconds the first voiage of Syr Frances Drake the inuasion and sacking of S. Domingo the protection of Holland by the Earl of Leicester the infinite depredations and letters of mart to the wnspeakable dammage of Speyne the Philippicae and inuectiues in euerie pulpit ballets and libels in euerie press against king Philip wear such prouocations as flesh and blood nay crovvnes and scepters could hardlie disgest I speak nothing of the Portingal vorage of the surprize of Cales nor of the Iland viage and can anie vvise man imagin that the king of Spayn vvas not sensible of such indignities vvas it not probable that he vvould send a futie to Kinsale to reuenge that Yet for all this hostilitie vvhen his maiestie cam to the crovvne how frendly and quicklie ded the king of Spayne alter his course and send the high Constable of Castil as the doue owt of the Ark to see yf the flood of mallice vvear fallen and vvith an Oliue brainch in his hand to seak for peace to maik an Amnestia and perpetual obliuion of all vnkyndnes past to couer all offences to burie all quarrels and to reconcile the two crovvnes and the subiects thereofs And surelie Cursed vvil he be vvho shal seak to violate that peace and vnder the coolor of religion to banish peace and Charitie the badges of religiō a malicions Cayn he is that maiks all contentions perpetuall and searsehe can he be holden loyal that remēbreth onelie the sudes and quarrels vvith Scotland and not what and how dear wnto vs it is now and so should be euer embraced and esteamed Furthermore the Crovvn of England shal hearby be thus more beautified and magnified But staye My pen shall intrude no further into the secret Cabbienet of counsel wthowrt warrant Bycause I kow not whether it be agreable to the kings pleasure or whether it be sit to be discoursed and speciallie bycause I hold it impossible forme to satisfie so profovvnd a Iudg vvithovvthis ovvn instructions and directions For I consider vvel hovv vnsearchable the secrets of princes art vvhich lie oft in abisso and ar too deape to be sovvnded by euerie shallow discourser And I remember also both what praying and preaching vvas vsed against the match of Quene Elizabeth vvith Monsieur in the like case and for feare of alteration and afterclaps and yet some vvho ded then most impugn it vnder pretenc of religion ded in dead least of all other counsellors regard religion Syr Philip Sydnie like a noble and vvourthie courtier laboured by a short treatise to present to her Maiesties iudgment the
then he would read a lecture more Nay to conclude his fidus Achates Philip Melancton in his book called Didimus saith Equidem sapient em virum iudico fuisse vviclesum Anglum qui omnium primus quod ego sciam vidit vnmersitates fuisse Sathanae Synagegas And this I wonder maister Philip Wold so generallie affirme and aprooue vviclefs error that vniuersities arr the Synagogue of satan being so skilfull an artist hym self But at the beginning they wear all vncertan what to mantain for sownd and trew doctrine and aboue all Melancthon was euer an Academick and never long coÌ„stante and that yow may see by this that libro ad waldenses he recanted that opinion and reuoked his error vvhich Carolostade never ded So as yow may perceaue that at therfirst rising and preaching reformation the spirit had not in manie yeares fullie illuminated ther vnder standing nor directed ther iudgment with full perfection as he ded the prophets and the apostles and S. Paul Hearby it appeareth that at threblowes Luther laboured to cut down the thre great Cedars of the empyre The Cleargic The Canon â—avves and the vniuersities For vvith ovvt vniuersities the cleargie covvld not be in structed nor with owt Lawes be gouerned and so being necessarilie chayned together he could not break the link with owt subuerting all for he ded not seak a reformation of them but a totall extirpation and destruction as appeared by the Bushopricks And this I dare affirme that all the Hundred His behaviour to Caesar and the Princes Grauamina Germanie presented to the Emperor Charles at Norembergh ded not containes articles of that dainger greauances of that loss and such an oppression of the state as the se thre had beane And yet a greater mischeafe follovves For novv I vvill lay dovvn his positions of state and declare to the vvorld a prodigious inciuilitie and his arrogancie disobedienc and presumption tovvards the Emperor and the Princes of Germanie Desiryng your patienc that I may but a litl digress to maik his spirit more plainlie appeare in his likenes and hovv immodestlie and vnreuerentlie he ded esteame Regiam Maiestatem by the exampl of his vsage of king Of k. H. 8. Henry the VIII of England libro contâ—a Regem Angliae He calls king Henry in his preface An enuious madd fool ful of Dastardie and with owt one vaine of princelie blood in his bodie After that he saith He is a Basilisk to vvhome I denâ—unc damnation And pag. 335. This glorious king lyeth stowtlie like a king Note his moralitie for which he is famous And again he is a lijng Scurra couered vvith the title of a king and a chosen vessel of the Deuel And pag. 338. Thou art no more a king but a sacrilegious theaf And most sloouenlie and like hymself pag. 333. Ius mihi erit Maiestatem tuam stercore conspergere c. I am ashamed to procead I wil omitt infinite and these ar too manie vvhich it wear incredible to haue bean vttered by the Elias of Almaing but that both his own books ar extant and S. Thomas Moor the most famous Chancelor of England recapitulates them with a nomber more in his lattin vvork against Luther printed at Loouain 1566. And these places I haue selected and cited not onelie bycause they touched Henry the eight as he vvas a king and at that tyme one of the most mightie and Renoumed Princes in Europe but bycause also therby yow might discouer the modestie and Holie disposition of Doctor Martin and how like a man he was to preach and persuade obedieÌ„c to magistrates Novv note how he ded behaue hym self to the princes of the Empyre and whether he ded geue to Caesar his soueraine lord that which is Dew to Caesar It is worthie the obseruation to see his religious and ciuil respect of an emperor Libro contra duo mandata Casaris he vvrites Turpe quidem est Casarem ac Principes manifestis agere mendacijs It is a shame for Caesar and the Princes to lye so palpablie and in the same book and with the same spirit saith he Deus mihi dedu negotium non cum hominibus ratione praeditis sed Germanicae bestiae debent me occidere Meaning that the Princes the Sauages and beasts of Germanie should murder hym But he showes therin yet more gall and bitternes Oro cunctos pios Chrisitanos dignentur simul rogare Deum pro eiusmods exâ—aecatis Principibus quibus nos ma no trae suâ— furore corripuit ne vlâ—o pacto eos sâ—quamur vel in militiam ire vel dare aliquid contra Turcas quodâ—quidâ—n Turca decies prudentior probiorque quam sunt Principes nostri quid â—alibus faâ—â—â—s contra Turcam prospere euenâ—at qui Deum tam alâ—etentant blasphemant Was this but a Peccadilio Caesar and the Princes to be censured with such scandalous comparisons and reproches but this is not all in libro artic 500. in articulo 367. Quid ergo boni in rebus diumis vel decernant vel constituant tyranni tam impij prophant Before they wear fooles novv he maâ—ks them tyrants and then he goeth a degree higher still For libro de seculari potestate he deliuers his opinion of all princes and kings in general and how they ar to be esteamed Scâ—re debes quod ab initio mundi rarisâ—ma auis est prudens princeps ac multo rarior probus sunt communiter maximè faiui nequisâ—imi nebulones in tâ—rra And there also bycause his good meaning might more perspicuouslie appear he interprets hym self planilie Quis nesâ—â—t Principes esse carnem Ferinam in Caelo As yf it wear as great a dayntie as vennieson to Head of y church see that a prince should be saued And in his book de belio contra Turcas Casarem negat esse Caput reipublicae Christiana defensorem fidei ac Euâ—ngelij oportere sanè Ecclesam habere alâ—um defer sorem quam sunt Imperatores Reges And mark his reason Eos namque esse peâ—imes hos es Christianismi fidei the which concludes my assertion for he mantains doctrine opposite to all king and contemneth government And as yf he would Vnking and depose them he dothe encoorage the people to dravv ther swords against all crowns and scepters Therfor lo. 1. contra Rusâ—icos he sendeth this greating to the princes Sciatis boni â—omini Deum sâ—c procurare quod subditi nec poâ—suâ—t nec debent nec volunt tyâ—annidenâ— vestram ferre diutius Mark that debent as a good encooragement to the Bowers Who can mantaine such Paradoxes or that they proceaded from the spirit of a prophet of God can anie Lutheran iustifie these wild propositioÌ„s or coolor them with tolerabl glosses Ded euer anie prophets Apostles or Martyes vse such a barbarous libertie of speach against Nero Dioclesian Iulian tho the greatest persequutors Ded Elias rage so madlie against Achab and Iesabel S. Paul gaue hym a
aspyred to the Crowne yf the king and his issew fayle is to be pittied rather then answered a fable taken owt of the legend of Lorrain and the other libells of that tyme. Weigh and examin it and see the leuitie of follie The king was young his brothers yonger ther moother liuing the king of Nauar ther trustie and noble freÌ„d and a brasen gate betweaÌ„ Guise and the crowne and the nobilitie of France as he saithe mayd an association against the howse of Guise Then was it not likelie Now it being apparentlie fals that the kings was in the hands and power of the Guises I com to the proposition that the king had neither age to discern it nor fredome to denie it nor lawes to decree it it resteth to examin that proposition that the kings consent authorising that armie at Dreux was nothing worth bycause he was not of age nor at libertie What yf the king had not age to discern it was it therfor withowt warrant or law A king haith two bodies his bodie Politick as it never dyeth so is it never defectiue of authoritie and direction The acts of the bodie politick be not abated by the naturall bodies accesse the bodie politick is not disabled to rule and govern by the nonage of the naturall see 26. lib. assis placit 24. whear by iustice Thorps iudgment the gift of a king is not defeated by his nonage nor shall not embleamish the bodie In the book of ass see the case tit droyt plac 24. anno 6. E. 3. f. 91. for a writt of right brought by E. III. of a mannor as heyre to R. I. The exception of nonage against the king was not admitted For yf the bodie natural die yet the bodie politick which magnisieth the natural bodie is not sayd to die So 4. Eliz. for leases of the Duchy mayd by E. 6. all the Iudges resolued they vvear good tho the king vvas in his minoritie For the bodie politick extolleth the naturall and altereth the qualitie of it And so though the kings bodie natural in his minoritie can not discern and iudg yet that disableth not a king that the acts of his minoritie ordered by his counsell and by the Regent should be of no validitie Nay your own Hottoman in his Francogallia will teach yow an other lesson tho he was Bezaes trustie Achates Resolume would anie counsellor like it well yf a Catholick in England should affirme as he might more trewlie that the chainge and alteration of religion by king Edward VI. was not warrantable hauing not age to discern it nor freedome to denie it being in the haÌ„ds of the protector and Northumberland nor lavves to decree it till by his vncls authoritie and greatnes new lawes wear enacted for it Yf yow approoue not this why doe yow disprooue the same in k. Charles IX of France was the age of the one a barr in law and not the others or was the one an absolute king and not the other or vvas k. Edvvards coÌ„sent sufficient to authorise his vncls doeings in spiritual matters and was k. Charles his consent nothing worth to authorise the Constable and his armie to pursew his rebells Now concerning the last poynt touching Beza his opinion I must turn that Canon against hym self for yf Beza sayd trewlie iniuriam pati nostrum est nobis vim viarcere non licet yf it be certan nullum remedium proponitur priuatis hominibus tyranno subiectes praeter vitae â—mendationem c. then surelie maister Bilson is betrayed by hym he seaks to defend and Beza betrayed the Admiral and Prince of Condie to draw them into the playnes of Dreux against the king to fight for ther religion when vim viarcere non licet I will not stand to refell that opinion and error of D. Bilson that the Prince of Condie ded not ovve simple subiection to the king of France but respectiue homage and so was not mearly a subiect bycause it shovveth a palpabl ignoranc of the lavves and customes of France and besides that could not excuse the Admiral vvho at all could not plead anie such protection or alledg anie such prerogatiue For yf H. 2. might committ hym to prison lavvfully Charles the 9. as lawfully might cut of his head But forasmuch as Bezaes sentenc is coninglie vsed and cast as a mist to blyâ—d the eyes of the reader I will disperse the mist and let yow see what kind a man he vvas in his proper humor and in puris naturalibus Read his positions and Catechism of sedition the practise of his pietie the book called Vindicie contra tyrannos whear he acts the part of Iunius Brutus a noble Roman but the suppressor and enemie of kings First pag. 15. he propownds this question yf subiects be bownd to obey ther kings when they command against Gods lavve and then pag. 22. he resolueth vve must obey kings for Gods cawse when they obey God And pag. 24. as the wassel looseth his fief his lordship yf he committ fellonie so the king looseth his right and his realm also And aboue all other this is notable pag. 65. a conspiracie is good or ill as the end is at which it aymeth which is a most wicked Maxime fitt to mantain Rauillac or Poltrot or to be a buckler for the conspirators of Amboys Yet this pag. 66. goeth a degree further The Magistrates and one part of the realm maye resist the king being an Idolater as Lobna reuolted from Ioram for forsaking God Doth not this stronglie patronise the battel of Dreux doth it not teach subiects to rebell and to plead sic dicit Dominus for ther defence but note well how fynelie he fortifieth this axiome pag. 132. The government of the kingdome is not giuen to the king alone but also to the officers of the Realme And again pag. 103. France Spayn and England ar customarily consecrated and as it wear put in possession of ther charge by the states peares and Lords which present the people And p. 199. ther is a stipulation in kingdomes haereditarie As in France vvhen the king is Crovvned The Bushops of Beauuois and Laon ask the people yf they desyre and command this man shall be king And vvhat then surely it is no argument that the people choose hym It is an acceptation no election and a declaration onely of ther submission obedienc and fidelitie as yow may euidentlie perceaue by Frances Rosselet anno 1610. the ceremonies at the coronation When was ther euer an assemblie of the states to elect or consecrate a king of France the kings never count the tyme of ther raign from the day of ther consecration but of ther entrance and Charles the. 7. Gaguin and Giles can witnes was nether crowned nor sacred in eight yeares after he begonn his raigne And for the Peares what think yow that they ar as Ephori No they ar pares inter se not coÌ„panions to the king They ar not states as in Holland to rule and
the price of all things raised and the Yeomanrie decayed infinitelie vvhich heartofore vvas the honor and strenth of the kingdome and so consequentlie it vvas the trevv reason vvhy all things haue continued so dear in this land vvhearin maister Stubs ded err nota litl TITVLVS SECVNDVS HItherto Schisme raigned but the second plague was the ruine and wrach K. Evv. 6. of the Church for the authoritie and name of king Edward was vsed to break down and forciblie subuert the vvhole Church of England but see how craftie a statesman the Deuel is though the way to Anarchie and confusion was layd leuel by king Henrie who was onelie fitt for such a work in regard of his greatenes and crewell imperiousnes yet he lett religion stand a while longer knowing well that all could not be effected at once but as he seduceth Sowles so states by degrees and being also confident that the forts of pietie and religion being razed and the Church being brought vnder a laye supreme head he might by a second hand easilie ouerthrow religion it self King Henrie at his Deathe appointed by his will sixtean Executors who during the minoritie of his sonne should be his aydors and counsellors for the better gouerning the realme Emong whome One and who mayd hym self the Principal was the lord Edvvard Seamor Earl of Hartford who took vpon hym being the kings vncle to be protector and that was as good as a dispensation as he took it for his executor ship and lifted hym too manie degrees higher then his fellowes which king Henrie neuer intended that he might ouer-rule the rest by his title and supereminencie One of the first things of importance he contriued and compassed vvas innouation and the establishing of a new religion not so much for deuotion as bycaus he knew that nothing could quench his thirst so vvel as a chainge and bring the game he hunted after into the toyles and hearof Cranmor was a principal worker tho he was but a few moneths before of king Henries religion and a patrone of the six articles The better both to perswade the people and geue harting and strenth to ther sect Peter Martyr and Bucer vvear sent for ovvt of Germanie vpon whose fame and learning as vpon tvvo great Arches they might build and raise ther Churche tho bothe wear Apostates By Cranmor Ridlie Lattimor and these two Rabbins was the new Liturgie framed and the old banished these wear the authors of the first Alteration of religion which so manie hundred yeares had bean heare professed and continued vvith all dew reuerence So povvrefull was the Protector by vsing the king name a child then but of 9. years old but he was well seconded by the Duke of Northumberland the Admirall and the Marques of Nortampton all affected or seaming affected to the chaing of religion who over-ruled all that mayd anie show of opposition or dislike of ther proceadings Which was verrie strainge considering there wear so manie vvise and eminent men who had aequal authoritie with them both as Counsellors and executors and vvear most different in religion from them as the lord Priuie seale the lord Saint Iohn of Basing Bushop Tonstal Syr Antonie Brovvn and thewise sectetarie Syr W. Paget and speciallie that noble Chancelour the lord Writheoslie a man of experienc knowledg and prudenc and a director and pattern to his posteritie to be preferred before anie new guides but to content and please hym he vvas created Earl of Sowth-Hampton yet neither wonn so nor contented nor safe All things afterward grew to confusion ther remained no face and skarse the name of Catholick Church in England and tho ther wear great multitudes of men well affected to the ould religion and discontented that the Church was driuen into the wildernes and forced to lurk in corners yet ded they show loyaltie humilitie and peace and ded not taik armes and disobey that shadow of the king But what mooued the realme how wear men inchanted to embrace this religion and applawd the authors of it Noueltie euer pleaseth daintie stomachs and auarice is no small temptation at Syracusa Dyonisius the tyrant comming into the temple of Apollo full of sumptuous and goodlie ornaments and seing Aesculapius appareled with clothe of hould and full of Iewels hauing a long whyte siluer beard and Apollo the father carued with a floorishing yowthful gould beard and a playne cote of siluer he gaue order to shaue both Apollo and Aesculapius for it was indecorum that the sonn should haue a graye and his father a read beard and also vndecent that a Phisicion should wear so rich a cote so he ded not like that Apollo should be drawen so gawdilie and like a Barbarossa and a grauer gown he sayd would become a God better for gould and Iewels wear fitter for Princes then gods fitter for pomp then perfection The Duke of Sommerset ded rightlie imitate Dionisius for seing the Church rich remembring the exampl of his old maister and hauinng taisted at Aumesburie hovv svveat a Morsell a Priorie is he thought it not decorum to see the Cleargie so rich there wealth was not suitable to ther calling ther lands vvear giuen to noorish deuotion not to choke it to stirr men vp to prayer not to ease and luxurie and therfor he would shaue and share with them Tvvo Bushops hovvses he took in the Strand which serued hym vvel to build Sommerset hovvse for Quene Ann. He procured an act whearby all Colledges Chantries free Chappels Hospitals and fraternities wear suppressed and giuen to the king and how greadilie he intruded into the Bushop of bathe and wells his hovvses and mannors that Churche can never forget and yet Bushop Bourn by his industrie recouered some again but nothing to the Spoyles a poor releaf rather to fead then to fatt a Bushop Yet was he not satisfied for shortlie af ther contrarie to all law against king Henries vvill and against his own couenants when he was mayd protector he committed to the tovvr the Lord Chancelor he deposed Busbop Tonstal both from the Counsel and his bushoprick as too statelie a Seigniorie for a man of religion and too daintie a bitt to be swallowed by the Churche therfor he dissolued yt and brought it within the survey of the excheckor and he never prospered after It was directlie against the law 1. Edvv. 3. cap. 2. that the lands of Bushops should be seazed into the kings hands and that his father by the aduise of euel counsellors commanded them to be seazed withowt cawse but hearafter it should not be so Yet hear he set not downe his staff he committed Gardiner the Bushop of Winchester and after depriued hym He dissolued Stoke Colledg fleaced all Cathedrall Churches and committed infinite sacriledge vvherto the Nonage of the king gaue opportunitie Neither ded he hunt after his praye onelie emong the Churche liuing for yf yovv look in the Parliamant rolls of that tyme yovv shall fynd that with a
vntfitnes disproportion and inconuenience of that match bothe to her self and the realme but he ded it priuatelie and with discreat circum spection Stubs like a professor of an vnseasoned zeal took the question in hand and as a punishment of his presumption for feited his hand for that being rather published to incense and corrupt the people then to aduise and inform the Quene And tho some of the greatest and vvisest consellors ded earnestlie sollicit and seake to further the match bycause it vvas like both to vnithe the kingdome of france to England and was sure that the possession of the Netherlands wold also be offred vnto theÌ„ by the prince of Oreng and the states whearby England was like to be a most potent Monarchie yet was the whole bodie of the kingdom cast into much distemper onelie which bare conceapts and iealosies Some vpon partialitie and faction some for distrust of the practises of France some for ther own or ther frends sinister ends and ambition as Iam perswaded euen in this case ther ar men posseded with the same diseases and humors And yf I ded not wel know the nature of the multitude a beast of manie heads and mad braynes I should wonder how they durst oppose the desseins of a king of that experienc and iudgment who haith managed this busienes with so great warienes caution and prudence that this great Coniunction can portend no other effect then honor confort and prosperitie He is the sittest to iudg of his own cawse and his own cavvse being the Commonwelths cawse yf anie priuate Man should arrogate to hym self either more vvisedome to controll his proceding or an opinion of more affection to the state or more prouidenc to foresee and preuent daingers therby I see not which waye he can avoyde not to fall into the custodia of the court of wards till he come to hym self again But to leaue this matter as a deliberatiue which requireth a Crassus or Antonius I will come to that which gaue the occasion of this treatise Ther met at a merchants howse in London The occasion of this â—â—ea I se wheare merchants for ther table and hospitalitie beare worthilie the bell aboue all merchants in Europe diuers persons of excellent qualitie met there in a garden before dinner T. Aldreds letter the pamphlet aforesayd and some strainge rumors and seditious practises from Amsterdam being perused examined and discussed A fyne Chaplain to a great person and one of the merchants acquanitance cam into the companie and hearing but a litl of this discourse which at that tyme vvas the subiect of all tabletalk with much The ministers or ation vehemencie he ded affirm this match to be like to bread great incombrance and mischeafe to the kindome bothe ni regard of the encrease 1. Of Catholiques in the Realme and in respect of Spayne which he ignorantlie called an ancient enemie 2. Whearupon he took occasion to rage and raile bitterlie against the church of Roome as the Seminarie of all commotions in Europe and the Contriuer and plotter of all treason in England 3. And bycause he vvould shovv his Rhetorick in the ruff and omit nothing which might exasperate the companie against the Catholicks he alledged in thunder and vehemencie the death of king Edvvard and that sillielie the manie conspiracies against Quene Elizabeth and speciallie that horrible proiect of the Gunpovvder treason by a fevv priuate hotespurres vvhich in iustice is rather to be buried vvith the offendors then obiected and imputed to innocent men vvho generallie vvith great sorrow abhorr the memorie of it 4. Besides he vrged that princes be bothe disquieted and endaingered by the excommunicats ans and bulls of popes by the Catechismes and doctrine of the Iesuits And that the subiects of England ar withdrawen by them from ther obedienc to ther prince and ar so full of treacheries and disloyalte as no nation can be paralleled with them 5. Yow may think also that he forget not to arm hym self vvith the authoritie of D. Murtons censure for vvhich I think he ded not studie much VVe may novv asvvel expect a vvhyte Aethiopian as a loyal subiect of that religion He produced a book entituled A discouerie of Romish doctrine in the case of conspiracie and Treason Whearin the Author playeth his maister prize against the professors of the Catholick religion vvith an Hyperbole of criminal accusations and scandalous imputations able to driue men into dispayre of the kings grace vnto them and to bread in his maiesties Royal hart a diffidenc of them 6. He vrged parson vvhytes vndiscreat vntruth and vncharitabl sentenc that all ther religion is full of doctrine whence procead monsters of Conspiracies against the state and that they teach men to murther the king and blovv vp the parliement And that since Bells tyme ther was never such a raue nous Idol as the preasts and seminaries 7. He ded not omit the like allegation owt of Ormerode the picturemaker who vpon erroneous misconceauing condemned that singuler and renoumed Doctor Allen for affirming that princes might be slayne by ther subiects by the 25. Numeri 8. And so he concluded all with that Rhetoritall sentenc of monsieur Lewes baylie in his book of the practise of Pietie pag. 783. vvhich he produced with such ostentation as if it wear able to cast all the learned societie of the fathers into a fitt of a quartane Iesuits and preasts saith he ar sent to vvithdravv subiects from ther allegiance to mooue inuasion and to kill kingâ— yf they be Saints vvho be Scithians VVho ar Canibals yf they be Catholicks Which conclusion for the art and the witt worthilie deserueth both a praemium and a Plaudue sâ—c pueri crepundia gestant After this delicate oration they went to dinner and presentlie after dinner the minister departed in great haist Therupon all the companie vehementlie desyred one gentlman of ther companie who ded well vnderstand the world and was a freeman not obliged to anie religious orders but as films Ecclesiae to deliuer his opinion of the ministers Inuectiue Which he was at last contented at ther importunitie and for the satisfaction of ther Conscienc to vndertaike and which with his license and information I taik vpon me as his Amanuâ—nâ—â—s and secretarie to set downe and deliuer the same to yow After a long pavvse quoth he lodius The trevv state of the Quâ—stion accusat Machos Catalma Cethegum Is not this ridiculus who can endure to heare a Grace hus complain against sedicion I perceaue by the premisses that the protestants set this down as a Decree against Catholiks and labor to imprint that in the harts of the people as a perpetual scandal and stayne That the Catholik religion and doctrine is daingerous and preiudicial to the safetie of kingdomes and an enemie to Sooueraintie and so they censure it as neither allovvable not tollerable in a vvel gouerned monarchie Now this being a matter of
and there he prouided for his rest and securitie and in the interim setled and planted Lutheranism in all his dominions notwithstanding the decree and entered into the league of Smalcald for maintenanc thereof All which actions that yovv mayÌ„ vnder staÌ„d how directlie they ar against lawe and Iustice Let Andrew Gayle deliuer his opinion Libro de Pace publica cap. 10. § 36. Receptores Bannitorum perinde puniantur atque Banniti Domini praediorum tenentur reos exhibere and learned Brunus lib. 1. de haeres c. 4. In excommunicatis qui bannitis comparari solent vnica receptio noxia est Now Luther was both banished and excommunicated And Gayle in an other place Qui bannito Commeatum annonam suppeditat paena receptorum ordinaria tenetur Per aduenture yovv may think that the Duke Luthers Mecenas was not tyed with in this tedder these lavves vvear in force for meaner subiects ther for that learned Gayle shall maik his own comment lib. 1. c. 1. § 9. de Pace publica saith he Conditio pacis publicae omnes omnium ordinum status Imperij maiorum minorum geÌ„tium cuiuscunque dignitatis personas aequè obligat etsi contra Potentiores sit promulgata So as the greater the person is the more he is bovvnd to obey the lavve But the Duke not obeying the law and kovving that Caesar had oft vvritten ovt of Spayn to haue the edict of vvormes strictlie executed fearing Cesars indignation intred into a league took armes and so ded aggrauate both his ovvn and his fathers offenc and thought them vnpardonable Yet after that league the Emperors Embassador 1529. at Spyres offred vnto the leaguers most aequall and moderate articles viz. vtrinque ab omni iniuria damno conuitijs abstinerent quod transgressores contrahaec sint proscribendi Who vvould not thing this a reasonnable offer from the supreme magistrate to the inferiors that stood in dainger of lawe the Catholiques could never hope for so much in Q. Elizabeths tyme. Yet vvas this refuled and reiected Again at Auspurg 1530. Caesar verrie graciouslie entertained the Duke and receaued his petition exhibited vvith as much fauor and indifferencie as he might with his honor And there againe he reuiued his Embassadors former motion that no more innouations should be mayd nor moe books to be by them published but that all things should stand quietlie and peacable till 17. May next So much ded he yeald to them for desyre of peace and for the publick good of Europe the Turk hauing so latelie before beseaged Vienna and taken Rhodes Not vvith standing the Duke reiected the motion and much displeased the Emperor therby vvho plainlie replied that yf they obeyed not they should repent it And yet againe tho thus prouoked rather to dravv his svvord at Spyres he ded labor by persvvasion to â—reuayle quietlie vvith them but thither the Duke ovvt of I ealousie and feare vvould not come at all tho he was summoned By this course yow may iudg how vnwiling Caesar was to disturb the peace of the â—mpyre or to enter into an offensiue warr â—eaking to winn theÌ„ so oft and so graciouâ—lie So as it was the more inexcusable for men that pretended onelie to defend â—hem selfs to reiect peace vvhen it vvas offred and then to offend by taking armes before they weare offended If I should relate the mallice and contempt they showed of hym yow might conceaue that they could never haue hoped to haue fownd a spark of mercie in his hart towards them For in all ther publick acts and letters â—hey vouchsafed to geue hym no other tiâ—le then Charles of Gandt vsurping the name of the Emperor wherby they renounced all obedienc to hym and deposed hym as farr as laye in ther power which was an indignitie which a wise prince could â—ardlie swallow with patienc I may not forget how the Landsgraue ingreat brauerie both by letters and messagers assured the citties and Princes of ther confederation perhaps therby to procure a larger contribution and engaged his promise that with in thre months they would force Charles to flie owt of Germanie and abandon the empyre How then ded these things coheare That this holie league was mayd onelie se defendendo and to resist for ther law full protection and yet to strike the first blow inuade the Emperor offend first and promise to expell hym owt of Germanie before he offered anie tokeÌ„ of hostilie against them or they had iust and euident cawse to march into the feald And long before that they sollicited the kings of France England and Denmark the Hans townes and Swisses to ioyn with them in league against hym whome they dishonored and prouoked vvith most infamous libells and vnvvorthie aspersions France tho an enemie noblie denied them Denmark lingred expecting the succes king Harrie was not forwars tho Cromwel diligentlie sollicited ther cawse and promised them 100. thowsand crownes for ther ayd And at that tyme D. Thirlebie Bushop of westminster and Syr Philip Hobbie wear the kings Embassadors with the Emperor and wear wituesses and spectators of the whole Tragedie Lastlie to disprooue these there proceadings by lawe Remember first the decree at Wormes read the edict of Maximilian the 1. anno 1495. and 1500. the words ar these Consentientibus stautum ordinum imperij votis necessarium de pace publica constitutionem landifrieden promuâ—garunt quapacem publicam armata manu violantibus pâ—na proscriptionis quam bannum imperiale appellamus irrogatur Scil vitae necisque And to explain that A. Gayl l. 1. c. 14. de Pace publica Omnia bella in quit quae inâ—â—â—su summi principis Imperatoris puta vel sine eius licentia geritur priuata quadam vindicia in iusta sunt And afterward cap. 5. he puts bothe Sleydan Bilson and the and by law ouerthrowers all ther foundations In crimen lesae maiestat is incidit qui bellum in imperio sine Caesaris licentia mouet quia vsurpat sibi ea quae sunt solins principis mouere bellum ad solum imperatorem pertinet So also Goldastusl 1. tit 190. cites this ancient law Nemo intra imperis fines suis alienisueditionibus militem sollicito nise de voluntate ducis isius circuli caeueatque fide iussione statuum nihil se in Caesarem principes subditos clientes Impers moliturum And in tomo 2. he produceth a decree of Ludouicus Pius against the king of the Romans and his confaederates guiltie of high treason for attempting against the Emperor wherby the king was iudged to loose his head The like ded Henrie the first against Arnulphus Duke of Bauier who had rebelled against hym And Otho the 1. ded asmuch against Ludolphus king of the Romans I will conclude all with one exemble late memorable and to our purpose Maximilian the 1. ded forbed all subiects of the empyre to gene ayd to the french king in his warrs Emicho Earl of Lingen in contempt of
an extent of Dominion 4. And to maik this bad proposition seame good cap 5. v. 25. Kings saith he forget they ar men that is of the same mould that others arr They ar called kings and Dukes Dei gratia To vvhat end serue these vvords to shovv by ther title that they acknovvledg no superior And yet vvill they tread vpon God vvith ther feate vnder that cloke So it is but an abuse and disguisement vvhen they vaunt that they raign Dei gratia Is not this excellent doctrine to be preached in a Monarchie and a fyne Deskant vpon Deigratia Yet he goeth an further c. 5. v. 21. Kings maik ther boast that they raign Deigratia yet they dispise the Maiestie of God Voila quelle est la rage forcenerie de tous Rois. Hear is no exception but a generall accusation and to maik that good he addeth this strenth to it It is common and ordinaire to all kings to exclude God from the government of the vvorld Consider wel that Caluin writt this not as a Politician but as a Deuine and in his prime and maister peace his institutions he deliuers these daingerous positions in his sermon to the people and in his readings vpon Daniel not in priuat discourses and as matters of discipline and doctâ—ine to be generallie beleaued and so making a course against Nabugad nezzar he run the wild goose chace against all kings and that rather owt of pleaÌ„ then owt of his text For to what end and pupose tend these speaches so scandalous and derogatoire to princes certanlie to disgrace scepters and sooueraines both for follie and impietie And bycause yovv shall see hovv vvell Caluin and Luther doe symbolise in this poynt that they speak one language and both weare like coolors and the same fashion I will deliuer vnto yow how Luthers opinion of thes poynts agreeth with Caluins These knaues of the nobilitie tyrants tom 7. fol. 441. Nebulones isti ex nobilitate tyranni c. qui inducunt animum ideo Deum nobis euangelium dedisse eosque ex carcere pontiâ—icio expediuisse vt possent ipsi auaritiae suae litare And in epistolis fol. 350. Principem esse non ex aliqua parte latronem esse aut non aut vix possibile est a Prince can not be but a robber and oppressor tom 3. fol. 325. Non est Principis esse Christianum paucos esse Christianos oportet And tom 6. fol. 143. in psalm 101. Mirum non est seculares Reges Dei hostes esse eiusque verbum hostiliter persequi Hoc â—psis à natura est insitum haec eorum proprietas whear it is vvorthie to be obserued Nota. vvhat an Antipathia ther is betvvean Royaltie and religion by Luthers rules and so betwean Lutheranisme and loyaltie by as good consequenc vvhich is the mayn quaestion But procead tom 3. latin fol 459 in psal 45. Aulae principum verè possunt dici sedes thronus diaboli vbi tot sunt diaboli quot ferè aulici For such as the king is such is the court like to be and yf the courts be the thrones kings must be the Deuels Tom. 2. fol 81. De seculari magistratu Principes flagitiosissiminebulones The reason he giueth is this Sunt enim Dei lictoreâ— carnifices quibus ira diuina ad puniendos improbos ad conseruandam externam pacem vtisolet fol. 190. Nullum nequè tus nequè fidem nequè veritatem apud principes seculares reperiri licet And then yf kings and princes haue neither honestie truthe nor Iustice Quid ego principes doceam huiusmodi porcis scribam vvhy should I vvrite and instruct such porck tom 3 fol. 149. Who can not discern hovv these tvvo holie men iumped in vnitie as led vvith the same spirit ay ming bot-at one end which is to noorish a deadlie feud in all mens mynds against kings and crownes that will not subscribe to ther superintendencie and Caluins Institutions And that yovv might more euidentlie discern that read c. 6. v. 25. vpon Daniel Saith he Darias by his exampl vvill condemn all those vvho at this day profess them selfs either Catholik kings or Christian kings or defendors of the faith and yet not onely they doe deface and burie altrevv pietie and religion but they corrup and depraue the vvhole vvorship of God Hear is in dead vvork for the Covvper not by a Marprelat but by a Mar prince The most Christian king must be again nevv Catechised and learn a new Christian Credo Hear is a new portraicture of a reformed Catholik dravven for the instruction of the most Catholik king and a nevv priuate spirit to direct the Catholik The defendor of the faith bycaus he erreth in his faith not hauing a sauing and iustifiâ—ng faith must haue a nevv faith created and inspiret into hym by this great Prophet And so by this nevv model all the old religion in the church and all the lavves in the state concerning it must be abolished Thus presumed Caluin to reform kings and government and to build a nevv ark to saue and preserue the vvorld from an inundation of impietie ignoranc and irreligion of vvhome I may trevvlie say plus quam regnare videtur cui ita liceat censuram agere regnantium But of this I shall more pertinentlie speak in the appendix In the interim Can a man sovv more seditious seads yf he vvould seak to Cantonize a kingdome into seuerall circles as they haue doon ther french church Yet shall yovv heare hym preach more like a Svvisser and Lutheranize vvith the proper spirit of Luther cap. 6. v. 3. 4 he toucheth kings to the quick and describes what kynd of beasts they ar at this tyme. Les Rois sont presque tous hebetez brutaux aussi semblablement sont-ils comme les cheuaux les asnes de bestes brutes And he giueth this reason bycause they honor and preferr most ther Bavvdes and ther vices What a seditious declamation is this against the title and maiestie of Gods anointed Mark the age and tyme when Caluin writ this book and note in that age what renoumed kings France had Lewes 12. Frances the 1. and Henry the 2. what maiestie wisedom and magnificenc wear in the emperor Maximilian and Charles vvhat state in Henry 8. of England what hope in Edward what vertue in Marie for Scotland Iames the 5. raigned and two such Maries as at worthie to be Canonized And for Castill and Portugal there kings never floorished more for government greatnes encreas of state discoueries of a new world peac and plentie Then what was his meaning to affirm that almost all kings wear so stupid and brutish Surelie to bread and noorish a contempt of hings and to induce the people that liue in free states to despise and hate them and conninglie to seduce them that liue in kingdomes to be sorie for ther yoke and seruitude to shake of ther fetters and purchase
direct all affayres for in France and England all authoritie depeÌ„ds vpon the kings and yf they wear his consorts they wear not his inferiors What is the state but the authoritie of the Prince who onelie by his letters patents createth the pears disposeth all Offices giveth all honors receaueth all homages as the sole fountain from whenc springeth nobilitie and authoritie and he that either would restraine that sooveraintie or communicate it with others maketh no differenc of the Crovvn of a kinst and the la Beretta of the Duke of Venice Manie such like rules and positions haith he published fitt introduction for Anarchie and mutinies most of them false and all wicked vayles onelie to cover the face and name of treason that it might not appear in his proper and vglie shape I might heare trauel and wearye yow with as Good stuff owt of the book de iure Magistratus a bird of the same nest for if it wear not Bezas as manie think It vvas Ottomans his Camerado But I will leaue them bothe for they touch the string of sooveraintie with too rough a hand nay rather they straine to breack it when they teach so grosse treasons that the states ar aboue the king that the bodie is aboue the head a monstrous doctrine as yf anie man could with iudgment maik a quaestion whether the people should be directed and commanded by the maister or the man by the subiect or the soouerain by the Princ of Condie and the Admiral or by king Charles and king Philip had reason to cut of the head of the iustice of AragoÌ„ and to teach the people what was the trew meaning of nos qui podemos tanto come vos c. All which paradoxes it wear easie to refell but that I haue vndertaken onelie to discouer not to combate and encounter them and bycause they ar learnedlie and religiouslie confuted all readie by Barklaâ—e Bauricau and Blackwood Onelie by the waye I must informe yow that they deal politicklie and conninglie and professe not openlie and bluntlie to haue anie liking to chainge the state and depose or ouerrule kings But artificiallie they manage all First to bread a dislike of Monarchs then to show the inconvenienc to depend vpon the edicts of one man then may they much the better magnifie the authoritie of magistrates by whome they might reforme idolatrie and why the Creatures of a king suppresse the creator of ther power And yet be sure the Consistories and elders muh rule all and be iudges bothe of the cleargie lavves counsell and king They be the Rabbins that owt of ther Sanhedrim must govern both church and kingdome by the Oracles of Geneua I may not forget how vureuerentlie Eusebius Philadelphus Sc. Mr. T. Beza vsed king Charles in his book of Reueille matmattin whear vsuallie he calls the king Tyrant and maiks his Anagramme Chasscur desâ—oyal Read his rymes and scandalous reproches against the Q. moother-Peruse the 40. Articles recorded in that book for the better aduancing of seditious gouernment As art 25. that all cheafs and Generalls must obserue ther ecclesiastical discipline ordayned by the Synodes And art 40. they ar bownd neuer to disarme so long as religion is pursewed persecuted by the king he meaneth So much patienc haue these Saints that seaking to reforme all others can not reforme ther own affections But yf yow peruse the 14. and 15. art yow shall discern the brauerie of ther irregular passions intending therby onelie to ouerthrow the king and the familie of Valoys These wear the holie articles of Bearn 1574. coyned with his stampe and communicated at Millun to all ther Moschees that they might he more stroÌ„glie maik warr as they Sayd against ther enemies till it pleased God to turn the hart of the French tyrant Thus ad gustum populi principatus exigitur At the same tyme was framed and dispersed abroad the lyfe of Katharine de Medicis Francogallia the Toxsan of Massacreurs and the Legent of Lorraine For that honor the howse of Guise haith long had that no man professed hym self an enemie to the church but he was likewise at deadly seud with them Heare I might taik vp and stay yow no longer with the description of ther vertues and loyaltie but that I desyre to present vnto yovv vvhat opinion the graue and learned men of the church of England and others also of gread iudgment haue dad had of these Euangelists of Geneua 1. Doctor Sutclif in his ansvver to a libel supplicatorie p. 194. confesseth that the protestants of the french church taught for 30. yeares violent reformation of religion by the nobilitie people and priuate persoÌ„s 2. And in an other place Beza saith he in his book de iure Magistratus dothe arme the subiects against the Prince and he saith that book overthroweth in effect all the authoritie of Christian kings and Magistrates and for the book of Vindinciae contra tyrannos vvhich manie affirm to be Bezas or Ottomans It geues povver saith he to subiects not onelie to resist but to kill the Prince yf he impugn gods religion 3. The same is also averred by the late Archbush D. Bancroft in his book of the Suruay of discipline a man vvho exactlie had learned examined and obserued ther courses and positions and the great dainger grovving to the state by the ministers either Scotising or Geneuating for so he tearms them And the book of daingerous positions pag. 192. dothe demonstrate also the same To these I may add the iudgment of that famous Lawyer Frances Baldwin vvho had familiarlie conuersed vvith Caluin at Geneua in his book called Responsio altera ad Iohannem Calumum Paris 1562. pag. 74. Mirabar quorsum euaderet inflammatus tuus quidam apostolus Sc. m. Theodore qui cum hic concionaretur suis auditoribus commendabat vehementer extraordinarium illud exemplum Leuitarum sirictis gladijs per casira discurrentium obuios quosque idololatras trucidantium Sed nunc audio te vix contentum esse â—alibus Leuâ—is And pag. 128. I euiora saith he sunt illa cum statuis sepulchris ossibus principum ac martyrum barbarum bellum indictum videmus cum ciuitates occupari fana spoliari audimus c. But what nead I labour to prooue that Beza and his followers haue caused all these vproars and commotions in France when he hym serf Epistola 40. Christophero Thretio confesseth that they must fight it owt Ego quidem pacem nullam nisi debellatis hostibus ausim sperare Yf yow ask who wear these enemies he answers Cacolycorum castra traÌ„s Ligerim sunt Therby he means the Catholiks and the kings armie And a litl before ab eo tempore nostri copiss foelicisâ—ime instauratis Toloâ—anum agrum infestarum Inde ad Rhodanum vsque progresâ—i occupatis aliquot passim oppidis arcibus in quibus praesidium reliquerunt So they spoyled the contrie disturbed the peace surprised the kings townes fortified and oppugned
in France in Scotland in the Palatinate the puritans mayd them selfs supreme heads iudges directors and commandors of all and whearby princes and nobles ar mayd ther wards Hearupon proceaded such violent courses such intollerable irregularities such indiscreat zeale as I haue allreadie declared Ded they not at Rochel refuse to speak vvith Monsieur de Biâ—on the kings â—â—baslador directed vnto them ded they not so tyre Monsieur Lanoue vvith ther inciuilitie that he was content to forsake them And in the articles of Bearn artic 25. Aâ— cheafs and generalis ar entoyned to obseru ther Ecclesiasticall disciplin ordained by ther Synodes And see vvhat course they took latelie in the assemblie at Loudun remember how they of Rochel deuided France into Circles and prouinces appointing generals creating officers making counsellors as yf they had bean the 12. peares of France and shooting owt the bolts of ther excoÌ„mmunications euen against ther greatest frends yf they offend them vvherby Monsieur Chastillon had cawse to discern both ther insolencie and ther indiscreation of late vsed against hym Such is the violenc and furie of Caluinism vvhich some call the discipline of Gracchus some call the pollicie of the church some more properlie the school of faction but zeale and religion no man calleth it but them selfs And heare it comes fitlie to my mynd that in the conferenc at Hampton court a Bushop recited to his maiestie maister Butlers definition of a Puritan scil a Puritan is a Protestant ovvt of his vvitts Which vvas not so merielie as trevvlie and substantiallie spoken for yf yovv vvould dravv his pettigree and declare his originall and of vvhat familie he discended he is a Protestant ther is his generation Yf bycause he comes of a yonger and later howse yow will assign hym his differenc and distinguish hym from the rest of his sect owt of his witts is his coonisanc and badg Novv vvhy this differenc is assigned as proper to a Puritan I will show yow the reason We fynd by experienc that caeremonies and solemnitie haue ever in the Church stirred vp and bred a reuerenc and deuotion in the harts of the vnlearned and doe eleuate the sowles of the godlie from mudd and earth in the tyme of prayer And so also that order and grauitie of Bushops and Prelates vvear euer wont to fynd respect and estimation vvith the people Novv ask a Puritan his opinion of Surples corner-cap and the habit of a minister which distinguish them from the laytie he calls them the raggs of Antichrist the badges of superstition For the Communion book he calls it the Portes and breuiarie of Satan and that such sett prayers extinguish trevv zeale The Ecclesiasticall courts he calleth the Synagogue of the Deuel and the excrements of a corrupted discipline And what opinion of Bushops haith he surelie the same that Luther had for vvilliam Ames saith Hunc Episcoporum ordinem è medio tollendum vel denuo Papam reuocandum ab orco And the like opinion the English at Amstardam hold in ther book called confessio fidei anno 1607. Read the censure they geue of the Cleargie and ministers of England whome they disgrace to be a multitud of forlorn Atheists soldiers of Antichrist and a bastardlie ministerie pag. 16. 11. and 14. and the like is auouched in the book of daingerous positions c. 12. From this fountain sprong the libels of Vdal Penrie Martin Iunior anie work for cooper supplication to the President of wales and manie moe offensiue to the Quene and trowble some to the state The spring head of all this was Caluin who Epist 305. acknowledged magis sibi placere reformationem Scoticam quam Anglicanam and why Epist 126 ad Cranmerum Corruptelis Papatus audio relictam esse congeriem quae non obscuret modo sed prope modum obruat purum genuinum Dei culium Therupon in Quene Maries tyme the English church at Geneua was Antagonist to the English church at Frankfort by whose meanes and endeauors the authoritie of Bushops was then defended which they knew to be the onelie vvay to suppress Puritanism so yow see the Puritans ar men that stand vpon ther pantaples and poynts of honor for ther disciplin and vvill not learn of ther prelats nor be subiect to ther canons and iniunction vvhearby a man may coniecture they ar not verrie vvell in ther witt But what meant maister Butler and what solid reason had he for his definition Surelie he had hard of the garboyles of France of ther horrible desseins in Bohemia and of ther hurlie Burlies in Scotland he had reade Basilicon Doron written by a pen sensibl of ther discease and disorder he had read the book of Philip Nicholaus de regno Christi superintendent and cheaf of the Lutherans at Wirtenberg full of fearfull predictions of the powr attempts and plats to aduanc the raigne of the consistorians He had bean aduertised of the sentenc of Iohn Schuts a learned Lutheran who described them to be men that in brachio seculari confidunt plerumque sunt homines seditiosi causamque suam ormata manu iueri volunt Libro 50. causarum He had hard the kings opinion of them in monitoria prefatione ad Imperatorem thus Ego a puritanis non solum à natiuitate continue vexatus fui verum etiam in ipso matris vtero propemodum extinctus antequam in lucem editus sum And doe yow think he ded not vnderstand how the ministers wear in feald at Starling vnder the conduct of some of the nobilitie and forced the king most presumptuouslie to yeald his person to them and how they put a new gard vnto hym and remooued the old And that the ministers Maister Patrick Galloway Pollard Carmichel Andrevv Meluin vvear the trumpettors that sownded the Alarum And fled into England afterward for it yes verelie he was not ignorant thereof nor how Iames Gibson called the king Hieroboam and persequutor and threatned his extirpation nor hovv scandalouslie Lawson opposed and affronted the king nor how Pont and Baquanquel by open proclamation and in the presenc of a publick notarie wear so hardie as to censure hym and to withdraw the harts and loue of the people from hym Yet this is not all that may be auerred to disanul these seditions and popular consistories they ar condemned by ther half brethren the Swinglians which is a thing much to be noted Hear the voyce of Gualtherus minister of Zurich Tigurinus how bitter a sentenc he pronounceth against them in Comment in 1. Corinth cap. 5. saith he Galli habent sua seniorum consistoria penes quos est omnis potestas iurisdictio Ecclesiastica in quibus omnium bellorum contra regem consilia acta subsidia collecta sunt The french ministers haue ther consistories of Eldors in vvhome resteth the supremacie in all cavvses Ecclesiasticall and by these both all counsells and resolutions ar taken and all impositions appoynted to mantain the vvarrs against the
king with the assent of the most honorabls Duke of Arschot who neuer much affected the Prince articulo 5. they ded bynd them selfs to prosequute warr against Oreng as a general enemie of peace and to fynd at ther own charge eightene thowsand men for that purpose and will anie man imagin that so noble so religious so valiant men peares to the Prince for nobilitie and wisedome either could err in ther iudgments of hym they knew so well and who had acted his part so long vpon the stage in the face of them all or would haue mayd such an offer yf they had esteamed hym a Good patriot or his cause and proceading iust and warrantable Now touching the people of Holland I acknowledg they ar a people verrie industrious and skilfuâ—l to maik vse of ther labors and as a learned censor of them well noted nec totam libertatem nec totam seruitutem patiuntur Frends to chainge seldome content with the present state in prosperitie a litl insolent most addicted to traffick and ther profite and iealious of anie that would empeach ther gayn or libertie And the Prince being well acquainted with ther nature to bread and fead ther iealousie more discouered to them the secret counsell and combination of king Henry the 2. of France and the Duke of Alba to suppresse the protestants and to erect the 17. Prouinces into a kingdome the vvhich he sayd that king discouered vnto hym But surelie non placet commentum it is not like the Duke of Alua vvould discouer his maisters greatest secrets to an enemie so latelie reconciled and his fiction of other fables maiks it more probable that to haue bean a fable also For he gaue owt that the Emperor and the king affected a monarchie ouer all Europe which yf it wear but a coniecture was deuised by hym self and not vpon certan intelligenc vnderstood and vpon knouledg from them selfs it could not be for the Emperors overtoyled age his end his cours and the harbor of a religious how 's he be took hym self into convinc the contrarie Yet these inventions and forgeries serued hym to good purpose bothe to terrifie the Hollanders that they might still relie vpon hym and to procure the distrust and mallice of forrein nations to the hovvse of Austria And vvith such baites ded he long both entrap and feald that contrie people Now yow haue hard the whole charge and all the trespasses obiected to the king both generall and particuler now and ab Origine and the actors that followed the busienes and what exceptions may be taken iustlie against ther estimation integritie and testimonie speciallie in ther own cawse It remaineth therfor now to examin first whether the king stood guiltie of these crimes of Iniustice and Tirannie For yf he be innocent then is ther vsurpation The king of Spayn his desyre of peace His court not tirannous vnlawful and yf he weare guiltie an other quaestion is whether his error geues them title and his offences free them from subiection I will maik it manifest to the world that the king euer desired peace and with great care sought to avoyd the desolation of his people and contries 1. And to maik this euident It may please yow to call to mynd the course taken by that excellent and most loyall Prince the Duke of Arschot and by the states generall at the Pacification of Gand 1574. whearin it was thought requisite to decree an Amnestia and obliuion of all things past on both sydes and to taik order for discharging the Spanyards and sending them home And notwithstanding that in this pacification all things wear referred ad arbitrium ordinum vsing nor mentioning anie reseruation to the king yet Don Iohn ded ratifie it and procured the kings consent and confirmation of all as appeareth by the perpetual edict And altough this pacification was agreed vpon by all the rest of the states general owt of a zealous affection to general vnitie yet would not the Prince of Oreng nor Holland and Zelland subscribe and accept it And they disswaded the states general to accept Don Iohn for gouernor till the Spanyards should be dismissed at a tyme limited and yet would not they dismisse the forren forces they had in Holland but being at libertie them selfs would tye Don Iohn to perform his promises but vvhy ded the Prince and Holland refuse to subscribe was it for religion no for in these articles Holland and Zelland wear as well prouided for as they could desyre for therin vvas this article vt sola in ijs prouincijs Romana religio toleretur exerceatur excepta Hollandia Zellandia tho these prouinces never esteamed nor respected that peace nor that prouision for ther indemnitie and for the Princes person and safetie his ovvn guiltienes and his precedent offences wear buried in this Amnestia the states preuayled more for hym then the Emperor could What then caused the differenc mallice and Ambition blinded and transported hym for all men may see the king desyred peace and the Prince altogether was inclined to warr tho thearin he vvas no excellent Hannibal 2. And that appeared more playnlie 1575. by the colloquie of Breda whear the king offred reasonnable conditions and the Emperor sent the Count Swartzenburgh to induce them to concord and vnitie And yet would the Prince listen to nothing and the treatie was fruitles the cawse is worthie to be knowen At that tyme they of 10. Pettit Holland deliberatelie determined to submit them selfs to some other Prince and offred them selfs secretlie to obey the Quene of England hy Aldegond and Douza The proiect vvhearof and the reasons I haue sean 3. Yet ded the king show still how great his patienc and mercie was and how farr from the basenes of tyraÌ„nie that knowing all this and much more yet would he not proclayme Oreng a traytor till 1580. when his mallice appeared to be irreconciliable and his courses desperate and after they had finished the fabrick of that vnion of Vtreght abowt fiftean yeares after the beginning of these trovvbles 4. The fouth argument to prooue the kings inclination to peace and his detestation of tyrannie taiks away all quaestion from men indifferent When the Emperor sollicited the treatie 1. The persons of Coolen 1579. and mayd choyce of most honorable persons for that purpose the tvvo Princes electors the Bushop of Wirtzburgh the Count Svvartzenburgh and Doctor Lawenman the king of Spayne was as forvvard and sent thither the Duke de Terra noua and the Duke of Arschot euer readie to aduanc peace and the commun welth with diuers others wear commissioners from the states with commission signed by the Archduke Matthias So as the persons on all sydes vvear like to deale with integritie and iugment Note also vpon what motiues was the The moiues Emperor content to employe these coÌ„missioners The states by ther letters to the emperor dated S. Iun. 1578. ded promise
and assure hym that they wear ar and so would continew constant vt in Belgio colatur religio Catholica regi sua constet authoritas And before that at vvorms in the general diet holden 1577. the agents of the states submitted and referred ther cavvse to the Emperor as likevvise the king of Spayn ded And therfor both parts being so conformable and concurring in eodem tertio a general peace might well be expected with good probabilitie Now obserue hovv this vvas performed according to agreement the Emperors commissioners cam to Coolen in the beginning of April but Dauus perturâ—at omnia the states sent not thers till the 4. Maij and then with a commission insufficient and restrained the tyme of ther treatie to six vveaks and no longer So it seamed the states could not agree a long tyme of ther instructions to ther agents and ther for the Imperials took it as an error that when they them selfs could not in manie months agree of that they would notvvith standing limit ther deputies to so short a tyme for the handling of a busienes so weightie and intricate as this was and whearim so manie seueral men had seueral ends Besides in the articles which the deputies exhibited they propounded extrema non media contrarie to promise furthermore by the articles and media of peace proposed by the Duke de Terra noua all seueritie was lenified and mitigated for the case of religion as the Emperors commissioners ded testifie by these words Vt nemo iuste conqueri posset regem pretextu religionis vel seuire in corporae subditorum vel bona eorum confiscare vel conscient t is vim inferre So as the Imperials finding the dallijng and de layes of the states such as in 16. weaks they could get no answer and that by ther letters they renewed all old greafs and quarrels they broke vp the treatie and departed Hearupon Bolduc and Valencen receaued and incertained the articles Ouer Isel and Turnay refused them not Artois and Heynault guided with the bonus genius of the Church and Em. Lalain that valiant and religious Marques of Renty together with Monsieur de Capre Heze Baize and the rest condemning the course of the Prince of Oreng offrerd ther obedienc to the king and mayd peace with the Duke of Parma In this interim what ded they of Holland they wear now further of the case was altered They published discourses against the treatie they studied how to defend ther vsurpation and how to perfect the Frame of ther vnion and how to increase discord and diuision emong the rest vvhear there ministers and agents fayled not to serue ther tvrn But they vveare principallie busied abovvt a nevv proiect For by the mediation of the Prince of Oreng and the counsel and assistanc of England and for ther better abilitie and more strenth they capitulated vvith Monsieur the Duke of Alleneon 1578. whome they created Duke of Brabant and Prince absolut of the Nether lands 2. Secondlie touching the kings tyrannie Touching the kings oppression of them first exaction and impositions then disanulling ther priuiledges also the too seuere gouernmeÌ„t of his ministers whearby he broke his oath solemnlie svvorn at the ioyefull entrie wear the cawses of making this vnion The end vvas to preserue them selfs and ther contries from vtter ruine and destruction Hear is ther Clayme and the foundation of ther Vnion and of ther Dominion and sooueraintie And first touching the exactions and tyrannie and seueritie of Gouernous which the deputies of the states ded aggrauate so much at Colen Surelie so long after the Duke of Alua his tyme and vnder the temperate gouernement of the Duke of Parma and after so oft and manie offers and signification of the kings gracious disposition to ease ther burdens it was rather to be iudged as a Cauil to shift of peace then a desire to beridd of warr For first touching these greauous exactions they complaine so of vâ—delicet of the Tenth pennie imposed by the Duke of Alua. It is necessaries to Draw the Curtens whearwith they shadovv and obscure the truthe Necessitie and not his own will forced Alua to exact that which neither he would haue Doon nor the king haue suffred it but being driuen to extremitie for setisfijng the soldiers vvho allvvaies grow wild withowt paye and so to avoyd a greater mischeafe he was driuen to incurr an inconuenienc Some of the counsell in Englant in the Quenes name seazed in Hampshyre 600000. Duckets sent from Spayne to paye the Armie vvithovvt anie charg at all to the contrie tho she had giuen a passeport for the safe conduct of it as is reported Vpon what pretences or how iustlie I wil not argue hauing beane before debated at larg in a treatie But these politique men who conselled her to extend her authoritie for staying the moonie as they well knew it was none of hers so wear they also sure it would driue the Duke of Alua into such strayts that he would be compelled to commit error and increase the hatred of his gouernment and arme the peopls furie to sedition which vvas the thing they most aymed at Besides the king of Spayn hauing sent the Duke de Medina a man of a milder nature to succead Alua who partlie by misfortun partlie by his stearnnes partlie by some errors and by forren princes disfauor was grown odious he brought vvith hym 200000. Duckets which the ZellaÌ„ders intercepted vpon the seas and as his stewards took it as pure Almes into ther charge to disburse it withowt accoumpt So hauing lost his moonie and ships lost also his hart to staye near them and therfor returned back to Spayne fullie resolued neuer to haue further dealing with such sharking Cormomorants of that Nest and crevv And so was Alua further both plunged and perplexed But hearby it appeareth that it vvas neither the kings pleasure nor purpose vvho furnished hym so largelie and liberallie as vvas intended but the necessitie of his present vvants vvhich compelled Alua to that demand and exaction And so it vvas rather an occasion of scandal and offenc reflected vpon the king then deserued by either and a quarrel rather mayd and contriued then giuen And these popular orators that plead so earnestlie for the ease of the commons and seam so carefull to procure the exoneration of the impositions and taxes layd vpon the people vvhy doe they not now inueigh asmuch against these nevv magnificos of Holland who ar so fart from laying dovvn and diminishing these subsidies and excisâ—s that they haue raised and augmented them in duch soâ—t as at this daye no common vvelth in Christendome groneth vnder the like burden And it can not yet be forgotten that the gend to ther of the people as they called hym the Prince of Oreng ded propovvnd and labor to vvrest and vvring from them of Holland the Sixth pennie tovvards his M. Issolt change and maintenanc anno 1584. this vvas a note
the church of England and who was chosen to write of this argument by the greatest Statesman of that tyme and he vvrit cum priuilegie and the generall allowanc of the church of England Saith he shall a king be deposed yf he break In his book of ChristiaÌ„ subiection his promise and oath at his coronation in anie of the couenants and poynts he promiseth He answers in the margent the breach of couenants is no depriuation And he geues this reason The people may not break vvith ther Princes tho ther Princes break vvith God And aftervvard Subiects can not depose ther Princes to vvhome they must be subiect for conscienc sake This is a sermon quite contarie to the Aphorisms of Holland and the diuinitie of Rochel and yet it standeth vpon inuincible reason for as yovv may not by Gods lavve depose your prince so yovv ar for bidden to taik armes against hym And vvhy D. Bilson vvil satisfie yovv For saith he he that may fight may bill and vvar against the Prince and murdering the Prince ar of consequenc incuitabl Aftervvard he addeth this to stopp the mouth of such a Polipragmus as called the king raptorem haereticum à suo repellendum The Apostles obeyed the tyrants that commanded all things against religion And in those things vvhich vvear cammanded against God they ded submit them selfs vvith meakenes to endure the Magistrates pleasure but not to Not. obey his vvill Lastlie and most to the purpose he concludeth yf the lavves of the land appoynt the nobles as next to the king to assist hym in doeing right and vvith hold hym from doeing vvrong then ar they licensed by mans lavves to interpose them selfs but in no case to depriue the Prince vvhear the scepter is inherited Novv it is certan that the lavves of the Netherlands geue no such authoritie to the nobles and yf they ded yet in no case to to depriue ther Prince or to abiure ther obedienc and maik that as a bridg to pass ouer to the sooueraintie And bycause some of good accounpt and iudgment haue bean led into that error that the Dukes of Burgondie hold not full power and sooraintie in the Netherlands I will send them to schoole to all lawyers records stories and that which is most infallible to the practise and common lawes of that contrie to Bodin and to that ancient and honorable Counsellor the Lord Chancelor Egerton in his oration for the post nati pag. 71. The Dukes of Burgondie saith he vvear absolute Princes and had soouerain povver in ther contries and king Henry the S. â—ad as absolute sooueraintie vvhen his style vvas Lord of Ireland as vvhen he vas king for the difference of styles marks not the differenc of soouerantie So then to conclude yf this warr begonn for religion vvas against all the rules of religion I may dewlie inferr that as ther vsurpation is withowt warrant either of law or the gospell they continew to hould it withowt conscienc and haue no other title but force and the canon And all forrein soldiers that doe assist them knowing the iniustice of the case and that the warr is so vnlawfull incurr the penaltie of mortal sinn and dainger of damnation and may as iustlie be reprooued as king Iosaphat for helping and assisting Achab. Look to the end for it is certanly fearefull to all those who know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write not thus much as an enemie to the contrie I hould a peareles countie for the goodlie townes welth traffick strenth and fertilitie in so small a circuite nor for anie personall quarrels nor for anie corruption or assentation in regard of the match with Spayne but onelie the truth of the storie the dainger of ther president and the cawse of religion haue induced me for tho I remembred the dislike had of ther manner of gouernment ther dealing with the Quenes officers and of ould how vnkyndlie my lo. Willoughbie had bean hearto fore vsed by them as his Apologie can witnes and of late what complaynts our merchant adventurors in ther books had mayd for ther ill vsage at Mosko and the east Indies by them what contempt they showed when the devvtie of Size Herrings was demanded in his Maiesties right for fishing on the coast of Scotland in presuming to imprison the demander and manie such like matters yet why should these mooue me when the state vvas not mooued And vvhen I saye the state I mean not the people but the king to whome Holland is and was most bovvnd for 2. high and bynding fauores wihch require a reciprocall obligation and thankfullnes on ther part and such as ought to bread in them good blood and ambites and respectfull toungs first in restoring vnto them the keyes that ded open and lock ther provinc not for anie remuneration but restitution of a part of his devv As also for the free permission of ther fishings vpon the Englih coast whearin they haue yearlie employed aboue 30. thowsand persons set to work by it and aboue 4000. Busses Doggerbotes galliots and pinks to ther admirable benefit which is onelie a permission of grace and no priuiledg by law for Grotius may withowt contradiction prooue mare liberum as the kings high waye is for euerie mans walk But he can not prooue that fishings vpon an other Princes coast be permitted to theÌ„ this is a digression to a good end And therfor I will return to the matter THE V. TITLE OF THE TROWBLES IN BOHEMIA AND THE PALATINATE BOhemia Onelie now resteth as a stage The trovvbles and sedition in to present the last Scene of all forren tragedies and tumults for religion and I Bohemia for religion will taik the Palatinate in my vvaye An vnfortunate prouince of late vvhich in a hundred yeares haith chainged religion fiue tymes and never leatned in all that tyme the rules of obedienc Wheareof I nead not maruel when I think of Parreus Cracerus and the schools of the new discipline Parreus in his Comment vpon the 13. Romans teacheth that subditi possunt suos Reges deponere quando degenerant in tyrannos aut suos subditos cogunt ad Idololatriam Scil. Subiects may depriue ther Princes when they degenerate from a royal gouernemeÌ„t and become tyrants of yf they compel ther subiects to Idolatrize And his meaning is yf they establish the Mass and the sacrifice of the Church or anie other religion then Caluinism then eiect excommunicate and cast them owt of all authoritie so terrible a sentenc he giueth both against the Emperor France Italie and Spayn But stay this is but his first peale vvhich he ded ring as the Toxsan the Alarum bell to Bohemia but he addeth an other article as a iust cawse of depriuation Quando pretextu religionis quaerunt propria commoda when vnder pretenc of religion they seak to maik ther own profit Which had bean a lectur not verrie plausible to king Henrie
first doe yovv talk of a vvhole state and maik the king no part of it the head no part of the bodie can ther be a monarchie vvithovvt a king yovv harp to near knoxes tune and a Scots gig The vvhol state id est the people either sollicited or disposed to aduanc Duke Charles vvithovvt the kings consent to vvear his crovvne ded elect Charles ther king and depriued Sigismond This was yow say for defenc of ther priuiledges and religion So then yow think for the se two cawses they might iustlie depose ther king and so the kings maistlie knovveth vvhat assurance he may haue of you and vvhat a sure stake yow ar for kings to leane on can yow defend this fact it is the same that Holland and Bohemia committed then against whome is rebellion against the people or the king The law is playne no warr can be mayd withowt the authoritie of the prince sine qua est laesa maiestas and that is a fundamental law in euerie monarchie which yovv turn to a Democratie by leauing the bridle in the Peopls hand Yf yovv will vouch safe to hear S. Augustin he saith l. 22. cap. 75. contra Faustum ordo naturalis mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit vt suscipiendi belli authoritas atque consilium penes Principem sit and he geues a reason for non est potestas nisi à Deo vel iubente vel sinente and bycause yow think they ought by force of armes to resist ther king for religion c. 76. he answereth your obiectioÌ„ by exaÌ„pl of the Apostles Isti sunt resistendo interfecti sunt vt potiorem esse docerent victoriam pro fide veritatis occidi Martyrdoome Iam sure yow like not this Occidi for few perfect Caluinists prooue perfect martyrs Valentius degreed to banish Eusebius from Samosata the people resisted but Eusebius appeaseth the sedition disswaded the people and obeyed the decree Theodoret l. 4. cap. 14. Valentinian sent Calligonus his chamberlain to threaten S. Ambrose and terrifie hym from his opinions by the name of deathe and torments he ded answer in an other tune Deus permittat tibi vt impleas quod minaris Ego patiar quod est Episcopi tu facies quod Spadonis Christ hym self resisted not but commanded Peter tu put vp his sword it vvas no proper vveapon to defend his quarrel Daniel and the Children of Israel Captiues in Babilon when the king commanded them to Idololatrize they resisted not they reuiled not they ded not offer to spit in his face as Caluin brauelie defended they might but refusing his command they layd them selfs at his feate to endure his pleasure But to touch yow a litl nearer I nead alledg no other authors then your ovvn either to condemn wyat or the subiects of Swetheland Doctor Bilson holdeth it as an articl of offaith that Princes ar not to be deposed and that the Apostles endured the magistrates pleasure but performed not his command and how much he condemned warr against Princes his opinion haith taught me that he who may fight may kill and to fight with the Princ and murder hym be of ineuitable consequenc Besides maister Beza some tymes when he was not transported vvith passion affirmed Nullum remedium proponitur hominibus tyranno subiectis preter preces lachrimas Parson whytes own argument against the fathers of the Catholick religion that they teach nothing but treason to murder Princes and to disturb states I must reflect vpon them that either defend wyats rebellion or the fact of the Svvecians What nead I alledg L. Baylie Ormerode or suke like men dij maiorum gentium all your greatest Doctors haue wiselie and neadfullie defended that position for 50. yeares And yf it wear trew iust and lawfull in the raign of Quen Elizabeth I see no reason why it should not be so taken in Quene Maries case for the differenc of Religion doth not alter the authoritie and power of Iudisdiction And yf Princes should for feit ther authoritie when they err in faith Then vvho should taik the forfeiture thereof and who should be iudg whether he haith forfeited yt I know yow ar not so gross as to think the people maye that is an opinion generallie reiected nor that officers share authoritie vvith the king that is also cast owt of the schools Xiphilin in the lyfe of M. Antonius saith Solus Deus iudex Principum Belloy in his Apologie Cathol part 2. Orationibus pugnandum armes against Princes haue no warrant Quis est iudex siâ—â— ex transgreditur conditiones regni Solus Deus § 21. and how farr we ought to obey princes and Quatenus see sainct Augustin serm de verbis Domini in Matth. And common reason will and may teach euerie man the misterie of this thesis For the king is anima corporis spiritus vitalis caput membrorum vinculum per quod cohaeret respublica sine quo nihil respublica ipsa futura nisi onus praeda si mens illa Imperij detrahatur This was Senecas opinion and a sownd proposition for yf the sowle offend the bodie the bodie can not punish it vvithovvt participating of the punishment neither is it a proper facultie of the bodie to iudg but of the sowle and vnderstanding Examin what the law meaneth by bodie politick and yow shall better discern all my growndwork It is a dignitie Royal annexed to the naturall bodie whearby he is mayd Lord Paramount and is not surnamed as others ar but stiled by the name of the bodie politick declaring his function as Iacobus Rex and to show the nature qualitie maiestie and prerogatiue of that bodie 1. It can not hold lands in ioyntennancie nor endure a partner 2. it can not be seazed to vses and so limited 3. it is not bovvnd to geue liuerie and season of lands nor tyed to the circumstances of a naturall bodie 4. it can not doe homage hauing no superior 5. and that bodie is so precious as the imagination onelie to compasse his death is treason tho ther be no attempt 6. and that bodie vested in a blood ought to discend and tho the natural bodie be attainted of fellonie or treason before yet by access of this body politick he may taik his inheritanc for that dignitie purgeth the blood as it ded H. 7. and H. 4. for this bodie was founded vvithovvt letters pattents by the Common lawes and for the defenc of the people And yf criminal cawses can not disable the discent it can less when it is discended for the crown of England is independant for his iura regalia holden of no Lord but the lord of heauen so it can not escheat to anie being holden of none What then from this fowntain is all authoritie and honor deriued Iudges at created and haue ther commission to iudg from the king for criminal and ciuil cawses the Constable and marshals court for armes and honor the Chancerie for equitie the Checkor for
and testifie From king Edvvard the Confessor Down to king Henry the VIII ther is no man so blind that will affirme ther was anie other religion professed and priuiledged in England but that which was planted heare by Gregorius Magnus who as D. whitacher noteth l. 5. contrae Duraeum pag. 394. ded vs a great benefit and vvhich vve ar euer most grate fullie to remember In all which tyme though the Cleargie mayd Canons by ther own authoritie for ther ovn particuler gouernment yet the kings of this realme ded euer fynt them obedient and readie hymblie and dewtifullie to obey them and to affoord ther best assistance to support the estate Royal euen oft vvhen they weare much troden vpon and heauilie burdened and albeyt sometymes they weare forced to whote contentions for external matters of iurisdiction and ther immunities as the commons and Barons weare yet they neuer passed the rules of order and obedienc nor stirred vp sedition or commotions And who soeuer shall obiect and call in quaestion the opposition of some prelates vnder Henrie the II. King Iohn and Henrie the III. shall neither doe great honor to the kings nor dishonor to the Church-men for ther zealous defenc of ther immunities and perhaps he may reuiue such matters as wear more conuenient to be buried in the records But the first king thar euer gaue effectuallie cawse in this kingdome to trie in the face of the vvorld the admirable patienc Order and loyaltie of the Catholiques was King Henrie the VIII flagelium Dei to the Church of England and yet of ther own religion First by aceusing the Cleargie to be fallen into the danger of a premunire for mantaining Caridnal VVolsies legantine power Secondlie by the statut of Supremacie Thirdlie by the Suppression of Abbeis Which vvear the thre first breaches wherby he threw Dovvn the foundation strenth and glorie of the Church of England The first leuelled the waye for the second and the second enabled hym with power and authoritie to compasse the third The first was a burden the second a bridle and the third a terror By the first he fownd ther weakenes by the second they perceaued his greatnes and by the third he mayd them dispayre of anie recouerie or reparation of ther estate by the first onelie the Cleargie smarted the second laye heauie both vpon the spirituall and temporall by the third the whole realme was again in a sort conquered And all this was doon to be reuenged against the Pope touching his marriage to abandon his iurisdiction and to aduance his ovvn greatenes and royall power that so no man might afterward controll his action or restrain his appetites vvhich lawleslie rainged in hym and prooued verrie inordinate And ther for he bard owt of the realme all forrein power and at home he subdewed them and mayd them of no power Such is the imperious nature of domination in irregular mynds which hauing once broken owt of his circle can not indure limitation and bownds but must and will rainge at libertie in the wide and wild feald of his humors and not being able to geue law to his appetites vvill maik lawes as champions to authorise them and reason as a parasite to glorifie them Now to examin all these thre The first 1. The premunite was a quarrell he ded pick onlie against Cardinal VVoltie and yet afterwards sett vpon the tentors and extended against the vvhole cleargie Which being summoned into the kings bench the kings learned counsell vrged and exaggerated the matter so vehamentlie that in the Conuocation howse they concluded to submit them selfs to his pleasure and to obtain ther pardon and recouer his fauor they wear content to offer and present vnto hym a hundret thowsand pownds wherevpon ther Pardon was signed by the king and confirmed by parliement and by a deuise there they wear also Drawen to acknowledg hym supreme head This vvas a course at that tyme thought neither agreable to Iustice nor honor for Cardinal Wolsie had the kings licens vnder his hand and the great seale of England sor his warrant to vse the legantine power and aftervvard by reason thereof the king hym self employed hym to exercise the same and sit vvith Campegius and examin the matter And yf the diuorce had bean allowed ther should neuer haue bean quaestion mayd of the legantine povvre Touching the Supremacie All the hings 2. The supremacie subiects euer acknovvledged that the crovvn of England quoad temporalia is independant of anie other povver but that great and Transcendent Maiestie vvho proclamed to the vvorld Per me reges regnant that kings knovving vvho vvill taik ther audit may be more carefull to rule vvith Iustice and keape ther accoumpts streight and subiects knovving there tye and vvho layd vpon ther necks this suaue iugum and withowt encroachment may obeye vvith more loyaltie and affection The Question vvhich king Harrie mayd first of all kings in his parliement concerneth his povver and iurisdiction quoad spiritualia And whether that new and highe praerogatiue vvear euer properlie and essentiallie inuested in the crovvn of his realme heartofore or whether it wear the creation of a nevv right by parliement iure Coronae or the establishment of an old And hearupon grovveth an other quaestion novv both in England and other kingdomes so much debated vvhether the Controuersie for Supremacie in spiritualibus be a quaestion onelie proper to Religion and so subiect to the sentenc and censure of the Church onelie as emong the Romans it vvas to the Collegium Augurum and Pontifex Max. or proper to Pollicie and the state onelie and so subiect to the iudgment of lawe or Mixt and a participle vvhear of either of them may hold plea. Of both these I shall haue fitter both Occasion for the matter and Opportunitie for the tyme to declare my poore opinion in my discourses vpon the Ecclesiastical Historie And for the suppression of the Abbies 3. The Supression of Abbies the Cleargie by that fact and the supremacie stood as in captiuitie and at the kings pleasure and mercie ther possessions wear seazed ther goods forfeited ther Churches prophaned and sacked And the augmentation court was erected vpon the spoyles of the Churche and the sale of ther mooueables vestiments challices bells and all for when the king fownd that the Cleargie thorough the humilitie of ther zeale yealded so much vnto hym he never thought he had power sufficient till he had more then enoughe and vpon that aduantage his conscienc being inlarged broke owt of those ancient bownds which the lawes of the Church had prescribed to hym Therfor anno 27. he appointed Cromwel and Doctor Leigh to visite the Abbies and by vertue of the kings commission which had then a chymical powre to maik sacriledge vertue they took owt of the Monasteries ther cheafest Iewels plate and Reliques to the kings vse and dismissed all such religious persons vnder the age of 24. yeares as
desyred to walk at libertie in the wyde world and were wearie of Cloysters and spiritual exercises Anno 28. to loose no tyme all small religious howses of or vnder 200. pownds per annum with all ther lands and haeteditaments of vvhich there vveare 376. wear giuen to the king by parliement and these vvear able to dispend aboue 3200. povvnds per annum of old rents of Assise and the mooueables of these howses being sovvld at vndervalevv amounted to aboue 100. thowsand pownds The religious and ther dependants vvear all voyded and left vnprouided of habitation so as moe then ten thowsand persons weare turned owt of ther own doores to seak ther fortunes Which mooued the common people to much compassion to see them forced to liue by almes vvho by ther bountiefull hospitalitie had releaued so manie Anno 30. Battel Abbie in Sussex Martin in Surrie Stratford in Essex Lewes in Sussex wear suppressed and converted to the kings benefitt and vse for all things wear doon politiquelie and by degrees At last anno 32. and 33. generallie all other monasteries of what valew soever and all the lands of S. Iohns of Hierusalem wear giuen to the king and the corporation of the knights was dissolued and to satisfie them with some contentment they had pensions distributed emong them of 2870. pownds during ther liues So hear was left in England and Ireland no care of the general good of the Church to mantain anie succors assistanc or fortification of Europe against the Turk nor no nurceries of deuotion and prayer again sinn and the deuel And to conclude all Chantries Colledges and Hospitalls for the releafe of the poore vvear offred and bestowed vpon the king and left to his order and disposing anno 37. The valew of all the Church lands in England at that tyme amounted to aboue 320180. pownds 10. per annum wheareof the king took into his own possession and appropriated to the crovvn 161100. per annuÌ„ The which was so great a bootie that an offer was mayd once in the parliement as Howse reporteth in preface to H. 8. to create and mantain with those reuennues fortie Earles 60. Barons 3000. knights and 40. thowsand soldiers and also that so the Commons should never after be charged with anie more subsidies or impositions The like motion and proiect was commended The Cavvses of the Supression and offred at the lay mans parliement in the tyme of king Henrie the fourth by some that loued Wiclef better then the Church and wear better frends to ther lands then to ther Religion but Thomas Arondel Archbushops of Cantorburie ded stowtlie and vertuouslie resist ther motion and preuayled with the king to preuent there platts and the mallice of auarice The Lutherans in England ded reuiue and set on foot again the same motion by ther book called the supplication of Beggars which was opposed by the supplication of Sovvles endited by the vertuous and learned penn of Syr Thomas Moor. yet at last they fownd a patrone an vnworthie Thomas of Cantorburie to geue waye to ther deÌ„uises and to fead the kings humor and so he vvho should haue bean the cheafe protector and intercessor for the Cleargie prooued the Cheafe Cateline that betrayed the Church and conspired ther oppression Add to this the kings own inclination to vayn-glorie which begot his auarice whose prodigal expences could not be mantained vvithovvt such extraordinarie support And think yow that the Lords and courtiers disliked the proposition no they knew what a rich praye it would prooue whearof each man hoped and thirsted to haue a share and speciallie maister Cromwel who knew no better ladder to climbe to greatnes and welth then by an innouation so full of spoyle whearby one might easilie rise by the fall of so manie who being a man of experienc and bred vp in a forge knew the better which way to hammer and frame his busienes in some good forme that the king might vndertaike the action and stand stowtlie to a matter of his domination and profitt knovving well that his conscience was all readie buried in Ann Boolens tomb And tho maik he waye playner and remooue all blocks the thre principall Abbots Glastenburie Reading and Burie thre Barons of the parliement stowt and religious men and likest to crosse and empeach these practises wear executed for denijng the supremacie bothe to discoorage the Bushops from mediating for them and to terrifie the rest of the religious that they might not withstand the king who was now armed with suffieient powre to bring them vpon ther knees all forren intercession being cut of But quo iure quo titulo vvas this suppression The titl of the religious hovvses compassed The Abbies hold these lands in frank Almoine and in see they vvear possessed of them by the donations of Saxon English and Norman kings and subiects continued legallie by prescription established by law and confirmed by the Charters of kings and so they held ther inheritanc and immunities by the same lawes the temporall Lords hold ther Baronnies and the king his reuennues What nead I remember the Charters of the realme the magna charta 9. H. 3. or the confirmation thereof 28. Ed. 1. vvhear it is granted that the Church of England shall be free and haue her liberties inuiolable and cap. 2. iudgment against them shall be held for naught and 4. Bushops wear authorised to excommunicate those that shall seak to vndoe ther charters And 3. E. 1. the Bushops ded accurse those that attempted to spoyle the Church or by force and craft to diminish ther liberties or the charter of the realme and all those that either should maik statutes or obserue them being mayd against the sayd liberties for which is to be noted by one and the same Charter both the Church and all the subiects hold ther liberties so as king H. 8. might as well break the one as vndoe the other and yf the parliement could geue powre to abrogate the one that is a president to dispence with the other But in Peterboâ—ow Ledgerbook yow shall fynd king Iohns grants more at large and fullier then anie printed book setteth down What nead I remember sententia lata super confirmatione cartarum by E. 1. or 42. Ed. 3. cap. 8. yf anie statut be mayd contrarie to magna charta it shall be voyd Or the confirmation of all these 1. 6. 7. 8. of R. 2. and 4. H. 4. Which all wear intended to preuent tyrannie to secure the Church then being visiblie knowen and generallie reuerenced for to no other Church they wear granted nor no other can enioye theÌ„ yf the king so please But to return to the suppression The The surrendors king to maik his title either to be or to appear stronger to which he had no title of hym self but by parliement and hovv farr that powre is extended to geue awaye the lands of a third parson not being hard nor convicted
persons it a bated much the glorie of her wisedome and heroicall spirit and gaue the world occasion to suspect that all her former actions wear counterfeit and camposed for her securitie to temporize and to misdowbt that she was not innocent and cleare of these great not capitall crymes layd to her charge for vvhich she had stood in no smal dainger Ant to speak frelie and trewlie my opinion she was a Prince of great Maiestie and magnificens but fitter for governement then deuotion and of more pollicie then religion and not as her sister vvas the same in a storme and a calme a Quene and a subiect nor semper eadem But how and by what means ded she Hovv religion vvas chainged contriue and work this admirable mutation of state I vvill breaflie declare for tho it be not proper to my quaestion it is not impertinent and may be of some vse 1. First the long sicknes of Q. Marie gaue her great aduantage and tyme both to deliberate and draw her plattformes prepare her instruments in readienes maik choyce of her means and resolue of the fittest counsellors to aduance her ends 2. Secondlie she layd her honor to pawne and mayd protestation in open parliament that she would never trovvble the Roman Catholiques for anie differenc in religion vvhich ded geue the Cleargie great hope of some more indifferencie and tolerable fauors the which is related by How 's in prefat of Q. Elizabeth for knowing well that a king can not create a new religion as D. Bilson sayd trewlie meaning that it must be the act and work of a parliement therfor to winn the Bushops either to silenc or patienc she wiselie vsed that peace of art The which thing vvas vvell noted by Monsieur de Mauuissier vvho was long french Embassador in England and a curious searcher and obseruer of matters of that nature saith he lib. 2. pag. 61. in Les memoires de Monsieur Mich Castelnau Quene Elizabeth purposing to chainge religion that she might the better vvinn the Bushops she promised to follow ther aduises in all things and therby preuayled not a litle And though manie fyne sleights wear vsed frownes and fauors promises and threats yet notwithstanding by that parliement both the statuts for the supremacie and the abrogation of the old religion wear enacted 3. Add also that when the act vvas mayd for supremacie vvhich must ever be as the first great vvheale of motion bycause by king Henries lavv Bushops and Barons stood in dainger for Syr Thomas Moor and Bushop Fisher had giuen them vvarning to look to ther heads therfor novv in this nevv edition of the supremacie first the vvords of supreme head vvear chainged into supreme gouernor vvhich qualification of the vvords being aequiualent vvas vsed but as a mask and shadovve to bleare the eyes of the people and secondlie the Barons and Lords vvear exempted from the rigour of the Oath to vvinn them the rather to consent to the act and so to leaue the Bushops in the briars to beare the brunt of the storme ensewing 4. I knovv yow will admire and yow maye how this chainge could be vvrought in the vpper howse by most voyces considering so manie Bushops and so manie Lords vvell affected to religion had ther suffrages there Remember first that king Henrie pulling dovvne the Abbies vveakened the strenth of the Cleargie taking avvay by that meanes twentie fiue voyces of Abbots who satt there as Barons of Parliement and besides Sinon who managed that busienes showed all his conning therin and as a maister of his art For the noble Earl of Arōdel abused and fed with a vayne hope by the ayd of the Duke Northfolk engrossed into his hands the proxies and voyces of so manie Lords to be disposed at his pleasure and to serue and further the Quenes desyre and ends that the Catholicks wear overswayed and born downe by the pluralitie of six voyces onelie And how God rewarded these tvvo great Princes the instruments of that seruice the world may iudg by ther afflictions as spirits that haunted them tho to expiat that fault the religious and noble Earl Philip suffred the martyrdome of a languishing sowl A strainge and memorable mattet it was to haue a new religion introduced and no Bushop nor religion man to consecrate and aduance it with one voyce for the vehement oration of Abbot Fecknam aginst it is fresh yet in memorie and how all the Bushops obstinate refragati sunt Camden doth witnes and that noble Lord Montagew sensible of the scandall thereof opposed it vvithall his force vvho together vvith D. Thurlebie Bushop of Elie had so latelie bean employed at Roome abowt it and vrged that the vvorld would disgrace fullie censure such a soodain chainge and innouation proposing also the daingers which weare like to ensew and so ded by excommunication But for ther better assurance to preuayle in the vpperhowse and more stronglie to ouer-rule the Bushops and the Abbots the Quene created diuers nevv lords VVilliam lord Parr Marquis of Northampton a good speaker and a wise man the Earle of Hartford the Vicount Bindon the lord Saint Iohn of Bletso and the lord Hunsdon all Protestants and men fitt to build a new Churche And to be better armed the Catholick partie was weakened by discharging from the counsell table manie of the old counsellors the lord Chancelor the lord Priuie seale Secretarie Boxall and Syr Frances Englefeald and in ther roomes wear placed Syr Nicholas Bacon the Marques of Northampton the Earl of Bedford Sr A. Caue Syr Frances Knolls Rogers Parrie and secretarie Cicil all fitt men to beare parts in that Pageant And further she deposed manie of the old Iudges and mayd also new Iustices of peace and gaue order to vse all vvarienes in the election of knights and burgesses that they might likewise maik ther partie good in the lovver hovvse which yow would wnder to heare how politicklie it was performed Furthermore to taik all scrupule owt of the heads and harts of the people and that they might conceaue that the seruice and religion still continued the same the ould was but transtated into Englishe onelie for ther better edification and vnder standing they directed that the alteration should be framed as near to the old as they might well doe And so it was in dead verrie politiclie handled For they bothe admitted and continued the title and iurisdiction of Bushops vvith some litl grace and authoritie and they permitted the vse of surplises caeremonies anthems Organs and manie prayers in the forme of the old Whearby the Quene vvas the better able to excuse her fact to forrein princes for this great chainge as she ded vse the same for her reason to Secretarie d' Assonuile who was sent by king Philip to congratulate her aduancement 7. And touching the communion book it vvas composed by certan commissioners appointed for that purpose Parker Grindal Horn VVhytehead May Bill and Syr Thomas
Smith and it vvas mayd according to the liturgie of the straingers of Frankfort 1544. all of them of Bucers stamp and not much varijng from that in king Edvvards tyme. The which Parr Russel Grey of Pytgo and Cicil approoued but all those of Geneua vtterlie disliked not knowing the Quenes reasons nor regarding them 8. Lastlie the instrumentall cawses and cheafe artificers for building this new work wear choyce men all bothe for experience and pollicie Syr William Cicill mayd second Secretarie in king Eduuards dayes in an age whearin a man might learne more conning them vertue a wise man for practise and one that knevv well how much this alteration would serue his turn and raise his fortune and at that tyme he vvas hongrie hauing onelie the personage of VVimblton and certan lands abowt Stamford as appeared by his letter to the lord Marques 1560. vvhen Syr Robert Cicil vvas borne desiring the lord Threasorers furtherano that the Quene would grant hym some means and maintenanc for these two C. C. solike to be famous in England herafter Syr Nicholas Bacon was an others his brother in lawe a man of Deap iudgment of more knowledg in the lawes and a more plausible Orator I may not forget the Lord Robert who solelie to posses the Quenes fauor by a trick discarded Syr Williā Pickering then a fauorite and a courtlie gentlman neither can I omitt Seigneur Nicholas Throgmorton S. Tho. Smith and manie others who wear now in hope to fynd that which they had long gaped for such offices and preferments as they wear like to loose who held them in Quene Maries tyme. Better Enginers and fitter men could neither haue bean wished nor fuwnd then all these wear to vndermine and cast downe the Cleargie and the old Church governement vvho possessing vvholie the eare and grace of the Quene satt vvith command at the stearne and as pylots of great estimation guided the course both of the Church and commonwelth at ther pleasure thoughe manie men vvondered how maister secretarie could so soone forget his beads and his breuiarie whearwith he counterfeited a Catholick and vvonn Cardinal Pool to stand firmelie his frend Notwithstanding all this choyce of men and preparation of meanes ther courses and cownsells gaue occasion of more trowbles continual feares and greater hazards and daingers to the Quene the realme in all her tyme then ever anie architects of innouation committed And no maruel for ludit in humanis diuina potentia God doth skorn and frustrate the pollicies and shifts of men that haue nothing els to trust to but shifts and he vvill euer teach the wisest to see ther follies and a litl to humble them those that ar most prouident shall by ther errors learn that plus est in arte quam in artifice For now the Quene by this act of Innouation left destitute of all her allies and confaederates vvas driuen to stand vpon her own gard and lie open to all stormes hauing France an enemie and Spayne a frend skarse contented and so was driuen euen at first to ronne vpon a rock forced to assist the rebells in Scotland against ther Soouerain and to send them ayd to expell the french employed ther for ther Quenes seruice It may de yow think this a trifle mark the rest To succor the Admirall and rebells in France she Inuaded Normandie and took possession of Nevvhauen and Deape deliuered to her by the Vidame of Chartres was this a glorie the disgrace in loosing and ill defending Newhauen was a greater bleamish to them then it was honor to haue them yealded and offred to the Quenes disposing and speciallie seing they might therby either haue brought Callice home againe or haue locked vp the gates of Roan and Paris And they ded neither but bring home the great plague as a scourge to the realme for that offence furthermore for the securitie of the realme and to diuert all warres from home they wear driuen not withowt touch of the Quenes honor to kindl the fyre in all other adiacent nations and then to publish a declaration and reason of ther actions as yf the world could not read the trew cavvses of actions vvithovvt the spectacles of those ancient Senators Whearupon they ded ayd the Princes of Orenge against king Philip vnder pretenc of amitie and league vvith the howse of Burgondie and the kings of England which was a litl to grosse for so excellent vvitts considering that the amitie vvas contracted with no subiects nor states but betwean the kings of E. and the Dukes of Burgondie wheareof the states had the benefit and wear partakers but not authors comprehended in the treaties but not treators fayre coolors for fovvle errors And why for so she gaue a president against her self that forrein Princes might be vvarranted by her example to inuade her ovvn kingdomes to releaue her subiects yf they should rise for religion and to learn the waye to Ireland and requite her And the showe of Religion serued them fitlie for there purpose But surelie I haue hard verrie wise men much condemn the course Bor though England ded assist there neighbors on all sides vpon the reason of state which Polibius prescribed Vicininimium crescentis potentia maturè quacunque ex causa deprimenda which is an axiome that is oft inconuenient and ofter iniurious and sometymes pernicious Yet the counsell of Thucidides vvas more proper and safer Nullus princeps à suis subditis iuste puniendis arcendus est qui id facit parem in se legem statuit ne suos ipse puniat delinquentes And heare I must commend hym to haue said this vviselie who saith all things wittielie The vvisidome of the latter tymes in princes fayres is rather in fine deliueries and shifting of damgers vvhen they ar near then solid and grovvnded courses to keap them aloaf The grownd of all these trowbles vvas the pretenc of Sinon Viz. Actum esse de ea si pontificiam authoritatem in quacumque re agnosceret as Camden saith the Quene vvear vndoone yf she acknowledged the Popes authoritie Mark his reason duos namque pontifices matrem illegitimè nuptam pronunciasse and by that argument he suggested that it was best to alter religion inuest her self in the sooueraintie and banish the Popes bulls from grasing in this kingdome and all obedienc to that sea This was a course neither at home nor abroad to keap daingers aloofe and vndowbtedlie yf Henrie the 2. or Frances the 2. of France had liued that error was like to haue wrapped the realme into ineuitable perills and might by all probabilitie haue serued as a bridg to haue let the Quene of Scots passe over into England vnder her own title and the banner of the Church solliciting for her better warrant the renewing of the bulls of Clement the 7. and Paulus 4. against her moothers marriage and her own illegitimation and the rather this might haue bean doon by the error of them that
left open the port of aduantage hauing not repealed in England the act of her illigitimation as Quene Maries counsell wiselie had doone before But now at lenth to returne to the matters proper and pertinent to the quaestion Iam to handle The Quene before her coronation put all the bushops to silence and commanded they should not preache and after the parliement all those that refused the oath being called before the Quenes commissioners wear depriued from all honors liuings or employmeÌ„t either in the church or common welth and wear also committed to prison and so both lost ther liberties and liuing together Dignities they could not loose as appeared by B. Bonners case whome they could not degrade from the Dignitie of a Bushop though he ded loose London There vvear in all 14. Bushops most vertuous and learned prelates of England and 10. of Ireland deposed 12. Deanes 15. maisters of Colledges 6. Abbots 12. Archdeacons 160. preasts together with maister Shellie Prior of S. Iohns of Hierusalem Now touching ther Demeanor and the course of ther proceading before ther Depriuation These Bâ—shops sitting in Parliement at Quene Maries Deathe acknowledged by diuers proclamations Quene Elizabeths title and right to the Crowne And the Archbushop of york D. Heath then Chancellor of England calling together the nobilitie and commons assembled in both howses by a graue oration exhorted them to accept and obey Quene Elizabeth and by the best course he could endeauoured to dispose and setl the harts of subiects to loue and serue her And all the Bushops ioyntlie ded ther homage and fealtie to her Maiestie in dewtifull manner And although they vvear not ignoranc of her determination to alter the course of religion yet ded they neuer practise neither Scotising nor Geneuating nor neuer incensed the people and Catholiks against her nor attempted anie violent resistance nor sought the support of forrein Princes whome they knew at that tyme readie vpon so fayre pretence to haue ayded them but they ded so respect fullie tender both the Quenes safetie and the peace of the realme more then ther own liues liberties or liuings that though diuers emong them mayd a quaestion yf it wear not most conuenient for the good of the Churche to procead to excommunication against her to vvhich her case laye verrie open and subiect yet the most voyces disswaded that course least yf they should vse the sentenc and censures of the church against her the people might be induced to taik armes for the protection of religion and therfor they ded aduise rather to referr it to the popes determination and pleasure then to talk vpon them to doe yt them selfs though they thought they might lavvfullie doe yt as the case then ded stand Ther was also an other secret frend that ded much fortifie the state of the Quene King Philip knowing all the platts of France and ther secret intentions and vvat motions they mayd at Roome and vpon what tearmes they ded stand to offend England albeyt he had buried all offences at the treatie of Cambray yet loath to see France growe so great as to haue footing in England and as loath that Religion should loose her howld and honor there though he ded wish the end he ded not like the meanes and therfor he employed his ministers in England to doe good offices betwean the Quene and the Cleargie But Alas what became of all these graue prelates Trewlie nothwithstanding all ther publick disgraces and priuate sufferings they ded rather choose a Durate then an Armate and euer professed and well performed Preces Lachrimae arm a nostra Obserue how long and how heauilie ther burden lay vpon them D. Scott Bushop of Chester dyed at Loouain in exile Goldvvel of Asaph at Roome Pate of vvorcester subscribed at the counsell of Trent for the Cleargie of England and never returned D. Oglethorp of Carlile dyed soodainlie and shortlie after his depriuation and so ded learned and famous Tonstal die a personner at Lambeth Bourn of wells was prisonner to Carie deane of the Chappel Thirlebie of Elie first vvas committed to the towre and afterward he and secretarie Boxal vvear sent to Lambeth vvhear they ended there dayes Abbot Fecnam Bushop Watson Bushop Bonner dyed prisoners and Prior she l lie in exile This was the Catastrophe of the worthie Prelates of England a tragedie of the Downefall of the whole Cleargie a thing incredible to posteritie and never hard of in former ages that the third and most reuerend state of the realm the Cedars of Libanus who ever sinc king Etheldred floorished as the Oaches of a realme should be all at once cut downe cast into disgrace and prisons or exile and liue withowt releaf or comfort as men forlorne and abiects yet neither taynted for vice nor convinced for trespas nor accused for anie treason but that which they would never subscribe to aknowledg treason the refusing the oath of supremacie a poynd of religion to them and vvhich touched ther sovvles to the quick And wear they depriued for that then surelie had the ministers of Geneua great luck to escape the high Commission for yow shall hear ther opinions and see the differenc of ther spirits 1. Gilbee in admonitione ad Anglos calls king Henry the 8. libidinosum monstrum monstrosum aprum qui Christi locum inuasit Ecclesiae Anglicanae caput dicivoluit cum tamen omnis religionis expers esset This monstruons bore must neads be called Head of the Church vnder payn of Treason displacing Christ our onelie head who alone onght to haue the title why ded he call hym bore Partlie for his qualities partlie for Ann Boolens sake who was that Helena cuius causa peribat Ilium as both Melancthon in his Chron. and G. Bellay in his Comment declare 2. And that yovv may knovv vvhat an haeresie and flatterie of kings the school of Geneua censureth the Oath of supremacie to be I pray yovv heare the Oracle in cap. 1. Osee in cap. 9. Amos Et hodie in quit quam multi sunt in papatu qui regibus accumulant quicquid possunt iuris potestatis of this poynt I dare avowe Geneua is not guiltie ita vt ne qua fiat disputatio sed potestas haec sit penes regem vnum vt statuat pro suo arbitrio quicquid voluerit sine controuersia hoc firmum maneat Qui initio tantopere extulerunt Henricum regem Angliae certe fuerunt inconsiderati homines dederunt illi summam rerum omnium potestatem hoc me semper grauiter vulner auit erant enim blasphemi cum vocaruÌ„t illum summum caput Ecclesiae sub Christo Ded Syr Thomas Moor or Bushop Fisher say more nay not so much against the matter nor in so rude and violent manner such vvas the violenc of king HeÌ„rie that he pressed them to speact and yf they ded speak they wear in dainger of law yf they ded not speak
to defend the principles of ther religion by disputation vvhich the protestants would not accept * Camden nisi Baconus in theologicis parum versatus tanquam iudex praesideret and he being a professor of the common lawes vvhy he should be chosen moderator of such a Diuinitie disputation Cambredg can neither geue reason nor president nay rather yf yow ask ther opinion they will answer Spectatum admisi c. for it is a tidiculous Solaecism Since Father Parsons and diuers others haue mayd the same challeng desirous to bring I ruthe to the Tryal and touchstone in solemn and publick manner And let no man obiect the colloquies at Poissy Ratisbon Wormes Altenburg Murbrun c. which wear fruitles bycause formeles they ded not produce the effects expected bycause they erred in ther course of proceading and I confess I vnder stand not the misterie vvhy the protestants in England now draw bach seing Ievvel in the beginning was so forward and mayd so liberal offerts which yf anie would now defend it would quicklie appear which religion weare counterfeit and which currant whether doctrine wear solide and vvhether not speciallie hauing a moderator who could discouer evasions guid the disputers and iudiciouslie determin to whome the prize should be giuen And yf perhaps some would except and alledg the conferenc betwean M. Hart and D. Reignolds betwean Gode and Campion which wear honored and diuulged as triumphes and that these ought to stand as sufficient proofes co convinc the Catholicks yf the truthe so well sifted by disputation may satisfie them and preuayle I answer it is iniquissima conditio for a man armed to sett vpon a prisoner to insult vpon a man weakned with fetters and destitute of books withowt preparation and vvarning and which is worst in the face of a rack and torments whear Campion had bean posed with crewel quaestions before and in a place of no indifferencie whear they may sett down what they list and frame a combate at ther pleasure as Roynolds ded And whear as perhaps for politick cavvses the king and the Lords may dislike anie publick disputation vpon the grownds of religion yet this may well be granted and the french kings president may induce it The preasts and fathers offer to prooue that Iewel the mainster Carpenter of that Apologie of the Churche of England that Luther Caluin Melancthon and the later Doctors Colonells of the new plantation haue overcrowed and born down the Catholicks for opinion of truthe sinceritie and learning onely by false quotations corruptions falsifications misrecitalls and that both of scriptures and fathers both of the text and the gloss And this they humblie pray and hope that his Maiestie in his own tyme vvould be pleased to grant bycause these be heynous offences and the temple of veritie can not be builded vpon error and false grownds and bycause illusions and forgeries be stratagemata satanae that at least he would permitt the triall of that iust accusation and so afthervvard esteam of ther integritie as they shall acquite them selfs Concerning the third poynt that the 3. Preasts ar no practisers Seminaries bread such preasts as ar ministers of practises and stirr the people to rebellion as they ar charged both by the book of execution of iustice and by the proclamation 1580. whearin particularly they ar accused to haue bean priuie and accessarie to the counsells and proiects of the king of Spayne the Pope and others who intended and combined at that tyme to invade England to depose the Quene and subdevv the realme I must freelie answer that iealousie is trewlie described to be full of eyes and yet all pur-blind fearefull of her own shadowe euer in motu trepidationis and contrarie to the motions of other starres And tho they vvear great statesmen ye with all ther Opticks they could not foresee the great daingers like to fall vpon them till they wear at ther doors And hauing by error drawen and prouoked them yet took they the course rather to continew the flame then quench the fyre to encreas the mallice then preuent the mischeaf For first yf anie such confaederation had bean which never yet could be discouered nor was recorded in anie historie was it probable that so great and so wise Princes would acquaint the poor speculatiue preasts at Reams or Douay or the fathers of the societie with ther plats and intentions is it credible that they would manage matters of state so vveakelie yea but these Princes purposed by the meanes of the preasts and religious to prepare a partie assistant in England how by reconciling the people to the Pope that they might ioyne vvith hym and the king of Spaynes armie One error begets an other for preast doe not reconcile men to the Pope but to God and his Churche 1. And yet surelie it was a miracle that emong so manie preasts and in so long tyme and when Spies and intelligencers wear employed and rewarded neither anie such preast could be nominated who was then or after so corrupted or induced by these great Princes nor anie was afterward apprehended or discouered for anie such trespasse and which is most to be marked not anie subiect was called in quaestion or accused for entertaining anie preasts to that end then how phantastical was this feare what an imagination of Chimeraes and terrors most iniurious to touch the reputation of all the English preasts in generall and by statuts and proclamations to call ther names and ther liues in quaestion and to haue no su sufficient vvitnesses to accuse them no euidenc against them nothing but presumptions and probabilities to attaint them of treason the lyfe and honor of subiects wear wont to be esteamed more pretious and the function of preasts more reuerenced 2. I may also add this that when the king of Spaynes armado was vnder sayle towards England not a preast nor Seminarie man was fownd in it And though in the proclamation they wear traduced to be men suborned for preparation and making the way leuel for ther better landing yet hovv vvell they prepared it appeareth by this that neither preast nor Catholick vvear apprehended and attainted for anie such offenc as is afore sayd 3. Besides hovv litl affianc the king of Spayn had in the English preasts and Catholicks of that tyme was demonstrated by this that all the religious English at Valladolid and Burgos 1589. wear fettered and committed close prisoners when the armie of England assaulted Lisbone and invaded Portingal Furthermore in all the actuall treasons and conspiracies supposed to be mayd against Q. Elizabeth ther was never preast or monk or friar touched or taynted for anie of them For certanlie the holie altars of God will not suffer nor indure so vngodlie machinations and cloysters bread better humors eleuate ther sowles from the world they think not of Princes but in ther prayers and venite ad iudiciū sownding ever in ther eares requires a continual preparate in
Deus ipse effâ—câ—tur immeâ—iate eorum caput As now yow imputed to D. Allen the citing of that text in Num. to be a position and principl of Papists to depose and murder Princes I shovv a Caluinist that affirmes the same and overmatcheth hym Iam sumus ergo pares but yet is ther odds for D. Allens words and scope differ from Goodmans Goodman warrants the peopl to execut ther Princ geues them reasons shovves the vvay and to confirm them maiks it Gods act D. Allen complayning against the rigour and seueritie of the lawes of E. showes they ar not to obey and perform them but stirrs not vp the peopl to rebell he showes what resistanc may be warranted but incites not to resist I vvill cite his own vvords cap. 5. â—ro Catholica religione certaere praeclarum sed modo tempore Vt conscientiae lex sacra supremi pastoris sententia dirigant So then he recites Deuter. 13. and Num. 25. and infers Illud autem in omnibus ijs exemplis notandum populum non sua voluntate impetu ad has Caedes sed à prophetis Sacerdotibus commonefacti id quod omni posteritati sequutur examplo est ne aliâs priuato odio superbia c. in errores ruamus imbrobitatem nostram religionis velo tegamus So hear is more discreation and more dewtie then ad furcas abripere more order and governement then suspendere as in furie more religion then to teach that God ded authorise the peopl to so desperate actions Doctor Sutclif in his book called Turcopapismus 2. F. Parsons obiected this against Fa. Parsons Lopez à personio Iesuita Hispanis quibusdam ad reginam interficiendam magna pecunia conductus nisi vigilantia Essexij scelus deprehensum I will tell the Doctor such an other tale to maik hym amends Peter Pannie a Cooper was reported to haue bean hyred by Mauaraeus rector of Douay prouincial of the Iesuits to kill Count Morrice and vpon examination of the matter it was found a fable as this is which the Doctor deliuereth so confidentlie for in that action of Lopez ther was no man accused but Portingals and Spanyeards and in the examinations which I haue sean and read whearin all the circumstances ar declared all the aydors moouers and actors ar nominated there is not one word of Fa. Parson And vvhen maister Egerton ded in the Guildhall most largelie and eloquentlie vrg all he could against Lopez not a word was spoken of F. Parsons which he would not haue omitted yf ther had bean cawse and all men knevv that knew hym that he was not a like man to venture his reputation in a forrein bottom subiect to so manie leaks and so much dainger as that was and therfor this was a scandalous fiction But the Threason of Parrie is low dlie 3. Parrie sownded in all mens eares as a reproach and stayne of Catholick religion bycause the Pope by his letters had prouoked hym to kill the Quene hear is some probabilitie yet this is no stayne at all for Parrie confesseth that maister Wats a seminarie preast with whome he had conference disliked both his motion and attempt and tould hym that it vvas an vnlawfull practise and that diuers other preasts ded the like Besides at Lyons when he cam to Fa. Creighton a Iesuit after his confession he opened to hym his intentions belike perswading hym self that the good father would byte at such a bate But Fa. Creighton vertuoushe resolued hym quod omnino non liceret it was against Gods lawe and by diuers reasons disswaded hym and thus much he hym self confessed to the Quene Hollinshead in his chron wituesseth it and few men that ar of experienc abowt London but know and acknowledg it So ther is a discharg both to the fathers and preasts for Parries treason Now touching the Popes letter yow must vnderstand that this counterfeit had bean long vsed in Italie as a spie and fynding vpon his return so litl encooragement at Lyons by the fathers he trauelled to Paris whear he sought to insinuate hym felf into D. Allen and Fa. Parsons who wear there with the Lord Paget But not fynding such entertainment at ther hands as he expected he was brought by means to the Nuncio to whome he deliuereth a letter written by hym self in Italian and directed to the Pope 1. Whearin first he confessed the wrongs he had doone to Catholicks 2. That he was going into England to maik some satisfaction by his seruices and 3. desiring his bsnediction and approbation vvithovvt specifiâ—ng anie particularitie he meant to performe there which letter is yet extant at Room vpon record and to this letter Card. Como answered and vpon this is all the triumph The letter of C. Como is common examin it and see yf either ther be anie particuler seruices intimated or anie seditious directions giuen from the Pope more then an encooragement in genere to an offer in genere What then can yovv reasonablie infer vpon this to disgrace Catholicks yow may inferr that the Popeshowed a fatherlie affection to England that would vouchsafe to write to Parrie promising to doe some good seruice but by that letter yovv can not infer that he exhorted or encooraged Parry to anie treasonabl act speciallie considering that such actions be notoriouslie condemned by the sea Apostolick Councels fathers and schoolmen But it vvas Parries deuise to procure that letter to serue his turn in England and to vse the Popes name both to abuse the Catholicks and deceaue the Quene vvhen he departed secretlie from Paris vvithovvt an Adieu to F. Parsons vvith vvhome he vvas not vvel pleased for being ill regarded he vvrit to the Lord Burlie for a passport that he might come over and impart to the Quene great matters he vvas admitted the Quene hard hym and he informed that the Iesuits mooued hym to kill her yet in the Parliement hovvse he defended boldlie Catholicks and religion for vvhich the hovvse committed hym to the tovvre not knovving that the Quene vvas priue to his purposes and that her intention vvas therby to geue hym reputation and credit vvith the Preasts and fathers for now he had continuall accesss to the Quene he hoped to be maister of S. Katharins vvas in great fauour vvith the lo. Threasorer and was employed to discouer the plats and intentions of forreiners and at home to betray the Catholicks and particulerly the Lord Lattimor whome the Threasorer studied to haue caught in Parries nett But he that was trew to no man prooued false to hym self and vvas taken in his own snare hauing met vvith witts overreaching his and perished so worthilie as I may trevvlie conclude quis paena eius mouebitur qui id commiserit pro quo nemo misereri misericors potest Yet this was generallie iudged the more 4. Fa. VValpool and Squire probable that the Pope and the papists ded employe Parrie bycause Fa. Richard Walpool was accused to
and diuers others and with drew them from ther obedienc Bycause it is a matter which concerneth all preasts it is necessarie to examin it with deliberation Cuthbert Mayn was indited at Launston 1577. that he had and obtained from Roome a bull and instrument for absolution and that maister Tregion knowing hym to haue obtained the same 20. April after ded ayd and mantaine hym and was reconciled These wear the accusations and iudg of them 1. First for his reconciling Mayn answered that they wear deceaued preasts ded vse to reconcile men onelie to God neither by reconciliation was euer anie man withdrawen from his remporal obedienc by anie consequenc but rather had a greater obligation 2. And touching his being at Room and procuring this bull of the Pope he sayd he vvas never at Room nor sought to obtain from thenc anie Bull at all for absoluing anie man 3. Moreover that it was copie of a bull printed which he bought at Douay onelie to peâ—ule and see the manner of it 4. But that which is most to be noted is that it was printed at Douay and by the enditement he was accused that 1. Octob. 1597. he ded obtain from Room the afore sayd instrument for the law intended that the trespassor should obtain immediatlie from the Pope not a copie but the instrument it self and that it should contain some matter preiudiciall to the Quenes person or the quiet and good of the state or to seduce and corrupt the subiects for it is not to be imagined that the parliement would maik that treason by which no hurt nor dainger can ensew to the state 5. But what bull was this that maketh the matter cleare it was a bull concerning the Iubilie which by the Pope is granted of course and not at the suit of anie priuate person and for all contries not for anie one and once in 25. yeares and that bull ded continue in force butone yeare which yeare was ended 1575. and so the date of the instrument was expyred before he bought it much more 1. Octob. 1597. when he was endited so yow see parâ—uâ— iunt montes Yet bycause he had the bull tefused to come to the Church and obey the Quenes proceadings iudg Manhood tould the iurie whear manifest proofs can not be had persumptions must be allowed and therupon the iurie fovvnd hym guiltie though the enditement contained altogether matter insufficient and impossible and neither answearable to the words nor senc of the statut For in this bull ther wear neither words nor matter to withdraw or seduce anie subiect from dew obedienc neither vvas ther anie thing preiudicial to the Q. to be executed Notwithstanding maister Tregion lay long in prison emong fellons in a dongeon noysom for smells toads c. fed with bread and water and was afterward condemned in the premunire and his lands seazed by writ from the excheckor and the date of the vvrit vhas before the iudgment giuen as yf they knew it should be so he was prisoner 16. yeares an ancient gentlmen and honorablie allied and his lands 1000. pownds of old rent and tho it was entayled yet the knight marshall fownd means to avoyd it who had begged his lands of the Quene And all this vvas but for religion and vpon false accusation of one Twigs a parish Clack who affirmed that he had speach with Mayn at Christenmas 1575. and at that tyme was Mayn at Douay But to go forward ex pede Herculem by this iudg of the rest which is so much obiected Touching the rising in the North and 7. The Bull of Pius V. the attempts of Babington and his complices they wear mixt actions not for religion onelie or state onelie but for bothe and not procured by the suite and sollicitation of religious men but owt of ther ownzeal and compassion of the Quene of Scotland whome the Earles accoumpted nearest allied to the crovvne And such actions ar not comprehended vvithin the compass of the Question I am to cleare and discusse 1. But concerning the bull of PIVS V. Preasts vvear not to ask the reason of the Popes doeings yet yovv may fynd some of the reasons specified in the bull diuers haue ascribed it partlie to the soodain reuolt of England from the Church partlie to the prouocations mayd by the ministers there who in euerie pulpit vvhotelie and slanderouslie proclaymed the Pope Antichrist and the man of perdition and some haue attributed it to minsinformation of the Quenes case and the Catholicks But I am sure manie graue men vvear sorie that it vvas either procured or defended 2. And C. Allen vvitnesseth multos illud factum agre tulisse as before yovv see Bushop Watson and the rest ded and he wished that it had bean Dei iudicio reseruatum 3. And Fa. Parsons and Campion sollicited the mitigation thereof as appeared at his arrainment that it might not bynd the consciences of subiects to disobey the Quene Whearupon Gregorie the 13. declared withowt anie limitation or restraint that subiects ought to performe all dewties to Quene Elizabeth notvvithstanding the censure 4. Lastlie yow may probablie coniecture that the Popes ar not lightlie induced to vse so extream courses seing they neither sought by such censures to disturb the peace of k. Ed. 6. of the kings of Scotland Denmark Svveden the Duke of Saxonie or Marques of Brandenburg Neither doth it at all touch the Catholicks nor the present state for actio moritur cum persona which is the thing most concerning vs. The greatest blott is that ther vvear 8. The preasts more treasons by the preasts committed in Q. Eliz. tyme then euer wear in anie age by protestants and that is no quaestion disputable bycaus it is manifestè verum near 200. preasts and religious haue bean executed for that offenc In dead Norton D. HammoÌ„ and Topclif affirm that it is trew but bycaus Catholicks denieit let vs examin whether it be a trew Thesis no preasts wear executed for religion but for Treason 1. And to determin that the better enquire what be the acts for which they ar condemned to be a preast to come ouer into England to refuse the vath to say mass 10 absolue and â—econcile to preach and minister Sacraments and to bebred vp in the Seminaries Ar these matters of State and not of conscience temporall and not spiritual crimes of treason and not religion Ther must then be a new lexicon de verborum significationibus for els in forrein contries they will exclayme bycause it toucheth them all by participation both in conscienc and câ—edit who ar preasts and fynd ther function and profession so tainted 2. Thâ—n consider and defyne what is treason The best definition thereof is the statut 25. Ed 3. which was mayd according to the common lawes of England how know yow that maister Ploydons opinion directeth me In that act the Question vvas what was treason by the common law now saith he it is a principle in
Ashbie and manie other places can witnes and the author of the execution of Iustice giueth better testimonie thereof and vseth it as an argument of the Quenes rare clemencie and her confidence of ther loyaltie further more yf yow look curiouslie and iudiciouslie into it that bull ded not concern ther going to the Church and seruing God but touching the Quenes being lawfull Quene and seruing her after the excommunications Now How these noble gentlmen and others succeading wear vsed and oppressed to what reproaches they wear subiect by the basest skoome of men it is a lamentable storie and would mooue a hart of flint It was not affliction enough to authorise purseuants to search ther howses and Promoters to informe against them but they must also haue a Felton surue yor of ther lands and estates What losses ded they sustain by the leases of the third part of ther lands what loss of goods by rapine what spoyle of woods what bribes wear they forced to geue gratiam emendicando I nead not repeat them I haue sean some part of the proceading For ther committing to Wâ—sbich Banhurie Elie the Fleat York or Ludlovv though they ded suffer ther restraint patientlie yet I must neads pittie them bycause ther they lost ther libertie hazarded health wear forced to neglect ther state vvear detained from ther wiues and children and mayd subiect to the contempt of the world And touching ther being Disarmed yt was more disgrace then loss it prooued they wear distrusted which was a course rather to prouoke then reclayme them But for ther twentie povvnds a month payd into the excheckor that ded lie heauie and mayd the meaner sort grone though I know by the lo B. the rigor and extremitie was a litl qualified Compare these with the Puritans recusants who will beare no such burdens yow shall fynd in the Catholicks more vertue and less insolencie more humilitie and less dainger to the state Compare them with the recusants of France and yow will think our geÌ„tlmen preasts and ther ministers Capitains our Catholicks vnwilling to offend theyrs vnwilling to obeye they defend ther faith with ther swords and resist the magistrate ours endure and sâ—io cui credidi is ther comfort and bycause they haue no Bezaes no Knoxes no Synodes no boutefeus they can not shovv yow a Mountauban or a Mountpellier nor anie other place of assuranc and retrayt but the Fleat or the Gatehows And yet neither in these plotts and treasons supposed to haue bean against her person in Quene Elizabeths tyme nor in that inuincâ—bl armado 1588. nor in that inuisible armie the skarcrowe of London 1599. nor in the vvarrs of Ireland whearin the Quene required ayd of her subiects no men ded shovv them selfs more forward to doe her maiestie seruice nor performed more readilie and franklie what was imposed vpon them nor behaued them selfs vvith more devvtie and less dainger The reason is playne they that refuse to go to Protestant Churches in respect of ther conscienc vvill far more refuse for conscience sake to committ treason a sinn of so highe degree and surelie they that regard so litl ther own bodies for safetie and saluation of ther sowles will never attempt or consent to anie desperate act against the kings person or the state of ther contrie and by such greauous and crijng sinnes hazard the destruction of both bodie and sowle Now yf yow will compare the greauances The Inquisition of Recusants Preasts and Catholicks in England vvith the Inquisition of Flanders one of the long cawses of that warr yow shall fynd heare moe burdens and theirs not heauier It is a rule taught commonlie but learned of fevv quod tibi fieri non vis alteri ne feceris The protestants of E. condemned the name of Inquisition in Flanders bycause ther brethren groned vnder that burden and yet a more greauous load being imposed vpon ther contriemen frends and kinsmen at home they taik no remorse no compassion ther for I will set before yow a glass which shall trewlie represent vnto yow the face form and differenc of ther punishments Charles the 5. at Worms 1521. decreed against Luther onelie Exile and Fyre for his books Anno 1526. at Machlin he set dovvn this penaltie against Hereticks or those that disputed of controuerses of religion or that keapt books prohibited for the first offenc 40. shillings for the second 4. povvnds and for the third 8. povvnds and perpetual banishment as a proper remedie to remooue them from infecting others Anno 1529. yf at a tyme limited they ded not repent ther errors nor disclayme then he adiudged Viris ignem mulieribus fossam as the Canons ancientlie prescribed and as Calum hym self vsed Seruetus Anno 1531. he confirmed the former acts adding that these who keapt such books and defaced and puld downe images male animo should loose ther goods and yet he vsed some limitation and for heresie yf he vvear worth 6. l. and be conuicted of it the delinquent should pay 3. And to avoyd all quaestions 1555. he interpreted and explayned hym self for the penaltie of thes lawes with the aduise of Viglius to taik avvay all occasions that might hinder traffick he limited that the penaltie against those that vvear receauors or abettors of such men should not extende to inkeapers victuallers marchants or mariners and yf the accusors ded slander anie iniuriouslie they should be punished for example sake this though it wear generallie enacted yet it was both intended and accordinglie more seuearly executed against Anabaptists and Libertines the greatest plages of a state After ward king Philip 1555. set down instructions rules and orders direct this court properlie erected for heresie and to preuent secret conuenticles the moothers of sedition and these regia mandata exquisitorum I refer yow to see in the storie of Vander Hare Whearin the king addeth no new amerciements nor deuiseth anie new seueritie for as he answered Montigny he purposed not to bring in the Inquisition of Spayne but to reuiue his fathers lawes nor to create anie new offences but such as wear of old censured for offences both in the Churche and state And yet this proceading ded work ill effects bred in the Catholicks a commiseration of ther contriemen and a greater obstinacie in the protestants Now look vpon E. match and compare The lavves of England against Catholicks them together and yow will fynd the penalties far moe and more seuear To acknowledg the Popes suprematie in spiritualibus is Treason To be reconciled is Treason To refuse the oath of supremacie is for the first offenc premunire for the second Treason For preasts to come over into E. is Treason 1585. or yf they stay in E. 40. dayes after the parliement or yf they wear mayd preasts sinc 1. Elizab. To harbour a preasts is fellonie Yf yong students continue beyond the seas and return not and abiure ther religion and show them selfs conformable it is
decrees the people was directed bothe in Chancerie Rolls and all Ecclesiasticall courts I haue before reuealed ther reasons and puld of all visards which hyde the face of truth After the supremacie was enacted and the Oath commanded the next care was to compell men to the exercise of the religion then established but the seminaries being erected the societie of Iesus encreasing and preasts being often sent ouer into England then begonn fyre and sword to rage the acts of 13. of 25. of 27. the proclamations of 1580. and 1591. wear published against the preasts and fathers and no man is so blynd but may discern the occasion of this rigour was for religion being for hearing mass and confessions which ar the foundation and pillers of religion and yet I confess the iealousies fears and suspicious of the tyme set for ward these seuear courses for thes prouident Counsellors ded think it necessarie by the horror of lawes to maik the seminaries of no vse by barring owt of the realme the Seadsmen for tho they ded obserue hovv far the zeal of the Church had transported the preasts that they preferred the Triumph of Truth before ther liues yet by all wordlie coniectures they probablie conceaued that the name of Treason as a Medusaes head would haue amazed and terrified them 1. bycause it stayned them all with a most reproachfull blott 2. and speciallie bycause they tought it depriued and robbed them of the crown and glorie of martyrdome the trophees of religion 3. besides they supposed that the loss of ther liues in so infamous manner the bleamish and hazard of ther frends and the punishment of ther partakers and abettors would haue vtterlie discooraged them from resorting anie more to England But this deuise ded not prosper it prooued quite contrarie ex cineribus Phoenix religion encreased by persecution owt of the ashes of martyrs so these politick lawes wrought not the effect they wear enacted for and yet wear verrie offensiue to all forrein princes as leges Draconis and phalarismus for these ar euer held to be most godlie lawes that ar least sanguinarie and yet mantain Now forasmuch as vpon worldlie respects A petition and reasons for mitigation manie acts haue of passedin parliement to trie what operation and cure they would works in the state and yf they prooued fruitles medecins or as empirical purgations too violent fitter to kill then to cure then to be repealed and bycause these prouisions and lawes against religious persons ar prooued to be such so they likewise ex gratia speciali and ovvt of his maiesties gracious compassion may be wel abrogated for as they wear mayd for the fears and suspicions of that tyme so by the grace and mercie of this tyme when they ar both neadles and causeles they may with honor be cancelled yf his maiestie shall please and the execution therof suspended to vvhose royall consideration I most humblie offer these few lines as petitions rather then reasons not for iustice but mercie 1. It was euer held against the wisedome and pollicie of this realme to fetter them selfs with too manie shacles of treason and dainger and therfor as 25. Edw. 3. at the petitions of the subiects the king ded declare and determin what should be taken and iudged for a case of treason by the common lawes of the realme so 1. Henry the 4. c. 10. it was confirmed and established that nothing hearafter should be deamed treason otherwise then was expressed by E. 3. And albeyt diuers actions wear strayned vp to be treason for a tyme vvhich vvear not within the list of 25. E. 3. as H. 6. the taking and surprising of persons and goods in Wales so to stand for the space of 7. yeares onelie and 8. H. 6. burning of howses and 22. H. 8. poysoning c. which of ther own nature and simplie wear not treason and therfor had a limitation of tyme annexed to them yet prudently all such former acts vvear repealed and mayd voyd 1. E. 6. for a more indifferent and merciefull proceading vvith subiects that the remedie might not be more daingerous then the disease and that the Lillies and roses of the crown might not be dyed with innocent blood For both in the tyme of Ciuil vvarrs and now while this great controuersie of religion dependeth in England vndecided such statutes open the gate to let in ruine desolation and confiscation bothe into the prisons of preasts and into the castles of the nobilitie and gentrie as appeared by the exampls and daingers of Arondel Northumberland Arden Sommerfeld and diuers others ane what ded happen to them maye endainger all 2. It vvill be a thing incredible to posteritie that so vvise a nation vvould maik that to be treason by parliement vvhich so generallie so perpetuallie ane so ancientlie haith bean honoured end approoued by all lavves vvas not preasthood vsed and exercised by the patriachs vnder the lavv of nature established by Moyses and the lavv of God continued yet in Christ and his Churches and never repealed by anie nevv decree vnder grace and the gospel and yf vvhich is impossible the Church erreth in that poynt of preasthood all ages all fathers all counsels all nations haue liued as blindmen in darknes and a chaos till Luther dispersed the mist is it not likelie Religion and preasthood wear like Hippocrates twins born and bred laughing and weaping beginning and ending together for in Moyses law the preast wear the inquisitors inspectores omnium iudices controuersiarum punitores damnatorum as Iosephus l. 2. contra Appion sets Down yf anie difficultie arise venies ad Socerdotes 17. Deuter and in c. 44. Ezech. Sacerdotes populum meum docebunt quid intersit inter Sanctum prophanum and so Philo. l. 3. de vita Moysis Iosaphat 2. paral and the Sanhedrim it self doth witnes it the reason of these remaineth yet in the tyme of the gospel and ther for by the lawes of England such reuerenc vvas euer showed to religious men that yf a bond man ded enter into a cloyster the law held it more reasonable that the king should loose his interest in the bodie then to be taken ovvt of his order the like vvas iudged yf the kings wards should enter into religion besides an alien can hold no lands in E. yet yf he be a preast he may be a bushop hear and enioy his temporalties as Lanfranc and Anselm wear vvho wear never dennisons Besides the state reposed so great trust in them that they wear maisters of the Rolls Six Clarks nay oft Chancellors and Threasorers of the realm And therfor it was a course of Summum ius by new lawes to punish men for an ancient vocation and so generallie receaued speciallie vvhen the storme is overblowen 3. Besides in Germanie Charles V. punished Luther by Exile and in Scotland by Baratre banishment they punish haeresie so they ded vviselie distinguish Haeresie and Treason as seuerall offences by seuerall