Account of which he may be deprived of c. And pag. 23. he says of these Principles That they have poisoned the very Springs and Fountains of Government and so deeply tinctur'd Mens Minds that he prays God we may not still live to see the miserable Effects of it Thus Dr. Sherlock even since his Conversion But you may say how does it appear that this Author now sets up these Principles You shall be Judge Pag. 49. he says That it is ill trusting any one any King with such a Power This is in his c. 3. s 1. n. 8. Again c. 1. n. 10. p. 11. he expresses himself in these Words viz. The antient Government with which he the King was intrusted p. 41. he falls upon those who stopt the Bill of Exclusion with this wholsome Advice Never to trust Men of King James's Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us Here the King's Power is onely what the People please to trust him with Pag. 57. He says That it is not the King's Money that pays the Soldiers but the Kingdoms and thence it will follow that they are not the King's Soldiers but the Kingdoms 67. He says That every Law is certainly a Compact between the King and the People wherein by a mutual Consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience That therefore the People may as lawfully dispence with their Allegiance to the King 68. as the King dispence with the Execution of a Law That the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties 77. Properties and Lives except the Interest they have of chusing their own Representatives in Parliament Whereby he will exclude by very much the greatest part of the Nation from having any security for their Lives c. i. e. all but the Electors of Parliament men for none other have any Vote in chusing their own Representatives But the Author makes them amends by giving every one of them a power to dispence with their Allegiance to the King when ever they think that the King dispences with the Execution of any Law He makes them all Popes to dispence with Oaths or any other Duty when they think it reasonable And as he gives them Power over their Oaths of Allegiance so he does over the King's Treasury and Army It is Their Mony Their Army and why should not They command them The King himself acts but by their Commission and by all Rule and Right every Man is accountable to him from whom he has his Commission But now our Author is upon the Rode you shall see how he improves He derives the Eccles Authorily from the People p. 206. he stops at nothing And since he is a granting to the People they shall have all even the Ecclesiastical Authority which is trusted in the Crown shall be derived from the People and transferrable by them to whom they think fit For he makes King James's breach of trust in the Ecclesiastical Authority a provoking temptation to his People to think of transferring it to some other Person This will gratify the Phanaticks as well as Commonwealth-men That even the Ecclesiastical Authority is derived from the People His Interpretation of its not being Lawful upon any Pretence to take Arms against the King c. pag. 221. n. 3. And now to Crown all He gives as large and loose an Interpretation of that famous Principle of the Ch. of England viz. of it s not being Lawful upon any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King c. as Bradshaw Rutherford Bellarmin or Mariana could desire viz. He says it was only meant That private Men should not take up the Sword or resist the King upon any Pretence that is says he upon any Pretence of private Injury or Wrong done to them in particular Beyond this none of the Republicans Phanaticks and Jesuits in the World could go So that this was no very distinguishing Principle of the Church of England as we us'd to call it But if you will allow the same Parliament which enacted the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance to the King c. to understand their own Meaning or think that the declared Sense of the Legislators is the true Sense of the Law then our Author has widely mistaken his Mark and misinterpreted this Law For 12 Car. 2. c. 30. it is declared That neither the Peers nor Commons nor both together nor the People Collectively nor Representatively in Parliament or out of Parliament nor any other Persons whatsoever have any Coercive Power over the Kings of England Now judge whether all this is meant only of Private Men as our Author would make you believe And take Notice that this is not to be taken as a Grant from that Parliament It is a Recognition wherein they declare what was the Law before them And they vouch that this Prerogative of the King to be exempt from all Coercive Power is by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And that neither Lords nor Commons nor any other Persons not only now have not or hereafter shall not have any such Power over the King but that they never had or ever ought to have such Power I hope our Author will confess That this is somewhat a greater Authority and ought to have greater Weight with us than his single Opinion which he has taken up but of late And to confound that Distinction of the Parliament being Coordinate with the King and making the King but one of the three Estates which would imply their having something to do with the Sword which is the Supreme Power of Government joyntly with the King and therefore in some Cases might restrain him by Force which was the Pretence in 41. to obviate all this the Militia which is the Sword of England is by Act of Parliament put in the Hands of the King alone And it is declared in express Words 13 Car. 2. That the Sword is solely in the King's Power and that neither one nor both Houses of Parliament can or Lawfully may Raise or Levy any War offensive or defensive against his Majesty c. The Title of this Section p. 221. is King James and his Party endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion by misrepresenting the Persons and Principles of Protestants But it is not in the Power of Jesuit or any you can imagine to misrepresent the Protestant Principles more than this Author in this same Section as you have seen that is if you will allow that the Protestants did ever represent them Right before And whereas he Objects in the foremention'd Place That by it the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance it was never intended to give up the Constitution of the Government or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom The Answer is very easy for by the Judgment of what he calls the Constitution of the Government viz. King and Parliament
of these People would make any Body suspect he had not been sairly Represented and that he did not really design any such thing as the Destruction of these People at least not altogether so fully as the French King resolved the voiding the Edict of Nants which this Author avers p. 19. I say who would believe that K. James did as fully determin our Ruin as our Author there Words it since he not only refused to do it when it was in his Power and he Apprehended so great Danger from them but took Pains and used his utmost Authority to keep back others from doing it who were ready and zealous to have done it and thought it their Interest to do it Therefore in this Distress our Author was obliged to find out some other Reasons for this besides K. Jame's Clemency And a Man of less Ingenuity than his cou'd make a shift to find Reasons for any thing There is no Subject upon which something may not be said Pro and Câ—n and so here our Author contrives Reasons for this Clemency of K. James which may not spoil that Bloody Character he had given of him and he turns it upon Policy Interest not to Provoke England c. not foreseeing that the same Interest must remain while ever he was King of England and so secure the Protestants in Ireland and disapoint this Authors whole Book And likewise he was under a Necessity of Contradicting what he had said before of making the Irish the Assaylants and Murderers c. because he is now forced to give Reasons why they were not so You know who should have good Memorys and it is very difficult when a Cause has several and Contrary Aspects It runs a Man some times to bespatter that side which he means to Defend As truly I think has happened in the present Case For if the most Malicious Jacobite had gone about to expose the present Government under the Name of K. James This Author Wounds the Present Government in the Person of K. James and the Papists he could not have done it more effectually than it is done in this Book For Example when England found the old Oath of Supremacy inconsistent with the Present Settlement they wisely abrogated it and made a new one But Ireland could not do this wanting a Parliament And in the Acts of Parliament in Ireland as in England there is a Penalty upon the refusal of this Oath which the then Civil and Military Officers in Ireland avoided by ordering it so That that Oath should not be tender'd to them as it was not at first to the Military nor to all the Civil Officers Now see how our Author exposes this Practice in the Person of the Papists c. 2. p. 38. § 9. He tells of an Horrible Artifice the Papists had to avoid the Oath enjoin'd on all Officers Civil and Military by Act. 28. Hen. 8. c. 13. and 2. Eliza. c. 1. viz. The Oath was never tender'd to their new Officers and Consequently said they they never refused it neither are they lyable to the Penalties of the Act. This was plainly against the design of the Statute a playing with the Words of it and shewed us that Laws are Insufficient to secure us against such Jesuitical Prevarications Thus our Author not Considering that the same Jesuitical Prevarications must by his Rule be Charged not only upon the Irish Protestants as abovesaid but upon the Roman Catholicks in K. Williams Army who are many more in England than K. James had in his Army here and before the Alteration of the Oaths here by Act of Parliament they must either have this same excuse for avoiding these Oaths or have none at all p. 114. He says the Protestants in Ireland chose rather to ly in Jayl than take some new invented Oath that was put to them without any Law to enjoin it Why would not this Author tell us what Oath this was I am told that there was no new Oath Imposed upon the Protestants in Ireland by K. James and it is not very likely where as you have heard from the Sovereign of Belfast and other Vouchers before Nam'd K. James did not trouble the Protestants even with the Oaths enjoyn'd by Law But I have been told that in Cork Limerick and other Garrisons upon the Sea Coast where there were many Protestants the Officers without any Order from K. James thought it reasonable to take that Security of these Protestants when they drew their Men out of these Garrisons into the Field and when they were Alaram'd with the English Fleet that these Protestants would not Joyn with their Enemies but be true to K. J. And I am told likewise that none of these Protestants did refuse it But if they did as this Author says could they take it ill to be secured in Prison who when the Enemy was hourly expected refused to promise not to Joyn with them or betray the Garrison to them Secondly this is an ill Reason for what the Author told us before viz. That K. James had not the least Reason to suspect or Disarm the Protestants and therefore this Author calls it perfect Dragooning of them as bad as was done in France But this Author tells his own Reason why they would rather ly in Jayl than take this Oath viz. Because there was not any Law to enjoyn it and they thought this a Violation of the Law and therefore that they ought to Suffer any hardship rather than Comply with it For if you break one Law you may break all c. Now this is perfect Wounding the present Government and Condemning what the Protestants in Ireland even this Author himself has done viz. Taking an Oath of Fidelity to K. William and Q. Mary without any Law to enjoyn it That is before this late Act of Parliament for abrogating the Old Oaths of Allegiance and Imposing the new Oaths in Ireland But here I must not be mistaken for I am not of our Author's Opinion that there was no Law to enjoyn these Oaths I have shewn before That by the Common Law there is an Oath of Allegiance may be required from the Subjects which for greater Satisfaction I have set down in the Appendix n. 13. as it was Taken to K. J. in Ireland by these Protestants With some Authorities out of the Common Law to Justify the Legality of it But our Author either knew not this or was willing not to remember it and would rather Wound the present Government than miss such a Blow and Reflection upon the Government of K. J. whether this was done in the full sincerity of his Heart without Aggravation or Misrepresenting against K. J. he has taken GOD to witness and there we must leave it The 26. Septemb. 90. There Issued three Proclamations from the Lords Justices of Ireland which I have hereunto Annex'd one Banishing the Wives Children and Familys of all in Rebellion against their Majesties or Kill'd in that Rebellion and of all
as Nevil Pain c. their Clergy Barbarously Rabbled and Episcopacy Abolished Though they say that the Prince of Orange in his Declaration to Scotland Dated at the Hague 10. Octob. 88. Promises to preserve their Church as then Established among them From any Alteration And makes that the chief End and Design of his then intended Expedition Then they tell of the many wicked and illegal Courses which were taken to overturn the Foundations of Church and State in that Kingdom That when the Meeting of the Estates of Scotland was called by the Prince of Orange's Circular Letters in March 89. none were sent to several Royal Brughs in the North which is the most Episcopal and consequently the most Loyal part of Scotland And therefore such sent no Representatives That at the first Meeting of the Estates they refused when it was moved to adjourn for eight Days as they did in England to give time to the Members from the remote parts of the North to get to Edenbrugh But did precipitate Matters before they came That the Oaths required by Law to be taken by all the Members of Parliament or any Judicature before they can sit or vote there were without Law laid aside By which means the Anti-Monarchical and Fanatical Party were let into the House That several Noble-men and Gentle-men who had been Forefaulted for Treason and so had no Property nor Interest in Scotland were admitted as Members of this Convention before their Forfeitures were Rescinded even by this Convention and so were made the King's Judges to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against him for the Injuries which they pretended he had done to them And that one of these viz. the Earl of Argyle was sent with the tender of the Crown of Scotland to the Prince and Princess of Orange by Act of Convention 24 Apr. 89. before his Forefaulture was taken off which was not done till 1 Aug. 89. by the 4th Act of the first Session of the first Parliament of William and Mary That by these Means the Fanatical Party in that Convention were the most Numerous And framed such a Committee of Elections as for any or no Cause turn'd out any Episcopal Member who came in Competition with one of their own That by their Act 4 July 90. they rescinded all the Forefaultures since the year 1665. and Monmouth by name and Richard Rumbold an English-man who was to have Assassinated King Charles II. at Rye-house and in publick Proclamations in Scotland was taken notice of as the supposed Executioner of King Charles I. That within this Act of Grace were included all that were concerned in the publick and open Rebellions of Pentland-hills Bothwell-brig Monmouth and Argyle and the very Assassinates of the Lord Archbishop of St. Andrews those Furies incarnate were all as many as were alive enabl'd to be Members of Parliament and to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against their King That King William by his additional Instructions to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated the 17th of July 89. empowers him to pass Acts for Rescinding all Foresaultures since 1660. But this exceeded the Modesty even of that Parliament They would not expresly own that no Treason could be committed against K. C 2. or K. J. 2. at the same time that they Deprived and Foresaulted so many on the behalf of K. W. That the Fanatical Mob who had Rabbled the Episcopal Clergy were Armed and made the Guard of that Convention and resolved to sacrifice any who durst oppose their Designs witness Sir George Mackenzy that great Ornament of his Nation and Profession who was forced to fly from their Fury to save his Life it being made appear they had laid Plots to murder Him and Others They tore Episcopal Ministers Gowns off their backs in the streets of Edinburgh where the Convention sate and attacked the Lord Archbishop of Glasgow there That the Bishops who are the First of the Three Estates of Parliament were excluded from sitting in that Parliament before they were a Parliament by vertue of Instructions sent from King William to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated 31 May 89. in these words You are to pass an Act turning the Meeting of Estates into a Parliament and that the Three Estates are to consist of the Noblemen Barons and Burgesses Accordingly the Meeting of Estates wherein the Bishops sate was turned into a Parliament 5 June 89. the Bishops being first excluded which the Jacobites think a material Objection against the validity of all the Acts of that Parliament particularly that of 22 July 89. abolishing Prelacy and the Act 7 June 90. setling Presbyterian Church-Government Whence the Jacobite Episcoparians desire us to take a view of the Methods how their Church was over-turned They first tell us That the major part of Scotland and much the greater part of the Nobility and Gentry are Episcopal and therefore that Episcopacy would carry it in any fair and free Convention of the Estates in Scotland That several Reasons are given above why it was not so in the late Convention there That the Presbyterian Managers did instigate and set on their Rabble to fall upon the Episcopal Clergy and drive them by violence from their Churches and that the Presbyterian Ministers who had preached in those Parishes by a Toleration from King James should take possession of them before the Meeting of the Estates where they would endeavour to excuse the Rabble and continue the Possession and likewise make use of this as an Argument That Episcopacy was contrary to the inclinations of the people That the Rabbling began in December 88. and to make way for it a Report was industriously spread abroad as in England That some Thousands of Irish were landed in Galloway and marching forward with Fire and Sword Upon which the Fanaticks took Arms and fell upon the Episcopal Clergy with a Violence that is hardly credible That they drove them from their Churches plundered their Houses assaulted their Persons pricking some with Bodkins c. till they have gone distracted in which miserable condition a Gentleman told me he met an old Companion of his at the College an Episcopal Clergy-man who had been thus served by that Rabble That they turned the Wives and Children of the Episcopal Clergy out of their Houses to shift as they could upon which many of their Children dy'd and their Wives miscarried A Presbyterian but who abhorr'd the Brutality of these Proceedings told me that he was at the Rabbling at Air and saw an Episcopal Minister's Wife who had been but three or four days delivered turned out with her Children into the Streets and all People shut their Doors upon them insomuch that this Gentleman mov'd with so lamentable a Spectacle bestirr'd himself in Compassion to them and that it was Eleven at Night before he could get a poor Cabbin to give them shelter That they used to lead the Ministers about in Triumph tearing their Gowns which they called the Rags of the Whore and burning the
Book of Common Prayer where-ever they could find it calling it the Mass in English This was the Western Fanatick Rabble who began their Work upon Christmas Day to be witty in their Malice That at Edinburgh it self the Tumult was so high that the Mob forced the King's Palace rifted the Chancellor's Lodgings gutted the Chappel designed for the Order of the Knights of St. Andrew carried the King's Picture to the Mercat-Cross and there publickly stabb'd and tore it with the like Indignities as some ungrateful and bruitish Villains express'd in the rancor of their Hearts against the King's Statue at Newcastle and Glocester That upon these violent Disorders the King being gone from England and no settled Government in the Nation the College of Justice at Edinburgh took Arms and kept Watch and Ward to secure the Peace of the City and their Clergy from being Rabbled That then a Proclamation came from the Prince of Orange commanding all persons to lay down their Arms That the College of Justice did thereupon lay down their Arms but the Fanaticks did not for they said that they knew the Order was not intended against them and they proceeded to greater Insults against the Episcopal Clergy and fell upon those they had not medled with before and a Tumult was raised at Glasgow and those of the Rabbled Clergy who thought themselves protected by the Prince's Proclamation and thereupon returned to their Churches and Livings were much more rudely treated than before and particular Favours were granted to the Town of Glasgow by 15 Act of 2 Sess of 1 Parl. of W. and M. for the Zeal of the Community of the said City who were the principal Rabblers for the Protestant Religion as it is expressed in the Act. That the Rabbled Clergy made application to the P. of O. for Protection from this Outrage and sent Dr. Scot Dean of Glasgow who assisted by Dr. Fall Principal of the College of Glasgow did represent their deplorable Condition to his Highness who gave them no other Answer than to refer them to the Meeting of the Estates which did not assemble till 14 March following That they suffering unspeakable Hardships and Indignities all that time from December to March made the same Request for Protection from the Rabble to the Meeting of Estates then convened In answer to which That the Meeting of Estates by their Act 13 Apr. 89. excluded from the Protection of the Goverument all the Ministers who had been Rabbled before that day and were not then in Possession of their Churches And being turned into a Parliament by their Act 7 June 90. declared That these Rabbled Ministers had Deserted their Churches and therefore adjudged them to be Vacant and ordered those Presbyterian Ministers who without any Law had taken possession of them when the Incumbents were driven away by the Rabble to continue their possession and have Right to the Benefices and Stipends according to their entry in the Year 89. viz. when the Incumbents were Rabbled And to this being an Act of Parliament the Royal Assent was given That these Ministers Rabbled before 13 Apr. 89. and for that only reason declared to have abdicated by the Parliament were about 300. That the foresaid Act 13. Apr. 89. obliged all that remained to Pray for K. W. and Q. M. as King and Queen of Scotland and read a Proclamation publickly from their Pulpits against the owning of King James And that they might not have too long time to consider of it it was to be read under pain of Deprivation the next day viz. 14 Apr. 89. by all the Ministers of Edinburgh the 21st by all on that side the River Tay on the 28th by all be-north Tay which was hardly time to have the Proclamation transmitted to them all At Edinburgh the Proclamation came not from the Press till late on Saturday night and it was to be read at Morning-Service next day so that many of them it is supposed had not an hours time to resolve That this severe Act was more severely executed by the Earl of Crawford then President of the Council and other Presbyterian Lords and that near as many were turn'd out by the Rabble within doors as the Field-Rabble had done That Matters being thus prepared for total Abolition of Episcopacy all haste was made to do it An Act was framed for that purpose and Instructions were sent to the Commissioner in these words You are to Touch the Act already passed Abolishing Episcopacy as soon as you can and to Rescind all Acts inconsistent therewith That the haste required was observed for these Instructions were signed by King William at Whitehall the 17th of July 89. and the Act was Touched at Edinburgh the 22d of the same month Thus fell Episcopacy in Scotland Two Months and eleven Days after King William and Queen Mary took upon them the Crown of that Kingdom which was the eleventh of May 89. That those Presbyterian Ministers who were ejected by Law Anno 1662. upon the Restoration of Episcopacy were restored to the Churches they had before by Act of this Parliament 25 April 90. without any Provision made for those who were ejected That they did not pretend to that Regard to any who should be Deprived as the Parliament of England seemed to do by allowing Twelve of the Clergy who should refuse the Oaths the Third of their Bishopricks or Livings during their Life and left it to K. W. to apply it to which Twelve of them he thought fit But that he has applied it to none lest they should fare better than their Deprived Brethren in Scotland That not only those Presbyterian Ministers who were outed by the Bishops Anno 1662. but even those who had been Deposed and put under Censure as Incendiaries and wicked Men by their own Presbyterian Synods Anno 1660 and 1661. without being released from those Censures by any Synod or Ecclesiastical Authority of their own were Restored Anno 1690. by Act of Parliament That these as being most violent were most esteem'd and one of them Mr. Hugh Kennedy was made Moderator of the General Assembly Anno 1690. while he lay under the Censure of their own Kirk which was not taken off till the end of that same Assembly That thus their Church was established by Men thrust out of their Church as the State by Men Forefaulted by the State That by Act of their Parliament 7 June 90. Setling Presbyterian Church Government the whole Church-Government and Authority is placed in the hands of those Presbyterian Ministers outed since the first of January 1661. who were not then above Fifty or Sixty in number and such as they should admit exclusive of all other Presbyters which was a greater Superiority settled in one Presbyter above another than that which they Abolished in the Bishops as an insupportable Grievance And these new-modell'd Presbyters invested with Episcopal Power in Opposition to Episcopacy did exercise it with a Tyranny and Lordliness the Bishops had never
shewn For being by a particular Clause in that Act enabled by themselves or whom they should appoint to try and purge out all insufficient negligent scandalous and erroneous Ministers they erected Tribunals in every Presbytery as arbitrary but more senseless than the Inquisition and did but one good Act to purge out those Episcopal Presbyters who complied with their Schism and Usurpation for which they could never want a pretence because Ordination or Collation from Prelates was always made one Article in their Visitations and thought erroneous enough to spew any out of their Churches But as to these Deprived Clergy I must here take notice of a distinction much used in England to mollifie Lay-Deprivations viz. That the Bishops and Clergy Deprived by Act of Parliament lose not their Character only are barr'd by the Secular Power to exercise it in such Districts But Act 35. of Sess 2. of the first Parliament of William and Mary in Scotland those Ministers who did not Pray for King William and Queen Mary and were therefore Depriv'd were afterwards prohibited to preach or exercise any part of the Ministerial Function either in Churches or elsewhere upon any pretext whatsoever And in the 38th Act of the same Session they do as much confound our State-distinction of de Facto and de Jure which they say is cunningly of late spread abroad to weaken and invalidate the Allegiance sworn to their Majesties And therefore they order a Certificate to be subscrib'd by all who take the Oath declaring K. W. and Q. M. to be King and Queen as well de Jure as de Facto And they say That in all these things they have dealt more frankly and plainly if not more honestly and sincerely than we have done in England They think it more fair and open Dealing plainly to Foresault the King for Male-administration than to Abdicate him for flying to save his Life And when he is gone that he should not take the Right to the Crown along with him and leave K. W. nothing but a de Facto Possession which they think a Betraying K. W. to the last Degree and making him no better than an Usurper They think it the same thing to debar Clergy-men from the Exercise of the Ministerial Function as to leave them no Place to exercise it in And as Charitable to allow nothing to the Depriv'd as to name something for them and put it into Hands where they are sure never to come by it But I know not so well how they 'll solve that Contradiction which seems to be betwixt their Claim of Right 11 Ap. 89. and their Confession of Faith Ratified and Established Act 5. of 2 Sess 1 Parl. William and Mary Read over in their Presence and inserted Verbatim in the Body of the Act. The Claim of Right begins in these Words Whereas King James being a profest Papist did assume the Regal Power c. And the first of their Claims is in these Words That by the Law of this Kingdom no Papist can be King or Queen of this Realm And yet in the abovesaid Confession of Faith Chap. 23. It is Decreed and Established as the true Christian Doctrine in these Words viz. Infidelity or Difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrates just and legal Authority nor free the People from their due Obedience to him But I must not exceed the bounds of a Preface For if I should only Name all the Hardships and Oppressions the illegal and arbitrary Proceedings of which the Jacobites complain of in Scotland say they are ready to make good by undeniable Vouchers I should swell this beyond the Bulk of Dr. King's Book and that the Truths of the Proceedings in Scotland would if possible out-number the Falstoods he relates of Ireland But for a fuller Account of these Scots Affairs I refer you to a small Tract called A Letter to a Friend giving an Account of all the Treatises that have been Publish'd with Relation to the present Persecution against the Church of Scotland Printed for Jo. Hindmarsh Among these as to the State Affairs be pleased to consult that Tract called The late Proceedings and Votes of the Parliament of Scotland contained in an Address delivered to the King And for the Affairs of the Church An Account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland in several Letters The Case of the present Afflicted Clergy of Scotland The Historical Relation of the late General Assembly held at Edinburgh And the Presbyterian Inquisition And there you will find such Cruelties used towards the Loyal and Episcopal Party in Scotland as were unheard of in Ireland and by Dr. King's Principles would justifie any Foreign Prince to interpâ—se on their behalf And if it be true which he lays down as the Foundation upon which he builds all that he says in his Book viz. That if a King design to destroy one main Part of his People in favour if anâ—ther whom he loves better he does Abdicate the Government of those whom he designs to destroy contrary to Justice and the Laws If this be true the Episcopal Party in Scotland think it would free them from all Obligation to K. William's Government But how far it is Applicable to the Protestants in Ireland to justifie their Carriage towards King James will be seen in what follows Suppose say they it were true which Dr. King asserts as it is most false That K. James while he was in Ireland did endeavour totally to overthrow the Church Established by Law there and set up that which was most agreeable to the Inclinations of the major Number of the People in that Kingdom who are Roman Catholicks The Jacobites ask if this were so Whether it be not fully vindicated in the 4th Instruction of those which King William sent to his Commissioner in Scotland dated at Copt-Hall 31. May 89. in these Words You are to pass an Act Establishing that Church Government which is most agreeable to the Inclinations of the People By which Rule they say That it was as just to set uâ— Popery in Ireland as Presbytery in Scotland And that the Law was not more against the one in Ireland than against the other in Scotland That the Parliament in Ireland was liable to less Exception than that in Scotlandâ— The one called in the usual Form by Writs from their Natural King to whom they had Sworn the other by Circular Letters from a Foreign Prince to whom they ow'd no Obedience who could not nor did pretend any other Authority over them or Right to the Crown besides The Inclinations of the People Which therefore they say in return for their Kindness he has made the Standard for Church Government as well as the Government of the State That it is only alleged that King James intended to do in Ireland what he did not do when it was in his Power and what King William actually did in Scotland viz. To overturn the Church then by Law Established
Though King James had truly the Argument of the Inclinations of the People i. e. of the major Part in Ireland which was but a Pretence and falsly Collected in Scotland from the Fanatick Rabble being let loose and encouraged to act all outrage upon the Episcopal Clergy That the Argument is carry'd in Dr. King's Book and many Pamphlets grafted upon it that the Church of England ought to expect from K. J. the like Treatment which they pretend the Church of Ireland met with from him and his Popish Parliament But yet have no apprehensions from what K. William has done to the Church of Scotland which he and a Presbyterian Convention have pluckt up by the Roots tho' living peaceably and offending no Man while K. James and the Popish Parliament left the Church of Ireland Established by Law when all her Members to a very small Number were actually in Arms against him in as Universal a Rebellion they say as ever was heard of in any Nation wherein there are fewer Exceptions than of Loyal Irish in 41. Many other things the Jacobites do plead with which I will not detain the Reader they have made large Apologies for themselves and Dr. King's Book will afford them Mâ—tter for more I know not if it will be needful to advertise the Reader That he will meet with several Expressions and Arguments which I use only ad hominem following Dr. King's Phrase and Logick and not to mistake them for my own Sense or Approbation of his Principles or Characters which he gives As pag 33. paragr 5. and elsewhere And p. 191. where I take notice of his Comparison betwixt King James and the French King and according to his Representation of them I ask Whether any would have King James to be worse than the French King That is than that Character with which some take Pains to blacken the French Monarch But we know now what stress is to be laid upon their Representations by the many false and malicious Slanders which they have spread abroad and vouch'd with as much Confidence of their own King and of Matters done within our own Country It is not just to frame an Idea of any Man by that Represantation of him which is given by his Enemy And yet no King that ever was in the World has had his Praises sung to a greater pitch by the most flattering Poet than the French King 's most bitter Enemies have extalled him even while they were spitting Venom at him A Prince says the Mighty Cant. in his last Thanksgiving-Sermon before K. W. and Q. M. 27 Octob. 92. who governs his Affairs by the deepest and the steadiest Councils and the most refin'd Wisdom of this World A Prince Mighty and Powerful in his Preparations for War Formidable for his vast and well-disciplin'd Armies and for his great Naval Force and who hath brought the Art of War almost to that Perfection as to be able to Conquer and do his Business without Fighting A Mystery hardly known to former Ages and Generations And lastly that he has an almost-inexhaustible Treasure and Revenue Perhaps he said all this with a Prospect of standing him in stead another day What Roman Caesar's Greatness or God-like Power and Wisdom was ever set out in a higher strain than this Nay he makes the French Caesar exceed in the Art of War all former Ages and Generations And for his Civil Government within his own Kingdom suppressing and effectually curing Duels Robberies and other publick Vices which were most rooted in France for immemorial Generations it is the Amazement and envy'd Pattern of his Neighbor-Nations and really the greatest and most noble of all his Victories How does every one that comes over tell us That Travellers may carry Gold open through all France without danger of any Robbers But as soon as you set your foot upon Spanish Flanders you must prepare to fight your way to be Robb'd or Murder'd And in England we all too well know that none now are secure neither on the High-way nor in their Houses from Thieves and Robbers There is one Objection against this Great King which makes it an Offence to many to hear any thing though Truth spoken to his Advantage and that is Banishing the Hugonot Ministers and Dragooning others to work them into another Religion which does and justly eclipse his Glory with those who know not the true Grounds and Motives which induc'd him to Methods so rigid and severe But his very Enemies who know the Reasons he had for it do even in this Excuse him and turn it into an Argument of his wise Foresight and Prudence They tell you that he was under an invincible Necessity of being rid of these Men or hazarding such a Revolution as befel King James That he knew they would endanger him by a Revolt if he were Invaded by a Protestant Prince Which are the very Words of the Answer to Great Britain's Just Complaint pag. 47. That their Refugees here do generally all own the Principle of Resistance And that their Ministers march'd last Campaign before the Army into Dauphine Preaching to the People as they went the lawfulness of taking Arms against their King This is a plain Demonstration what the Answer to Britain's Complaint has told us The French King being thus vindicated by his Enemies in that which was most colourably Objected against him and which if not done upon the abovesaid Motives would leave him inexcusable The Jacobites think themselves for ever oblig'd to acknowlege with all Gratefulness the Noble and Generous Reception he has given to King James in his Distress which as no King in Europe was able to have done but Himself so none but he could have done it in such a manner with that Greatness and every Punctilio of Honor which if all the particulars were repeated would fill a Volume and is such an Original as is not to be found in former Ages and will be Recorded in History as the most glorious Scene of his Life And that if he perfect what he has so Heroically undertaken the Jacobites say he will not find readier Trumpeters of his Glory than the present Complying Divines late of the Church of England They would in that Day resume their old Theams with which their Pulpits us'd to ring but are now forgotten of the Persecutions of the Protestants by those Popish Princes who are now in Confederacy with England against France They would then tell us of the declar'd Principle of the House of Austria not to suffer any Protestants whom they call Hereticks to live within their Dominions And pursuant to that have Erected the Spanish Inquisition which occasioned the great Revolution in the Netherlands They wouâ—d set out likewise in their Colours the many Persecutions of the Protestants in Bohemia Hungary and Transilvania and the long Persecutions in Piedmont by the Dukes of Sarvoy and that by this preâ—ent Duke They would then inform us That all these Perfecutors were more Popish and
their free Consent they would do what they promised without Swearing and if they did not all the Oaths in the World would not make them Did Augustus for this expect no Allegiance from his Subjects Or are not the Eastern Monarchs pretty Absolute because the Law in those Nations does not require Oaths But after all by the Common Law in England and Ireland all above 16 are to swear Allegiance to the King and it may be exacted from them in their Leets And this is the Reason they gave for imposing the new Oaths in Ireland to King William and Queen Mary before there was an Act of Parliament for it And therefore there was as much Law of the Land for swearing of Allegiance to K. James in Ireland after his Repeal of the Oath of Supremacy as our Author can pretend there was for swearing to K. William in Ireland before the new Act imposing the Oaths there So that our Author is out too in matter of Law Sixth Reason in answer to the Question Who shall be Judge But the main of the Difficulty is yet behind and that is That upon our Author's Scheme of dissolving Oaths and Government for such Reasons as he thinks fit he has not told us who shall be Judge of these Forfeitures or Abdications This I have urg'd already but you have not heard our Author's answer He says c. 2. s 1. n. 2. p. 12. it is commonly Objected Who shall be Judge and he resolves it thus That either the People must be left to judge of the Designs of their Governors Or else they must be oblig'd to a blind and absolute Submission without imploying their Understanding in the Case Thus our Author like a mighty Man Yet this Sophism is as poor a one as the last about the Oaths For in the Case we are upon of determining a Cause 'twixt the Government and the Subjects when we say who shall be Judge The meaning is not who shall have Power to think in his own Mind We say Thoughts are free And this sort of passing Judgment or of being a Judge can no more be taken from any Man than his Power of Thinking But when there is a Contest 'twixt King and People which is the Case we are upon the Question who shall be Judge is who has Authority to determine the Cause betwixt them as a Judge does between two contending Parties In which Sense none can be a Judge but he that has a Commission from some who has Power to invest him with that Authority viz. to judge 'twixt King and People which none can have but God alone And to say that every Man who is not such a Judge as this has not leave to imploy his Understanding in the Case because he has not Power Authoritatively to determine the Case so as to oblige and tye up the contending Parties is what this Author would slily pass upon you undiscover'd but it is too plain to bear an Argument Well then The Question is concerning an Authoritative Judge and our Author proceeds I dare appeal says he to all the World whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgment and Consciences of a whole Kingdom to determine concerning the Designs of their Governor or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the King whether he will destroy them One of these is unavoidable and I am assured it is less probable that the Generality of a Kingdom will concur in a Mistake of this Nature and less mischievous if they should mistake than that a King by Weakness wicked Councellors or false Principles should design to make his People Slaves subvert the Antient Government or destroy one part of his People whom he hates in favour of another Thus our Author And the Case is plausibly laid down and no doubt would gain the Cry at an Election But there is another Prospect of this Case which our Author takes care to conceal and that is What if a Cunning and Designing Incendiary makes a Party and prevails Universally among the People and perswades them to their own Destruction Misrepresent their Governor and Impose upon them That a Civil War is better and by this means get them to Destroy and Consume one another Thus did Absalom thus did Sheba thus Oliver and all the prosperons Rebels There is no other way of moving the People unless you could bring them all to a fair Vote which is only Impossible at least it was never done and therefore we justly may suppose it never will be Let us leave these Disputings in the Clouds and bring this Author to matter of Fact Are not all Revolutions carried on by making Parties Combinations of Leading-men Aspersing your Opposites using all Arts to Byass the Mob to your side Did ever any in such Cases speak nothing but the honest Truth of the Governour against whom they took Arms Did they leave it freely and impartially to the Judgment of the People without any Misrepresentations or invidious Insinuations And was it Equal to them whether the People upon a fair Hearing determin'd against them as Rebels or for them as Patriots Can there be a Method for the People to have such a fair Hearing of the Cause and to determine it Judicially If our Author cannot say that any of these Things has been or are ever likely to be done he must acknowledge That there is infinitely more hazzard of Giddy Peoples being debauch'd by Insinuating Crafty Men who seek their own Advantage in it to entertain Jealousies and Fears of their Governor's Designs and to over-rate every Hardship and ill Usage they receive from him than that a King should design to destroy his People which would be to destroy himself And if one of these is Unavoidable as our Author says It is easy to see where the most danger lyes The one has been our own Case and is almost every day The other is Imaginary without an Instance in the World in the Extremity our Author puts it and at the worst many degrees preferable to a Civil War as will be shewn Nor will the Number of the People or Greatness of their Leaders excuse any thing It makes their Rebellion more Fatal Numb 16.12 In the Rebellion of Korah there were 250 Princes of the Assembly famous in the Congregation Men of Renown And All the Children of Israel The whole Congregation c. 14. v. 24. mutiny'd against Moses and Aaron and were chusing another Captain and returning into Egypt And Korah gather'd all the Congregation against them c. 16. v. 19 41 49. and on the morrow all the Congregation murmured against ' em For which God destroy'd 14700 by a new Plague Now judge with your self if such a Governor as Moses could not secure himself from the Power which Ten Leading Men had with the People for they were no more who caus'd this Mutiny of the whole Congregation Num. 14.2 viz. Ten of the Twelve Searchers of the Land what Governor 's Virtue Sufficiency or
Diligence can secure him We know how Absalom stole the Hearts of the People from David his Father And they follow'd him in the simplicity of their Hearts says the Text as many did at first in the Rebellion against Charles the Martyr But I cannot tell if our Author will allow that for an Instance I know not how far his new Principles have carried him It is hard to stop in such a Course Their Repentance is Rare especially of those who are Converted to it from contrary Principles And if there be a visible Motive of Interest it makes their Return still more difficult But to conclude this Point in our Author's Phrase I dare appeal to all the World whether it be more dangerous to exempt the King from the Judgment of the People or to put it in the Power of any Discontented or Ambitious Men to endeavour to disgust the People against the Government and lead them into a Civil War at their Pleasure For that is the true state of the Question We know how many Mahomet has perswaded And by what means False Religions and Seditious Principles have spread through the World No doubt this Author intended his Book should take among the People He knew People could be Impos'd upon and never so much as when they are cajol'd and told fine Stories of their Power Paramount to all Kings and Governors That it is in their hands to pull down one and set up another to bind their Kings in Chains and root up all Governments at their Pleasure for this Argument of our Author's militates equally against all Sorts of Government And he may appeal again to all the World The Question Who shall be Judge apply'd to Parliaments and States Whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgments and Consciences of a whole Nation to determine concerning the Designs of their Governors whether Parliaments or States or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the Parliaments or States whether they will destroy them And one of these is unavoidable If you say It is not likely that a Parliament or States should design to destroy the People That is another Question Compar'd with Kings But pray tell me Would any Member of the Parliament of States loose so much by the Destruction of the Kingdom as the King Therefore it is less probable that he should Design its Destruction than any of them There may be an Equivalent given to any of them to Betray and Ruin his Country and there are Examples of it in all Ages Jugurtha Brib'd the whole Senate of Rome even when he was at War with them About 20 Years ago the French Faction among the Burghers of Amsterdam were able to Out-vote the other And some believe it is so still How has the allarm of French Pentioners disturb'd our Parliaments But more that of Court Pentioners Who are Free to give our Money the sooner we shall have done but Deaf to Grievances and Miscarriages Was there ever a Parliament Convention or Senate where the major Number was Un bribable Or was there ever a Bribe offer'd to a King to Betray or Sell his Country Deceiv'd he may be or take wrong Measures but it is inconceavable he shou'd Design the Ruin of his Country Therefore whoever you make Judg of the King's Designs must from a stronger Reason be Judg of the Designs of Parliaments and States And this will unhinge all Governments in the World But our Author endeavours to smooth all this by saying in the beginning of this Section Of Fears and Jealousies n. 1. p. 12. That Fears and Jealousies in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments or be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors The Arguments therefore brought by Subjects to prove their Governors design to destroy them ought to be so plain and evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinc'd of their Truth especially the Generality of the Subjects themselves ought to be fully satisfied and acquiesce in them But all these fine Words leave us just where we were For every Man is Judge still and he is Judge when he himself is satisfied and will acquiesce in the Arguments brought against his Governor And Men that are Deceived do think themselves in the Right else they were not Deceived So that the Rule of Government is still left Loose and Precarious as Uncertain as the Giddy Motions of the Mob And laid open to all the Attempts of Ambitious and Designing Men. Our Author says That Jealousies and Fears in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments This needs some Explanation For what more can there be of a Governor's Design to destroy us which is the Case in hand besides a Jealousy and Fear of it Till the Action be done we cannot be sure of it not so sure as our Author requires viz. we can have no such Security that ought to be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors There is hardly an Action in the World but may be done out of several Designs and none so much as the Actions of Governors and Matters of State And therefore there is nothing so easy as to be Mistaken in these Designs Especially if these Designs be kept as Secrets of State among Princes themselves French League Such was the suppos'd League which K. James was said to have made with K. Lewis of France to Root out all the Protestants not only of England Scotland France and Ireland but all the World over This was so Industriously spread abroad and vouched with such Confidence that it was given out the P. of Orange had procur'd the Original sign'd by both Kings and would produce it in Parliament This was believ'd and clamour'd about by Multitudes of silly People But neither the Prince in his Declaration nor the Convention in their List of Male-administrations against K. James did mention the least tittle of this which would have served more to their purpose than all the rest they had to allege And the might have added that Lord Sunderland in his Letter n. 15. Append. quoted in this Author's Book p 145. protests he never knew of any and that French Ships were offer'd to join with our Fleet and they were refused Nor has it been heard of since from the mouth of any who pretend to common sense or the least knowledg of Affairs till we were Rattl'd with it out of the Pulpit in this Authors Thanksgiving Sermon before the Lords Justices of Ireland Nov. 16. 1690. A League says he Notorious and Remarkable for its Folly and Falshood so contrary to all Sense as well as Faith that the Great Princes concern'd in it are yet asham'd to own it But he knows better Things he understands all their Cabals He tells page 5. 9. 16. of the Sermon How England Holland the Pope and the Emperor might be cully'd and wheedled
How the Empire was to be Divided betwixt the Turk and the German Princes and the Dauphin to be King of the Romans Savoy was to be brought under Pupillage the Princes of Italy to be Frighted Bought or Wheedled Genoa to be Bomb'd England Bought and Holland Drown'd alass Poor Holland The Queen of Spain designedly made Barren and the Prince of Wales a Cheat. There 's a Plot for you And p. 10. he asks K. James What business had he with an Army But leaving his Politicks let us come with him a little to the Argument He has Established it before That Jealousies and Fears are not to pass for Arguments against the certain and plain Duty of Obedience to Lawful Governors But that what is brought against them ought to be so Plain and Evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinc'd of its Truth And yet he brings here against K. James such Trash as Grub-street would be asham'd to own and if the Sermon were not so common I should be afraid to Quote least it should be thought an Imposition upon this Author But he has set his Name to it and Dedicated it to the Lords Justices of Ireland before whom he Preach'd it Of all the Instances above-nam'd we are more immediately concern'd in that of the Prince of Wales Pr. of Wales against whom he gives no other proof but p. 5 of his Sermon where he says We are satisfied i.e. of his being a Cheat. If these Gentlemen for whom and in whose Name this Author here speaks had been so Good or this Author for them to have told us what Evidence they had to satisfie themselves in a Point so Important as this Now when all the sensible Men of England are fully satisfied to the contrary viz. That the Prince of Wales was truly born of the Queen When it is no longer made a doubt of nor endur'd to be mention'd at Court or Parliament The but Questioning of it is a stob at the heart of this Prince says the History of the Desert p. 107. you need not ask which Prince it is who does not love to hear of it And who they are who press it to be heard and examin'd For which I refer you to n. 16. Append. It is likewise well known that this was but the tail of an old Plot to say the same of any Son the Duke of York should ever have of which n. 17. Appendix contains a Proof sufficient And shews the indefatigable Pains of that Phanatick Republican Hogan Mogan Party to render the Bill of Exclusion effectually servicable to the End for which it was intended This was thought to have been handsomly cover'd when Zuylestein was sent over to congratulate the Birth of the P. of Wales Nay he was publickly Prayed for as P. of Wales in her Royal Highness Chappel at the Hague where Dr. Burnet himself did often Officiate To say that they did not believe him to be P. of Wales at that time is to accuse them of such Atheistical Hypocrisy making a mock of God in his solemn Worship as would render them an abhorring to all Flesh To avoid this terrible Charge you will be forced to acknowledge That their Highnesses and Dr. Burnet too did not then believe the Reports of the Queens False-Belly for they were spread abroad long before And what Evidence they have got since besides these same Reports is what the Nation wants to know but are not like to be satisfied Nihil Dicit is confessing of Judgment Yet our Author says that he and the Irish Protestants of his Party are all satisfied for those I suppose he means by the We all are satisfied of the Imposture of the P. of Wales And by his Principles here laid down their Proofs must exceed Jealousies and Fears and be so plain and evident as the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinced of their Truth And then why should not he Produce them If he says as I suppose he must that he once thought it was Evident So it was for some time thought by the Generality of the People of England that the 3500 Irish who were disbanded by K. James before he went away were about to Massacre all England and had actually begun the Work and the whole Nation was terribly allarm'd There is nothing so Ridiculous may not be put upon some People as Plain and Evident in some Junctures Earl of Essex That the Earl of Essex was assassinated went down greedily with some sort of People for a while though People of sense did not then believe it nor his Lady as she declared to many noble Relations of his Lordship and her own But now the Trick is all come out and how that whole matter was managed Mr. Hook then Chaplain to the Duke of Monmouth and who came over with him from Holland wrote a Narrative of it at Amsterdam as himself declared for a Preparatory to their Undertaking Another was wrote by Col. Danvers and another at Amsterdam and was taken in Col. Danvers's House in London And they bragg'd how much Service it did in the West and stirr'd up the People against K. James and to join with the Duke of Monmouth A Committee of Lords was appointed since this Revolution to Rake into that matter again but after long Sitting and Examinations could make nothing of it and were forced to let it fall I suppose now for ever Sir Richard Haddock at present first Commissioner of the Navy declared before the said Committee That he saw the Earl of Essex lying in his Blood and having considered the narrowness of the Place where he lay and all other Circumstances he could not have been so Murther'd by any but himself Braddon's Tryal it self is enough to Detect it to any unprejudiced Reader But that this Author may not be accus'd for proving of nothing that he says he has undertaken to make out the Grand League before told in the aforesaid Sermon from a Letter of Bishop Maloony's to Bishop Tyrrel which our Author has printed in the Appendix of his Book There Page 363. Bishop Maloony is inveighing against K. James's Politicks in trusting too much to the English and seeking to please them while he rejected the assistance which the French King offered him If the King of France says that Bishop had not been too Generous and too Christian a Prince were it not a sufficient Motive for him to Reject the King in his Disgrace that upon those rotten Principles Rejected his Alliance This is that Alliance with France says our Author in his abovesaid Sermon p. 5. which Maloony the Popish Bishop of Killa loo in a Letter of his to Bishop Tyrrel is so very angry that some Trimmers as he calleth them oblig'd King James to disown These Trimmers were the abovesaid rotten Principles as that Bishop calls them of trusting to the English And these oblig'd King James to disown such an Alliance with France which he Rejected and yet found that his
the publick printed Accounts of the Persecution and violent Rabbling of the Episcopal Ministers and others of their Principles they have suffered more from the Presbyterians in Scotland than even this Author was afraid of from King James in Ireland But not only the Papists in England and Episcopal Party in Scotland and the present Papists in Ireland may justifie their taking Arms against the Present Government when they please but the Irish Papists in 41 might have justified their Rebellion against King Charles I. by this Author's Principles which do indeed justifie all the Rebellions that ever were in the World or all that can be invented for none can want some of the Pretences which he allows for Rebellion But especially it gives full Liberty to all Dissenters in Religion to take Arms against the Government but more plainly if the Government shut them out from Places of Trust and Profit for such a jealousie of them may easily be improved into a Design for their Destruction But if any Penal Laws be made against them then the Design is apparent it goes beyond a Design it is a real Attempt upon them actually assaulting them c. But of all things How could the Irish who adhered to K. James be made Rebels to K. William before they submitted to him How could this be doâ—e by our Author's Principles If you say he had Title to Ireland by being King of England because Ireland is but an Appendix to the Crown of England Answer But from the beginning it was not so and the Government of England being dissolved as you say by Abdication and returned back to the suppos'd Original Contract or first Right of Mankind to erect Government for their own Convenience of consequence the Tye which England had upon Ireland by Conquest was dissolved and Ireland left as well as England in their suppos'd Original Freedom to chuse what Government and Governours they pleas'd But all this notwithstanding this Author's Principles freed them from K. William because of the Presumptions they had to think that K. William intended to invade their Property Lives and Religion He declared that he came to Establish the Protestant Religion By his Declaration of Grace 7 July 90 he pardons none either as to Life or Estate but only Poor Labourers Common Souldiers Country Farmers Plow men and Cottiers and such Citizens Townsmen Tradesmen and Artificers who should return by the 1st of August and even these were to forfeit all but their personal Chattels as you will see in the Declaration N. 6. Appendix And by the publick Resolution of his Judges 21 Nov. 90. which you will see in the Appendix N. 7. very few had hopes lest them either of Life or Estate even upon their submitting to King William and living peaceably under his Government pursuant to his Declarations And I am told that thousands of them are out-law'd since they submitted to his Protection notwithstanding of the many fair Promises which were made to them afterward upon several Occasions particularly General Ginckle's Proclamation printed at Dublin 4 Feb. 90. wherein he assures the Irish Papists in their Majesties Names that all of them who wâ—â—â—d submit to their Majesties Government should be protected as to their Religion Estates and Liberties These following Words are verbatim the Words of that Proclamation viz. Their Majesties hereby giving demonstration to the World that it is not their Design to oppress the Inhabitants of this Nation either by persecuting them for their Religion Ruining them in their Estates and Fortunes or Enslaving them in their Liberty These are the Words of that Proclamation which have not hinder'd the multitude of Out lawrys and other Proceedings and Forfeitures against those Irish who submitted to the Government As to their Religion they do not complain but that K. William has been very Gracious to them and they enjoy it in more ample Manner than ever they had it under any Protestant Prince But as to their Persons Estates and Liberties they cry out heavily of Breach of Publick Faith and Great Oppression If our Author had the improving of these and other their Circumstances how easily could he argue them into the lawfulness of taking Arms for their Defence But if the Argument of Glenco were on his side no doubt he would summon the Nation to rise as one Man and would Abdicate all the Governments in the World It is well for the Government that this Author is not touched by the late Act imposing the Oaths in Ireland the Refusal of which is no less than Premunire which does not only invade your Property but makes you uncapable of having any Property at all so much as to the Cloaths upon your Back or ever to breath the common Air out of a Jayl and none above eighteen years of Age no not Women of any sort Maids Wives or Widows are exempted What Declamations could our Author make upon this How far would he make this exceed the French Dragooning or even the Spanish Inquisition if he had such a Handle against King James Some Instances of the Author's manner of Argumentation I have heard from some who are acquainted with this Author that he is a Man of good Reason But in this Book I must say that his Zeal has transported him to take that for Reason which is the farthest from it in the World and which it is impossible he should think to be so in any other Case C. 3. s 8. n. 6. p. 102. He tells how Derry shut its Gates against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment And n. 7. p. 103. he proves they were obliged to do thus by their Foundation and names the Charter granted by K. James I. One would wonder how the King should grant a Charter to oppose himself The Author's Reason is That this Town was founded to be a Shelter and Refuge for Protestants against the Insurrections and Massacres of the Natives The Natives had before that time made frequent Rebellions and Derry was built as a Security against them therefore our Author thinks that if ever it should so happen that the Protestants should turn Rebels and the Natives be Loyal the King's Charter was meant to support the Protestants in their Rebellion This is too extravagant to need Confutation C. 3. s 12. n. 16. p. 154. He inlarges upon the Reasons they had in Ireland as well as in England to dread Papists in a Parliament and grounds his Argument from Q. Mary's House of Commons which was not well thought on for his Purpose for though that Parliament did overturn the Protestant Religion and set up Popery in its place yet the Protestants of England thought it their Duty for Conscience sake to suffer Martyrdom under those cruel Laws rather than to take Arms against their Popish Governours It is a Topick as ill chosen which he urges in the third Paragraph of n. 18. of the same Section p. 160. where the Argument he uses to cure the Folly of those Jacobites who were
the Bishop of Derry Hopkins who was then there did protest against their shutting out the King's Forces and refused to joyn with those who did it for which and other Reasons this Author then gave he was against any Bodies going to the North or joyning with them as being a joyning in Rebellion About the Year 86. or 87. After his going from Wexford Waters to several of the Bishops of Munster he wrote a Letter to a Person of undoubted Credit giving an Account of what happened in his Journey and of the Substance of what he Discoursed with the Bishops of Waterford Corke and Cloyne he wrote That among other things he advised them as the only way to prevent the Dangers that were imminent to a steaddiness in their Loyalty and Religion and that he asserted that if the King and our Temporal Governors should enact unjust Laws that the Subject has no Remedy but Patience against whom we allow no other Weapons but Prayers and Tears and that it was a most unlawful thing for any to call in a Foreign Force or erect a New Government to redress unjust Laws And adds That it is a sad thing that it is not observed that Rebellions in the State and Schisme in the Church arise from this one Principle to wit That Subjects may in some Cases resist or seperate from their Lawful Governors set over them by God Whereas the Principle of Non Resistance is a steady Principle of Loyalty and it will be found no easier Matter to shake either the Church or State that is settled on it And he repeats it again That it is intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succors out of Pretence that their own Governors have made Laws against Reason Conscience and Justice and foolish to allege in their Defence That all Mankind is of one Blood and bound to help one another Which now he has made his great Argument in this Book Chap. 1. Sect. 5 What is above-written I have from the Person to whom he wrote it and more to the same purpose and if he desire it his Letters shall be produced The same Person told me that about the beginning of this Revolution he was in Company with the Author and another Gentleman I think it was Dr. Dun who blamed the preaching of Passive Obedience so high as the cause of what had befallen us whom this Author smartly reproved and vindicated the Doctrine of Passive Obedience to the highth But that Zeal and Courage has left him with his Principles or while he counterfeits his Principles there is a difference of assurance in defending some Causes which makes him now shun all those who knew his former Principles and have not changed as well as himself He refused to see all the time he was in London last August and September a Deprived Bishop with whom he was as intimate as any Man and had contracted a great Friendship and when he was minded of it to see his Old Friend he would not said they should fall into Heats And beginning of this last October 1692 being in Oxford on his Road to Ireland Mr. Hudson of University-College was with this Author in the Schools-Quadrangle at the very time Mr. Dodwell his admired Acquaintance was going up to the Library and Mr. Hudson asking whether he should call after him our Author forbad him saying He knew Mr. Dodwell would be angry with him If he thought that Mr. Dodwell was in an Error he ought to have endeavoured to convince him No he knew that Mr. Dodwell stood upon the same Ground where he left him and that it was he himself had Prevaricated and forsaken his first Love and therefore was ashamed to meet with the Man who knew his Principles so well before and who had stuck close to them in the Day of Tryal The very sight of such a Man is an upbraiding of their Cowardise and Unconstancy who have deserted their Principles and raises Guilt in their Faces which their Eyes would discover though they were hardened against a Blush Heu quantum mutatus ab illo From the well reputed and deserving Dr. K. who honoured and admired and loved Mr. Dodwell above most Men would have gone far to see him and was proud of corresponding with him and now shuns his sight as Guilty Sinners would the Face of Heaven O if this Author had retained his Integrity how much greater would he have appeared in the Friendship Esteem and Fellow-Suffering of this Great Man then in his Guilty Purple But Deserters must shew their Zeal and discover their own Shame Behold now how he starts and quotes it as a full Proof of King James's Arbitrary Designs That it was Enacted in their Act of Recognition in Ireland That the Decision in all Cases of a misused Authority by a Lawful Hereditary King must be left to the sole judgment of God Indeed I was amazed to see him quote this as so strange a thing which is over and over to be found in the Acts both of England and Scotland and Ireland as if he had not only forsaken but quite forgot what he had formerly taught He has got new Principles and a new Language p. 182. it ought to be 190. for it is false Printed he says K. J. was ungrateful to the Irish Protestant Clergy This is very familiar but what was the King's Ingratitude Because if they had been disloyal in Monmouth or Argile's Rebellion they might have made an Insurrection c. So that this Author thinks the King is in their Debt for not Rebelling And I suppose this is all the way that they brought him to the Throne as this Author says in the same place It seems these Irish Clergy have been mighty Men and we have not known it But he says that by their Zeal for King James they lost the Affections of their People This is a Scandal I verily believe upon the Irish Protestants They were I hope better Men I have known some of them and this Author ought to know them better I have not heard that any of the Irish Protestants took Offence at that Passage which this Author Printed in the Preface to a Sermon of the Lord Bishop of Kilmore's preached in the Author's Church of St. Warborrough's in Dublin in March 1684. the first year of King James's Reign It was entituled St. Paul's Confession of Faith There in a Letter of this Author 's to the Lord Bishop which is Printed in the Preface he avers positively in these words viz. It is impossible for any one of our Communion to be disloyal without renouncing his Religion This past better with the Irish Protestants Dr. Till Extent of Loyalty in his Serm. 2 Apr. 80 before K. C. 2. than that Super-Loyal Strain of our famous Dr. Tillotson which he Preached before the King at Whitehall Apr. 2. 1680. upon Josh 24.15 did please the Church of England men here other than those who took the Court for the Standard of their
Security from the Members of the Church of England more than from either Popish or Presbyterian Dissenters That when either of these two last-nam'd take Arms against the King for the Propagation of their Religion they act pursuant both to the Principles and Practice of their Churches but no true church-of-Church-of-England man can take Arms against the King in Defence of his Religion Liberty Property or any pretence whatsoever without at the same time renouncing the Principles of his Church or in Dr. Burnet's words turning Renegado and Apostate from it and from the constant Practices of its true Professors to this present Age. And though God has sifted Her and discovered Her unsound Members most of whom were Phanaticks grafted contrary to Nature yet we may perceive by the Remnant He has left that it will end in rendring her more Pure and Glorious after she has past the Refiner's Fire These Considerations have taken me a little out of the Road if it be out of the Road of the present Business I will return to the Author We have seen his Sincerity in the Original Matter of Fact and Mother of all the rest viz. Who were the Aggressors in the late miserable Revolution of Ireland for they were answerable for all that followed Matter◠of Fact set down by this Author at random But there are many other Particulars besides those to which I have spoken wherein the Author shews great variety of prevarication And tho he pretends to so great exactness which any one would believe by his Method yet it is visible that he set down things at random meerly for want of pains to examin them C. 3. S. 12. at the end p. 165. he pretends to compute what the Estates of all the Jacobites in England and Scotland are worth But this may pass more innocently than where it reflects upon any particular Persons Reputation in these Cases it is not only uncharitable but unjust to say any thing at a venture If we know not the thing to be true we are to err on the charitable side and not mention what may reflect upon another but if we do we must be sure to set down our Vouchers so as to leave no umbrage to suspect the Truth This our Author I am afraid has not so punctually observed through all this Book particularly in the Characters which he takes upon him to give of so many persons C. 3. S. 3. he accuses the Judges particularly the Lord Chief Justice Nugent ibid. n 5. p. 61. of down-right Bribery That he went sharer in Causes before him and not only appeared for them on the Bench but also secretly encouraged and fomented them I have heard others say who are no Admirers of that Judge That they are confident this is a rank Slander and Calumny and that no such thing can be proved against him However an Accusation of so heinous a Nature ought not to have been exhibited especially in Print without some Proofs along with it This Nugent says the Author was pitch'd on by K. J. to judge whether the Outlawries against his Father and his Fellow Rebels should be reversed Now I am assur'd That his Father viz. the Earl of Westmeath was not Outlawed which if so this is such another careless Mistake as this Author makes ibid. n. 3. pag. 60. where he calls Felix O Neil a Master of Chancery in King James's time Son of Turlogh O Neil the great Rebel in 41 and Massacrer of the Protestants That Turlogh O Neil was Brother to the Famous Sir Phelom O Neil and was not Father to this Felix O Neil I have been told by Men of Ireland That this Felix O Neil's Father's Name was Phelom and that he was so far from being a bloody Masacrer in 41. that he was civil to the Protestants in those times particularly to 〈…〉 Guilliam Father to Meredith Guilliam now a Major in K. W's Army whom he obliged by his civil Usage of him when he was Prisoner with the Irish and the same Guilliam's Relations do still acknowlege it But as to the Reversing of these Outlawries this Author has not done right to K. J. For upon the Representation made to his Majesty by the Earl of Clarendon then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of the ill Consequences of the Reversal of these Outlawries particularly the Jealousie it gave of encroaching upon the Acts of Settlement which you will see more at large in King James's Letter of the Third of May 86. to the Earl of Clarendon and his Lordships proceedings thereupon which are hereunto annexed No. 20 His Majesty did not press that matter any farther and so there was a stop put to these Reversals during the Government of my Lord Clarendon in Ireland and for any thing I can hear afterwards till this Revolution So that this seems rather an Imposition upon the K. as there were many by my Lord Tyrconnel and those of his Party than a thing that sprung immediately from the King 's own Breast or that he pitcht upon Judge Nugent on purpose to carry it on violently as this Author sets it out in his Guesses at Random and would have it pass for some mighty Matter To this Class will justly belong what I have before mentioned of this Author 's bold and positive Politicks upon foreign Princes and States and likewise of the P. of W. Fr. League c. which he had from the same Intelligence and avers with the same Assurance By Innendoes wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon He has likewise an Art of making many things pass by Innendo's whose Falshood would have appeared if they had been plainly related For Example c. 3 s 12. p. 144. telling of the assurances sent over by King James to Ireland by the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant and Sir Charles Porter Lord Chancellor he says These Declarations gained belief from the credulous Protestants especially that made by Sir Charles who behaving himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office went a great way to persuade them which being the Ground of their being persuaded by him more especially than by my Lord Clarendon plainly insinuates as if my Lord Clarendon had not behaved himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office there This Author is the first Irish Protestant I have heard give my Lord Clarendon an ill word as to his Government in Ireland On the contrary they all speak exceeding things of him particularly of his Zeal and Pains for Supporting the Protestant Interest in that Kingdom which gain'd their hearts to as great a degree if not more than most Chief Governours had ever been there they never parted with any Chief Governour with so much regret and as I have been told none courted him more when he was there than this Author who was admitted one of his Excellency's Chaplains but now thinks fit that should be forgotten at least kept for a more seasonable Juncture But C 2. S. 4 n. 1. p. 19. he
has an Inuendo of a higher Nature than this It imports no less than that the Protestants of Ireland conquering the Irish there gives them a Title to Ireland independent on the Crown of England He places the Scene indeed in another Reign but the Application is too obvious to be mistaken I suppose none will deny but K. C. 2. at his Restauration in the year 1660. to the Crown of England had thereby a good Title to Ireland But this Author plainly insinuates as if the English Rebels who Conquer'd Ireland as he calls it under Oliver had thereby gained a Right to it for themselves and therefore makes it not a Duty but a meer Act of Generosity in them to call home K. C. 2. and says That they bestow'd Ireland upon him c. These are his words viz. The Conquerers viz. Oliver's Army joined in bringing home K. C. 2. and generously gave up themselves together with the Kingdom of Ireland without Articles or Conditions into his hands Where observe They had a Right to have kept him out and not to have admitted him without such Articles and Conditions as they thought fit And our Author does not seem to approve of their receiving him without such Articles as he does not the King 's restoring the Conquered under certain Qualifications to a part of the forfeited Lands Kings are in a good condition when all their Actions are thus to be Arraign'd by every one who can take the Boldness to call them to an Accouâ—â— and Publish their Censure of Majesty to the World The same Language is now in many of their mouths as to the present Reduction of Ireland and they grudge the Articles of Limerick and Galloway c. not considering that there is no Government but by the necessity of their Affairs may be forced sometimes to take Measures which may alarm some sort of People and if for this People have liberty to attack the Government in every Coffee-house and Cabal what Peace can be lasting tho' they should do it by such discreet Inuendo's as this Author Kings now indeed are upon their good Behaviour as this Author of late loyally expressed it on the Thirtieth of January in Christ-Church Dublin applying it to that Day to shew the glorious Change of his Principles But for a Noble stroke both for speaking at Random for Inuendo's and for weight of Argument see C. 3. S. 12. n. 21. p. 165. It is thus stil'd in the Heads of Discourse Protestants lost more in Ireland than all that favour K. J 's Cause in England are worth In the Section it self he adds Scotland too This is a Discovery the Parliament would thank him for at least Mr. Fuller I dare not ask this Author by what means he came to know more than King and Parliament or any in England pretend to to find out all the Jacobites in England and Scotland and the value of their Estates Well it must pass by Inuendo and that cannot be disprov'd But he inuendo's in the Jacobites Thoughts too as well as their Estates And I suppose says he it would put them the Jacobites out of conceit with Him K. J. or any other King there he handsomly brings in K. W. and shews the Opinion as he believes of the Williamites at least you may conclude it is his own that should take away but one half of their Estates from them There the Government has the stint of his Obedience But has not this Author's Intelligence brought him the News yet of the Deprivation of the Archbishop of Canterbury and other English Bishops and Clergy with a greater Number in Scotland who have lost the whole of their Estates and it is believed would lay down their Lives too for what they think to be their Duty to their King And there are many Lay-Jacobites as resolute even as they Did this Author never hear that Mr. Ashton suffered Death and would not own this to be a Fault And that the Bishops of Chichester and Worcester asserted it upon their Death-beds and that they would have gone to the Stake rather than have forsaken their Passive Obedience or taken the present Oaths How is it possible that a Man so well read as the Author in the Primitive Persecutions should think losing but half ones Estate so mighty a Matter in asserting the Principles of our Religion But these things we can better hear than where he would impose upon us such Incredible Stories as would not pass at a Country Wake Incredible Matters of Fact Such is that c. 2. s 8. n. 4. p. 33. where he gives us such an Idea of the Wild Irish as he that said he had seen some of them so tame that they would eat Meat out of his hand He says that it seemed an unreasonable Hardship to those of them who were Landlords That they should be called to an account for killing or robbing their Tenants or ravishing their Daughters I confess this so startled me from an Author of his Gravity and living in that Country that it put me upon the Curiosity of enquiring of some Gentlemen of that Country who told me it was just as true as their having Hair upon their Teeth That there were ill Men among them and Murthers and Rapes have been committed as in other places but that they were so savage and ignorant at this time of day as not to expect to be called to an account for such horrible Crimes is an Assertion that astonishes every body that hears of it If he means that in the time of this War such Crimes went unpunished others have the same to say Witness Dr. Gorge's Letter But the Author 's Topick in this place is not of the time of the War but of the manner of these People before so that it is an egregious Imposition upon our English Understandings to think to pass this upon us It is almost as strange as this what he tells c. 3. s 11. n. 8. p. 138. That Colonel Luttrel Governor of Dublin condemned Mr. Piercy a Merchant to be hanged for saying very calmly That he was not willing to part with his Goods if he could help it And as strange that Mr. Piercy should escape because the Governour could not find any of the Provoes If you can hardly believe that Mr. Piercy should be condemned for speaking such innocent words and that very calmly you will be no Proselyte to this Author who as confidently and with as little Voucher that is none at all tells in the same place That Mr. Bell a Protestant Merchant was confined to close Prison and no body allowed to speak to him for I would have the Reader guess the Crime less if it could be than that of Mr. Piercy It was without any Crime so much as alledged against him says our Author We say It is easie to find a Stick to beat a Dog Were the Protestants so Loyal to K. J. or the Irish so dull that they could make no pretence of a Fault when
here do tell it The Earl of Inchiquin and Captain Henry Boyle with the generality of the Protestant Gentlemen in the Province of Munster having entred into an Association in Decemb. 88. as the Protestants in Ulster and Connaught had done they resolved to seize upon Corke and Bandon as the places of greatest Strength and Consequence in the Province Their Design took effect at Bandon which joyned with them But the Lord Deputy having notice of their Proceedings sent Major-General Mac-Carty now Lord Mount-Cassell to observe them He pretending to keep fair with them they attempted bringing him over to declare for the P. of Orange and some of them had hopes of it but he proved too cunning for them prevented their seizing of Corke and when Captain Henry Boyle upon that disappointment fortified his House Castle-Martyr he besieged him there Upon this Sir Tho. Southwell in the County of Limerick and several other Protestant Gentlemen marched with the greatest Force they could make to raise the Siege in their march they seiz'd on all the Papists Horses and this Mr. Browne who was then one of them took the Horses of Neagle of Moyallow who was then High-Seriff of the County of Corke and a Man was killed in the Fray and all this our Author calls only making his escape from those who came to plunder him But to tell out my Story Sir T. Southwell and his Company hearing upon their March that Castle Martyr was surrendred he endeavoured to make his way to Sligo to joyn the Lord Kingston and other Associators in Connaught who were all in Arms and as this Author tells p. 170. he and 200 of his Men were taken by a small Party of K. J's Dragoons not much to the Glory of their Courage And this Author says p. 171. That they were over-persuaded to plead Guilty though they had not been guilty of any Overt Act that could be construed Treason What this Author means by Overt Acts or what by Treason he will tell us in the next and likewise give us some probable Reason why K. J. should Reprieve and afterwards Pardon Sir Thomas Southwell and all the rest who were engaged in that business and have such a particular Malice only at Browne whom he knew as little as any of the rest Otherwise he must give us leave to suspend a little our belief of his Narrative in this matter particularly that K. J. should influence either Judge or Jury to take away Mr. Brown's Life and that he should be inexorable in Mr. Brown's Case alone and yet so very merciful to all the rest is a Contradiction to believe if his Case or Circumstances did in no ways differ from theirs But it is no wonder that this Author cannot keep him self from Contradictions through the whole Series of his Book when the very Titles the Heads of his Discourse are contradictory one to another which one would think an ordinary Care might have avoided C. 2. s 8. n 10. the Title is That K. J's Desire to be absolute induced him to change his Religion And yet c. 3. s 1. n. 5. the Title is Zeal for his Religion made him act against his Interest to that Degree says this Author in his Prosecution of this c. 3. s 1. n. 5. p. 46. that the Protestants could not but conclude that K. J. was so intent upon destroying them that so he compassed that Design he cared not if he enslaved himself and the Kingdoms P. 45. That he had a setled Resolution not to mind any Interest which came in Competition with his grand Design of advancing Popery and the Slavery of the Nations To effect which it is manifest he was content to be a Vassal to France Thus the Author Here are Contradictions upon Contradictions That K. J. should be content to be a Vassal that he might be Absolute If you say that must be understood only of his other Grand Design viz. advancing Popery which had the Ascendant even over his Interest or his desire of being Absolute This will contradict the other Head of Discourse which gives the desire of Absoluteness in him the Ascendant over his Religion as being the Ground-work and Motive which induc'd him to change his Religion And yet page 10. of his Thanksgiving-Sermon Perhaps says he K. J. chiefly desired an Absolute Authority over his Subjects that he might compel them into the bosom of his Church And it does not appear a less Contradiction than any of these that a King should change the Principles of the Church of England as then taught for those of Rome out of a desire to be the more Absolute The Church of Rome 4 Coun. Lat C. 3 c. gives Power to the Popes to Depose Kings and they have shewn many Examples of it On the other hand the Church of England when K. J. forsook her Communion damn'd this Deposing Doctrine and the Practice of it and valued themselves upon the Principle of Non-Resistance to their King upon any Pretence whatsoever as their distinguishing Character and an essential part of their Religion and they had never varied from it nor was it thought by any or themselves that ever they would I am sure if they were not in earnest with it then they can give no demonstration now that they can be in earnâ—st with any thing and it is in every bodies mouth That K. J's trusting too much to their Passive Obedience hastened his Ruin which could not be if he had not thought this to have been their Principle Now for a King of this Opinion to quit this Church and go to that Church which teaches the Deposing Doctrine to do this out of a desire of Abâ—â—luteness is such a Contradiction as this Author would have seen at another time C. 3. s 12. n. 15. p. 153. he makes K. J. most absolute in the Parliament in Ireland That this Parliament openly profess'd it self a Slave to the King's Will and that he was look'd upon as a Man factiously and rebelliously inclin'd that would dare to move any thing after any Favourite in the House had affirm'd that it was contrary to the King's Pleasure Accordingly the Author instances several particulars of K. J's Absoluteness in this Parliament particularly That upon his signifying his dissatisfaction to the Repeal of Poyning's Act the Parliament let it fall with several other Acts tho' the Irish had talk'd much and earnestly desired the Repeal of Poyning's Act it being the greatest sign and means of their Subjection to England Yet p. 37. you have the Irish dispute his Orders and and stand on the Laws and they would not suffer him to dispense with their Act of Attainder c. And yet p. 18. They pish'd at the Laws as Trifles and declared they liked no Government but that of France that they would make the King as Absolute here as that King was there P. 31. The Temper and Genius of these Men were at Enmity to the Laws and fitted for Slavery They promoted and
expended by Parliament and little of the Credit come to K. James Whereas in Sir Peter Petts Speech n. 10. Apendix and other Vouchers you will see That K. James expended Millâ—ons out of his own Pocket upon the Navy Then you say in the Latter End of K. James's Regin Innuendo as if he had not minded the Navy from the Beginning of his Reign The contrary to which you will see in the short Abstract of Mr. Pepys's Account of the Navy n. 11. Appendix And no doubt your Informer could have told you this as well as the rest if you had had a mind to be inform'd But the Reason you give of your former Mistake is beyond all this You say You were led into this Inference viz. Of K. James's letting the English Fleet Decay on purpose to Rume the Trade of England that the French might grow Great at Sea by hearing that the then Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea when he came for England Could there be no other Reason why the Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea but K. James's purposely letting the Ships of England Decay c What if the Prince of Orange missed the English Fleet which was the Case He found no Opposition at Salisbury neither Our Author might hence as well infer that K. James purposely let all the Pikes and Guns in England Rot and Rust c Are these Inferences fit for a Bishop upon his serious Repentance for his publick Breach of the Ninth Command and Slandering the Foot-steps of GOD's Ancinted And yet in the same Breath continuing to do it still again in Malice that grows Ridiculous with its Rage For in the next words after his Confessing his Mistake he would have you believe that K. James did own this Lye against himself But the preceding Discourses of K. James sayes the Author are exactly Related What were these Discourses You have it told in his Book in the same place where his Recantation is viz. c. 3. § 6. n. 1. Where he tells How many Roman Catholicks who pretended to know his K. James's mind confidently affirmed That he purposely let the Ships of England Decay and Râ—t that the French might grow Great at Sea and Destroy the Trade of the English And sayes the Author the King himself could not sometimes forbear words to the same purpose Now this the Author even in Penitentials Affirms to be Exactly Related And no doubt he must think his stock of Credit very great that upon his bare Word we should believe so very improbable a Story as that K. James should himself tell so great a Lye against himself to render himself the most Odious to England that could possibly be Contrived All the Aspertions which his Enemies cast upon Him put together would not Blacken him so much in the Eyes of English-men as such a Design to Ruin their Trade on purpose to let the French get it And indeed it must raise a very strange Idea of him to all People in the World that a King could have so much ill Nature so much Treachery as to Ruin and Betray his own People who were then very kind to him on purpose to bring them into the Power of their Enemies and that he should be transported with such an implacable Malice against them as to be content to Ruin himself to be Revenged on them to make himself a Vassal to France that they might become French Slaves Which our Author sayes is Evident as I have before Quoted him And that a King should be so fond of this Character as to Invent Lyes against himself on purpose to have it believed And to harden the Hearts of all English-men against Him at the same time that He was Courting them and as Dr. Gorges's Letter tells us spoke the kindest Things of them upon all Occasions and as this Author in several places of this Book that He Reckoned much upon His Friends in England And c. 3. near the end of § 13. that the Irish Papists Refrained from Massacring the Protestants in Ireland lest It should shock many of their Friends in England and Scotland from whom they expected Great Matters And that K. James depended on some Protestants in England for Succour and Assistance rather more than on the Roman Catholicks c. Judge then how probable it is that K. James should Report such things of himself as He knew must Disgust all these and indeed all Honest Men But the Author finds a Reason for it It was sayes he in his loose Recantation to incourage the Irish Nation into the Facility of Invading England And was there no other way to do it but for King James to tell so Scandalous a Lye of himself And which my Lord Tyrconnel and many others of the Irish Nobility and Gentry besides all the English knew to be false The chief Encouragement they had to come to England was what our Author tells the Friends they supposed they had especially the Protestants in England and Scotland To whom this Account of King James especially from his own Mouth would have been a strange sort of a Recommendation But if that thing in which K. James was most to be admired and took greatest Pains and which was most Visible viz. his care of the Navy can by this Author's Art be thus turn'd into the Greatest and most Invidious Objection against him what fair Representation of K. James can be expected from such an Observator as as this Or what Credit to any thing he has said Who would have you believe him because he takes God to Witness of his Sincere Representing K. James and his Party in this Book And even where he must Cenfess his Error Repents as you have seen But we have been too long upon this Pray God this Author's Repentance for this pretended Repentance and all other his Sins may be more sincere and hearty before he Dye And particularly that God may give him Grace to Repent Sincerely and Confess Honestly all the Errors Willful or Malicious Representations in this Book of his with which I now proceed C. 3. § 12. p. 148. n. 6. He Reflects upon K. Jame's Sincerity who in his Answer to the Petition of the Lords for a Parliament in England presented 17. Nov. 88. gave it as one Reason why he could not Comply because it was Impossible whilst part of the Kingdom was in the Enemies Hands to have a Free Parliament Thus he and to make you believe him very exact he qutoes the Kings Answer in the Margent But on purpose leaves out those Words which would shew the Inference he makes from it to be very Inconsequential his Inference is That the same Impossibility lay on him K. James against holding a Parliament in Ireland The Kings Words quoted in his Margent are these How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Circumstances whilst an Enemy is in the Kingdom There are but a very few Words more in that Answer which are these And can
make a Return of near a Hundred Voices These this Author leaves out Was it for the length do you think No it would have quite Ruined his Plot of making a Parallel 'twixt the Reasons for K. James's holding a Parliament in England 17. Nov. 88. and in Ireland May 89. viz. That there was an Enemy in the Kingdom which is indeed no reason and none of the Reason the King gave But such an Enemy as can make a Return of near a Hundred Voices would indeed hinder the Freedom of a Parliament in all its Circumstances Now let us see how many Voices the Enemy could Return in Ireland not one but of two Burroughs that is Derry and Enneskillen all the other Burroughs and all the Countys in the Kingdom were in the Kings Hands Now let our Author Judge of his Parallel and of his Ingenuity in Misquoting the King's Answer For he that does not tell the whole Truth that is Material is a False-witness He says p. 152. Several Corporations had no Representatives because they were in the Enemies Hands And yet the whole Number is but two as abovesaid But he thought the Word several would carry more in the Reading Add to this the difference there is 'twixt a Forreign Enemy being in the Country and the Insurrection of the Subjects A Subject that Rebels and will not Obey the King's Summons to Attend him in Parliament is a different Case from his being under a Forreign Power that will not let him come In the first Case he has forfeited his Right to Sit in Parliament and there is no reason that there should not be a Parliament because he will not come But in the other Case it cannot be a Free and Full Parliament where so many Members are under a Forreign Power But our Author has protested before GOD That he has not Aggravated nor Misrepresented any Thing and therefore we must suppose That it was only to Save himself the pains of Writing or his Reader of viewing these eight words which he leaves out in the Kings Answer to the Lords 〈◊〉 of the four Words ut Colonies ibi faciat which he forgot in his Quotation out of Grotius of which I made mention before Tho' it is plain that both these Ommissions do quite alter the Sence of the Words our Author quotes against that Interpretation which he would put upon them And therefore it must be confest that they were very Materially and if I were not awed by this Authors serious appeal to God I should have said Designedly omitted by this Author to Misrepresent the Sence of both these Quotations and for an Aggravation against K. James But for the present I shall only say this That where this Author seems most Exact and sets his Quotations as you would think Verbatim in the Mangent that you might suspect nothing as he does in these two Quotations of Grotius and K. James's Answer to the Lords there you are chiefly to suspect and you must stand upon your Guard C. 1. n. 6. He brings another Quotation out of Grotius de Jure c. l. 2. c. 25. n. 8. to shew That Tho' Subjects might not take Arms Lawfully even in the extreamest necessity it would not follow from thence that others might not take Arms in their behalf I know no No-body that sayes it would follow from thence But as to his Quotation Grotius sayes in the very same place That this pretence of Helping others has in all Ages been made use of to colour their Designs who intend to Invade their Neighbors Right Scimus quidem ex Veterib Novisque Historiis alieni Cupiditatem hos sibi quaerere obtentus sed non ideo statim Jus esse desinit si quid a malis Usurpatur Navigant Piretae ferro utuntur Latrones and that meer Possession does not give Right for that there are Pirats and Robbers who get things by Force All this the Author has wisely left out of his Quotation it would have spoiled the Design for which he brought it But I cannot imagin to what end he sets down another Quotation out of the same Book Lib. 2. c. 20. § 40. Where he tells us That it is so much more Honourable to Avenge the Injuries done to another than our selves by how much there is less Danger that the sense of anothers Pain should make us exceed in exacting such Revenge than of our own or Byass our judgment By this Rule he that Avenges the Injuries done to another must have no By-Ends of his own no Profit or Advantage accrue to himself by such Revenge else it may Byass his Judgment and make him Exceed in his Revenge viz. Instead of reducing his Neighbour to Reason to Seize upon all he has for himself How far this is Conducing to the End for which the Author produc'd it I leave to himself to consider But I will make an end of this unsavory Subject raking up the Absurdities and Contradictons into which a Mans Malice does betray him I will give but one Instance more upon this Head You have heard before now positively he asserted that the Irish were the Aggressons in the late Revolution that not one Protestant Acted any thing in opposition to the Government but only defending themselves against Robbers nor Acted against these Robbers till actually Assaulted by them c. as you have it p. 105. Yet c. 3. § 13. p. 178. as it is printed for it is wrong pag'd it ought to be p. 186. n. 4. He forgets this and gives several Reasons why the Irish papists Were not the Aggressors as That they lay under the strictest Obligations not to begin Acts of Cruelty from the Odium and Ill Success their Murders in Forty One had That the Protestants were extreamly Cautious not to give the least offence That it would hurt K. James's Interest in England c. The Matter is he was here Answering the Objection That very few Protestants lâ—st their Lives in Ireland under K. J. This he Grants to be true and it was a severe Objection For to represent a Man as the most Bigotted and Merciless Tyrant that design'd no less than the Total Extirpation of one main part of his people upon which Supposition this Author Grounds his whole Book and then when he has Subdu'd these Subjects of his and Redâ—c'd them by Arms after what to be sure he thought Rebellion in them and their Proclaiming another for their King and some part of them still standing out in Arms against him and those under his Power Betraying him all they could aâ—d deserting him every day which gave him just Grounds to believe that they wou'd all as they did joyn with the P. of Orange when he Landed These were the Greatest Provocations can be suppos'd and the Fairest Occasion given to such a Cruel Tyrant to wreck his Malice upon those whom he design'd to Destroy And yet after Representing a Man to be such a Bloody Monster to find that he Kills none
for the publick use those Supplies that were so freely afforded you in Parliament and without such strict Clauses of appropriating them to particular uses as were in the last Reign and with joy to look on the glorious Super-structure that your Reign hath hereby built on that great Foundation of the happiness of any Kingdom namely an entire mutual Confidence between Prince and People There is another thing occurs to my Observation namely That since your Parliament your Majesty hath allowed for the yearly Charge of the Navy about 400000 l. which is much more than was allowed for that use in his late Majesty's Reign These are great things Sir and your Seamen cannot but be sensible of the Honour and Happiness you have taken care of for them and how by your rebuilding your Capital Ships you have prepared floating Pallaces for them to inhabit and serve you in Sir The Hearts of your Seamen having in them so great a constant stock of the natural heat of Loyalty it is not to be wondered at that this Noble Lord could by his Breath so easily occasion that flame of Zeal for your Majesty's Service that has appeared in their Address his Lordship having likewise acquainted them with the tender regard your Majesty had to their wellfare and preservation and to their being eased from all Grievances To conclude Sir The things that I have before referred to are such as must naturally make great impressions not only on your Seamen but on all English Patriots and incline your Subjects of all Religionary Persuasions when they shall consider how Indulgent and Provident a Father of their Countrey God hath set over them to think of those words That he hath not dealt so with every Nation And when they shall consider those great Effects of your Royal Care for the securing the Being of the Kingdom and England's being a Kingdom for ever to apply to your Self and to England the great Landatory Expression addrest to King Solomon namely Because God loved Israel for ever therefore made he you King His Majesty was then Graciously pleased to say Gentlemen I Thank you for your Address and I doubt not but when I shall think fit to call a Parliament you will make it your business to choose such good Men as shall correspond with the effect of your Address I assure you I never questioned the Loyalty of my Seamen I have my Self been an Eye Witness of both your Courage and your Loyalty when I was your Admiral And Gentlemen I am your Admiral still and my Seamen may depend upon it that they shall always be well provided for and duly paid and be carefully protected and encouraged by me as much as the Seamen ever were by any of My Predecessors Though some of My Neighbours give out and would have it believed that I have not the Hearts of My Seamen yet I have found the contrary for when I have occasion to fit out any Ships I do not find that I am in the least want of Men and whenever my Affairs may require the fitting out My whole Fleet I do not in the least doubt but that I shall find My Seamen ready to serve Me. Numb 11. An Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Memoirs of the Royal Navy IN April 1679 the Ships of War actually in Pay were 76. whereof one First Rate three Second Rates P. 6. fifteen Third Rates thirty Fourth Rates twelve Fifth Rates seven Sixth Rates eight Fire-Ships Thirty Capital Ships more were then in building P. 8. whereof eleven then Launch'd In May 1679. the Admiralty was put into the Hands of Commissioners which Commission expired in May 1684. P. 10. when the Navy was found to be in a most lamentable condition as is demonstrated p. 16. Little was or could be done in the remainder of that year in the latter end of which King Charles the Second died P. 22. upon whose death King James applied himself to the redress of the Navy P. 30. and deputed 400000 l. a year to that purpose choosing new Commissioners to manage the whole P. 116. Forbidding the Commanders of his Ships to carry Passengers or transport Bullion to the neglect of his service and impairing his Ships and for that reason giving them an allowance extraordinary for their Tables P. 120. In October 1688. The Fleet at Sea consisted of twelve Third Rates P. 132. twenty eight Fourth Rates two Fifth Rates five Sixth Rates and twenty Fire-Ships all the other Ships of War except three being either actually repaired or under repair Eight Months Sea-stores were left with them in Magazine for every Ship repaired P. 139. with the like in Materials and money for the whole remainder Stores left for the Ships at Sea to the value of 280000 l. in Hemp P. 142. Pitch Tar Rosin Canvas Oyl and Wood 100000 l. more When the King took the care of the Navy into His Own Hands P. 157. the gross of the Ships were out of repair and the best of them ready to sink in the Harbour The Conclusion P. 214. That it was a strenuous Conjunction of Integrity Knowledge and Experience Vigour of Application and Assiduity Strictness and Discipline and Method and that Conjunction alone that within half the time and less than half the Charge that it cost the Crown in the exposing the Navy had at the very Instant of its unfortunate Lord's withdrawing himself from it raised the Navy of England from its lowest State of Impotence to the most advanc'd step towards a lasting and solid Prosperity that all circumstances considered this Nation had ever seen it at Novemb. 13. 1691. Numb 12. A LIST of SHIPS That have been Lost or Damaged since the Year 1688. Rate Ships Names Tuns Captains Time when Place where Manner how lost taken 2 Coronation 1427 Charles Skelton 3 Sept. 1691 Ramhead Overset 2 Victory 1029 27 Feb. 90 Woolwich Cast on Survey not fit to be repair'd 3 Ann 1039 John Tyrell 6 July 90 3 Miles W. of Rye Burnt in Fight 3 Bredah 1018 Matth. Tennant 12 Oct. 90 Cork Blown up 3 Dreadnought 735 Rob. Wilmott 16 Oct. 90 6 Leag SSW N. Forlds Foundred 3 Henrietta 763 John Nevill 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 3 Harwich 993 Hen. Robinson 4 Sept. 91 Plymouth Cast away 3 Exeter 1070 George Meese 12 Sept. 91 Plymouth Blown up 3 Pendâ—nnes 1036 Geo. Churchill 28 Oct. 89 Kentesknock Cast away 4 Centurion 531 Bar. Beaumont 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 4 St. David 638 John Greydon 11 Nov. 89 Portsmouth Sunk weighed and made a Hulk 4 Portsmouth 466 George St. Lo 9 Aug. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 4 Mary Rose 556 John Bounty 12 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French 4 Sedgmore 663 David Lloyd 3 Jan. 88 S. Marg. Bayn Cast away 5 Constant Warwick 379 James Moody 12 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French 5 Dartmouth 265 Edw. Pottinger 8 Nov. 90 Isle of Mull Cast away 5 Heldenburgh
time of Monmouth's Rebellion that the King told some of the Council of which I was one that he was resolved to give Employments to Roman Catholicks it being fit that all Persons should serve who could be usefull and on whom he might depend I think every body advised him against it but with little effect as was soon seen That Party was so pleased with what the King had done that they persuaded him to mention it in his Speech at the next meeting of the Parliament which he did after many Debates whether it was proper or not in all which I opposed it as is known to very considerable Persons some of which were of another opinion for I thought it would engage the King too far and it did give such Offence to the Parliament that it was thought necessary to prorogue it After which the King fell immediately to the supporting the Dispensing Power the most Chimerical Thing that was ever thought of and must be so till the Government here is as absolute as in Turkey all Power being included in that one This is the sense I ever had of it and when I heard Lawyers defend it I never changed my Opinion or Language However it went on most of the Judges being for it and was the chief Business of the State till it was looked on as settled Then the Ecclesiastical Court was set up in which there being so many considerable Men of several kinds I could have but a small part and that after Lawyers had told the King it was legal and nothing like the High Commission Court I can most truly say and it is well known that for a good while I defended Magdalen Colledge purely by Care and Industry and have hundreds of times begg'd of the King never to grant Mandates or to change any thing in the regular course of Ecclesiastical Affairs which he often thought reasonable and then by perpetual importunities was prevailed upon against his own Sense which was the very Case of Magdalen Colledge as of some others These things which I endeavoured though without Success drew upon me the Anger and ill Will of many about the King The next thing to be tried was to take off the Penal Laws and the Tests so many having promised their Concurrence towards it that his Majesty thought it fecible but he soon found it was not to be done by that Parliament which made all the Catholicks desire it might be dissolved which I was so much against that they complained of me to the King as a Man who ruined all his Designs by opposing the only thing could carry him on Liberty of Conscience being the Foundation on which he was to build That it was first offered at by the Lord Clifford who by it had done the work even in the late King's Time if it had not been for his Weakness and the Weakness of his Ministers Yet I hindred the Dissolution several Weeks by telling the King that the Parliament in Being would doe every thing he could desire but the taking off the Penal Laws and the Tests or the allowing his Dispensing Power and that any other Parliament tho' such a one could be had as was proposed would probably never repeal those Laws and if they did they would certainly never do any thing for the support of the Government whatever Exigency it might be in At that time the King of Spain was sick upon which I said often to the King that if he should dye it would be impossible for his Majesty to preserve the Peace of Christendom that a War must be expected and such a one as would chiefly concern England that if the present Parliament continued he might be sure of all the Help and Service he could wish but in case he dissolved it he must give over all thoughts of foreign Affairs for no other would ever assist him but on such terms as would ruine the Monarchy so that from abroad or at home he would be destroyed if the Parliament were broken and any Accident should happen of which there were many to make the Aid of his People necessary to him This and much more I said to him several times privately and in the hearing of others but being over-powered the Parliament was broke the Closeting went on and a new one was to be chosen Who was to get by Closeting I need not say but it was certainly not I nor any of my Friends many of them suffered who I would fain have saved And yet I must confess with Grief that when the King was resolved and there was no remedy I did not quit as I ought to have done but served on in order to the calling another Parliament In the midst of all the preparations for it and whilst the Corporations were regulating the King thought fit to order his Declarations to be read in all Churches of which I most solemnly protest I never heard one word till the King directed it in Council That drew on the Petition of my Lord the Arch Bp. of Canterbury and the other Lords the Bishops and the Prosecution which I was so openly against that by arguing continually to shew the Injustice and Imprudence of it I brought the Fury of the Roman Catholicks upon me to such a degree and so unanimously that I was just sinking and I wish I had then sunk But whatever I did foolishly to preserve my self I continued still to be the object of their Hatred and I resolved to serve the Publick as well as I could which I am sure most of the considerable Protestants then at Court can testifie and so can one very eminent Man in the Country whom I would have persuaded to come into business which he might have done to have helped me to resist the Violence of those in power but he despaired of being able to doe any good and therefore would not engage Some time after came the first News of the Prince's Designs which were not then looked on as they have proved no body foreseeing the Miracles he has done by his wonderful Prudence Conduct and Courage for the greatest thing which has been undertaken these thousand years or perhaps ever could not be effected without Vertues hardly to be imagined till seen nearer hand Upon the first thoughts of his coming I laid hold of the opportunity to press the King to doe several things which I would have had done sooner the chief of which were to restore Magdalen Colledge and all other Ecclesiastical Preferments which had been diverted from what they were intended for to take off my Lord Bp. of London's Suspension to put the Counties into the same hands they were in some time before to annull the Ecclesiastical Court and to restore entirely all the Corporations of England These things were done effectually by the help of some about the King and it was then thought I had destroyed my self by enraging again the whole Roman Catholick party to such a height as had not been seen they dispersed Libels
one principal Motive of his Expedition into England and likewise engaged himself to refer the Enquiry into this Affair and of all things relating to it to the Hearing of a Parliament Decl. p. 12 13. 2. The King in his Majesty's Letter to the Convention dated at St. Germains Jan. 1688. conjures the Lords and the Gentlemen then met to make a thorough Examination into the Birth of the Prince of Wales Now since both Parties are so pressing to have this Matter debated by a publick Tryall since their Honour and Inclinations are so far engaged for the clearing this Point it 's humbly hoped your Lordships c. after almost two years delay may not think it improper to have it undertaken 3. It 's presumed your Lordships c. are not unacquainted how deeply the Deponents to this Affair have been censured both in Pamphlets and common Discourse as if they were Confederates to an Imposture of the most flagitious and provoking nature and contrived to impose an Heir upon these Kingdoms a Masterpiece of Wickedness which as in their Souls they abhor so they think it their great Misfortune to lie under the Scandal of so heavy an Imputation And therefore it 's the humble Desire of several of the said Deponents not doubting of the Concurrence of the rest that the Case may be re examined and the Witnesses summoned before your Lordships c. that so they may either have opportunity to rescue their Honour and Reputation which they value above all worldly Blessings from those Calumnies which are cast upon them or upon Conviction of Insincerity may undergo the Penalties due to so vile and unexempled a Perjury And that your Lordships c. may be the more inclinable to hear them in Vindication of themselves several of the said Deponents do promise That their next Testimony shall be if possible more plain particular and comprehensive than the former and that they have several Things to offer to your Lordships c. not unworthy of your Lordships c. Knowledge which before were judged unnecessary and omitted out of Modesty and Reserve 4. For a farther Motive your Lordships c. may please to take notice That Circumstances of Time are now such that it cannot with the least pretence of Reason be supposed that the Deponents are either bribed or overawed into a partial Testimony in savour of the Prince of Wales as was before objected against them by the Protestant Memorial and the Full Answer to the Depositions c. Besides as your Lordships c. know the present Posture of Affairs will afford all imaginable Encouragement for Freedom of Questions for confronting the Deponents and producing Counter-Evidences if there is any such so that the whole Matter may be laid open and cleared to the satisfaction of all Persons concerned therein 5. With all due Submission to your Lordships Judgments it 's humbly conceived That Dispatch and Expedition in this Case is a very valuable Circumstance For by this means your Lordships c. will prevent those Inconveniencies which may happen from Accidents and Mortality For notwithstanding the Evidence is enrolled in Chancery and may be inspected at any time hereafter yet if the number of the Deponents should be lessened your Lordships c. cannot enter upon the Merits of the Cause with the same Advantage nor receive that Satisfaction viva Voce which may be now had Besides there is reason to apprehend it will be too late to excâ—pt against the Testimony of the Deponents after their Decease so that if there have been any unfair Dealing the Opportunity of Discovering it will be in danger of being lost Lastly Your Lordships c. may please to consider Whether in case the Depositions are neither disproved nor the Prince of Wales owned the Consequence of such a Procedure may not prove unfortunate For since in strictness of Law there is no greater Proof required for the Legitimacy of a King's Son than for that of an inferiour Subject it 's to be feared some ill-disposed and litigious Persons will take occasion from hence to question the Birth of private Persons which possibly they will be apt to say is seldom so well attested as that of the Prince of Wales Which malitious Reflexions how far they may tend to the creating Disputes entangling Property and the dishonour of Families as your Lordships c. are the best Judges so your Quality and Fortunes make it more particularly your Lordships Interest to prevent There remains no more to trouble your Lordships c. with excepting this humble Request That provided your Lordships c. shall think it proper to wave making any farther Enquiry into this Affair an Expedient may be found out to cover the Deponents from the Aspersion of False Witness and that the Nation may have leave to believe your Lordships c. are fully satisfied with their former Evidence Octob. 1690. A true Copy of Part of that Paper which Mr. Ashton left in a Friend's Hands Together with the Letter in which he sent it enclosed The Paper begins with the Speech already published immediately after which he adds THus much is contained in the Paper that I design to leave with the Sheriff But being suddenly to give up my Accounts to the Searcher of all Hearts I think it a duty incumbent upon me to impart some things farther which neither the Interest nor Iniquity of these Times will I conclude willingly bear the publication of and therefore not fit to be inserted in the Sheriffs Paper Some time after the Prince of Orange's Arrival here when it was expected that pursuant to his own Declaration and the King's Letter to the Convention an exact Search and Enquiry would have been made into the Birth of the Prince of Wales there was a Scheme drawn up of that whole Matter and of the Proofs that were then and are still ready to be produced to prove his Royal Highness's Legitimacy but no publick Examination being ever had and the Violence of the Times as well as Interest of the present Government not permitting any private Person to move in it those Papers have ever since lain by But it being now thought advisable by some to have them printed and published and as at first they were designed addressed at their next Meeting to the Lords and Commons entreating them to enquire into that weighty Affair and call forth examine and protect for who else dares to appear the many Witnesses to the several particulars therein offered to be legally proved c. I was ordered to carry those Papers to the King my Master for his View that his Leave and Approbation might go along with the Desires of his good Subjects here and they being taken with me with some other Papers of Accounts c. in a small Trunck amongst my Linen and other private things of my own and not in the Packet my Ld. Preston being altogether a stranger to the whole Proceeding by this means fell into the hands of