bird with a stone and no stone on a Tree and no Tree In this Riddle there may be something in Nature which seems to be intermedious to salve the contradiction in shew but in their case no manner of Difference to make the same thing just and unjust but Self-love and Partiality Was it Treason in the Northern Rebells to make an Insurrection and is it now become Pâ—…ty I delight not in Domesticall Examples let us rather cast our eyes beyond Sea and see where ever Protestants were accused for Rebellion but where either Anabaptisme or this Discipline did take place and yet none of them I except onely Anabaptists were halfe so criminous as ours They had sundry pleas which we cannot make for our selves As first that they did not rise up against their lawful Prince but onely against a Protector to whom they did owe no Allegiance but an honorable Acknowledgement but our Laws binds us not onely to owe Allegiance but to swear it Or secondly that they did not rise up against the Person of their Prince but against some enraged Minister of his reserving still their Obedience to their Soveraigne inviolate but we have not onely resisted but invaded the Kings Person There were more great shot made at the very place where the King was at Edge-hill then the same proportion of Ground throughout the Field the â—…ery liâ—… Cuâ—…esy was offered to the Queen at â—…urlington to welcome her into England Or thirdly their Princes did go aboâ—…t to force their Consciences withot Law or against Law and by an Arbitrary Power set up an Inquisition among them but good King Charles is so farâ—… from this that for the â—…ase of his Subjects he hath taken away an High-Commission established by Statute and is still ready to condiscend to any thing that can be reasonably proposed for the ease of tender Consciences What is it then Hath His Majesty been a hard Master No. Heare a Witnesse that will not violate his Conscience to doe Hiâ—… Majestie service I see many hâ—…re the most â—…toriously obliged indeed as much as Servâ—…s can be to a Master in this good Cause hâ—…ve â—…stered those vulgar Considerations and had the Courage to despise him that is the King to His Face A good Panegyricke and His Majesty may live to requite them as Caâ—…us did 〈◊〉 the Traytor when his Sonne had slain 〈◊〉 Ironside and he saluted the King with Aâ—… Rex solus his Reward was a Good Gibbet Ego te bodie ob â—…nti Obsequii meritum cunctis Regni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These Seditious and Schismaticall Principlâ—… were not the â—…esults of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and uningaged Judgemenâ—… but rather the excuse of criminous or the 〈◊〉 oâ—… neâ—…ssitated Persons wheâ—… 〈◊〉 produceth new Opinions and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 followeth the Dictates of the Will there is small hope of Tâ—… When Men oâ—… Belial Factious Persons had shaken off 〈◊〉 yoake of a just Government being neither Pretenders themselves in point of Right nor capable of Soveraignity by reason of their obâ—…curity that they might retaine that iâ—… part which they could not graspe in the whole they broached these desperate Devises of the Omnipotency of the People wheâ—… others oâ—… the same Men either having expelled Bishops to gaine their Revenues upon pretence of Superstition or living under a Soveraigne of another Communion could not have Bishopâ—… of their own and yet did find the necessity of Discipline then they fancyed the new form of Presbiteries in imitation of the Jewish Synedriums throughout their Synagogues though that be most uncertaine and all Men know this for certain that the Synagogues were but humane Institutions Acts 15. 21. not from the Law but from old Time Which new form of Discipline was so adapted and accomodated to the Politicke State of the Citty of Genevah that as it was there established it cannot possibly â—…it any other place except it have fower Syndicks a greater a lesser Councell Then as all Sects are modest in their beginnings they desired their Neighbour Churches onely to certifie that their Discipline was not repugnant to the word of God yet now they would obtrude it on the world as the Eternall Gospell So our new upstart Independents which run gadding about the World like Lapwings with their shels upon their Heads having been kept under the hatches here in old England performing their divine Offices in Holes and Corners and having no Assemblyes but such as did of their own accord associate themselves to them now deny the name of true Churches to all Societies but such blind Conventicles And shall we make their excuses to be our grounds shall we that live in the most temperate part of the temperate Zone injoy a Government as temperate as the Climate it selfe we who cannot complain either of too much Sun or too little Sun where the Beames of Soveraignty are neither too perpendicular to scorch us nor yet so oblique but that they may warm us shall we goe about in a madding humour to dissolve a frame of Government which made our fore-Fathers happy at home and famous abroad shall we whose Church was the Envy and Admiration of Christendome neither too garish nor too sluttish excelling some as far in Purity as it did others in Decency now learn Religion out of Tubbs as if the little toes could see further then the eyes If they have an extraordinary calling where are their Miracles mendaâ—…ia video miracula non video we heare there lyes not see their wonders Saint Paul became all things to all Men but that was compatiendo non mentiendo as St. Augustine saith Shall we without need put our life 's into the hands of crackbrain'd unskilfull Empericks which have taught us already to our losse that a new Phisitian must have a new Church-yard rather mutemus clipeos let us leafe them old England and content our selves with new England It will be better to live in hollow Trees among Savages and Wild Beasts then here to be chopping and changing our Religion every new Moon Be not deceived as if these men did desire no more then onely the rectifying of some former Obliquities and Irregularities we are now told in plain English that it is to subdue the pride of Kings Monarchy it selfe is the onely Object worthy of these men Wrath. May not one here exclaime as the great Turk did to his Councell when the Templers and Hospitaliers advised him by letter how Fredericke the Christian Emperour might be taken Ecce fidelitas Christianorum behold the Loyalty of our great Reformers But what is this pride of Kings If we will believe one of their Authors in his application of the Story of Cleomedes his Daughter to the Domestick Custome of the Spartan Kings pater hosâ—…es manus non habet it is a one piece of their pride to have a man to pull off their shooes and yet they say the Author had one to brush his Cloathes Now they stick not to let us know why they
they Facile possent Episcopi legitimam obedientiam retinere c. Bishops might easily retein lawfull obedience if they did not urge us to keep Traditions which with a good Conscience cannot be kept Again Nunc non id agitnr c. It is not now sought that the Government be taken away from Bishops but this one thing is desired That they will suffeâ—… the Gospel to be purely taught and release some few Observances which cannot be kept without sinne This generall Confession may stand for a thousand Witnesses under which all the Protestants in Germany did shelter themselves To this I may adde the Apology for the same Confession Hac de re in hoc conventu c. We have often testified of this matter in this meeting that we desire wiâ—… all our hearts to conserve the Ecclesiasticall Policy anâ—… the degrees made in the Church by Humane Authoritâ—… Againe This our Will shall excuse us both before God anâ—… all the World that it may not be imputed to us that thâ—… Authority of Bishops was weakned by our means Thâ—… confession of Saxony is subscribed by seventeen Superintendents of Bishops The Suevick Confession iâ—… so farre from opposing the spirituall power of the Praelates that they doe not exclude them from secular Government and complaineth of great wrong done tâ—… their Churches as if they did seek to reduce the poweâ—… of Ecclesiasticall Praelates to nothing And most plain ly they declare for the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction oâ—… Bishops in the 33. Chapter of the secular Magistratâ—… I might produce the Articles of the Protestants and more Confessions and many Witnesses to this purpose if it were needfull But perhaps some may sayâ—… That these are all Lutherans and no good Protestantâ—… That were strange indeed that they who made thâ—… Protestation and from thence were called Protestants keeping themselves to the same grounds should become no Protestants and they who made no Protestation nor have right to the name but by communioâ—… with them should become the onely Protestants Buâ—… to satisfie them in this also Upon the Words of the Augustane Confessionâ—… before recited the Observations set forth in the namâ—… of the French and Belgicke Churches at the latteâ—… end of the Harmony of Confessions doe divide Bishops into three kinds 1 Apostolicall of Ordeâ—… not of Degree common to all the Ministers of the word 2. Humane both of Order and of Degree which they confesse to â—…e ancient and defined and circumscribed with many old Canons 3. Tyrannicall in the Church of Rome wandring not onely without the word of God but also extra Canones aequissimos without those most equall or just Canons which last they abhominate but of this more in the next Consideration They say further that it is the Office of godâ—…y Magistrates to see how farre it may be expedient for Bishops to have some kind of Civill Dominion and upon the Saxonick confession they acknowledge that Bishops may make Laws belonging to Order â—…nd Decency so it be not done Arbitrarily but by the judgement of a lawfull Synod and what doe we say more You have also seen the confession of the Church of England directly for Episcopacy which nevertheâ—…esse was so approved and applauded by the Tigurine Divines That they made no end of praising of it that â—…hey judged nothing to have been published more perfect in those dayes that they promise themselves that the Protestant Church shall never want a Champion so long as the Authour thereof did live yet it was both for Bishops and by a Bishop Calvine was no Lutherane yet he subscribed the Augustane Confession oâ—… the Apology for it or both And in his Institutions he describeth at large the Regiment of the Primitive Church after the dayes of the Apostles That though the Bishops of those times expressed more in their Canons then was expressed in the word of God yet they composed the whole Oeconomy of the Church with that caution that it may easily appear that it had almost nothing strange from the word of God That in each Citty the Presbyters did choose one of their number to whom they gave the Title of Bishop specially least dissention might spring from equallity as commonly it comes to passe He shews out of Saint Ierome that this institution was as ancient in Alexandria as from Saint Marke He proceeds to shew the end of Arch-Bishops and the Constitutioâ—… of Patriarkes and concludes That this kind of Government some called an Hierarchy by a name improper at least not used in the Scriptures but if we passâ—… by the name and looke upon the thing it selfe we shaâ—… find that the Ancient Bishops did goe about to devise no other Forme of governing the Church then that which God hath prescribed in his word There might be sundry other places alleged out of his Epistle and his Answer to Sadolet to the same purpose but I omit them only with this note that one of the most conspicuous placeâ—… in his Epistle to Sadolet Talem nobis Hierarchiam c. against those that shall reject Episcopacy being reduced to its due submission to Christ and Society with their Brethren is purged out in the two latter Editionâ—… of Beza and Gallasius to let us see that the Romanistâ—… are not the onely men who cut out the Tongues oâ—… their own Witnesses Zanchy delivers the very same grounds and addes That nothing is more certainâ—… then this That Episcopacy was received into the Church communi consensu totius Reipublicae Christianae with the common consent of the whole Christian Commonwealth That it was free for them to doe so Thaâ—… it was done for honest or just causes That it cannot bâ—… misliked That those things which are defined and received by the Godly Fathers congregated in the namâ—… of the Lord by the common consent of all without anâ—… contradiction to the Holy Scriptures though they be noâ—… of the same Authority with the Scriptures yet they arâ—… from the Holy Ghost Quae hujusmodi sunt ea eâ—…o â—…probare nec velim nec audeam bona Conscientia â—…uch as he had neither Will nor Confidence nor 〈◊〉 to disallow Which very place being â—…rged by â—…arraviah against Beza he closeth with it A quo maâ—…ime certe dissentimus cum Episcopatum illum mere diâ—…inum Apostolicum ab humano non quasi sint illa â—…nter se repugnantia sed tantum ut diversa imparis â—…uctoritatis discernimus From which opinion of Zanâ—…y we doe not dissent nor distinguish between that Apostolicall and meerely Divine Episcopacy from this other which is humane as if they were reâ—…ugnant one to another but onely diverse and of unequall Authority The same Booke is full of such places Quod si nunc Ecclesiae Anglicanae instauratae c. If the English reformed Churches doe now stand underpropped with the authority of Bishops and Arch-Bishops as it hath come to passe in our memoryes that
you doe not this you have made us a very long discourse to little purpose Your Argument consists of a Proposition and an Assumtion The Proposition is this All Laws and lawfull Customs are confirmed to the Subject by Magna Charta and His Majesties Oath for observation thereof Your Assumtion stands thus But to have nothing necessary denyed us is a lawfull Custome a Parliamentary Right and Privilege you amplifie your Proposition as the blind Senatour commended the fish at dextra jacebat piscis It is your assumtion Sir which is denyed bend your selfe the other way and shew us in what particular words of Magna Charta or any other Charter or any Statute this Privilege is comprehended or by what prescription or president it may be proved if you can doe none of these sitte down and hold your peace for ever The Charter of Nature will be in danger to be torn in pieces if you stretch it to this also To be denyed nothing 〈◊〉 is a Privilege indeed as good as Foâ—…natus his purse or as that old Law which one found ouâ—… for the King of Persia that he might doe what he would But you limit it he ought to deny them nothing which is necessary what necessity doe yoâ—… meane a simple and absolute necessity that hath no Law indeed or a necessity onely of convenience 〈◊〉 but conveniences are often attended with greater inconveniences A cup of cold Water to one who 〈◊〉 a feverish distempâ—…r is convenient to assâ—…ge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sent thirst but pernicious to the future habit 〈◊〉 of his body Many things may produce prâ—…sent 〈◊〉 yet prove destructive to a State in their consequents These things therefore must be carefully ballanced and by whom will you be your own Judge or will â—…ou permit His Majesty to follow the Dictate of his own reason so it is meet and just if you will have him supersede from his own Right Lay your hand upon your heart if you have any Tenents who hold of you in Knight-service and they shall desire to have their tenure changed to free Soccage as being more convenient conducible for them â—…re you bound to condiscend It is well known to all this Kingdome that the Kings thereof have ever had a negative voice otherwise they had lesse power then a Master of a College or a Major of a Corporation That no Act is binding to the Subject without the Royall Assent That to say the King will advise was evermore a sufficient stop to any Bill Yet the ground of this bold demand is but the Authors conceit We conceive it to be one Parliamentary right and his reasons are such as may make a shew but want weight to beget a very conceit The former is that new Laws and old being of the same necessity the publike trâ—… must equally extend to both How often must he be told that the publicke trust is onely a trust of dependence which begets no such Obligation as he conceits Offices of inheritance are rather maâ—…ters that â—…ound in interest then in confidence Neither is there neither can there be the same necesity of observing 〈◊〉 old Law to which a King is bound both by His â—…ter and by His Oath and of a new Law to â—…hich he hath not given his Royall Assent If Magâ—… Charta did extend to this it were Charta maximâ—… the greatest Charter 〈◊〉 ever was granted If the Kings Oath did extend to this it were an unlawfull Oath and not binding To sweare to confirme all Laws that should be presented to him though contrary to the Rule of Justice contrary to the Dictate of his own reason Among so many improbable suppositions give leave to the other party to make one The Author is not infallible nor any Society of Men whatsoever Put the case a Law should be presented for introducing or 〈◊〉 of Socinianisme or Anabaptisme or the new upstart independencâ—… is His Majesty bound to give his Assent Surelâ—… no Not to assume his just power of Supremacy as your late new Masters confesse were damnable sinne His other Reason is this it kills not whether the word eligerit he should say elegerit in the Kings Oath be in the future tense or in the perfect tense whether he sweares to all such Customes as the People have chosen or shall choose for it shews that the Peoples election was the ground of anciâ—… Laws and that ought to be of as great moment noâ—… as ever It is a rare dexterity which the Observeâ—… hath with Midas to turn all he toucheth into Gold whatsoever he finds is to his purpose past or â—…o come all is one but he would deceive us or deceives himselfe for the Peoples election never was nor now is the sole cause of a Law or binding Custome but the Peoples election was the Sociall or Subordinate Cause and the Royall Assent concurring with iâ—… they were ever joyntly the adaequate ground of 〈◊〉 and still are of the same moment that they weâ—… joyntly and severally which the Observer mighâ—… have discovered with halfe an eye But because His Majesties oath at his Coronation is so much insisted upon as obliging him to passe all Bills that are tendred unto him by His Parliament it will not be amisse to take this into further consideration which I shall doe with all due Submission First It must be acknowledged by all Men that the King of England in the eye of the Law never dyes Watson and Clarke two Priestâ—… 〈◊〉 that they could not be guilty of Treason because King Iames was not crowned The Resolution was that the Coronation was but a Ceremony to declare the King to the People so they were adjudged Traytours The like measure in the like case suffered the Duke of Northumberland in Queen Maryes daâ—…es onely with this difference Watsons and Clarks Treason was before the Coronation but the Dukes before the very Proclamation Coâ—…sensus expressuâ—… per verba de presenti facit matrimonium a contract in words of the present tense is a true Marriage and indissolvable and yet for Solemnity sake when the partyes come to receive the Benediction of the Church The Minister though he knew of the contâ—…act yet he askes wilt thou have this Woman to thy Wedded Wife There is no duty which our Kings do not receive as Oaths of Fealty of Allegiance no Acts of Royall Power which they doe not exercise as amply before their Coronation as after And therefore M. Dolman otherwise Parsons the Jesuit from whom these Men have borrowed all their grounds erred most pittifully in this as he did in many other of your Tenets that a King is no more a King before his Coronation then a Major of a Corporation is a true Major after his Election before he have taken his Oath To thinke a few scattered People assembled without any procuration have the power of the Commonalty of England is an Error fitter to be laught at then to be confuted Secondly the words of the
hands of such Persons as they may confide in of the Romane Communion they had the same grounds and pretences that our Men have The Observer answers That this is improperly urged for England and Ireland are the same Dominion That there is as true and intimate an Union betwixt them as between England and Wales And though they doe not meet in one Parliament yet their Parliaments to some purposes are not to be held severall And therefore if the Papists in Ireland were Stronger and had more Votes yet they would want Authority to overrule any thing voted and established here in England The reason why the minor Part in all Suffrages subscribes to the Major is that blood may not be shed 〈◊〉 in probability the Major part will prevaile 〈◊〉 Strife and Bloodshed would be endlesse wherefore the Major part in Ireland ought to sit down and acquiesce because Ireland is not a severall Monarchy from England Nor is that a Major part of Ireland and England too for if it were it would give Law to us as we now give Law there and their Statutes would be of as much virtue here as ours are there c. Such Doctrin as this hath helped to bring poore Ireland to that miserable condition wherein now it is Will you heare with Patience what the Irish themselves say of this If any Ordinance may be imposed upon us without an approbative or so much as a receptive power in our selves where is our Liberty then Our Government is meerely Arbitrary our condition is slavish We had Magna Charta granted to us as well as England and since that time all other Liberties and Privileges of the English Subject Shall that which is ours be taken from us without our own Act or our owne Fault and we never heard either in our Persons or by our Proctors We desire the Observer to remember what he said before That which concerns all ought to be approved by all We have no Burgesses nor representatives there and that it is unnaturall for any Nation to contribute its own inherent puissance meerely to support Slavery Let the Definition be according to the Major Part of the Votes but shall the Minor Part be denyed a Liberty to discusse or vote at all As we deny not but the Kingdome of Ireland is united and incorporated to the Crown of England So we understand not by what right any power derived from the English Subject can extend it selfe over us That power which they have over us is relative as they are the Kings Councell wherein he confides or by virtue of his Delegation to his Judges representing his own Person Thus they For further Answer First this is a meere trifling and declining of the Force of His Majestyes Argument which lyes not in this whether Ireland be 〈◊〉 distinct Kingdome but supposing it to be a distinct Kingdome as without doubt it either is or might be whether that in such a case as is propounded by His Majesty it were lawfull for them to assume such a Power contrary to the Law of God and of Nations or if Ireland were as much bigger then England as France is it is no strange thing for a greater Kingdome to be conquered by a lesser whether in such a case they might give Law to us or their Statutes be of as great virtue here as ours are there meerely because it is so voted by the Major part of the representative Body An absurd incredible Assertion Secondly there is not the like reason of Ireland and Wales Wales is incircled with the same Sea a part of the same Island and originally in the Dayes of the Brittaines a branch of the same Kingdome Wales was incorporated to the Realme of England by Act of Parliament 27. Henrici 8. cap. 26 so was not Ireland Wales have their Peers and Burgesses sitting in the English Parliament so hath not Ireland Wales hath no distinct Parliaments of its own but Ireland hath Thirdly as the Irish readily grant that their Common Law is the same with ours so they will not easily believe that the English Statutes are all of force in Ireland What all even to an Act of Subsidies who ever heard that It is true there hath been a question moved among some Lawyers and those perhaps who were not the most concerned or versed in it of the English Statutes what Statutes and in what cases and how farre they are binding to the Irish Subject but I have not heard their opinion was so high as the Observers or that ever the Bell was rung out yet If all English Statutes be of force in Ireland what need was there for Henry the seventh to make an expresse Statute in Ireland to authorize and introduce all the English Statutes before his time to be of force in that Kingdome this Act had been supervacaneous and superfluous And since that time we see many Statutes of force in England that are of no force at all in Ireland and many both before and since that time of force in Ireland that have no power in England Lastly this Observer might be well one of Father Garnets Disciples when he was asked about the Powder-Treason whether it was lawfull to take away some Innocents with many Nocents he answered yes so it was compensated by a greater benefit or profit which may perhaps be true sometimes as in time of Warre accidentally in publique and necessary but not in private and voluntary Agents So the Observer makes profit and strength to be the onely rule and measure of all actions of State Justice and Piety are banished by an Ostracisme out of his Eutopia This is to inslave Reason and Crown bodily strength to silence Law and Justice and to Deifie Force and Power The Observer is every where girding at the Clergy it is well that his new superstition reversed will allow them that name Have they not great cause to thank him as the poor Persians did their King when they were condemned That he was pleased to remember them Sometimes he scoffes at the Tribe There were seditious Schismaticks of all Tribes Sometimes he derides their Pulpetting it may be he likes a Chaire better because they teach a Divine Prerogative which none understand but these ghostly Counsellers who alwaies expresse sufficient enmity and antipathy 〈◊〉 Publique Acts and Pacts of Men. He that accuseth another should first examine himselfe I doe not beleeve that ever there was any Divine in the World that made Kings such unlimited Creatures as this Observer doth the People I have read some discourses of this subject but I did never see any one so pernitious to a setled society of men or so destructive to all humane compacts as this seditious bundle of Observations which makes the Law of Salus Populi to be a dispensation from Heaven for the breach of all Oathes of Allegiance and all other Obligations whatsoever which measures Justice by the major part and makes strength and power the rule of what is lawfull which
Augustane confession and Apology That Bishops might easily have reteined their places if they would they protest that they are not guilty of the diminution of Episcopall Authority And for the Helvetian Churches it appeares by that letter of Zuiâ—…glius and ten others of their principall Divines to thâ—… Bishop of Constance in all humility and observancâ—… beseeching him To favour and helpe forward their beginnings as an excellent Worke and worthy of a Bishop they call him Father Renowned Prelate Bishop the implore his Clemency Wisdome Learning that 〈◊〉 would be the first Fruits of the Germaine Bishops favour true Christianity springing up againe to heaâ—… the wounded Conscience They beseech him by the coâ—…mon Christ by our Christian Liberty by that Father affection which he owes unto them by whatsoever was 〈◊〉 vine and humane to looke graciously upon them or he would not grant their desires yet to connive at theâ—… So he should make his Family yet more illustrious aâ—… have the perpetuall Tribute of their Prayses so would but shew himselfe a Father and grâ—…â—…he request of his obedient Sonnes They coâ—…clude God Almighty long preserve your Excellenâ—… Thirdly for the French Churches it is plain Calvine in one of his Epistles touching a Reform Bishop that should turne from Popery that he mâ—… retein His Bishoppricke his Diocesse yea even 〈◊〉 Revennues and his Iurisdiction Lastly it is objected that Bishops have been 〈◊〉 â—…troducers of Anti-Christian Tyranny and all otâ—… abuses into the Church One said of Phisitians tâ—… they were happy Men for the Sunne revealed their Cure and the Earth buried all their inâ—…mities contrarywise we may say of Governours that in this respect they are most unhappy Men for the Sun reveales all their infirmities nay more all the Ennormities of the Times and the aberrations of their Inferiours are imputed to them but the Earth buries all their cures Episcopacy hath been so farre from being an adjument to the Pope in his Tyrannicall invasion of the Libertyes of the Church that on the other side it was a principall meanes to stay and retard his usurpation as did well appeare at the Councell of Treat how little he was propitious to that Order and by the Example of Grodsted Bishop of Lincolne who was malleus Romanorum and many others And now much the rather when Bishops acknowledge no dependency upon him No Forme of Government was ever so absolute as to keep out all abuses Errors in Religion are not presently to be imputed to the Government of the Church Arrius Pelagius c. were no Bishops but on the other side if Bishops had not been God knows what Churches what Religion what Sacraments what Christ we should have had at this Day And wee may easily conjecture by that inundation of Sects which hath almost quite overwhelmed our poor Church on a suddain since the Authority of Bishops was suspended The present condition of England doth plead more powerfully for Bishops then all that have writ for Episcopacy since the Reformation of our Church I have made this digression by occasion of the Observers so often girding at Bishops he may either passe by it or take notice of it at his pleasure There are some small remainders of his worke but of no great moment as this That there is a disparity between naturall Fathers Lords Heads c. and Politicall Most true though the Observer hath not met with the most apposite instances otherwise they should be the very same thing every like is also dislike He conceives that there is onely some sleight resemblance between them but our Law saith expresly otherwise That His Majesty is very Head King Lord and Ruler of this Realme and that of meer droit and very right First very Head and Lord and then of meer droit and very right It is impossible the Law should speake more fully But the maine difference which may come near the question is this that the Power which is in a Father Lord c. moderately and distinctly is joyntly and more eminently in a Soveraigne Prince as was long since declared at Rome in the case between Fabius Maximus and his Sonne No Father could deserve more reverence from a Sonne yet he knew that Domestick command must veile and submit to Politicall and that the Authority of a Father of a Family doth disappear in the presence of the Father of a Country as lesser Starres do at the rising of the Sun But his maine ground is that the King is the Father Lord Head c. of His Subjects divisim but not conjunctim if you take them singly one by one but not of an intire collective Body So it seemes His Majesty is the King of Peter and Andrew not of England nor yet so much as of a whole Towne or Village yet the Observer himselfe can be contented to be the Lord of a whole Manour I conceive he learned this doctrine out of Schola Salerni Anglorum Regi c. If this assertion were true how extrmely hath the World been deceived hitherto and we have all forsworne our selves in our Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance His Majesty is much bound to him for making him King of so many pretty little Kingdoms but as Titus Quinctius said of Antiochus his Souldiers when their Friends did set them out by parcells for Armies of Medes Elemites Cadusians That all these in one word were but Syrians So His Majesty is well contented to reduce all these Kingdoms of Microcosmes into one Kingdome of England if he may hold that in peace Such another Paradox is that which follows that Treason or Rebellion in Subjects is not so horrid in nature as oppression in Superiours One of the most absurd opinions and most destructive to all Societies that ever was devised By this new learning when the Master shall correct his Servant without sufficient ground in the Servants conceit he may take the Rod by the other end give His Master some remembrances to teach him his Office better If it be a little irregular yet it is the lesse fault upon these grounds Doth any Man think that the Observer instructs his Family with this doctrin at home out of his chaire beleeve it not By the very equity of this conclusion it should be a greater sinne for a Man to mispend what is his owne then to robbe or steale that which is not his own The Superiour though he abuse his power yet hath a right to it but the inferiour hath none How discrepant is this from the judgement of former times they thought no crime could be so great as that it ought to be punished with Parracide or that for discovery thereof a Servant should be examined against his Master or a Child against his Parent The Law of Parricides denyed lucem vivo fluctuanti mare naufrago portum morienti terram defuncto Sepulchrum Tully saith they were to be sowed up quick in a Sack and so cast into the River not to the wild Beasts