recommend to all ingenious Gentlemen that would be rightly instructed and informed neither deceive others nor would be deceived themselves as they love truth and virtue wisdom and sober thoughts to dispise this sort of wit in others and repress it in themselves And never allow it to be used but in the hours of mirth in the Relaxations of their minds from serious Contemplations and matters grave and weighty where this prophane thing wit ought always to be shut out with care Enough hath been said for rectifying the mistakes of any true Protestant especially any Clergy-man of the Church of England which you have objected against them about Government or Parliament dissenters from the Church of England and Popery Especially when it is made apparent that these mistakes are made serviceable to the Popish Plot and the means which that party prosecute to compass and bring about the ruine of our Church But that nothing may be wanting that lyes in my poor power for pulling their Foot out of the Snare I shall more distinctly consider them First I shall desire them to consider what our Government is and where the true knowledge of it is to be found And where can it be found but in our Statute Books the Commentaries of our Law the Histories of our Government and of the Kingdom Search them if you be at leisure if you are not consult those that have read them and whose business and employment it is to understand them and you cannot fail to be informed That the King hath no power to make Laws that both Houses of Parliament must joyn with the King in making a Law It can with no more reason be concluded that the King hath the Legislative power because his Assent makes the Bills in Parliament Laws than it can because the third Unit added to two makes a Triad that the other two do not go to the making of that number when a matter 's moved from the King in Parliament to pass into a Law the Commons consent last The Letters Patents of Ed. Sir E. Cook 8 R. 3. for making the Eldest Son of a King in Succession Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwall was confirmed as there must have been otherwise they would have been void by the House of Commons And yet we will not say that the House of Commons can make a Prince of Wales or Duke of Cornwall And yet upon no better reason than this some men will talk as if they believed themselves that the Legislative power is in the King when no King of England yet ever pretended to it but by their process of Law have punished such officious and mischievous Knaves They will tell you that the Laws are the measures of our Allegiance and the Kings Prerogative and declare the terms of Obedience and Government That a Legislative authority is necessary to every Government and therefore we ought not to want it and therefore Parliaments in which our Government hath placed the making of Laws cannot be long discontinued nor their Conventions rendred illusory and in vain which is all one as to want them That to Govern by Laws implieth that great fundamental Law that new Laws shall be made upon new emergencies and for avoiding unsufferable mischiefs to the State By the Statutes of 4 Ed. 3. c. 14.36 Ed. 3. c. 10. it is provided that Parliaments be holden once every year The Statute of this King required a Parliament every three years which being an affirmatory Law doth not derogate from those of Ed. the 3. But if the King doth not call a Parliament once in a year He neglects these Laws and if he delays calling a Parliament three years he neglects the other Law of his own time to And for that he is by the Law intrusted with the calling of Parliaments He is at liberty to call them within the times appointed And that Laws ought to be made for Redress of mischiefs that may ensue appears by the Statute of provisors 25. E. 3. cap. 23. In which we have these words Whereupon the Commons have prayed our said Soveraign Lord the King that sith the right of the Crown of England and the Law of the said Realm is such that upon the mischiefs Dammage which happeneth to this Realm he ought and is bound of the Accord of his said People in his Parliament thereof to make Remedy and Law in avoiding the mischief and dammage which whereof cometh which that King agreed to by his Royal Assent thereto given I dare be bold to say that never any Bill in Parliament was lost and wanted the Royal Assent that was promoted by the general desires of the people If Popery therefore which is the greatest mischief to us that ever threatned this Kingdom can be kept out by a Law we ought to have such a Law and nothing can hinder such a Law to be past for that purpose but want of an universal desire to have it I desire these Gentlemen to consider how they will answer it to their Saviour at the last day if they suffer his true Religion and the professors of it to be destroyed and persecuted when nothing but their desires of a thing lawful to be had and of right due was requisite to prevent it Their sufferings will be just and righteous from God if their sin occasioneth it and very uncomfortable to themselves The extent of the Legislative authority is no where to be understood but by our Acts of Parliament in which it hath been exercised and used and by such Acts that declare the extent of its power by the 13. Eliz. cap. 1. it is made Treason during that Queens Life and forfeiture of Goods and Chattels afterwards To hold maintain and affirm that the Queen by the Authority of the Parliament of England is not able to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient force and validity to limit and bind the Crown of this Realm and the descent limitation inheritance and Government thereof And this authority was exercised by Entailing the Crown in Parliaments in the times of Richard the 2d Henry the 4th Henry the 6th Edward the 4th Richard the 3d. Henry the 7th thrice in the time of Henry the 8th and upon the Marriage of Queen Mary to King Philip of Spain both the Crowns of England and Spain were Entailed whereby it was provided that of the several Children to be begotten upon the Queen one was to have the Crown of England another Spain another the Low-Countries The Articles of Marriage to this purpose were confirmed by Act of Parliament Those that are truly Loyal to our present Sovereign have reason to recognize with high satisfaction that such a power of altering and limiting the descent of the Crown is duly lodged in the King and States of the Realm For under the authority of an Act of Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland we derive our selves to the happiness of his Government and and He his title to the Crown of Scotland which drew to
form'd His great Knowledge in Records and that he is known not to be partial for the Bishops make him of great Authority pages 10 11 12 13 14 17 329 384 325 281 392 567 607 710 712 713 714. And farther in the Time of Queen Elizabeth in an Act of Parliament in the first Year of her Reign made for the Recognition of Her Queen of England which was an Act of State and of the whole Community and therefore most requisite it was that that Parliament should give themselves their right Stile It is said We your said the Lords Spiritual Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled was said before to which this doth relate most loving Subjects representing the three States of your Realm of England The Nature of the Government came directly at their Times under Consideration of the Parliament which is an Assembly that cannot be mistaken in the Constitution of the Kingdom in any Question of such a Nature when they will deliberate and consider This mighty Affair required them to consider who they were and what was their Constitution Now if at any time they are to use that Stile that denotes their Power and declares the Government The Stile of the three Estates of the Realm it seems is so sacred and great and not for ordinary use but that it is used upon such occasions as the Recognition of the Sovereign Princes and in declaring Kings This Stile is most certain declarative of the true Constitution and the great Stile and Title of the Lords Spiritual Lords Temporal and Commons of England A Misnomer now would be as great a Solecism as to see the Nobles and Prelates without their Robes and proper Cognizances at the Solemnities of a Coronation By the due comparing the Statutes aforementiond wherein the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons are called the States and also the Representatives of all the Estates of the Kingdom We may be enlightened into a great Mistery of State for that the Lords Spiritual and the Lords Temporal and Commons are called the three States and also the Representatives of the States give us to understand that every one of them is entrusted for the other and with the Conservancy of the whole Community and are all in their proper Ministries designed to the Common Good and each of them have Dependencies and Expectancies from the other in the due Discharge of their proper and distinct Offices And that the Lords Spiritual and the Lords Temporal are Representatives and Trustees for the Peoples Good and the Common-weal as well as their own In like manner as every Parliament man for a particular Borough is a Representative of all the Commons of England To which we will adjoyn another great Authority and that is of Sir Edward Coke 4 Inst fol. 2. who tells us that the King and three Estates viz. Lords Spiritual and Lords Temporal and Commons are the great Corporation and Body Politick of this Nation This was the Opinion of his Old Age when he was most improved in Knowledge and when he did not flatter the Prerogative Besides to clear this point we may observe that the Stile of Acts of Parliament that hath mostly obtained is this viz Be it enacted c. and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Lords Temporal and Commons This distinct mention of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal is Cognizance of their being distinct States For observe there is no particular mention of Knights Citizens and Burgesses in Acts of Parliament because they are all of the Commonalty which is but one State They are all involved under the general Name of Commons And so would certainly the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal have been in the general Name of Lords if they had not been distinct States and so accounted The Stile of Acts of Parliament would have been by the Advice and Assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament And the ancient Stile of Parliament before the House of Commons was divided and constituted apart from the Lords House was Clerus Populus Clerus Magnates as may be seen by Eadmerus and Matth. Paris and the Writers of those Times So that the Clerus or Bishops were always a distinct State in Parliament For the letting in Light upon all that hath been said in this matter and for farther clearing it and to reconcile the Differences in the Stiles of the Parliament and that they may unite in their Evidence and not seem to thwart one another It must be remembred that that which is most express and particular is most scientifical and more exactly instructive most distinct and true and intends to inform us exactly in the very Nature of the thing and therefore cannot be derogated from nor prejudiced by what is more general or less distinct It is hence therefore evident that the Lords Spiritual and Temporal are taken for distinct States as they are For they have their distinct Interests and for several ends and purposes became parts in the Government They have their several Ministries and Advantages to the Government apart and come into that House by several ways of Designation and Appointment The Prelates care besides that which is common between them and the Temporal Lords is that of Religion and the Affairs of the Church and the whole Order Ecclesiastical by which the People are to be ministred to in their highest Concernments which are Reasons very sufficient to reckon and account them a distinct State And now we have asserted to the Prelates a Jus Paritatis in the House of Lords for that they are complete Barons as we have likewise proved them a distinct State The Baronage of England is the House of Lords Additions of Title give Precedency but no Superiority or addition of Power The Baronage is one Order and Rank and the highest in the Census of the Government the manner of the Promotion the Ends and Interests of the Government in the advancement of the Bishops though several from those that advanced the Temporal Lords to their State and Honour yet to the same degree they are promoted they are both Members of the same great Council of the same great Judicature and are therefore by their long continuance most duely styled Pares Regni And moreover the Bishops are considered as to their Order and Office Ecclesiastical and another care incumbent upon them besides that of the Baronage and the Orders that belong to the consideration of Heralds do signifie that their Office of a Bishop doth not lessen the Dignity of their Peerage What is it then that makes this present Question The Bishops have the reason and nature of the Government of their side they have used such a power when they have pleased it was never denied to them and their right hath had the most solemn Recognition that can be made The Canon could not abridge and restrain their right and their true Character qualifies them not onely to the degree of an
Peer in Parliament Of what consideration decency can be Chap. XII Their Sitting in Judgment not so much against the reason of the Canon as their assent to Bills of Attainder which was never condemned And the Nature of an Act of Attainder Chap. XIII Over-ruling a Plea of pardon doth not condemn the Criminal and therefore they may judge of such Plea Though they are not to be present at the making of a Judgment of Condemnation Quousque perveniatur in Judicio further explain'd And that which follows upon another thing is not always caus'd by it XIV Bishops one of the three Estates of all the Realms of Christian Europe And how they came to be advanc't to that dignity and trust The convenience of their not being divided in a distinct house from Lay Peers They cannot be detruded from that dignity no more than the Government can be chang'd which no Law can do Six Bishops of the twelve Peers of France and their Aristocratical power That all Governments are lawful that are lawfully establish't Chap. XV. William the Conqueror agreeable to all the Princes of that time put Bishops under Tenure by Baronies and all Baronies at that time feudal with the reason of his Policy and the inconvenience it produced Of the Curia Regis which consisted of the Baronage in which the Capitalis Justitiarius Angliae did preside Of the administration of Justice in that time And that the Baronage of England upon special Writs of Summons became a Parliament An account how all our present Courts derived out of it Of the Court of the High Steward and of the Court of Chancery and the reasons of its rise and growth and how inconvenient it is And how we recovered out of the inconveniencies of that Constitution of Parliament by representatives in the time of H. 3. And that this it being allowed can give no countenance to those that are desirous to change our present and better Constitution That in all this Change the Bishops suffered no diminuion But when the ancient reason of Baronage failed they are after to be considered under the new reason of Baronage Chap. XVI The remembrance of the old reason of Baronage became a prejudice in the Judges upon which T. Furnival Plea allowed that he held not per Baroniam An Entail of Baronies with lands after allowed The reason of Nobility changed and no man now Noble by his Acres Many men Summoned to Parliament and yet not Noble No prejudice to the immovable Right of Bishops to have Summons to Parliament and that objection answered Kings may erect new successive Nobility in Clergy-men That Bishops are of a distinct sort of Nobility and under that and other reasons they are considered as a distinct State Chap. XVII Of the three States which make the Government under the King that he is none of them The Objections against this answered And the reasons of their being distinct and the several Offices and Expectances in the Government that make them so That the several Orders of Peers make but one Baronage and in that there is a great trust and honour greater belongs to Bishops than Lay Barons in our present constitution Their Character and qualifications commend them to the highest trust and render them fittest Judges Chap. XVIII The Reason of Tryals per Pares and that the Bishops are competent upon that reason in Parliament though not so fit to be of the High Stewards Court The Law of M. Charta not Lex scripta Bishops ought to be tryed by their Peers How that Right came to be discontinued and that in Parliament they ought still to be Tryed by their Peers Chap. XIX The unreasonableness of maintaining an Opinion upon a single Objection against a matter evidently proved that Questions of this nature should be considered with candor and not opposed with meer possibilities Chap. XX. Several alterations in the Government since the Conquest that the Alteration in what concerns the Baronage the Bishops Right is to be considered in analogy to the Change That changes of Government for the better cannot again be altered but our zeal is required to defend the Government made better and they deserve ill that go about to reduce us to our old mischiefs by their Antiquity Chap. XXI The advantage of the Change in the constitution of our Parliament in the change of granting Subsidies And how the Lords are bound by a Bill of Aids Chap. XXII The beneficial Change that hath been made by the clause praemunientes in the Bishops Writs of Summons to Parliament which gives Authority for the Convocation By this we are discharged of Provincial Councils and Canons of the Church kept distinct from Laws of the State The Church kept in peace from rending Questions and Religion is conducted not by Laws but by Canons not force but perswasion which commends our Episcopal Government Chap. XXIII The danger we avoided of having our Baronage of England ambulatory and fixing of it in Families and an indefectible Succession in which the Right of the Peer-age of Bishops is established Chap. XXIV The advantages the Adversaries seek to their cause by aspersing the Bishops Remembrance of all the faults in all times committed by any of the Order that many of those faults are principally due to the Papal Vsurpation and the neglect of Kings to defend the Rights of their own Bishops and are all the Vitia Temporum the times of Popery Chap. XXV How inculpably our Bishops have been in administration of their Ecclesiastical Authority how faithful in their Temporal Trust and Asserters of the Rights of the people They have not been irreverent to Kings nor have they encroached any power in Civil matters in ordine ad spiritualia That the power that they challenge is meerly spiritual and they challenge nothing of Divine Right but the exercise of their Ministry which they cannot lay aside Mr. Selden's Arguments for Erastianism answered The Church of England doth not tye her self always to think and enjoyn as she doth at present The moderation of the Church in opinions her apprehensions of Schism just and great They are not answerable for the ejectment of the Nonconformists nor for the scandalous Lives of their Clerks nor their Chancellors nor abuse of Excommunications Why matters of Incontinency are committed to their censures They have exercised the power of the Keys against the Infractors of M. Charta and how it hath been guarded with the denunciations of the Church we have reason to expect as much from our Bishops to support the Government of Laws Chap. XXVI We have as much reason that the Protestant Bishops should be as constant to the Reformed Religion as Popish Bishops obstinate for Popery An Apology for their Vnanimity in Voting Their dependance not so great upon the Crown as to oblige them to disserve their Prince The King bestows nothing upon them but what is the Churches the great expectation the Government hath of their fidelity and performances That which advanced them must
Regni definitum est quod Comes Johannes disseiseretur de omnibus Tenementis suis in Anglia Castella sua obsiderentur This is a Cause of Treason for that Richard the First immediately upon the demise of the Crown was King It can be no objection that this was not a formal Parliament for whether it was or no it seems the Bishops power in that Cause was allowed That it was Commune Concilium Regni and had the Nature of a Parliament And that the Bishops therein had a parity of Authority with the Temporal Lords But soon after his return King Richard held a Parliament at Notingham Hoveden mentions the Bishops that were present by Name In which Parliament our Historian tells us That the King Petiit sibi Judicium fieri de Comite Johanne fratre suo qui contra fidelitatem quam ei juraverat Castella sua occupaverat terras suas transmarinas destruxerat foedus contra eum cum inimico suo Rege Franciae contra eum inierat And the like Justice he required against the Bishop of Coventry for that he had adher'd Regi Franciae Comiti Johanni inimicis suis and it was thereupon adjudged Judicatum saith Hoveden quod Comes Johannes Episcopus Coventrensis peremptoriè citarentur si intra quadraginta dies non venerint nec Juri steterint Judicaverunt Comitem demeruisse regnum Episcopum Coventrensem subjacere judicio Episcoporum in eo quod Episcopus erat Judicio Laicorum in eo quod ipse Vicecomes Regis extiterat You see here the Bishops zeal and Loyalty that they adjoyn'd the censure of the Church which they had power of as Bishops to a Civil punishment which they with the Temporal Barons had Authority to pronounce against One of their own Order who was guilty of a design to engage a Nation in a War by opposing the lawful Successour to the Crown and this being so great a Cause We hear nothing here of any scruple the Canon gave them nor mention of any Priviledge of an Ecclesiastick to be exempt from the Judgment of the secular Court In the same Parliament Giraldus de Canavilla was accus'd of harbouring of Pirats and Praeterea saith Hoveden appellaverunt eum de Laesurâ Regiae Majestatis in eo quod ipse ad vocationem Justitiariorum Regis venire noluit nec juri stare de praedictâ receptatione raptorum neque eos ad Justitiam Regis producere sed respondet se esse hominem Comitis Johannis velle in Curiâ suâ Juri stare Hoveden tells us all that were present at this great Council Hubert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Galfridus Arch-Bishop of York Hugh Bishop of Durham Hugh Bishop of Lincoln William Bishop of Ely William Bishop of Hereford Henry Bishop of Worcester Henry Bishop of Exeter and John Bishop of Carlisle Earl David Brother of the King of Scots Hamelinus Earl de Warrenna Ranulfus Earl of Chester William Earl of Feriers William Earl of Salisbury and Roger Bigot Let any one judge if it was likely that the Bishops did withdraw in the Case of Earl John or the said Bishop when besides them there were but six Barons present at that Parliament What manner of great Council would this Parliament have been that had consisted but of six Barons of what Authority would such a Parliament have been in the absence of the King and a troubled Estate of the Kingdom CHAP. VII IN the time of Edward the Second in the two Judgments against the Spencers the Right of the Bishops to judge in capital Causes in Parliament was carried so high in opinion that their presence was thought necessary to give Authority and validity to the Judgment of the House of Lords in such Cases and their absence was assigned for Error for Reversal of those Judgments for an Error that appears in the irregularity of the Proceedings is an allowable Cause for vacating the Judgment by the same Court that gave it And so far did that Opinion prevail that the presence of the Lords Spiritual was necessary to give Authority to a Judgment of that House that for this Cause because the Prelates were absent that Judgment was reversed Which opinion did arise upon this mistake that because the Lords Spiritual was one of the two States that made the House of Lords nothing could be done without their concurrence But though they are a distinct State from the Temporal Lords they make but one House and they are both there under one Notion and Reason viz. as they are both Lords Spiritual and Temporal the Baronage of England But let any man tell me that can whether if the Lords Spiritual had not been understood Judges in Parliament in Capital Causes it could have been a question whether their absence could avoid the Judgment in the Case of the Spencers much less that such an opinion should prevail that the Judgment should be as it was for that reason reversed And tho' the Reversal of that Judgment was set aside and the Judgment affirmed in 1 E. 3. Yet the publick Recognition of the Bishops Right in the Reversal remains an undeniable Testimony to their Right of sitting Tho' the Reversal of that Judgment was not warrantable for the reason of the Bishops absence as it could not have been reversed by reason of the absence of as many Temporal Barons if there remained enough besides to make a House to give the Judgment And yet we find the Reversal of the Reversal reversed in 21 R. 2. and the Family of the Spencers restored in the person of the Earl of Glocester So prevalent was the opinion that the Bishops Concurrence was necessary in all capital Judgments in Parliament at that time For this see Sir Robert Cottons Abridgment fol. 373. Yet it is observable that the consequence from the Bishops being a third State and an Essential constituent part of that House to a necessity of their presence in all judicial matters even of Capital Offences and Treason did so stick with that Age for they then in that Age did no more know what three States served for or that they both made but one House than some in our time can tell how to find them For that very Reason in 21 R. 2. the first Petition that the Commons made in that Parliament to the King was for that diverse Judgments were heretofore undone for that the Clergy were not present The Commons prayed the King that the Clergy would appoint some to be their Common Proctor with sufficient Authority thereunto The Prelates therefore being severally examined appointed Sir Thomas de la Piercy to assent The words of which Petition and the procuratory Letters for greater Authority and more satisfaction I have thought fit to transcribe Nos Thomas Cantuar. Robertus Eborac Archiepiscopi ac Praelati Clerus utriusque Provinciae Cantuar. Ebor. jure Ecclesiarum nostrarum Temporalium earundem habentes jus interessendi in singulis Parliamentis Domini nostri Regis
his qui in sacris ordinibus constituti judicium sanguinis agitare unde saith the Canon Prolibemus ne aut per se membrorum truncationes faciant a very fitting Employment for a Bishop aut inferendas judicent and after all this we have still our old Answer upon which we will ever insist it is but a Canon and can make no Alteration in the Rights of Government For tho' Gervasius Dorob tells us In hoc Concilio ad emendationem Anglicanae Ecclesiae assensu Domini Regis primorum omnium Regni haec subscripta promulgata sunt Capitula yet the Canons of this Council are not Laws For that our Historian does not tell us of any Parliament then held or that they were confirmed in Parliament and the good liking of Great Men out of Parliament will not confirm nay not justifie the Canons if they cannot justifie themselves in Parliament Besides that these Canons were not made into Laws we will offer two Reasons 1st For that amongst these Canons there is one that disposeth of the Right of Patronage against the Law as it hath been before and since taken and that is this Nulli liceat Ecclesiam nomine dotalitii ad aliquem transferre vel pro presentatatione alicui personae pecuniam vel aliquod emolumentum pacto interveniente recipere quod si quis fecerit in jure convictus vel confessus fuerit ipsum tam Regia quam nostra freti autoritate patricinio ejusdem Ecclesiae in perpetuum privari statuimus which was never most certainly Law Secondly If this had been a Law the other Canon before-mentioned made by Stephen Arch-bishop of Canterbury was idle nay presumptuous for offering to derogate from a Canon made a Law about 47 years before But however Canons confirmed by Law remain but Canons still and the Breach of them not punished as the Breach of Laws nor no Innovation made thereby upon a civil Right of which before and after more As to the Second Canon we observe how dutiful this Canon in the Stile of it behaves it self towards the Civil Government in that Clerks should not exercise Jurisdiction where Judgment of Blood is to be given under the soft word Statuimus that they should not Literas pro poena sanguinis infligenda scribere that is sign an Order for the Execution of a Condemned Man or be present at the Sentence is under the districtiùs inhibemus but the doing of this is not declared to be a Sin he that is contravenient to the Canon is not thereby to become irregular to be punished by his Superior or to incurr Excommunication or any Censure the Clergy are not declared by this Canon to be incompetent Judges it only declares them unworthy of the Protection of the Church the meaning of it is Judge not least ye be judged If you judge the Laicks they will judge you This is the Scandal for which the Privilegium Clericale will be lost So that upon the whole matter this Canon is but Advice and Counsel and offers reasons to the Choice and Approbation rather than a Command under the Authority of the Church in a Council But let it be what it will if the Canon had been most peremptory in its Prohibition and had lighten'd and thunder'd in its Denunciatiations it would have been of no force to alter the Government or discharge a Judge from doing his Duty but this is farther to be duely observed that this Canon could not be broken if the Law had not been otherwise than these Canons direct and therefore these Canons produced by our Adversaries are the greatest Testimonies to the Right we defend and a practice agreeable thereto Doth not the Canon suppose that a Beneficed Clerk or one in Holy Orders was sometimes in Commission for judging in Capital Causes For certainly the Canon did not prohibit them to murder or enjoyn them not to write Letters to subborn men to kill What can be the meaning of the Canon but this supposing a Beneficed Clerk to be made a Judge of Life and Death to assist in a Commission of Oyer Terminer or Goal-delivery that he should be enjoyned not to pronounce the Sentence or to sign the Order or Calendar for Execution But if he were not a Judge how possibly could he sign an Order for Execution By the other words of the Canon Nec intersit ubi judicium sanguinis tractatur he can be forbidden onely to be present and assisting as a Judge or Officer at the pronouncing of Sentence for it can be no fault sure nor ever was intended by any Canon to be made one for any Clerk to hear a Court pronounce a Judgment of Death or Mutilation or to see a Malefactor executed What therefore can be more evident than that the Bishops did withdraw not for want of Right of Session but they pretended the Canon because they did not like the Causes But further that nothing more than what we have shewed was understood to be done in that Protestation by those times they must be allowed at least to know their own Opinions doth appear for that notwithstanding the Protestation of the Bishops aforementioned the great Council of the Kingdom did not think the Authority of a Parliament when the Bishops were absent unquestionable This Opinion we do not go about to maintain but this we conclude that there could never have been such an Opinion if the Bishops had been denied Right of Session in Capital Causes in that time CHAP. IX THE Commons of England in the 21 R. 2 pray that the Bishops might make their Proxy which they did thrice in that Parliament once by Procuratory Letters to Sir Thomas Percy as is before recited and afterwards William la Scroop Earl of Wilts was made their Procurator and a third time the Earls of Worcester and Wilts were made their Procurators in the matter between the two Dukes of Hereford and Norfolk That it may the better appear that the Bishops were virtually present by their Proxy it ought to appear that they were allowed to make Proxies and that the Lords Spiritual did so as well as the Temporal Lords The first mention of Proxies that occurs in the memory of our Parliaments is in the Parliament of Carlisle under E. 1. and that is of the Bishops Proxies The words are these Quia omnes Praelati tunc plenariè non venerunt receptis quibusdam procurationibus Praelator qui venire non poterant adjornantur And in a Parliament held at Westminster under Ed. 2. dors clauso Ed. 2. m. 11. the Bishops of Durham and Carlisle remaining upon the Defence of the Marches of Scotland are severally commanded to stay there and in the Writ this Clause was added to both of them Sed Procurat vestrum sufficienter instructum ad dictum diem locum mittatis ad consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem praedictos Praelatos Proceres contigerit ordinari Though generally Proxies were admitted to both Spiritual and Temporal Lords
pleaded in Bar upon which the Defendant will be certainly relieved in Chancery may notwithstanding it hath not heretofore be hereafter allowed in our Law-Courts we should be in a great measure restored to our easie expedite cheap and certain Justice which the Methods of our Common Law-Courts hath most excellently provided until a Parliament sometime or other may consider whether it be not fit to take it quite down by inabling Courts of Law to do true Right in all Causes that shall come before them For nothing renders the Chancery tolerable but the mo exemplary Virtue and Great Endowments of our present Lord Chancellor in which he is not like to have a Successor But to return to the Curia Regis it was not only the great Judicature of the Nation formally but it was also materially our Parliament too That this Curia Regis was not without any more the Parliament of these times is evident first that the Curia Regis was summoned by a general Writ of Summons directed to the Sheriffs in this Form viz. Rex Vicecomiti Northamptoniae c. praecipimus tibi quod summoneri facias Archiepiscopos Episcopos Comites Barones Abbates Priores Milites Liberos homines qui de nobis tenent in Capite c. Rot. Claus 26 H. 3 M. 7. Dorso This must necessarily be this Curia Regis in Distinction to a Parliament For that in the Grand Charter of King John made in the last year of his Reign it was granted that Ad habendum Commune Concilium Regni de auxilio assidendo aliter quà m in tribus praedictis casibus i. e. Those cases of Aid to make the eldest Son a Knight to marry the eldest Daughter and of Ransom and de Scutagiis assidendis faciemus summoneri Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Comites majores Barones Regni sigillatim per Literas nostras Et praeterea faciemus summoneri in generali per Vicecomites Ballivos nostros omnes alios qui in capite tenent de nobis At present we make no other use of this Grand Charter than to prove it a distinctive mark of a Parliament where the Summons are personal to the Bishops Earls and the greater Barons This Charter of King Johns declares the ancient usage of summoning the greater Barons by special Summons to them severally directed for that the Kings before him as Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossary p. 80. Propter crebra bella simultates quas aliquando habuêre cum his ipsis majoribus suis Baronibus alios etiam eorum interdum omitterent aegrè hoc ferentes Proceres Johannem adegêre sub magno sigillo Angliae pacisci ut Archiepiscopos Episcopos Comites majores Barones Regni sigillatim per Literas summoneri faceret By which it was provided that all the Barons should have pro more Summons to the Parliament that non of those great Barons should want his several Summons and they had anciently several Summons for in a general Summons no body was excluded By which it doth appear that the Council at Northampton wherein Thomas of Becket was brought in judgment was a Parliament and not the Curia Regis for that the Bishops had their several Writs of Summons which appears in that Fitz Stephens tells us as matter of observation that Thomas of Canterbury had not his Writ of Summons but was cited as a Criminal to answer which we before observed And this was but necessary that when the Tenents in capite or Barons which principally at least made the Parliament were to be consulted about some arduous Affairs that they should have notice and a solemn intimation thereof and their presence required and enjoyned by Writs to them particularly and personally directed Besides that it was agreeable to all the forms of Government then in use to have their ordinary and extraordinary Council For Omnes Germanicae Originis Reges atque Imperatores duplici Concilio antiquitùs utebantur altero statario qui Senatus dicitur ad res quotidianas altero evocato concilium aut conventus ordinum ad res momenti majoris as Grotius assures us Neither can it be denied by any man of modesty who hath heard any thing of the state of our Government before the Conquest and that knows that many ancient Burroughs send Burgesses to Parliament by Prescription and will consider the Records produced by Mr. Petit in his very learned and elaborate Book called The Ancient Right of the Commons of England to prove the Right of ancient Burroughs to send Members to Parliament who represent them but that such though not Suiters to the Curia Regis were Members de jure of the great Council of Parliament But the truth is they are not mentioned in any Record or History of any Parliament from the beginning of the Conquerours Reign to the end of Henry 3. as a distinct part of the Parliament of England their Numbers and Qualities were little and mean of no consideration in comparison to that great Body of the Baronage that constituted our Parliaments in that time but our Parliaments seem by the style used in Histories and Records to be onely the Baronage of England William the First in the fourth year of his Reign Consilio Baronum suorum saith Hoveden pag. 343. fecit summoneri per universos Consulatus Angliae Anglos nobiles sapientes sua lege eruditos ut eorum jura consuetudines ab ipsis audiret Those who were returned shewed what the Customs of the Kingdom were which with the assent of the same Barons were for the most part confirmed in that Assembly which was a Parliament of that time saith Mr. Selden Titles of Honour pag. 701. Amongst the Laws of Hen. 1. published by Mr. Abraham Whelock cap. 2. I find thus Forestas communi consensu Baronum in manu mea retinui sicut pater meus eas habuit And after Lagam Regis Edwardi vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus quibus pater meus emendavit consilio Baronum suorum The Parliament is styled Commune Concilium gentis Anglorum and at the same time Commune Concilium Baronum and also Clerus Populus Matth. Paris fol. 52 53 54. And this is sometimes called Communitas for that it represents the whole people and involves their consent Which appears by 48 H. 3. Pars unica M. 8. D. Haec est forma pacis à Domino Rege Domino Edwardo filio suo Praelatis Proceribus omnibus Communitate Regni Angliae communiter concorditer approbata And that Communitas Regni hath no other sense than commune concilium Regni and used as a comprehensive term of them that made it is evident for that it is said in the second Record Si videntur communitati Praelatorum Baronum And again Per consilium communitatis Praelatorum Baronum Further Magnates Vniversitas Regni sometimes used for the Parliament Matth Paris 659,666 And after King John's Charter wherein it was
Earls did then as now make the Parliament Besides the Barones majores and minores there was at this time a distinction between the Barones Regis and Barones Regni which I will here explain to prevent any mistake that may grow thereupon The Barones Regni were Barons by Tenure and made part of the Government by the Constitution of the first William and so in process of time called Barones Regni because they had by continuance of that Constitution acquired a fixed right to that Honour But because of the frequent Wars between the Barons and the Kings at that time they did omit to summon some who were Barons by Tenure and now duly called Barones Regni to Parliament and called others to Parliament that had no right to be called ratione tenurae and these they called Barones Regis This was ill taken by the Lords and was one of the occasions of their War with King John upon which they did obtain his Charter for remedy as followeth Barones majores Regni sigillatim summoniri faceret The truth of this as to the fact will appear by the Histories of those times and that this is the reason of that distinction of Barones Regis and Barones Regni doth appear by the recited Charter of King John where the majores Barones are called Barones Regni for the Barons were more concerned for the losing of their Honours than they were at the communication of the like Honours to others and with reason though all Honours are lessened by the numbers of those participate of them The inconveniences and mischiefs of this Constitution were very great and very sensible by making the Government consist of one Order there was no third to moderate and hold the balance The Honour of the great Nobility was lessened by an Equality of Suffrage in the great Council of the Kingdom yielded to the Tenents in capite and were not so concerned to support the Dignity of the Crown for the maintaining their own which in that Constitution could not be great It had the faults of either House and the virtues of neither they pressed hard upon the King and were uneasie and oppressive to the People they were not reverent of the Crown nor tender of common right The great Charter provides against the Oppressions of great men as it doth for bounding the Prerogative Our mixt Monarchy was out of tune by the Aristocratical Power of the Baronage now become too excessive by the policy of the Conquerour by advancing too great numbers to that Dignity too great to depend upon the Crown or to be govern'd by it unassisted That which the first William intended and designed for the establishment of his Conquest and of the Peace of the Kingdom made it very easie to afflict bad Princes But by several steps we recovered being taught and instructed to it by our Experience and the sufferance of great Calamities such a Representative that might most certainly effect what in all Ages was intended and designed that nothing should be Law or civilly just but what the People assent to by which their Persons and Rights are secured and defended which is the sole end of Government But evident it is that this more equal clear representative which we now enjoy in our House of Commons grew upon the reducement of the excessive number of Barons so great that it made them a Tumult rather than an Assembly and for the reducement of the power of the greater Barons for in the Parliament of 49 H. 3. when but 25 Lay Barons were summoned tho' in the 41 year of his Reign he numbered 250 great Baronies in England we find Writs for electing to a Parliament at London two Knights Citizens and Burgesses and Barons for the Cinque-Ports before that time none were found nor any Foot-steps of Right for the Counties sending Knights to Parliament though there is a clear Right appears for the Burroughs to send Burgesses which we shall speak to afterwards It will not be impertinent here to add that the Government of Scotland which runs parallel almost to our English Government found it inconvenient that all the Tenants in Capite should resort to their Parliaments and therefore they were reduc'd in this manner viz. their Barones Minores or Tenants in Capite in every County choose two of ther own number to Parliaments which at this day they call the Barons for Counties whereas all our Free-holders choose their Knights of the Shire and our Elections are not restrained to Tenants in Capite And this made it more reasonable for our Representatives of Shires together with the Burgesses to become in process of time a distinct Lower House whereas their Barons of Shires set together with the Lords and vote in Common with them The Knights of the Shire which made the principal part of the Representative of the Commons having no Relation to the House of Peers or the Baronage of England because chosen by all the Feee-holders indifferently though not Tenants in Capite But to return to our History that deduceth the Change of our Government That some great matters for publick Good and Establishment of the peace of the King and Kingdom was treated of in this Parliament they did to be sure establish this new Form of a Parliament will appear by a Form of a Writ of Summons to the Bishop of Durham to that Parliament which I will here transcribe Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae Dux Aquitaniae venerabili in Christo patri R. Episcopo Dunelmensi salutem Cum post gravia turbationum discriminia dudum habita in Regno Nostro Charissimus filius Edwardus primogenitus noster pro pace in regno nostro assecuranda firmanda obses traditus extitisset jam sedata benedictus Deus turbatione praedicta super deliberatione ejusdem salubriter providenda plena securitate tranquillitate pacis ad honorem Dei utilitate totius Regni nostri firmanda totaliter complenda ac super quibusdam aliis Regni nostri negotiis quae sine Consilio vestro aliorum Praelatorum magnatum nostrorum nolumus expediri cum eisdem tractatum habere nos oportet vobis mandamus Rogantes in fide dilectione quibus nobis tenemini quod omni occasione postposita negotiis aliis praetermissis sitis ad nos Londiniis in octabis Sancti Hilarii proximo futuris nobiscum cum praedictis Prelatis magnatibus nostris quos ibidem vocari secimus super praemissis tractaturis consilium impensuris hoc sicut nos honorem nostrum vestrum necnon communem Regni nostri tranquillitatem diligitis nullatenus omittatis Dors Claus 49 H. 3. M. 11. in Scedulae I strongly incline to believe That this King did call in the Commons by their representatives the Barones Minores being discharged to moderate between him and his Barons which became after to be sure however it was before the standing Representative of the people Something
Summons to Parliament and the Stile of Barons it was less difficult for those Great Barons to procure a Law to exclude the rest wholly from having any Right to sit in the Parliaments under the name of Tenant in Chief only And to this purpose doubtless saith Mr. Selden some Law was afterwards made that none should come to Parliament as a Baron that is by vertue of his Tenure but such as should have several Writs of Summons directed to them in which number not only all those of the Ancient and Greater Barons were comprehended but others to whom Writs should be directed which is in effect that no Tenure should any longer make a Baron of the Kingdom but that the Writ of Summons only should make a Baron It is not improbable for the reasons aforementioned that such Law was made the 49 H. 3. and farther for that we find that the Abbot of Leicester in the 26 E. 3. was discharged from being summoned to Parliament amongst other reasons that he was not summoned to Parliament before 49th year of H. 3. and after that Interpotalis vicibus as if part of the Constitution had been that those of the Ecclesiasticks who at that time were accounted the Barones Majores so declared by having Writs of Summons to Parliament should have Writs of Summons to Parliament thence after in Succession And herewith agreeth Mr. Cambden Brit. fo Henricus tertius ex tantâ multitudine quae seditiosa turbulenta fuit optimos quosque rescripto ad Comitia Parliamentaria evocaverit ille enim ex satis antiquo scriptore loquor post magnas perturbationes enormes vexationes inter ipsum Regem Simonem de Montfort alios Barones motas sopitas statuit ordinavit quod omnes illi Comites Barones Regni Angliae quibus ipse Rex dignatus est brevia summonitionum dirigere venierent ad Parliamentum CHAP. XVI SO that it appears clearly that the Feudal Baronies about this time were quite discharged so far that no man by a feudal Barony had any Right to sit in Parliament and those that were feudal Barons before this time by the Alienation of their Baronies afterwards did not cease to be Barons But for that the Majores Barones and such as had then Writs of Summons and were appointed to make the House of Lords for after time were then Barons by Tenure It continued an Opinion some time that no man was bound to answer such Writs of Summons but those that were bound thereto by their Tenures thence it was that after this Constitution many that were feudal Barons before have taken a Liberty to entail their Baronies with the Lands that were held per Baroniam upon the Heirs Males whereby the Heirs general or next Heir Female were excluded and an Heir of the half Blood hath enjoyed the Honor with the Lands by vertue of the Entail We will trouble the Reader with one Instance of this kind and that is as late as Q. E. William Lord Paget of Beaudesert entailed the Baronies of Longdon and Haywood by Fine which descended to Henry his Son and Heir who had Elizabeth his Daughter and Heir died 11 Eliz. after whose Death Thomas Brother and Heir Male of Henry entered into the Baronies aforesaid and was summoned to Parliament This was allowable because the Honor of the Name and Family was thereby better supported and the Office of a Baron continued in the Family and the Duty of it better performed by such direction of the Descent And we do also observe that after the reason of being a Baron from Tenure did cease the following times kept the Old Form of Speech tenere per Baroniam was used commonly to denote a man a Baron That the Law is as we have said appears for that an Issue at Law whether Baron or not ought to be tried by the Parliament Records of his Summons and Session there as a Baron and not by the Records of the Exchequer to prove the Tenure I will not therefore trouble the Reader with what is reported to us in our Year-books nor my self in reconciling the seeming disagreements there about this matter onely thus that the Judges have sometimes spoken cum vulgo and not agreeable to the true notion of the Law and that they did not judge according to Law in the case of Thomas de Furnival But the Barons being anciently first so by Tenure did so stick with the Judges that they allowed Thomas de Furnivals Plea that he did not hold per Baroniam to discharge him from being a Baron though he had been summoned as a Baron and sate in several Parliaments as such But of this more hereafter For that which now made Parliamentary Barons was the receiving of a Writ of Summons to Parliament Before the 49 H. 3. The Bishops were of the number of those that were majores Barones and had Writs of Summons to Parliament among the rest of the great men before the making of the Law aforesaid and they by this new Constitution became Barons for them and their Successors not by Tenure any longer no more than the great Lay Barons but by virtue of the Writ of Summons and by the afore remember'd Constitution and Law made some time about the 49 H. 3. And though the Lands of the Bishops in the time of the Conquerour which were put under that Tenure be alienated or exchanged as they might have been I am sure if they are not before the Statute of Queen Elizabeth put a restraint upon them yet the Succession of the Bishops to their Baronies remains It is a question I know whether a Bishop can demand his Writ to Parliament before the restitution of the Temporalities upon his Consecration there are valuable Opinions on both sides but if the restitution of the Temporalities must be first made it is I conceive upon no other reason than that he is not completely Bishop before that is done no more than a Rector is a complete Rector after Institution before Induction be made though he ought I conceive to have his Writ upon Consecration because upon vacancy of the See the Guardian of the Spiritualities used anciently to have a Writ of Summons to Parliaments as Diocesans themselves And now the Baronage Secular is affixed to Families and the Spiritual Baronage to the Office and Succession And now Birth designs the Temporal Baron and Consecration of the Bishop designs the Spiritual Baron nay single Election without Confirmation or Consecration If elected onely they were summoned to Parliament by the addition of Electi if confirmed and not consecrated then they are in the Writ of Summons styled Electi Confirmati And Mr. Selden further tells us that there never was any that had the Title of a Bishop in England and of the Kings Creation since the Normans but was a Baron of Parliament and though the Regular Barons and such of them who had Writs were discharged upon their Prayer and omitted to be
of the Commoners which are Knights should be impannelled upon a Jury where either a Spiritual or Temporal Baron is concern'd besides that I find a single Remembrance as high as 13 E. 3. in Brooks Tryal 142. the Reports of that year are not printed of the Bishops Right of Peerage in a Capital Cause the Book is Evesque est Peere de Realme serva try per Peres in Crime But how this Right came to be discontinued and to lose remembrance we shall presently account for but I cannot think it Sence which some of our Lawyers have said for this purpose that a Bishop his being a Baron is Ratione Tenurae and not personal which is all one as to say that the Bishop is a Baron but his Person is not a Baron but his Peerage and Baronage is no other in truth than an Honor accumulated upon the Person of a Bishop together with his Office But to excuse them they thought themselves obliged to give a reason why Bishops are not as the Law is taken to be tryed by Peers but by a Common Jury which grew into practice by accident and was not ever so in probability but certainly is very irregular and extream incongruous and therefore to give a good reason for it is too hard a task to be undertaken and he that will undertake to give a reason of that which is unreasonable and go about to prove a thing fit which is incongruous must likely speak things equally incongruous absurd and unreasonable But to speak what the truth is in this matter the Bishops and the whole Order of Clergy did challenge to be exempt from the Jurisdiction of Secular Courts but the Bishops as is objected never waved their jus paritatis upon Arraignment in inferior Courts They only never insisted upon it For they had a better way to escape by setting up the pretended Rights and Priviledges of their Order and that Church for exempting themselves from the Jurisdiction of the Temporal Courts and by this means they did escape unpunished for the most part Though there were several Abatements made by the provision of the Laws and the Wisdom of the Judges to their unreasonable pretences therein yet they always got off by their pretended priviledge if not with impunity yet with some protection at least from Justice and farther they thought perhaps they might at least avoid being thought guilty of the Crimes objected whilst they used this pretence for a reason why they would not make a Defence And sure in all Offences but Treason they escaped with their Lives before the Statutes that took away the benefit of Clergy in some Cases of the greatest Guilt and even in the Case of Treason the Criminal ever had the Advocation and Intercession of the Church-power and Interest because the priviledge they contended for was so great and valuable a Concernment as they esteem'd it to the Order of the Clergy But by this means the memory of the Use of this Right and Priviledge was lost and the Detestation of a Crime in a Prelate provided him a speedy and ready Justice such as was at hand and at length Bishops themselves unadvisedly and being born down by the Common Opinion thus grounded and occasioned did submit to Tryals by Juries It is enough to have given an account how this Anamolous piece of Law came about But Anamolous Cases never make Rules nor destroy any Nor is it to be drawn into consequence whatever is a departure from the Establishment to destroy it quite Positive Constitutions of which no Reasons can be given why they are so can infer or argue nothing Reason cannot make Law though it is a fair inducement but our Reason is most perversly imployed when it proceeds from the Irregularities that happen in Human Affairs and are shuffled upon us by length of time by violence and iniquity and a heap of Accidents to argue us into more and to refix that which is regular and remains firm In quo quis peccat in eo punietur Is it not enough that the Order now suffers a diminution of their dignity by reason of the contumacy of the Popish Prelates their Predecessors and that their Refusals to submit to Temporal Justice are visited upon the Succession Severe enough this is in it self But why should any man expect that this Age in consequence of this should be persuaded and reasoned to exclude the Bishops out of their remaining right 'T is no more to be expected than that a man that hath one hand withered and mortified with the Palsie should be persuaded to cut off the other for conformity We know how the Prelates fell from their primitive Dignity of being tried by those of their own Order and were submitted to be tried by Juries of Commoners It would be therefore consonant and agreeable to the Dignity of Barons and Lords of Parliament for such the Bishops are that they be restored to their ancient right in the matters of Trials as mistaken Law is rectified by an Act of Parliament A wise Act of State it would be to redintegrate the Honour of the Baronage of England the whole Baronage suffering dishonour by a mutilation of so Honourable a Privilege in one of the membra dividentia of that body whilest the Bishops are thrown to common Jurors Especially since the incongruity thereof hath given occasion to some men to question one another of the jura paritatis which belongs to the Prelates and to dispute their right of Session in that House in one of the most important Concerns of the Government But however this Irregularity is discoursed it doth not affect the Right of the Prelates now in dispute for though Bishops are tried by Commoners out of Parliament as the Law is now generally taken yet that they are to be tried by Peers in Parliament our Adversaries do not deny And that they may and ought to sit in judgment upon Temporal Lords in Parliament in Capital Causes we have clearly proved So that the Reciprocal of a Bishops being judged and judging in Capital Causes in Parliament is intire and in this they continue duly pares But that it may not depend upon our Adversaries Concessions that Bishops may be tried by Peers in Parliament for he is not always constant to himself and may take back what he hath yielded we shall here subjoyn a short demonstrative proof that the Bishops ought to be tried by Peers in Parliament And that they have been declared and taken for Peers and under that Character tried when if they had not been reckoned and deemed Peers they could not have received Tryal in Parliament and it is thus Edward the Third had prevailed with the Lords against their good will to condemn the Earl of March Sir Simon Beresford John Matrevers Boys de Boyons John Devard Thomas de Gowrney William Ogle for the Murder of Edward the Second his Father and the Earl of Kent all of them Commoners but the Earl of March The Lords were
which have since made the Convocations or the Ecclesiastical Council of the Kingdom and are to meet at every Session of Parliament but to debate nothing but what is propounded and to publish nothing for Canons without the Royal Assent So that they are to act nothing but under the observation of Parliament This Convocation or Ecclesiastical Council other allowable Synods we have none ought not to convene but when a Parliament is sitting and continue no longer than the Parliament We ought to observe herein and applaud the excellent wisdom of our Government that in the very constituion of it hath provided for the peace of our Church by silencing Controversies which can never be determined with any effect such a wise expedient and course as the best instructed Christian Emperours did take by their Edicts prohibiting publick Disputations about subtil and nice Questions as Constantine Martianus Leo Anthemius Andronicus Heraclius to mention no more None but mad men and extravagantly presumptuous or utterly ignorant of Church History will ever hereafter go about by Acts of Councils to end Controversies but rather to shame the Dogmatizers out of their contentious zeal by shewing how little the ends and designs of Christianity are concerned one way or other in such Questions in which those that are most learned know least and a little learned ignorance would discharge most of them from any longer troubling the world And farther we must observe to the Honor of our Nation that it is so religiously wise as to commit the Care of conducting Devotions ordering the Decency of Publick Worship and censuring the Manners of Clerks to the Bishops and the Principal Clergy whereto their Religion Wisdom Devotion and Moderation bespeak them the fittest Persons No less remarkable is the Wisdom of our Government that it doth not make that which is properly the matter of Canons the Subject of their Legislation and thereby subject us to Temporal Punishments where the Admonitions of the Church and her Censures are more proportioned Remedies to the disobedient and froward Laws oblige us to punishments govern us by Fear and Awe oblige with Reason or without Reason because they are Laws They admit of no Ecclesiastical Relaxation or Dispensation and bind when the reason ceaseth In whatsoever thing relative to Religon a Law is made the matter is taken out of the Hands of the Church-men and no longer under their Government whose Government is a Ministry not Empire and Dominion They can institute nothing but what they may reasonably persuade Nihil tam voluntarium quam Religio Lact. We can have no more Religion or Truth than we can persuade Religion and Truth are to be promoted by moving the Will The Church rules by persuasion and her Canons oblige only for their Reason Religion for the sake of our own Edification and the Edification of others the Peace of the Church and Reverence of our Pastors and Teachers Canons in their own Nature are Temporary for the present necessity and convenience variable and mutable as the Edification of the Church shall require and the prudence of the Guides of the Church shall determine and therefore what is properly the Matter of Canons ought not to pass under Laws which are rigid and inflexible peremptory punitive and ungovernable And this magnifies the prudence and Christian Temper of our English Prelates CHAP. XXIII LAstly I observe what a dangerous Opinion our Judges sometimes had in reference to the Baronage of England viz. that it was in the Power of the King or in any Nobleman once summoned by Writ to Parliament as a Baron at the pleasure of the King to relinquish his place and determine the Nobility of his Family Which Opinion not being corrected would have made that State ambulatory and moveable upon which the whole Frame of the Government depends The Baronage of England is the Stabiliment of our Government and may be soon made too weak to support the other greater parts of the Building that rest upon it and are supported by it It is this that moderates between the two contending Interests of Prerogative and Liberty and prevents those violent Concussions which would otherwise unavoidably happen geminum gracilis Mare separat Isthmus Nec patitur conferre fretum si terra recedat Ionium Aegaeo frangat Mare Of what Importance therefore is it that we should be a Kingdom that cannot be shaken as much as Humane Wisdom can provide and frail Materials will admit That our Baronage should not hold their places precariously at the King's Pleasure and be deposed at his Will And yet our Judges after that Honor was fixed in the Families of those whom the King should appoint by Writ to hold that Honor and Place in the Commonwealth remembring that Baronage was at first a Service imposed ratione tenurae by Will the Conqueror Our Judges I say more able to judge of Private Rights than in Questions of State and Government being under a prejudice from the Consideration of the Original of our Baronies did allow the Plea of Thomas de Furnival who had been called to several Parliaments by Writ that he was no Baron for that he held not his Land per Baroniam vel partem Baroniae and therefore adjudged him no Baron Communia de Term. Sancti Hillarii Anno 19 E. 2. Rot. penes Remem Dom. Thes in Scaccario pro Thoma de Furnival Seniore exonerando But of this Cause they were not properly Judges the Lords themselves are the only Judges of the right Constitution of that House and they have anciently challenged a Writ of Summons de jure debito Justitiae for themselves and Descendents where they have been once summoned by Writ and answered that Writ and taken their place accordingly And the whole House doth constantly refuse to act until the Lord that complains of an Omission hath a Writ of Summons sent him What Apprehensions was had of this Honor by Thomas de Furnival and others in his time I know not But it might have been then and since it is well understood that that place which they sustain in the Government is of the highest Trust and the Benefits which redound therefrom to the Commonweal the greatest For they make the Government as well gentle and good as firm and stable These Noble Lords Marchers are placed between two great Contending Powers to preserve the due Boundaries and respective Limits and oblige them to Right and Reason by their Courage and Wisdom And for their Encouragement and Reward deserve the highest Honors and that they should be as they are immortal in their Families And accordingly it was resolved lately in the Case of the Honor of Purbeck in the Lords House that no Fine or Surrender of the Honor of a Baron can extinguish it But that notwithstanding it shall continue to his Heirs and Descendents And that upon the clearest and most important Reason for that the Constitution of the Government ought not as in its own Nature it cannot
difficult to tell how that late unhappy War began or how it came to issue so Tragically in the Death of the Late King though we know how it ended viz. The Nation recovered within twelve years after the most deplored Death of that excellent King into a renowned Loyalty and in spight of a great Armed Power never before foil'd ever victorious then kept on foot for the interest of a very few men restored our present King may his Reign be long and happy to the Government of his Kingdoms without the least assistance of any of the Cavalier party and oblig'd a wary General in the head of a factious and republican army to Loyalty Nay within that time also the Nation had recovered out of their partial Lapse into Fanaticisme bread up great numbers of excellent Schollars who masterd the prejudices of those times were reverenced by the chief of the Presbyterian party and are the beauty and strength of the Church of England at this time The Presbyterians themselves were grown reconcileable to the Church of England and had learnt by woful experience the mischievousness of Schisme upon no better pretences than what then might have been satisfied and accommodated When the King and Church were restored Fanaticisme had expired if some old peevish and stiff Church-men had not studied obstacles against a universal accommodation and some crafty Statesmen had not projected that the continuance of the Schisme would be of great service some time or other to destroy the Church of England and change our antient Government which is now apparently the Popish Plot and if ever it be effected it will be with this trick of affrighting the Church of England with the apprehension of Fanaticisme and making them suspicious of Parliaments As many of them as are drawn into an opinion of the disloyalty of our late Parliaments the illusions of the Popish Plot hath passed upon them and they are under the power of its fascinations But both the Loyalty of the late Parliaments and also how much it imports the Plotters to have it believed that they design upon the present Government will at once be clearly understood if it be considered what hath been done for the forging of a Protestant Plot which was intended at the first opening to extend to the House of Commons Things so wicked as would make a virtuous man ashamed of the age he lives in But after all endeavors to find witnesses for their purpose powerful encouragements and great rewards they have drawn none into their assistance but who are publickly known for Rogues or who wanted Bread or had no Reputation to loose If the falshood of this forged Plot had not been utterly improbable they might have procured better seeming and more credible witnesses They might sure have found in this age men bad enough not already infamous to have testified a probable Lye But so necessary it is to the Popish design that a Protestant Plot be believed that they are not discouraged at the manifest detection of their conspiracies perjuries and subornations but will still go on as if they had a power to work miracles of villany for their Religion which is no better Our modern Politicians have been most observant agreeably to their virtuous make how frauds perjuries and violence have prospered and succeeded in some particular cases and have brought about some designs imagine such means throughly multiplied to be able to conquer all things which they design But these Arts which have had success by the permission of God when one Villain hath been to destroy another will not pass upon the Protestant Religion Let them seriously in time despair and give over such enterprises For there is no Enchantment against Jacob nor Divination against Israel the Lot of Gods inheritance and his peculiar Care If Mordecai be of the Seed of the Jews Haman shall fall before him It is matter of comfort to us and dispair to the Plotters that not one of their Plots yet but hath proved Abortive or they have been defeated by their very success Besides pray let it be observed how this Design of lessening our just confidence in Parliaments is otherwise carried on and promoted It is now become the principal business of the Mercenary Writers for the Plot to pick up and cull out all the enormities and irregularities of those times the Vitia temporum and stories of wild pranks of some beastly Fanatical people that exceeded the common degeneracy of those ill times into which the Nation by undicernable degrees so fouly lapsed to make thereof an ugly Vizard and this they clap unduly upon four fifths of the Nation upon all that love and adhere to our Government and Religion to render them suspected of destroying again the English Monarchy and the Protestant Religion even for those very proceedings that they make for preserving both For the service of Popery requires that whosoever opposes it must be branded with Treason and Fanaticisme that such delicate persons as are fond of the name of Loyalty though they understand not in what it consists that hate the name of Fanatick since it is become as common a name of reproach as the Son of a Whore though they understand not so well what it means will be sure so to behave themselves as to be reckoned for Loyal and not Fanatical by taking the measures of the one and the other according to the new notion of the Plot Writers may become theirs with all their idle prattle But let them make their best of this foolish sort of men if that was all they could effect by this project But they design further upon the Nation viz. to match the fears of Popery with a fear as great of the like Evils to those of Forty one as if these Plotters had power by their interest to raise a new War when we have power and authority in our Government if it were exerted to destroy them by Justice But these State Mountebanks think it convenient because the Nation was cast into a Frenzy in Forty one therefore now when in perfect health we are to be cast into a Lethargy to prevent our relapse and in the mean time they intend we should perish insensibly and quietly that way they design to destroy us It is since the Discovery of the Popish Plot that Popish Mercenaries have been hired to write virulent Libels against the Church and bitter invectives against Fanaticks Out of the same Mint came a villanous Libel called Omnia Comesta a Belo against the Church apt to render the Church-men suspicious of another detestable Sacriledge designed And that loathsome Print entitled the Committee or Popery in Masquerade Many parts whereof hath no other reason of belief but that they have been the Subject of some drunken Rhimes in former times but it is in the whole an insufferable Libel against the Nation by its application to this age These Mercenaries are the Authors as well of treasonable Libels against the King which they
him the Imperial Crown of England For Robert Steward first King of Scotland of that Family lived in concubinate with Elizabeth Mure and by her had three Sons John Robert and Alexander afterwards he Married Eufame Daughter to the Earl of Ross and after was Crowned King of Scotland He had by her Walter Earl of Athol and David Earl of Straherne When Eufame his Wife dyed he Married Elizabeth Mure. After that by one Act of Parliament he made them first Noble that is to say John Earl of Carrick Robert Earl of Menteith and Alexander Earl of Buchquhane And shortly after by another Parliament he limited the Crown in Tail Successively to John Robert and Alexander his Children by Elizabeth Mure in Concubinate and after to the Children of Elizabeth Ross his Legitimate Children who are to this day in their issue by this limitation by authority of an Act of Parliament in Scotland barr'd from the Crown and we hope ever will be by the continuance of the Line of our most Gracious King For note that though a subsequent Marriage by the civil Law which is the Law of Scotland in such cases doth Legitimate the Children born before Marriage of a Concubine yet it is with this exception that they shall not be Legitimated to the prejudice of Children born afterwards in Marriage and before the Marriage of the Concubine Besides the reason of the Civil Law in Legitimating the Children upon a subsequent Marriage is this viz. a presumption that they were begotten affectu maritali which presumption fails where the man proceeds to Marry another woman and abandons or neglects his Concubine But I desire these Gentlemen that are so unwilling to be safe in their Religion which I believe is most dear unto them That if any Law should exceed the declared measures of the Legislative authority though in such Case they may have leave to doubt of the lawfulness of such a Law yet if it be not against any express Law of God they will upon a little consideration determin it lawful if it be necessary to the Common-weal for that nothing can be the concerns of men united in any Polity but may be govern'd and ordered by the Laws of their Legislature for publick good for by the reason of all political societies For further satisfaction of the lawfulness of the bill of exclusion See a Book called The great and weighty Consideration considered there is a submission made of all Rights especially of the Common Rights of that community to the Government of its own Laws But all this and a hundred times as much will not satisfy some Gentlemen of the lawfulness of our Government the extent of the Legislative power of Parliaments since they have entertained a Notion that Monarchy is jure divino unalterable in its descent by any Law of man for that it is subject to none That all Kings are alike absolute that their Will is a Law to all their Subjects That Parliaments the states of the Realm in their Conventions can be no more than the Monarcks Ministers acting under and by his appointment which he may exauctorate and turn out of Office when he pleaseth For there can be say they under the Sun no obliging Authority but that of Kings to whom God hath given a plenitude of power and what is derived from them That this Divine Absoluteness may Govern and exercise Royal power immensely and that it is subject to nor to be abated or restrained by any humane inventions or contrivances of men however necessary and convenient Kings have thought them in former Ages by such methods and such offices and Officers of which number the States of the Realm may be or not be as Kings shall please as they shall by their absolute Will order or appoint Our Parliaments say they are Rebellious and an Usurpation upon the unbounded Power of Kings which belongs to every King as such jure ordinario and by Divine institution That a mixt Monarchy as ours is is an Anarchy and that we are at present without a Government at least such as we ought to have and which God hath appointed and ordained for us That we by adhering to the present Government are Rebels to God Almighty and the Kings unlimited Power and Authority under him which no humane constitution no not the Will and Pleasure of Kings themselves can limit or restrain For that jura ordinaria divina non recipiunt modum That the Legislative Power is solely in the King and that the business of a Parliament if they would think of being only what they ought to be is only to declare on the behalf of themselves and the people that send them for that purpose certainly the obedience that is due from them to such Laws as the K. shall make and that they may be laid aside wholly when he pleaseth And after all this what matter 's it with them what we say our Government is hath been or where the Legislative Authority of the Nation is placed or how used But I desire these Gentlemen to consider how they come to these Notions upon what reason they are grounded How a Government established by God and Nature for all Mankind should remain a secret to all the wise good just and peaceable men of all Ages That Kings should not before this have understood their Authority when no pretences are omitted for encrease of power and enlargement of Empire I desire them to consider that this secret was not discovered to the World before the last Age and was a forerunner of our late unnatural War and is now again revived by the republishing of Sir Robert Filmers Books since the Discovery of the Popish Plot. I wish they would consider that the reasons ought to be as clear and evident as Demonstration that will warrant them to discost from the sense of all Mankind in a matter of such weight and moment That to mistake with confidence and overweening in this matter will be an unpardonable affront to the Common sense of Mankind and the greatest Violation of the Laws of modesty I desire that they would consider and rate the mischiefs that will certainly ensue upon this opinion and whether a probable reason can therefore support it That they would throughly weigh ponder and examine the Reasons of these bold and new Dogmata For their enquiries ought to be in proportion diligent and strict as the matter is of moment and if they are not their error and mistake will be very culpable and the sin of the error aggravated to the measure of the mischief which it produceth and occasioneth Where is the Charter of Kings from God Almighty to be read or found for nothing but the declared Will of God can warrant us to destroy our Government or to give up the Rights and Liberties of our people If they are lawful I am sure it is villany to betray them since all political Societies are framed that all may assist the Common Rights of
by which it became capital is not understood as he tells us in the place before cited I shall not trouble the Reader with unfolding the matter But why doth he trouble himself to make Kings Fathers of their Countries some cannot be so and some have no mind to be so and yet they ought to be Kings And some that have not been Kings have been so and so styled as the great M. Tully for defeating the Catiline Conspiracy He was by decree of the Senate call'd Pater Patriae Those are with reason truly called Patres patriae which either relieve their Country from miserable pressures which is the civil death of a Nation and for this reason our King hath the honor of being called Pater Patriae and we hope that he will wear that honorable Title upon a second deliverance of us from a most deplorable condition Or else such who bring the Nation to an exalted state of happiness so much beyond their old state of things that they seem to give the Nation a new civil Life Being and Birth For his etymological argument from the notation of the Word it is too putid to be insisted upon tho not more ridiculous than his Hypothesis But for that the reduction of our duty to our King to the fifth Commandment may seem to give some advantage to the Hypothesis with Fathers who know no bounds of their power over their Children It must be observed that the Decalogue is not a compleat Rule of Morality The decalogue comprised the Principal Laws of that common Wealth which God their Law giver by a most Solemn Act of his Legislation did more awfully oblige them to observe God that time was their King Rebellion was as Idolatry and the sin of Witchcraft and the Defection of one of their Cities to Idolatry was punished as a revolt and Rebellion Deut. 13. v. 15. He had provided for his honor and worship and their Allegiance in the first Table and did design by the 5th Commandment to lay the Foundation of all positive morality by providing for a Reciprocation of kindnesses by injoyning the gratitude and fitting returns of Children to their Parents and by putting Children under obligations to be taught and instructed by their Parents But our duty to Governors is more duly referred to all the other Commandments because Government secures the observation of those Laws to us by which we enjoy our selves and ours freed from the Violations of Lust Appetite Fraud and Violence We do not honor our King by relief in his fortune which is commanded to be done by our Parents in the precept of honoring them our subsidies and Aids are not to that purpose but contributions to the charges of the Government they are the just price of our immunity protection from fraud and violence for which cause pay we tribute But whosoever he be that hath more respect for this Knights works then I have may find him more gently treated by a very worthy Gentleman in a very candid and judicious book called Patriarcha non Monarcha But what is the meaning of these flattering Books they cannot but be nauseous to His Majesty who is a very wise Prince and knows how sensless such Books are and besides they make the People afraid and the Nation unquiet from the apprehensions they give that the Government will be changed Notwithstanding the King hath given such solemn assurance to the Nation by his late Declaration that we shall have frequent Parliaments and that he will govern by Law They would have had a better market for the Divinity they bestow upon Princes with Alexander after he had lost his Virtue and with those Vile Emperors whose Names are Regum opprobria for such the flatterers of antient times Deifyed those who had ceas'd to be men they made Gods and when they had left nothing about them that was tolerable they magnified their power which was already most intolerable If the Kings hereafter would but read the History of Kings under that conclusion that a wise observer of Humane Events made after a long observation and experience and would make experiments of the truth of it in their own reading Kings would be glorious and the Nations they govern happy and full of peace They would find therein so many effectual Documents to fear God and regard men and govern them righteously Si Vitam spectes hominum si denique Mores Artem vim fraudem cuncta putes agere Si propiùs spectes fortuna est arbitra Rerum Nescis quid dicis sed tamen esse putas At penitus si introspicias ultima primis Connectas solus rector in orbe Deus Alciat People can be no happyer than Government and Laws design to make them though they do not alwayes answer the good designments of the Government To what purpose then are these new Hypotheses fram'd and published Kings are exempted by their Office and the sacredness of their persons from all fears but the fears of Nature and these can never be discharg'd Those who do ill will fear ill Eternally tho their power were made little less than omnipotent for the frame of Humane Nature hath made it necessary to be so Besides God hath made one thing against another there is a Divine Nemesis interwoven in the Nature of things and God will always govern the World Omne sub regno duriore regnum The great Mogul at his inauguration swears that his People shall be at peace at home and victorious abroad afflicted neither with plague nor famine but enjoy Health and Plenty all his days This seems extraordinary Pompous and Arrogant but it means no more than this that he will govern them so vertuously that Gods Providence shall be always propitious to his People and is no more in plain English than what our Church offers up in her publick prayers for the King viz. That he may govern us in Wealth Peace and Godliness that he may live long and so govern us ought to be every honest mans Prayers But after all these vain Hypotheses contriv'd for making Kings absolute it will be more easie for Kings to make their reigns unquiet and turn their Kingdoms into Shambles But lastly to revive the Antient Zeal of the true members of the Church of England against Popery To rectify the mistakes of some Gentlemen of the Clergy about the Dissenters And of our late Parliaments and their proceedings in reference to them Let it be considered how unreasonable their apprehensions are of any danger to the Church of England from the desires of the House of Commons of some indulgence or toleration in favor of the Dissenters at this time especially when the Protestant Religion is so shrewdly beset she hath reason now sure to take all such for her friends that are heartily Enemies to Popery tho not so skillful as they should be to ward off its assaults Since the Papists presume to call them Fanaticks tho exactly conformable to the Church of England that
But there are better ways of putting an end to the Popish Plot then by putting it in Execution for them That is to say by suppressing that contumacy that is grown so rife in the Dissenters against the Church of England by putting the Revilers of her Establishment and Order under the severest Penalties By the Church her condescentions and indulgences to those that are weak and scrupulous the peaceable Dissenters such condescentions will not abate but magnifie her Authority The Church of England will not be by this means lost but her Governance preserved especially if the Relaxation that shall be made proceeds from her ex mero motu and is not imposed upon her by any secular Authority Nay she will become by this means more ample and venerable What Glories will shine upon the Heads of the Bishops We shall all rise up call them blessed They will attain an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here and receive divine Honors while they live Their Order will be recover'd into the highest Veneration and it will never be after a question in the English Church whither the Order of Bishops be Apostolical The Parliament will make all Laws yield and comply to such happy peaceable and gratious Intendments All the People will honor them as their common Saviors that shall thus snatch us from the very Brink of Ruine and render the Designs of the implacable Enemies of the Church ready to take effect to the destruction of our Religion and the Nation utterly defeated But what punishments can we think too severe upon any that shall be guilty of such insolent Iniquity as not to allow that liberty to the Church which they seek as a favor from her to themselves that will not let the Church escape their Censures when she gratiously exempts them from her Censures and pittys their Errors and Follies What Fines and Imprisonments Pillories and Scourgings do they deserve that persecute the Church with Revilings when they themselves are tolerated Their condemnation must be just what ever their doom be themselves being Juges They will suffer as Evil doers and disturbers of the peace not for their Religion but for a most extravagant and intolerable unrighteousness They who will not tolerate others are themselves for that reason most intolerable Against these our Laws are to be sharpen'd and their iniquities to be punished by a Judge But the Statute of 35 Eliz. which punisheth dissatisfactions and peaceable withdrawings from the publick worship with exile and death declares how odly the business of the Separation hath been managed and with what disadvantages to the Church as it doth also the impracticableness of Laws that make perhaps invincible prejudices and modest and peaceable dissatisfactions capitally criminal The execution of this Law is scarce possible It is by no means agreeable either to the Christian temper of our Church or His Majesties great Clemency of which he hath assured us in the general course of his Reign And especially for that that Law hath been very rarely proceeded upon A Gentleman that lay in Cambridge Goal under the Judgment of that Law was reprieved by His Majesty with a great dislike expressed by him against that and such like severities What ever extravagances of a few wild Fanaticks of that Age occasion'd that Law the State of the Separation and of the Nation being quite alter'd from what it was then the execution of this Law now would be something like a Sheriffs serving a Writ out of Date in another County which can have no effect but mischief to himself While our Dissenters are thus reasonably indulged and strictly obliged to their peaceable behavior they can give no apprehensions to the Government either in Church or State This is all that is designed and all that they ought to have and this certainly would be readily yielded them in this present juncture especially if the Evils of the late unhappy times did not stand upon their score But I perswade my self that this course if it had been heretofore taken would have prevented one great cause of our late Troubles so it will in such measure prevent them from returning as the separation can be accounted the cause of them As for the Sacriledge and Spoil which was then made upon our Church it could never have happen'd but upon the dissolution of the Government nor can it ever happen again That War would have been impossible if the Church-men had not maintained the doctrine that Monarchy was Jure Divino in such a sense that made the King absolute and they and the Church in consequence perished by it But God be thanked we see the Church again restored to her endowments grown wiser than to desire to hold that precariously and at pleasure she doth enjoy by an unmovable legal Right Of the three Estates of this Kingdom for to suspect any such thing of the King would be unpardonable blasphemy there can be no reasonable Suspition Though of the House of Commons it is be come now lawful to suspect and say any thing that is evil But no man but the Villains that design by dishonoring them to change the Government hath reason to entertain such a thought The Members of the Commons in our latest Parliaments were all upon the matter entirely conformable to the Church of England They were persons of the best Estates Reputation and Honor in their Countries And they or such as they are like to make our succeeding Parliaments I have leave to put them under the imprecation of the severest Curse if ever they do sacrilegiously impair the Church her Revenues And I desire it may be assisted with the hearty and passionate desires of all good Christians that so the curse I now pronounce may operate upon them who shall incur it He that designs contrives or consents to spoil the Church of any of her Endowments may a secret curse wast his substance Let his Children be Vagabonds and beg their bread in desolate places Besides I know it is meditated and design'd by many and the best Men that use to be sent to Parliaments to redeem in part that infamous Sacriledge that was committed in the times of H. 8. When the Appropriations of Rectories made to religious Houses which had the cure of the Parish and ought at the dissolution of the Monasteries to be presented to were vested in the Crown whereby not only the Church was rob'd but the People cheated of their Tythes which were theirs to give tho not to retain and their praemium for the Priests Ministrations which are now often most slenderly and sometimes scandalously performed As also to disencumber her Revenue of the Charges and impositions of First-fruits and Tythes which were imposed and exacted by the Pope upon his pretence of being the oecumenical Pastor and High Priest of the Christian Church and at that time confer'd upon the Crown and are as unreasonably continued as any thing can be that hath a Law for a pretext But for this a