traytor Thus he writeth of the beginning of the controuersy There was as authors doe affirme in that time of Henrie the second Pag 56. more then a hundred murthers besydes other felonyes proued vpon the cleargie which when the king would haue punished according to the lawes of the land A fâ—lse and slâ—undâ—rous beginning of the 〈…〉 Becket opposed himself and beardeth the king in this so iust an action vnder title of standing for the libertyes of the Churche from this strauÌ„ge ground these proceedings ensued In which words of the knight there is to bee noted first that where he saith authors doe affirmè that more then a hundred murders besides other â—ellonies were proued vpon the cleargie no other author is found to mention any such thing but onelie Nubergensis who yet doth not say that they were proued vpon the clergie but his words are Nuberg hist. Angl. l. 2 16. that it was said to haue byn tould the king at a certaine time that aboue a hundred murders had byn committed within the kingdome of England since his raigne by Cleargie men In which woords as you see NubergeÌ„sis doth not say that it was true or that it was proued as our knight doth and secondly he speaketh of the whole tyme of king Henries raigne vntil this contention which was some 14. or 15. yeares and thirdly the falling out of the Archbishop with the king was not for that he would not haue these clergie men punished if they had offended as wickedly this knight giueth to vnderstand saying presently after This proud prelate durst protect fellons and murderers against the king and iustice of the lanâ— but the controuersy was only about the maner of punishing those that did offend and by what iudges and iurisdiction they should be punished to wit whether by ecclesiastical or temporal power for that the Archbishop affirmed that equity required that clergie men offending should first be iudged condemned and degraded by ecclesiastical power according both to the cannon lawes as also the municipal lawes of the land confirmed by all former Christian Kings â—rom the first conuersion of England and that they being thus condemned should be deliuered to secular power for executâ—on of the sentence which is a case that faâ—leth out dayly in Spayn Italy France and other Cath. contreys where Bishops do defend their Eccâ—es iurisdiction in punishing Eccles. persons taking them also by force of censures out of secular iudges hands when occasioÌ„ is offered without all note of rebellion or treason And no lesse was this law of the realme of England confirmed by ancient parliaments and other antiquities then were the secular lawes for which S r. F. standeth and fondly calleth the defence of eccles lawes treason and rebellion Wherfore hauing set downe so false a relation of the beginning of this controuersy falsifying NubergeÌ„sis as yow see in many points he doth prosecute the same with lyke vntruth as presently yow shal see And first he beginneth with a certayne letter of Maud the Empresse vnto the Archbishop which she wrote at the instance of the King her sonne and vpoÌ„ the informatioÌ„ of such courtyers as were contrary to the Bishop and his cause In which letters she chargeth him that to vse S â— F. owne words as much as in him lay he went about to disinherit the King and depriue him of his crowne Whervnto I answere that truth it is Iohn Fox hath such a letter of thesaid Empresse Maud without telling where Pag â—8 or whence or how he had it or where we may read it for in none of all the authors aboue mentioned I do fynd it Yet one thing I would haue the reader to note S. F vntrue dealing in cyting matters against S. Thom. which testifieth the continuance of S r. F. vntrue dealing in this affayre that wheras in Iohn Fox the whole charge of the empresse against the Archbishop is mitigated by this pareÌ„thesius as the report is which sheweth that these were but suspitions only and reports of his enimies Fox Pag. 201. S r. F. hath left out the parenthesis as the report is as though she had charged him vpon her owne knowledge which is no true dealing or right meaning as yow see But let vs heare further S r. F. his words pretending a more certayne proof of treason rebellion in S. Thomas Pag. 58. But if the Empresse saith he might be thought to speak partialy on the K. her sonnes behalf yet the two Card. sent by the Pope to heare all this controuersy out of question wil not condemne him without iust cause and yet in a letter sent from them to the Pope they do condemne him c. Yf S. F. proue himself a true K â— in verifying this one poynt which here he sayth I am to pardon much of that which hath passed before But yf in this matter of so great moment he be taken in lyke falshood who wil then trust him hereafter Let vs examine then the matter I wil haue none other euideÌ„ces or witnesses but his owne woords for presently after he setteth downe a part of the letter of VVilliam and Otho Card. sent by Pope Alexander to heare the cause betwene the King the Archbishop and hauing trauayled therin the King being in Normandie and the Archb. at Paris they found the matter more hard then they imagined to compouÌ„d False dealing of Syr Fraunces for that the Archbishop demaunded restitution to his lyuings for himself and for his frends and reuocation of certayne lawes lately made preiudicial to ecclesiastical iurisdiction before he could end the matter wherwith the-sayd Card. being somwhat displeased for that they desired to carry with them to the Pope the glory of this accord made by them and for that the King had much gayned their good wil by liberallity towards theÌ„ for these causes they wrote to the Pope somwhat fauorably in the Kings behalf but yet nothing condemning the Archbishop as vntruly out K â— doth auow which now I shal shew out of the woords of their owne letter alleaged heere by S.F. which are these VVilliam and Otho Card. of the Churche of Rome to Alexander the Pope The letter of the tvvo Cardinals to the Pope â— VVe comming to the land of the K. of England found the controuersy betwixt him and the Archbishop of Canterbury more sharp and vehement then we would for the King the greater part about him said that the Archbishop had sâ—yâ—red vp the french King greuously against him as also the Earle of Flaunders his kinsman who was very louing and kynd to him before whome he made his open aduersary ready to wage warre against him as is by diuers euidences most certayne c. These are the words of the Card. by S. F. relation which supposing they were truly alleaged yet he that shal consider and ponder them wel wil see that out of them no more can be vrged against the Archbishop but
that the King and those about him did say that the Archbishop had styrred vp the K. of Fraunce and the Earle of Flanders against them and that this was held by them for most certayne vppon diuers euidences But what these euidences were none of them do set down So that heere is no condemnation at all from the Card themselues but only that they relate what the King and his part sayd and yet yow must note that S. Francis besydes other euil translation of the words hath wilfully corrupted the last clause of all to make it seeme as though it proceeded from the Card. iudgment to wit Quadrileg de vita B. Thom. lib. 5. cap. venientes as is by diuers euidences most certayn wheras in latyn after the first words Asserebat Rex sucrum pars c. The king with the greater part of his affirmed that the Archbishop had done this c. yt followeth Sicut sibi pro ceâ—to constabat euidâ—ntibus apparebat indicijs as to them it was held for certayne and appeared by euident signes Out of which woords S. F. of purpose cutteth of both sibi and indicijs False dealing of Syr Francis to them signes For that by the first yt was euident that this was spoken in the name of the King and his frends and not of the Card. and by the second appeareth that the euidence which the King and his had of this matter and accusation was founded only in signes and coniectures which being euident to our K â— he did not only stryke out the sayd words but maketh also a seuere inference vpon the rest that are left mangled by him self as yow haue seene his inference is this Pag. Ibid. Now sayth he for a subiect to styrre vp forrein states to make warre vpon his soueraygne and countrey was at all tymes high treason but that Becket did so by the Card confession was by diuers euidences most certayne Therfore Becket not now his enemies but his brethren the sonnes of his owne mother being iudges was a traytor Lo heer the inuincible argument of our learned knight yf any man can trust him hereafter vpon his woords I shal much maruaile seing him so shamelesse in a matter so euideÌ„t For who discouereth not the impudency of his second proposition when he sayeth that Becket did so by the Card. confession whâ—ras the Card. confesse no such thing but only say that the king and his people did affirme it nether did the Card. say as our K t. falsly chargeth them that the matter was certayne to them by diuers euidences but only that the king sayd yt was certayn or seemed so to him by diuers euident signes and coniectures Shamefully then hath our K t. abused the authority of these Card. as he doth comonly all authors that come through his haÌ„ds And with this I end this controuersy of S. Thomas his cause with the King which cause whatsoeuer the K t. tatleth to the coÌ„trary yet was yt neuer accouÌ„pted treason or named so by any author that wrote in that tyme eyther frend or foe nor shal S. F. be able to alleadge me any one instance to the contrary before Luthers dayes And as for the King himself though he pursued him eagerly for that he would not yeild to his desyre touching Eccles. iurisdiction yet neuer is it read that he euer called or couÌ„pted him for a traytor nor any forrayne Prince whatsoeuer And within 8. yeares after his death as before I noted both he and Lewes the K. of Fraunce went in Pilgrimage to his tombe at Canterbury which is lykely they would not haue done nether the one nor the other yf they had reputed him for a traytor Iohn Stow putteth downe the relation thus The 27. of August both the Kings came to Canterbury Stovv anno Domini 1179 reg Hent 21. 25. where they were with due honor receaued c. Lewes K. of France offered vpon the tombe and to the shryne of Thomas Becket a riche cup of gold he gaue also that renowned pretious stone that was called the regal of France which K. Henry the 8. put afterwards in a ring wore yt on his thombe c. Thus saith Stow out of other authors And whether king Lewes of France would haue taken a iorney into England to the shryne of a man that he knew and had talked withal few yeares before and would haue offered such pretious gyfts yf he had suspected him for a traytor or that his miracles had byn faynd as after Sir F. affirmeth and whether king Henry himself being no way forced therunto wold haue accompained him in such an action to his owne disgrace who commonly was reputed to haue byn the cause of his death yf he had held him for a traytor let euery man iudge And so we shal passe from his point to another about his miracles wherin the cauillers shew themselues more vayne conscienslesse and malitious yf it may be then in the former OF S. THOMAS HIS myracles and what may be thought of them and other such lyke with the malitious corruption and falshood vsed by Iohn Fox and S. F. to discredit them There is handled also the different manner of Canonising sainctes in their and our Churche CAP. XI AMONG many other arguments that I vsed in the VVardword for the holynes of this Archbishop to all which this VVastword answereth no one word at all I said also that many miracles haue byn recorded by graue authors and publike testimony of the whole Iland 〈◊〉 3. and of forraine wryters to haue byn wrought by God at his sepulcher and otherwise by his intercession in witnes of his sanctity Vpon which words Syr F. taketh occasion with his heretical spirit of incredulity to iest and blaspheme at all miracles of Pope-made Saints for that is his coÌ„tumelious terme but with what reason truth prudeÌ„ce or piety we shal somwhat here examine by this occasion noting first two poynts to this purpose The first that the miracles of S. Thomas doÌ„ne presently after his death had a circuÌ„staÌ„ce annexed vnto them Tvvo especial confiderations in the miracles of S. Thom. which greatly confirmeth their certainty to wit that they brought with them the publike reproof of one of the greatest kings that day in Christendome if not the greatest of all which was king Henry the second by whose fault he was put to death who laboured with all his power for auoyding that infamy eyther to suppresse or improue the miracles that fel out And who knoweth not what the force and fauour of such a Prince may do in such a cause and yet was the multitude and euidency of S. Thom. his miracles such as they brake through all obstacles that the king could put against them and so conquered himself also as he finally yeilded and went to his sepulcher wept did pennance as by all authors is euident This then is the first poynt of consideration in this affayre
the reader so may I not altogether pretermit this preface of O. E. which is somwhat more spised with poyson and venome then the other teÌ„ding wholy to bloodshed and cruelty against Catholikes the man I haue somwhat dismasked before in my answere to his opprobrious letter to N. D. whom he enterpreteth Noddy heer we shal haÌ„dle the proiect and purpose of this his writing which indeed is nothing els O. E. his plot and proiect but to irrite and styrre vp her Maiestie and her honorable counsel with the rest that sâ—and at the sterne of gouernment to ingulf themselues in Catholikes blood and spoyle of their goods wherby hee and his hungry crue standing by and for desyre therof licking their lips might hope to come to haue some share in the deuidend O. E. vvatcheth for scrappes and yet for auoyding publike hatred notorious shame he desyreth to entertayne himselfe in some darkenes for a tyme and to expect his pray vnder the shroud of a cyphred * O. E. name for as he said which knoweth wel such compagnions qui malè agit Io. 3. vers 10. odit lucem non venit ad lucem vt non arguantur opera eius he that doth naughtely hateth the light and wil not come to it least his workes may be conuicted but yet we must drawe this Owle to light and see what he sayth vnder the vizard of O. E. His drift in this Epistle and in his whole writing is to styr vp the state to set vpon some new affliction of Catholykes reioysing clapping his hands where any rigour is in vre already and to this barbarous purpose he deuiseth diuers impertinent and ridiculous meanes of persuasion which I shal runne ouer with as much breuitie as they are voyd of substance wit reason or honestie His first meane of persuasion is by extolling exceedingly the extraordinarie clemency vsed hitherto in England towards Catholykes Rare clemeÌ„cy tovvards Catholykes which clemency he sayth hath byn most singuler and admirable and to proue this leauing all home testimonyes he runneth into Italy to seek a witnes bringing foorth one Petrus Bizartus in his story of Genua Pet Biz lib. Hist. Gen. 33. Pres. pag. 1. who sayth that for the first 20 yeares of her Maiesties reigne no blood vvas shed nor any suffered to be punished but by lavvful tryal and sentence of Iudges c. But what need was there to go so farre to fetch so slender à testimony this fellow wrote a 1000. myle of and telleth vs only that there vvas no bloudshed nor punishment vvithout some sentence of Iudges or lavvful tryal for the first 20 yeares And what then for the second twenty shal we inferre as it seemeth we must that for these later twenty yeares bloudshed hath byn vsed without lawful tryal or sentence of Iudges and doth not our minister shew himself more then * Bizarro in ItaliaÌ„ a light phantastical head Bizarro I speak to him as vnderstanding the Italian tongue for bringing in Bizarus to so fond a purpose so that by this yow may take a scantling of the mannes discretion at the very first entrance yow shal see it more in the next and other poyntes that do ensue For as in this first poynt he would make Catholikes to seeme vngrateful for that hauing receyued so singuler clemency they complayne of rigour therby deserue to be punished more so in the second poynt he beginnes to treat of their moouings against the stare wherby he would haue them much more to deserue punishment and his entrance to this treatise is in these wordes Ibid. pag. 1. In the meane vvhile Thomas Harding obteyned a Bul from the Pope to exercise Episcopal iurisdiction in EnglaÌ„d to dispence vvith irregularities and to receyue all that vvould be reconciled to the Pope And then he noteth in the margent anno Domini B567 by which entrance also we may be much confirmed in our former coÌ„iecture of our mannes deep wit seing that at the very beginning he would bring in such impertinent stuffe for the foreshew of his wares for first it was neuer hard of before I think that D. Harding after his departure out of England to Louayne in the beginning of her maiesties raigne VVhether D. Harding returned into England came home to liue in England agayne or to exercise Episcopal iurisdiction therin but rather about the tyme this man assigneth he was busy wryting in Flanders against his aduersary M. Iewel Secondlie what need was there to geue him Episcopal Iurisdiction in England at that tyme who abyding as I haue said in Flanders there were diuers Bishops yet liuing in England and other learned men to haue exercised that Episcopal iurisdiction if need had byn But this is more ridiculous which ensueth that he had a Bul to dispence vvith irregularities and to receaue all that vvould be reconciled to the Pope for what needed either Bul or Episcopal iurisdiction for this seing euery ordinarie Priest may haue authoritie to do it without Bul or Episcopal iurisdiction or what special need was there at that tyme to dispence with irregularityes or to reconcile men more then before Doth O.E. know what irregularitie meaneth or wil he tell his reader trewly what is vnderstood by reconcilling to Catholike religion which he calleth to the Pope no I trow not it is not their fashion to deale sincerely in any poynt for proof wherof heare his exposition All that vvere reconciled sayth he to the Pope renounced their obedience to the Prince Spiritual obedience may stand vvith temporal and is it so in deed Sir minister wo then to the Emperor to the kings of Spayne France Polonia and Princes of Italy and other places whose subiects are eyther all or the most parte reconciled to the Pope in the sense that we talk of Catholyke religion and yet haue they not I trow renounced therby all obedience to their temporal princes So that reconciliation to the Pope may stand with due obedience to their naturel princes also if O.E. his seditious mates wil be content to vnderstand matters a right and not to cauil wilfully against their owne consciences As for D. Mortons sending into the north by Pius Quintus for declaration of his sentence geuen in Rome which is the next poynt that followeth in this ministers tale it being so long agoe and but a particuler English mannes act cannot by any reason preiudice any more the residue of Catholykes now in England The Earle of Effex his attempt then the late attempt of the Earle of Essex did or may do all English puritanes and protestaÌ„ts that were of his religion or shal be hereafter though not priuie to his attempt nor any thing so much as the said late attempt may touch perhaps this hungry minister if matters were wel examined who being of his retinue and of more need then his maister is likly inough to haue byn of his councel
her Ma tie wil needs be pratlyng of these affayres not content with this goeth further to renew worse sores and to accuse both K. Henry himselfe and all the State and Parlament of that tyme with wilful murder and tyranny towards that lady and Queene saying Odious matter brought in by this hungry parasite 1. Pag. 3. The Popes adhaerâ—ntes in England neuer ceased vntil they haâ— brought her Ma ties most innocent Mother to her end which was the greatest griefe that tormented the King lying on his death bed sore repenting himselfe for the wrongful shedding of the innocent Queenes blood neyther did they onlie murder the innocent Mother but also sought by act of Parlament to disable and from the succession to exclude the daughter All this how true or vntrue it is the storie and actes of Parlaments of K. Henries lyfe do testifie Lib. Statute cap. 7. an Hen. 2â— especiallie that of the 28. yeare of his raigne and whether matters passed so long agoe with such publike authoritie deliberation and coÌ„sent as these did may be called now into question againe to the infamy both of the said K. her Maiesties Father and of his state counsel and nobilitie by such a pettie compagnion as this is only to flatter and to get himself a bigger benefice and without all ground or former testimony therof in storie or other authentical register let all the world iudge as also how neare O. E. resembleth heere Oedipus who killed his owne Father to marry his mother which mysterie I leaue to the curious reader to apply in this place One thing is certayne that howsoeuer the matter passed at that tyme for iustice or iniustice the cheife doers therof next to the king himselfe were proteâ—â—ants namelie Cromwel Cranmer that could do most with him at that tyme The dealing of Cromvvel and Cranmer about Q. Anne BolleÌ„ and in effect all and the first of them was principally imployed in the said Queenes condemnation and death as appeareth yet by publike recordes and the second was vsed for her defamacion after her death as is extant at this day in the foresaid statute it selfe where Cranmers sentence is recorded iudâ—ciallie giuen by him An Henry 2â— cap. 7. as Archbishop of Canterburie affirming of his owne accord and knowledge such â—hings as no wyse or modest man I thinke wil beleeue and I â—or thâ— same cause and for dewtiful respect to her Maiestie do forbear to repeat the same heere though it be vnder his hand and seale but such a good fellow was Cranmer the first piller of protestant religion in England Sand. lib. 1. de Schis that for gayne of liuing or fauour and for enioying quietly his woman which he caried about with him in a truÌ„ke at those dayes he would say or sweare or vnsay any thing the sentence may be seene by him that wil for it is extant in print in the English booke of Statutes Neyther can this Sycophantes caluÌ„niatioÌ„ affirming the said Queens death to be procured by the Popes adhereÌ„ts in EnglaÌ„d haue any probabilitie at al seing that no adherent to the Pope was in credit or authoritie in that tyme but rather in all disgrace and daunger and so much of this After the foresaid Sycophancie and foolish calumniations vsed against Catholikes for wishing euel to her Maiestie our Minister turneth agayne to his worke of flatterie and telleth more prayses of her Maiesties gouernment as though our businesse and controuersy stoode in this and not rather in the euel euents which haue succeeded by change of religion And to helpe S r. F. out from the charge of flatterie layd vnto him after much ydle babling Sup cap. 1. about particular blessings wherin notwithstanding he agreeth not with the K. as before hath byn and after shal be shewed he runneth to the same common place before mentyoned of flatterie vsed by courtiers and canonists to the Pope the force of which shifte and refuge how vayne it is yow haue heard before discussed Cap â— and it neadeth not to be repeated heere and the examples and instances which he bringeth are the same for the most part which S r. F. touched before and are before answered as that of Panormitan and other canonists affirming Panorm in c. licet de election idem esse Christi Papae Consistorium Christ and the Pope as his substitute to haue one and the selfe same Consistorie or Tribunal Ioan. in c. Quanto de translat Epis. whereof we haue treated in the former Chapter There is that other also how the Pope is or may be called God in the sense before meÌ„tyoned this man alleadgeth it thus Augustin Steuâ—hus doth honour him as a God Audis sayth he Pontificem Deum appellatum habitum pro Deo Doest thow heare the Pope called God and held for God and then noteth in the margent contra donationem Constantini Steuchus saith it in his booke against the Donation of Constantyne in which fewe wordes there are so many cousenages or rather knaueries vsed as no man would beleeue but in such a cogging Mâ—nister as comming latelie from Irish warres hath not learned yet to haue any conscience or honestie For first of all that most learned man Augustinus Steuchus Eugubinus bishop of Kysam wrote no booke against the Donation of Constantyne as heere is imposed vpon him Diuers falshoodes ofâ— the coÌ„scieÌ„celes minister but rather for it prouing the same most learnedlie out of all antiquitie against Laurentius Valla the grammarian that fondlie had impugned the same Secondlie the words heere alleadged out of Steuchus though they be in his booke yet are they alleadged by him not in his owne name but as comming from Constantyne the great by the testimony of Nicolaus primus Pope of Rome about 800. yeare agoe who cyteth out of the said Donation of Constantine Cap. 2. that amongst other honorable tytles he calleth him also God in that sense no doubt which before is shewed by scripture that both Moses and other holie men were called Gods and herevpon Bishop Steuchus addeth those wordes before mentyoned Audâ—s summum Pontificem à Constantino Deum appellatum habitum pro Deo Aug Steuchus in Lauren Vall. de donat Constant fol. 230. hoc videlicet factum est cùm eum praeclaro illo Edicto decorauit adorâ—uit vti Deum vti Christi Petri successorem velut viuam Christi imaginem veneratus est Do yow heare how the Pope is heere called God by Constantine and held for God this was done when he did honour him so highlie with that excellent edict in his fauour adoring him as God and as the successor of Christ and Peter and reuerencing him as the liuelie image of Christ himselfe Heere now we see how Pope Siluester was honored by our famous Britane Emperour Constantine the great and yet no man would cry out then The great honor donne by Constant. the great to Pope Siluester
betvveene soft and ridged Lutherans Vigandus Gallus Ampsdorphius Osiander and the foresaid Hessusius all austere and ridged Lutherans against Philip Melanchthon Eberus Sturmius Clâ—beâ—ius Chyâ—râ—us and other of the secte of softer Lutherans there would be no end if we should runne ouer all for that the fayers of FraÌ„kford euery yeare do bring forth so many new bookes in this kynd of one of these LutheraÌ„s against an other as they cannot be read and so enough for the present of this external stryfe But now godwilling wil I drawe homeward toward the vnion of our domestical ghospellers VVhat vnion in England by one iudgâ—â—nt of foâ—â—â—ne Protestants in EnglaÌ„d if by the way yow wil geue me leaue first to note one only point more about these forayne sectaries which I cannot omit for that it toucheth England also in particuler and is taken out of an authentical Author Châ—min epi. ad Elect. Brand. whome our English Protestants do highly commend in all their writings to wit Martynus Chemnitius for that he tooke vpoÌ„ him to examine ceÌ„sure the whole councel of Trent a valiant act of a typling German but that which is worse he censureth the Queene and Parlament of England also in that which now I am tâ— alleage and so goeth further then he should do For in a letter which he writeth to the Prince Elector of BraÌ„deÌ„â—urge allowing first his iudgemeÌ„t and praysing it greatly quod consultum non esse iudicat vt cum Caluinistis generalis synodus habeatur That his highnes thinketh it not expedient to haue any general Synode with the Caluinists as they desired and secondly he addeth his owne iudgmeÌ„t to the Dukes about their punishmeÌ„t to wit that it is not conuenient vt punitionis officium contra Caluinistas intereà temporis penitus quiescat That the â—ffice oâ— punishing Caluinists in the meane space should vtterly cease but rather be continued Thirdly he passeth ouer to talke also of the Religion of England Chemnit his censure of English religion and of her Ma â—ie by name saying that no good thing in Religion is further to be expected of her That she hath vsed hardly the protestants of Germany That she seeth seeleâ—h now a third sect rysen vp in her realme of Puritanes which hate both her and Caluinians and are enemies also to Lutherans and then he scoffeth that she being a woman hath taken vpon her to make Ecclesiastical lawes And lastly quod soemineo à seculis â—naudito fastuse Papissam caput Ecclesiae fecit That with a womanly pryd I am forced to interprete his wordes as they ly neuer hard of in former ages she hath made her selfe a shee Pope and head of the Churche Thus sayth he and much more and if any Catholike wryter had set downe these wordes how would Syr F. haue inueighed against vs for them But now what wil he say to this cheefe champion of his new gospel Is this the vnity they haue among them did Lucifer his angels euer more furiously fight amoÌ„g themselues then these their folowers do But heere we must stay our hand and goe no further in forraine fights but rather get home as I promised and see what passeth there among only Caluinists and whether they be at any better peace then their brethren are at abroad and yf not then wil we laughe at Syr F. againe for his vnity in verity THE CONTINVATION of thesame narration about vnity in verity among ridged and soft Caluinistes named Protestants puritaines in England and Scotland CAP. VI. HAVING bene ouerlong in this narraration of sorraine disagreement amoÌ„gst new gospellers therby to shew the vanity of Syr F. his vaunt who said that all their churches in Christendome were of the selfe same iudgment and blessed vnity there wanteth not matter to make a farre longer recital of their domestical bickerings hatred and dissentions rysen among the Caluinists of England and Scotland since the raigne of her Maiestie seing there are extant so many bookes of those matters both betweene Cartwright Whitgyft Lupton Martyn Marprelate Mar-martyn amongst the rest O. E. also as is reported togeather with whole collections of the issue made divulged by publike authority wherin the controuersyes Bookes betvveen protestants and Puritans the one against the other stryfes and maner of defending them are particularly set downe togeather with the combats and assaultes sleights shifts indeauours and pollicies of each syde which comedy though it be ouer long for me to bring into this place yet wil I touche some few principal poynts for the readers instruction and partly also for recreation concerning the good agreement of thâ—se people or rather their warre and bickerings being all professors of one and the selfe same sect to the end we may see what vnity in verity they haue as our knight braggeth or rather how their spirit of diuision is no other then that of the Lutherans Swinglians and other sectaryes before rehearsed and as all other heretikes haue euer byn before them shal be after them for that the selfe same spirit of one and the selfesame find doth and shal possesse them all to the worldes end First then to beginne with some poynts of doctrine especially touching princes of whome heretikes comonly are egregious flatterers yf they fauour their sects and notorious traytors paricides yf they be against them let vs heare the more ridged part of Caluinists called Puritans coÌ„cerning her Ma tie authority Caluinian contention about Princes authority wherwith the knight seeketh continually to presse vs as though we denied both spiritual and temporal which is most false in the one but his men I meane English Protestants and Puritans are so deuided among themselues in this poynt as is incredible especially to him that heareth the fauning flattery of Sir F. to her Maiestie in his watchword and knoweth not what his doctors do hould and practise elswhere to the contrary For harken now to his Ministers assertions in this behalfe Princes say they may be deposed by the people yf they be Tirants against God and his truth Knockes in hist. Scot. Pag. 78. 372. and their subiects are free from their oathes of obedience Again the people are better then the king and of greater authority Bucchan de iure reg pag. 61.13.25.58.40.62 c. they haue right to bestow their crowne at their pleasure they may arraygne their Prince and depose him To them it appertayneth to make lawes and to the prince to execute them they haue thesame power ouer the king that the king hath ouer any particular person and it were good that rewardes were publikely appoynted by the people for such that kil tyrants as there are for those that kil wolfes and beares Againe when the mylder sort of Caluinists doe obiect to these rough and ridged brethreÌ„ of thesame sect Obiections finely ansvvered some places out of scripture or otherwise to temper this humor as that
we must obay kings whether they be good or bad Knokes appel fol. 26. they answere it is blasphemy so to say Againe when these obiect That God placed euil kinges and TyraÌ„ts sometymes to punish the people The others answere So he doth sometymes priuate men also to kill them Moreouer when they alleage S. Paule That he comandeth vs we should pray for princes â—uch de iure reg pag. â—7 1. Tim. 2. The other do answere we may punish theeues and pray for them also And when these reply that the same Apostle commaundeth expresly to be obedient to such a prince 1. Tim. 3. They answere Buch. Ibid. Pag. 50. That Paul wrote this in the infancy of the Churche but if he liued now he would say otherwise except he would dissent from himselfe Ibid. fol. 56.57 I leaue much more that might be alleaged to this effect And all this and much more is testified also by a brother of their owne of the softer sort in a book printed at London by publike authority in the yeare 1593. by Iohn wolfe the title wherof was Dangerous positions c. with this posy adioyned vnto it out of the epistle of S. Iude They despise gouernment and speake euil of them that are in authority And hauing geuen testimony to this which I haue cyted much more he giueth his censure of others also of the same profession beyond the sea Lib. 1. Pa. 12. This new diuinity sayth he of dealing thus with Princes is not only held by Knockes and Bucchanan alone that are Scots but generally for ought I can learne by most of the cheefe consistorians beyond the seas being of the Geneuian humor as Caluyn Beza Hotâ—maÌ„ c. And the same wryter in his second booke afterward doth shew at large how that M â— Goodman M r. Whittingham and other English Protestants that fled to Geneua in Q. Maries dayes haue left wrytten the same farre worse positions against the authority of princes as in their bookes and in the foresaid collection of this author may be read Here then these matters being so and of so great waight and the contradiction being open and notorious concerning princely authority and obedience thervnto belonging what wil our knight say here or how wil he defend vnity in verity to be amoÌ„g his brethreÌ„ in this so principal capital a poynt or how wil he satisfie her Maiestie herâ—n after all his faire speech for he doth not deny the PuritaÌ„s to be his brethren as O. E. doth afterward but rather defendeth them with main and might as after yow shal heare But if we leaue the Prince and come to Bishops which is the second principal member of their churche and body their disagreement is much more notorious then in the former For as the protestant speaketh honorably of them so doth the Puritan quite contrary calling them Dangerous posit lib. 20. cap. 12. the greatest and most pestilent enimyes that the state of England hath vnlawful false bastardly gouernours of the churche thrust in by ordenance of the diuel petty antechrists cogging cosening knaues profane paltery pernicious pestilent Prelates in respect of their places enymyes of God their calling meere Antichristian c. And this for their bishops and cheefe pastors whome they ought to presume according to S. Paules speech to be put ouer them yf any be by the holy Ghost Caluinian contradictioÌ„ about the Bish. cheefe Pastors Act. 20. But yf they be enymies of God cogging knaues petty Antichrists and ordayned by the diuel himselfe as these their owne children and brethren say and sweare then are English protestants wel directed by them and to a good end wil they come But let vs heare what they say of their immediate pastors and teachers I meane their ministers and present cleargie Our supposed ministers say they are a multitude of desperate and forlorne Atheists Ibid cap. 13. Of their ministers Ibid. cap. 11. accursed vncircumcised and murthering generation The cleargy is endighted as the followers of Antichrist they are wolues it is a Sinagoge of Sathan their only endeauour how to preueÌ„t Christ they are knowne to be enimyes vnto all syncerity Posir ibid. li. 2. cap. 4. c. And in another place Right puissant poysoned persecuting and terrible priests The holy league of subscripsion the crue of monstrous and vngodly wretches horned masters of the conspiration house Antichristian swynish rabble the conuocation of diuels vnder Belzabub of Canterbury cheeâ—e of diuels c. Thus of them And concerning the whole gouernment face Ibid. cap. 4. and corps of the Churche of England they say Antichrist raigneth amongst vs the established gouernment of the Churche is treaterous against the Maiestie of Iesus Christ it giueth leaue to a man to be any thing but a sound Christian c. And this of their whole Churche parts and pastors therof But I let passe what these fellowes say wryte of her Maiestie About the Q councel and parlament head of their Churche denying wholy her ecclesiastical authority and subiecting her to their pryuate excommunications when they please Dang posiâ— lib. â— c. Of the Lords of her priuy Counsel also charging them not to deale in matters ecclesiastical Of the Parlament in like maner and lawes made therby which in EnglaÌ„d is the highest court saying in particular therof Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 1. that as great indignity is offred vnto Iesus Christ in committing his English Churche vnto the gouernment of the common lawes as for hirâ—lings vnder any great king to commit his beloued spouse vnto the direction of the mistresse of the stewes c. Finally of their common book of seruice and administration of Sacraments established by Parlament The commâ—Ì„ book of Protestants wherin by name Sir F. in this reply braggeth so confidently VVast Pag. 12. that their is so great vnity amongst them these his brethren wryte thus Dang posit lib. 2. cap. 9. There prescript forme of seruice is ful of corruption in all the order of their seruice there is no edification but confusion The Sacraments are wickedly mangled and prophaned they eate not the Lords supper but play a pagent of their owne to blynd the people their publike baptisme is ful of childish and superstitious toâ—es c. All these fights warres and dissentions in most principal points of their religion are at this day in England betwene ridged or strayt Caluinists commonly called Puritans and the softer â—ort of the same Caluinian sect who are distinguished from the others by the name of moderate Protestants that do follow for their rule of faith and religion the prescript of Parlament and her Ma ties proceedings But now besides this contrariety of positions there is yet another dissention among these brethren more important then all the rest which is their disagreing and capital enimity about the interpretation of Scriptures VVarre in expounding scriptures wherunto
and discretion wil be of my opinion that whatsoeuer good effectes haue come to our common wealth by her Maiesties gouernment or rare partes of Princelie commendations A note to be diligently obserued and which truelie may be termed blessings might haue byn as great as all these or farre greater vnder Catholike religion and especiallie in her Maiestie if it had pleased almightie God to haue blessed her and the realme with the continuance therof and contrariwyse whatsoeuer cursings and calamities on the contrarie syde haue ensued or may ensue herafter by the change of religion these are proper effectes and necessary consequeÌ„ts of the new ghospel and not of any defect in her Maiesties gouernment and this foundatioÌ„ being presupposed in all that I shal say let vs passe on to examine in a word or two the most ridiculous vanitie of these fiue blessings folowing which he calleth corporal accompting his former spiritual For the first of them which is deliueraÌ„ce from intolerable exactions â— Blessing deliuerance from exactions if he meane it of the realme in general as his marginal note may seeme to importe which often yet disagreeth in sense from his text let the Escheker books be compared of the tributes payments contributions and exactions that were vsed in EnglaÌ„d in former dayes before this new ghospel came in and since I meane of the summes that were payd in old tymes when Catholike religion bare rule and protestants were not knowne those that later Princes by reason of troubles warres suspicions and other like occasions rysing especially by difference in religion haue byn forced to take of their subiects since the yeare of Christ 1530. or there about at what tyme K. Henrie began vpon the aduise incitation of Cranmer Cromwel and other Protestants to breake with the Pope and churche of Rome let these summes I say be coÌ„ferred and then our knight if he be a good Auditor or Eschequer man wil for very shame stryke out this blessing and mentyon it no more But yf he meane this blessing especiallie or principallie of our Clergie men this day in England for that they pay nothing now to the Pope as in the texte and prosecution of this blessing is set downe then let the wealth and ease of the old and new Clergie be compared togither or rather the pouertie and beggerie of the one with the honor and splendor of the other and so this controuersie wil quicklie be decyded and S.F. beaten from this first corporal blessing of his new Cleargie to a Spiritual which is Matth. â— Beati pauperes spiritu blessed are the poore in spirit for in body and purse they are already miserable as them-selues euery where complayne The pouertie and myserie of the protestaÌ„t cleargie none more grieuously or more spitefullie in secret as before hath byn touched then his champion O.E. alleaging these reasons that the most of them hauing much to pay both to Prince Patron in steed of the Pope and litle to receyue the gleebe lands of their benefices being commonlie swept to their hands and their charge of women and children so great as the parishes do commonlie feele when they dy their beggerie must needs be intollerable wheras on the other syde in Catholyke Countryes yf they contribute any thing to the Pope as to their head for better maintenance of his state and gouerment of the whole Churche it is neyther so great a matter and commonlie â—â—t out of the greater benefices that caÌ„ better beare it and in recompence of that agayne he defendeth them against the intrusion or vsurpation of seculer men vpoÌ„ their liuings which importeth them much more as by experience of Catholyke Countryes and Kyngdomes is seene then is the contribution they make to Rome though it were so great and greuous as our K. maketh it in K. Henrie the 3. his â—yme alleaging a certayne complaynt of our English Churche to Pope Innocentius 4. in a general Councel at Lions an 1245. against his collectors officers in England which being taken out of Iohn Fox whom this man yet wil not name maketh no more against the Popes Authoritie A calumniation of Ihon Fox act â—on Pag. 241.242 c. nor yet conuinceth him of abuse that way then yf at this day the same complaynt should be made by the Churche of Spayne as diuers tymes it is against the lyke collectors or officers there or when any complaint is made in England of any of her Ma ties officers that abuse themselues in their collections for couetousnes vpon the Clergie at this day wherof I presuppose there would not want complaints if all Ministers should be willed to vtter their greifes therin And what then doth Syr F. and Fox vrge so much against the Pope the complaynt of some in England against his officers at that tyme VVhy Pope Innocentius required a collection of mony for recouering the holy land when the publike necessitie of christendome oppressed by Turkes and Saracens inforced Pope Innocentius as general Father of all to lay some contribution vpon the cleargie of England and other countryes for defence therof to which effect also in the very same councel of Lions he had appoynted and declared king Lewes of France for Supreme general and yet was not the summe exacted such nor so great but that more money in these our dayes hath byn sent out of the realme in one yeare by these meÌ„nes liking and good approbation for defence of heresie and rebellion in France Flanders Scotland and other countryes theÌ„ was in this many other tymes in those dayes for maintenance of the whole Churche and Christianitie and yet coÌ„playneth not our knight of this which subiects now feele for that it is present but of the other past and gone which they feele not wherby is seene his indifferencie that they seek nothing but matter of complayâ—â— and cauilling against the Pope and hâ—â— doings As for long peace which is an other blessing of his both sweet profitable as he termeth it â— blessing long peace I know not what or why I should answere seing Aristotle teacheth that to go about to proue or improue by reasonâ— that which is open and manifest to our senses is to wearie reason and offer iniurie to sense who seeth not therfore what hath passed in England since protestant religion first entred in K. Henryes dayes for if we talke oâ— domestical styrres and tumultes among our people we haue had more within these 70. yeares to wit from the one or two and twentith of K. Henryes raigne downwards vnder him and his three children respecting religioÌ„ only then in a thousand before his dayes and more then in many ages for any cause whatsoeuer setting a syde the contention for the crowne betweene the two houses oâ— Yorke and Lancaster which cannot go by reason in this accompt for that it was a particular quarrel of certayne Princes of the bloud royal not rysing of
and other like of which 〈◊〉 of diuersities Tertullian spake a litle beâ—ore 〈◊〉 he said quaeramus à nostris Tâ—â—ul cap. pâ—â—ced quae salua fidei regâ—â—â— quaestionem possâ—nt deuenire Let vs cal in questiâ—â— or dispute among our selues and with 〈◊〉 owne men to wit Catholykes such poâ—â— of religion as may come in controuersie wiâ—â—out breach oâ— the integritie of the rule of fayth and with this only dâ—stinction of old Tertullian of the different disputing among Catholykes and heretikes the one without touching the â—ntegritie of the rule of fayth the other directlie opposite against that integritie by this onlie I say all the vaine prating and babling of our aduersaries that fil vp leaues with differences among our schoolemen is quite cut of and they like barking dogs that haue weâ—yed them-selues in vayne may shake their â—ares and returne to ly downe in their keâ—els againe vntil an other fit of bawling be â—ffred and he that wil see an other like bawâ—â—ng whelp to O. E. repealed by a vauÌ„t-curre â—â—d his chaps shut vp with the verie same diâ—â—â—nction Aug. lib. 1. coÌ„tra Iulian. cap. 2. let him read S. Augustine against Iulian 〈◊〉 Pelagian obiecting the same that O.E. doth â—gainst Catholykes Alia sunt sayth S. Augustine â—uibus inter se aliquando etiam doctissimi atque opâ—ae regulae Catholicae defensores salua fidei compage 〈◊〉 consonant VVhat differences ther may be among catholikes Salua fidei regula alius alio de vna re melius aliquid 〈◊〉 verius hoc autem vnde nunc agimus ad ipsa 〈◊〉 pertinet fundamenta There are other poynts â—â—ong Catholykes in which sometymes the â—ost learned and best defenders of the Caâ—â—olyke rule of fayth do disagree among theÌ„â—â—â—ues and one doth say better and more truly â—â—â—haps then an other of the selfe same thing 〈◊〉 yet all without breach of the common â—â—ke of fayth but this whereof now we treat â—gainst this heretyke Iulian perteyneth to 〈◊〉 very foundation of our fayth Thus sayth he and thus say we and 〈◊〉 further to O. E. that which foloweth in Sâ— Augustine against Iulian that he change 〈◊〉 erroneous and furious mynd in accusing many graue Fathers Bishops and Pastors 〈◊〉 the whole visible churche of that opprobrioâ— shame whâ—ch is proper only to heretyks wit of diuision and dissention among themselues in matters of fayth To the other iest boyery that foloweâ— wherin he sayth that Catholyke men canâ— receyue their fayth froÌ„ the vniuersal church quia actiones sunt suppositorum I might answeâ— this sentence quia omnia plena sunt â—â—ultorum 〈◊〉 otherwise he pretending to make his aduâ—â—sarie a noddy would neuer haue brouâ—â—â— foorth so noddilike an aâ—gument therby to iâ—crease the number of noddyes with additiâ—â— of his owne person for who wil not 〈◊〉 him a notorious Noddy who selling him-seâ—â—â— for a doughtie doctor VVhether the vniuersal Churche may be said to teach or no. deane of a Churchâ— vnderstandeth not a proposition in Logiâ—â—â— thereâ—ore for his instruction I wil send hâ—â— to no higher a treatise for this tyme therâ— the introduction of Logique or summâ— written by Toletus Tolet. in trod ad dialect lib. 1. c. â—3 where among other â—â—uisions of terminus singularis he shal fynd thâ— Collectiuus autem terminus est qui tantum pluraâ—â— iuncta significat vt Roma c This I shal expoâ—â— after when I shal shew that this definition Terminus ouerthroweth his obiection coâ—â—sequentlie that he is ignorant in ipsis termiâ—â—â— artis in the very termes of logique it selfe But yet in the meane space I deny not but that the said proposition actiones sunt suppositoruÌ„ is true in it selfe Arist. lib. 1. Metaph. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and founded in Aristotles Meâ— taphysikes though Aristotle haue not the word supposiâ—orum but singularâ—um as the greeke word importeth but all is one in our sense And further I grant that this proposition is vsed by many schoole doctors for better explication of dâ—uers highest mysteries of diuinitie and namelie of the blessed Trinitie incarnation of our Sauiour and others as appeareth in diuers places of S. Thomas D. Thom. com in lib. 1. Sent. dist 5 q. 1. art 2 lib. 3 dist 2. Idem part 1. q. 34. art 5. part 3. q. 19. art 1. though yet as it seemeth neuer read and much lesse vnderstood by this rude O. E. as may appeare by his foolish application therof in this place for that the meaning of this proposition according to Aristotle and schoolemen is that Actiones non sunt vniuersalium logicorum which are otherwise called vniuersalia in predicando such as are genus species and the like neyther yet are actiones vniuersalum in essendo as were those ideae platonicae nor yet paâ—tium conslituentium vel componentium but only singularium aut suppositorum this is Aristotles meaning when he sayth actiones sunt suppositorum but what is any of this to our question and speech of the vniuersal Christian Churche and her teaching which Churche though in our speach she be called vniuersal collectiue for that she coÌ„teyneth all Catholykes yet is she reipsa and in her selfe truly and properlie indiuiduum and not vniuersale logicum vel platenicum but only as is said vniuersale collectiuum defined before by Tolâ—tus when he sayth Terminus singularis collectiuus est qui tantum plura coniunctè significat which signifieth the comprehension of many in it self as Rome London parlament cittye churche congregation and the like which according to logique are properlie particuler indiuiduals and not vniuersals though they conteyne ech of them a multitude in them and in that sense may be called vniuersals as the whole and vniuersal city parlament common wealth c. and they haue this nature that the actions of particulars conteyned in them and authorized by the whole do stand for the whole and are said to be of the whole as the acts of Parlament in England though they be done be particular men and often tymes not by all yet are they not called the actes of particular men but of the whole parlament and the like of the actes of the cittie or common wealth And further when such an act is deliuered to me by a particular man not in his owne name Actes of particular men attributed to the vvhole body nor as his owne acte or decree but as the act of the Parlament and in name therof I may wel say that the Parlament deliuereth me the same which I may also say when the cittie of London the chaÌ„cerie the kings bench the court of wardes or other coÌ„mon bodyes maketh out any order though it be deliuered by particuler meÌ„ yet is it the act of the whole vniuersal body and so called and accounted and not of the particuler men that deliuer or execute the same which being vnderstood let vs now come co the
Priests monasteries both of men and women and for proof therof bringeth out Boccas an old bawdy Italian Poet Pallengenius an other as lasciuious in heresie as the other in Lecherie and besyds this he citeth also a worke without an author called Onus Ecclesiae wherin many abuses in lyfe and maÌ„ners by way of compassioÌ„ are complayned on with desyre of amendment and with this doth the minister think that he hath played the man and proued sufficientlie that the new ghospel hath brought in great reformation of lyfe and manners and that now the world goeth better then before for good works wherin as I said the best iudge may be the common sense feeling and experience of men that lyue in the world for that descending to particulers in so long a circuit as is the world is both infinite vncertayne and odious yet yf I would follow this fowle mouthed minister in ripping vp vnsauery matters of his cleargie as he fayneth amplifyeth of ours I might go but to publike recordes of his men punished by publike iustice for their outragious behauiour in that behalfe I meane in that very point of carnalitie which they most obiect to ours in most false manner and for auoyding wherof in them-selues each one of them haue allowed his remedy most desyred called by them-selues his vessel of ease though with no smal disease and disaster of the common wealth as before hath byn shewed But to leaue this poynt and to come to the second which is about the temporal respects whether the new ghospel and change of old religion haue brought losse or gayne hurtes or benefits conuenieÌ„ces or inconueniences in this behalfe the matter is not much more doubtful then in the former conference of good lyfe and works For albeyt both the K t. and his procter do put downe certayne temporal benefits as blessings receyued by their new ghospel yet are they both light vayne in them-selues and not agreeing betwene them-selues neyther do they satisfie or answere the great hurts and inconueniences set downe on the contrary side by the warder towards the end of this his first encounter which being very weighty and of great consideratioÌ„ the K t. leapeth ouer theÌ„ altogeather as before hath byn signified but the minister chattereth here and there after his fashon but far from answering any substantial point therof which thing to the end yow may the better perceyue I shal take payne to repeat againe in this place the former hurts receyued by chaÌ„ge of religion meÌ„tioned by the warder in these words For better vnderstanding of the controuersy in question Pag. 7. and 8. men are wont to bring into consideration two poynts Temporal effects by change of religion First what is likely to haue byn or fallen out yf the change of religion had not byn made in her Ma ties tyme and then what hath insued vpon the change made To the first they say that if as her Ma tie entred most happily and ioyfully into the crowne of England by general consent of all and promoted especially by the peculiar forces of Catholyks that were at that day most potent without comparison and that as her Ma tie entred Catholikely that is to say shewing her selfe in all points of religion and behauâ—our a Catholyke according as she had done also before in her sister Q. Maryes raigne and was now crowned and annoynted Catholikly by a Cath. Bishop at a Cath. masse and other like circumstances yf she had continued that course stil not yeilded to the persuasions of some new councelours against the iudgment of all her oâ—d as indeed she was hardly brought â—o yeld ther-vnto at the beginning for that she foresaw by her wisdome diuers of the inconueniences that sitheÌ„ce haue ensued then say these men yf this had byn so both her Ma tie and the realme had byn most happy at this day and in particular they alleadge these benefits following which of all probability would haue fallen vpon vs. This is the Warders profer in this behalf and then do ensue The vaine chatteâ—â—ng of O.E. 8. special considerations of moment to be wayed in this affayre which after we shal lay forth and examine in order But now to consider the chattering of our parrat minister for denial of all these things I can noe wayes make yow better apprehend yt then to tel yow of a certayne commedy which once I saw in Venice yf wel I remeÌ„ber wherin the Vice of the play had taken for his inuention to contradict euery thing that his fellow should say and so when the one said good morrow to the people the other said good euen when one said it was a fayre day the other it was a foule when the one said it was noone the other answered it was night when the one affirmed that the Sunne shyned cleerly the other would needs hold that it was the moone and so he passed forward in contradicting all that the other affirmed vntil the people being wearyed cryed out that the foole should be thrust downe for he marred the play And this is our case now O.E. is set vpon a new deuise to drop denials with his aduersary and to contradict whatsoeuer he saith or howsoeuer yow haue hard what the warder hath wrytten in this his preface harken then how this fellow coÌ„tradicteth and with what and how good reasons The Warder saith that her Matie entred most happily and ioyfully to the crowne of England by general consent of all A comparison of a vice in a play The minister saith it was not so for that it greeued the Papists exceedingly The other said she was promoted especially by the peculiar forces of Catholyks that were at that day most potent without comparison Pag 2â— this man denyeth it giueth this goodly reason what needed force if all were willing she should be crowned The other saith further that her Ma tie entred Catholikly shewing her selfe in all points a Catholyke This fellow denyeth yt with this reason For if she had so done why should the popish prelats feare any alteration The Warder furthermore saith she was crowned and annoynted Catholikely by a Catholyke Bishop at a Cath. masse O. E. denyeth all and sayth she declared plainly she would not masse which how loud a ly yt is not only her Ma tie can testifie but as many as yet liue and were present at that act and him-selfe presently touched as yt were with some shame of this asseueration addeth But were yt true yet his coniecture of happines is vayne c. Whervnto I answere that yf it were true then was O.E. false in denying yt and as for the vanity of the coniecture that yf masse and old religion had byn continued in England many inconueniences had byn auoyded we shal try the matters in the particulars that doe ensue but in the meane space consider the vanity of this vice for bringing in for instance to the contrary Francis Charles
Henry Kings of FraÌ„ce the States of the low countreys the people of Portugal who haue fallen into diuers troubles warres and disasters not-withstanding they contynued the masse and were Catholyks in religion But I would aske O. E. whether these troubles came by their chauÌ„ge of religion or noe For yf they did not then are they impertinent to our purpose which is to shew that by change of religion commonly do ensue troubles but not that only by this meanes disasters are incurred as though there were no other for that Catholyke Princes people also may incurre troubles by other meanes then by change of religion but they auoyd those which this change doth bring with yt Change of religion in France and Flanders Wherfore this noddy is discouered to speake nothing to the purpose in bringing in those fiue examples wherof foure not-with-standing are wholy against him-selfe for that all the troubles which he mentioneth to haue happened to Catholyke Princes and people in France and Flaunders haue byn occasioned by change of religion inforced vpon them by others as the world knoweth and not by â—heir owne willes and so hauing seene what â—his minister hath answered to the Warders â—reface of temporal hurts we may imagine â—ow substantially he wil satisfie afterward â—o the points them-selues wherof the first â—ower are those that follow And first saith the warder yf religion had not byn chaunged her Ma tie at this day had had a most fâ—orishing Kingdome VVarnvvord Pag. 8. vnited both to her and amonge them-selues in religion 1 Strength and felicity by vnion iudgment affection fidelity and frend-â—hip as other realmes Cath. of the world are seene to bee as ours for aboue a thousand yeares togeather with much honour and felicity is knowne to haue remayned 2 Security Heerof had ensued that none of these feares and terrors of conquests inuasions assaults treasons conspiraties the lyke which this VVach-man endeauoreth to lay before vs had euer come in conâ—ideration for that England vnited in yt selfe hath euer synce it was a monarchy made other Kingdomes and prouinces round abouâ— yt to feare her forces as by matters happened in France Ireland and Scotland for many ages is euident and she neuer greatly feared any Thirdly England had had her Ma tie at this day by all likelyhood a ioyful mother of many faire and princely children 3 Issue of her Maiestie for that the principal cause of her graces not marrying is to be presumed to haue proceeded of the differenâ— religion of forrayne princes who desired thâ— same on the one side and one the other thâ— inequality of blood in her owne subiects for such aduancement For to attribute this great resolution of heâ— Ma tie to the only loue of sole lyfe and maydâ—-head I doubt how yt can be iustifiable seinâ— that amoÌ„g Catholyks where such profesioâ— is more praysed and practised they vse sometymes to draw out euen vowed nunnes from â—heir cloysters to marriage for so weightie a â—ause as is the sauing of succession in so great a â—rowne as England is knowne to be And â—mong Protestants virginity is not of that neâ—essity or meryt as for yt to incurre so great â—â—conueniences notwith-standing the base â—nd seruile flattery of this crouching Knight â—ho casteth in now and then the memory of 〈◊〉 mayden Queene without respecting the â—eadly wound which his countrey receyueth â—â—erby Foorthly of this had followed the sure estaâ—â—ishment of the succession of this imperial â—â—owne in the blood and race of the vnited â—â—yal houses of York and Lancaster 4 EstablishmeÌ„t of successioÌ„ and of 〈◊〉 lâ—ne of the noble K. Henry the 7. which â—ne being now to end with her Ma tie in the â—â—rect discent is lyke to bring great daungers 〈◊〉 the realme For albeyt there want not of â—â—llateral branches yet their causes are otherâ—ayes so implicated for diuers â—espects but â—â—ecially by difference of religion which had â—uer happened yf the chaunge had not byn â—ade as no man can tel what wil be the end â—â—d most men do feare extreame calamityes â—â—erby Thus saith he Wher-vnto for the first two â—â—ints our minister answereth nothing in â—â—ect First secoÌ„d inconuenience feare daunger but that the VVarder mistaketh S. F. meaning 〈◊〉 think him to haue spoken any thing of feare eyâ—â—â— of forrayne inuasions or domestical treasons but â—â—at is this to the purpose had yt not byn better that all this had byn aduoyded Buâ— heare him further Pag. 30. But suppose saith he Poperâ— had byn continued how could this noddy haue giuen 〈◊〉 warrant that we should haue byn neyther oppugâ—eâ— by enemyes abroad nor by traytors at home VVaâ—nâ— Henry the 3. of France excommunicated by the Popâ— oppugned by his subiects murdered by a Dominicaâ— fryar notwith-standing his zeale in popery Marke heere the mannes wit there be twâ— parts of his demaund the first how the Waâ—der could warrant c. wher-vnto is easiâ—â— answered that such hurts as came by alteratiâ—â— of religion as diuision of mynds iudgemenâ— and affections c. had byn easily warranteâ— yf religion it self had not byn altered The second part about K. Henry the thirâ— of Fraunce is ridiculous About HeÌ„ry late K. of France for he was not troubled for changing of religion him-selfe bâ— for being presumed to fauour them vnder-haâ—â— that meant to change religion for the deaâ— of noble Princes as all the world knowetâ— hauing as diuers write giuen his oath aâ—â— fidelitie to the contrary and receyued the Sâ—crament for confirmation therof and yet yt eyther presumption or ignorance in tâ—â— compagnion so bodly to affirme that the Poâ—â— did excoÌ„municate the said King for this faâ—â— which excommunication no man euer yâ— saw published To the third principal poynt about the prâ—bability of noble issue in her Ma tie yf chanâ—â— of religion had not byn 3 Inconuenience lack of iâ—sue royal this parasite prâ—leth as yf he were Iack daw shewing wil 〈◊〉 talke but lacking wit to say any thing to the â—urpose telling vs only that yf it had pleased â—er Ma tie to haue married she might as wel â—aue marryed in protestant religion as in Caâ—holyke and that their women may haue fayre â—rincely children as wel as ours and that â—â—uers Cath. Princes did seeke her marriage â—nd amongst others the K. of Spayne And â—hat the french K. sister at this day is marryed â—hough she be a protestant and that Q. Mary â—as marryed and yet had no children and diâ—ers other such trifling toyes which we deny â—ot but say that they are impertinent and â—o not touch the substance it selfe of the â—atter meant by the Warder which is that 〈◊〉 a Cath. state there would haue byn other â—anner of instance made to her Ma tie other â—ounsel and resolution of learned men layd â—efore her for her obligation to marry in such case for sauing of a common wealth
Beatus Thomas c. Blessed Thomas Bishop of Canterbury who in our tyme hath fought for the liberty oâ— the Churche vnto death did not shine by any miracles during the tyme of his persecution Caesar. Heisleâ—bac lib. 2. c. 69. dialog and after his slaughter there hath byn much disputing seme saying that he was damned as a traytor of the Kingdome and others that he was a martyr as defendor of the Churche And the same questioÌ„ was disputed also in Paris among the masters for M. Roger swore that he was worthie of death albeit not such a death as he had iudging the blessed maÌ„nes constancy to be a contumacy On the other side M. Peter chantor affirmed vpon his oath that he wus a worthie martyr of God and slayne sor the liberty of his Churche These mens questions or controuersies Christ hath now dissolued hauing glorified him with many and great myracles These are the true words of Caesarius translated out of Latyn and if we wil see the falshood both of Fox his scholler S r. F. in alleaging this one litle text only it shal not be amisse to set it downe heere as it is found in Fox himself first in Latyn and then in English Thus theÌ„ Fox alleadgeth Caesarius his words Quaestio Parisâ—is inter magistros rentilata suit virum damnatus an saluatus esset ille Thomas Fox pag. 204. col 2. nu 40. dixerat Rogeâ—â—us tunc Normannus fuisse illuÌ„ morte ac damnatione dignum quod contumax esset in Dei ministrum Regem Proâ—ulit contra Petrus Canâ—or Parisiensis quod signa saluationis magnae sanctitatis essent eius miracula quod martyrium probasset Eccles. causa pro qua mortem subierat c. Thus do Fox and S r. F. alleadge his latyn woords which in English are these Fox doth Falsly allâ—adg Cesarius There was a question mooued among the maisters or doctors of Paris whether that Thomas were saued or damned Roger then a norman sayd that he was worthie death damnation for that he was so obstinate against Gods minister the King Peter Cantor a Parisian came out to the contrary saying that his miracles were great signes and tokens of his saluation and also of great holynes affirming moreouer that the cause of the Churche did allow and confirme his martyrdome for the which he died Thus farre Fox And then immediatly he adioyneth this continuance of his speech And thus haue yow the iudgment and câ—nsure of the schoole of Paris touching this question for the taynting of Thom. Becket And yet as you see it was but the altercation of two men the one a Norman as Fox saith subiect at that tyme to the king of England the other a Parisian subiect to the king of France who in reason may seeme more indifferent for that he was not interessed on any side Yet with what face can Fox out of these words affirme that here was giuen the iudgment and censure of all the Vniuersity of Paris seing it was but an altercation of two priuate men only Who discouereth not heer the impudent false humor of Fox in calling it the determination of the Vniuersity of Paris But let vs now returne to examine the notorious abusing of this short authority by Fox and his scholler Syr F. First they cut of as yow see by the text it self before set downe in English verbatim the whole beginning and ending of the authors speech Many corruptions of Caesarius both in latyn c English which do comprehend the ful purpose and meaning of his narration with his whole iudgment of the controuersy which is such dishonest dealing as may be in abusing any author And after this Fox choosing to put downe the text for more credits sake in the latyn tongue first he should haue put his very owne words as yow know which he hath not done but hath added altered and taken away so much as he thought good for his purpose making his reader notwithstanding beleeue that they were the very woords of the author seing he putteth downe first the latyn and then the English in a different letter But yet he that shal examine and compare text with text he shal fynd added first the whole sentence virum damnatus an saluatus esset ille Thomas Then dixerat Rogerius tunc Normannus thirdly quod contumax esset in Dei ministrum regâ—m Fourthly is added the word damnatione which is not in Caesarius Fifthly quod signa saluationis magnae sanctitatis essent eius miracula is not in the authors text sixtly also the words quod martyrium probasset Ecclesiae causa Caesarius hath them not All these words and sentences therfore are foisted in by Iohn Fox euen in latin which make the more part or very neare of the whole text by him cited He cutteth of besides the beginning and ending before mentioned these words following first of Roger who though he affirmed him to be worthy of death yet he addeth etsi non tali yet not of such a death as he had which words Iohn Fox coÌ„cealeth as he doth also the words immediatly following of Caesarius beati viri constaÌ„tiam iudicans contumaciam iudging the holy mannes constaÌ„cy to be contumacy After this Fox leaueth out those words pro libertate Ecclesiae truâ—idatum that he was slaine for the libertie of his Churche but especially those that immediatly follow contayning the authors conclusion of all which are these quorum quaestionem Christus soluit cùm multis magnis miraculis illum glorificauit whose question or controuersy Christ hath dissolued in that he hath glorifyed him with many and great miracles Thus wrote Caesarius soone after S. Thom. his martyrdome And now by this one example of playne forgery and cosenage and by these few lynes so corrupted peruerted and altered the reader may imagine what infinite falshood is to be found in Fox his huge volume according to this accoÌ„pt In which vpon my conscience and some trial also I do think there is scarse any one story truly related in all parts in that monstrous huge book And yet yow must mark also that Syr F. doth not cyte so much as Iohn Fox for this allegation out of Caesarius neyther any author besides False dealing in both haÌ„ds betvvene the Maister and scholler least the falshood should be found And so much for this poynt Yow haue hard what falsifications forgeryes haue byn vsed Diuers vvayes deuiseâ— by haeretiks to disc edit miracles to make authors to speak some euil against this blessed Saint Now when that cannot stand but that God testified his holines with so many and famous miracles as Caesarius liuing in that tyme and so many others before eye witnesses do testifie consider whether the impiety of restlesse heretykes doth rush They deuise diuers wayes how to delude or discredit all miracles and thereby also these of S. Thomas And first Iohn Fox deuiseth two saying that yow may answere
〈…〉 to agree about the poysoning of 〈…〉 wheras no one of them holdeth it 〈…〉 contrary as yow haue hard But how then commeth in this 〈…〉 cal story so much vrged and diligenâ—t thâ— forth by Iohn Fox in his lying acts and 〈…〉 Yow may read in Iohn Stow 〈◊〉 the place alleadged the first author therof for it was an author without a name whichâ— wrote about a hundred and seuentene yeares agoe and took vpon him to continew the fabulous story of Geffrey of Monmouth among infinite other fables telleth also this of King Iohns poysoning as he receyued it by some vulgar report The book was caused to be printed at the charges of one VVilliam Caxton and so comonly called Caxtons chronicle and in the prologue he wryteth thus In the yeare of our lord 1483. in the 22. yeare of the raigne of K. Edward the 4. at S. Albons so that all mâ—n may know the acts of our noble Kings of England are compiled in this book c. This went in the prologue and then in the end agayne he sayth thus Here endeth this present chronicle of England with the fruite of tymes compiled in a book and also printed by one sometyme scholmaister of S. Albons vpon whose soule God haue mercy Amen And newly imprinted in Fleetstreet at the signe of the Sunne by me VViâ—ken de word In the yeare of our Lord God 1515. 〈…〉 how this book was 〈…〉 withall many hundreds 〈…〉 in the book set downe after the 〈…〉 wyues tales naming no author 〈…〉 he had it for he liued almost 300. 〈…〉 the fact all the former authors 〈…〉 that liued with King Iohn or 〈…〉 to this mannes tyme excepting only 〈…〉 â—onicon that meÌ„tioneth it as a vulgar tale 〈…〉 polidore after him with like reiection all â—â—ners I say former wryters which best should know the truth not only made no meÌ„tion therof but set downe expressely other manner and causes of K. Ihons death as yow haue heard and yet would Fox of meere malice and against his owne conscience beleeue this author against all the rest and set it forth in print pagents and paintings as before hath byn sayd and all other English heretyks since haue followed him in the same impudency both in bookes sermons common speeches which sheweth that they do not follow reason nor seek truthe but only to hold the reader in error by any meanes of sleight or â—alshood whatsoeuer which ought to warne euery true Christian man who seeketh sincerely to know the verity of matters in controuersy and the saluation of his owne soule not to beleeue so easily these cosening people but to enter into better consideration of their doings especially of Iohn Fox the most fraudulent and perfidious wryter that euer put pen to paper in our language if I be not greatly deceyued who haue taken paynes 〈…〉 many others to examine the 〈…〉 wilful falshood of diuers of his 〈…〉 But to returne againe to Sir 〈…〉 Reader note one trick more of his 〈…〉 wing this story of K. Iohn to be as I 〈…〉 was not only content to vse Fox his frauâ—â—â—â— deceyue his Reader but would needs ad somâ— what of his owne deuise also For albeit thâ— former Chronicle of Caxâ—on if so it may be called do recount the summe of the matter most fondly as to the Reader may appeare yet doth he not tel that the monks name was Symon as S. Francis calleth him nor that his Abbot highly commended him for his zeale as Syr Francis addeth out of Fox his inuention who forgeth also that the monk alleaged for himself the prophesy of Cayphas Iohn 11. saying It is better that one dy then all the people perish and moreouer I am wel contented to loose my life and so become a martyr that I may vtterly destroy this tyrant and then with that the Abbot did weep for gladnes and much commended his feruent zeale c. All these speches and circumstances I say are added and much more by Iohn Fox and S. FraÌ„cis to the Story to make it vp more ful for that no such word is in the author CaxtoÌ„ but rather the contrary that both the monk and the abbot were very sorrowful And last of all it is most false which is the principal part of this Story for which it was brought in by Sir Francis that the Abbot gaue him absolution before hand for the committing of this 〈…〉 it had byn committed for 〈…〉 such matter at all in the story but 〈…〉 he asked to be shriuen and assoyled 〈…〉 of his sinnes but not that the 〈…〉 yeild ther-vnto and much lesse 〈…〉 was any mention on eyther part of 〈…〉 olution for the sinne to come but rather â—r his sinnes past as men are wont to doe when they go to warre or to lyke attempts where many sinnes are ordinarily comitted for which no man asketh absolution before hand as our two maysters heer wil needs haue the monk to haue done though in deed Sir Francis is the more impudent of the two for that Iohn Fox durst not to auouch this manifestly of absoluing aforehand for sinnes to come yet our knight blusheth not to affirme ytâ— without all warrant or witnesse in the world and so becommeth the disciple worse then his maister Fox setteth downe the words somewhat more cunningly and dexterously 〈◊〉 and Fox 〈◊〉 riue 〈…〉 hal 〈◊〉 most â—â—dulently to wit The monk being absolued of his Abbot a forehand went c. where yow see that he putteth downe the word a forehand with a parenthesis as added of himself if any would vrge him of falshood But S r. Francis taketh quite a way the parenthesis and affirmeth the matter absolutely saying He highly commended his zeale and gaue him absolution a forehand for committing of this wicked act c. And by this let the reader iudge of them both Maister and scholler doctor disciple and I haue byn the longer in diciphering their cosenage in this one example to the end that their malice and lack of coÌ„science being fully seene in few points may be held suspected in the rest For that most true it is that they who in matters of religion do falsifie and lye of purpose cannot possibly be thought to be true or religious in any thing nor to seek religion for religion but faction and self wil vnder the name of religioÌ„ let them say what they wil. And this shal suffise for this chapter where is nothing to be added about our minister O.E. for that he passeth ouer with vtter silence all that the knight hath handled in this place about the poysoning of king Iohn so as all the blame must light vpon himself his champioÌ„ not presuming to make any defence at all for him Now then let vs passe to that which ensueth THE SPEECH OF THE warder is defended wher he calleth the way of saluation by only faith the common Cart way of protestants the truthe of which doctrin is examined CAP.