Richard Buried The onely Memoriall that remaines thereof is the Stone Coffin his Body vvas buried in which now serves for a Trough for Horses to drinke in in a Neighbouring Village They say the Body being taken from thence was with much derision buried againe at the foote of Bow-Bridge in Leicester and many other things are said of it which I rather believe to bee the Peoples Invention then that there is any thing of Truth in them In Richard the Line masculine of the House of Yorke ceased some except Edward Plantagenet Earle of Warwicke Sonne to the Duke of Clarence whom I do not account upon since fifteene Yeares after Hee likewise died without any Heires Male As vvee shall see The End of the Eighth Booke The Ninth BOOK OF THE CIVIL WARS OF ENGLAND In the LIFE of Henry the Seventh OUr Discourse leading us to treat of the Occurrences of a Kingdom the Government whereof passed now from one Family to another it will be necessary to know what pretences the present King had to lay claim to the kingdom to the end there may remain no scruple touching the Justice or Injustice of the Alteration Henry the Seventh was by his Genealogie so remote from laying any claim to the Crown by right of Blood as the common opinion is he had no right at all thereunto His father Edmund Earl of Richmond was son to Owen Teuder and Queen Katherine the widow of Henry the fifth whose Houses had no affinity nor relation of Kinred to the House of Lancaster By his mothers side somewhat may be said for him since Margaret Countesse of Richmond onely daughter to the first Duke of Sommerset and grand-childe to Iohn Duke of Lancaster the father of Henry the fourth the first King of that House pretended that in case the then-present Succession should fail she and her son were to succeed as rightly descended from the said Iohn the father as well of the house of Sommerset as of that of Lancaster But this meets with two oppositions The one That the House of Lancaster had no right at all to the Crown The other That say it had the House of Sommerset did not partake therein though sprung from the same Head The reasons why the House of Lancaster had no pretence are these Henry the fourth usurped the Crown from Edmund Mortimer descended from Philippa daughter and heir to Lionel Duke of Lancaster elder brother to the Duke of Lancaster upon whom King Richard the second dying without sons as he did the Succession fell So as the usurpation having continued from father to son in Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth 't was impossible for them to transmit that right to Others which they Themselves had not That the House of Sommerset though the Other had had right did not partake therein is thus proved The Duke of Lancaster having had three wives Blanche Constance and Katharine the due claims of his children had by them were not the same forasmuch as concern'd Inheritance in respect of the several Dowries and different Qualities of the three mothers Blanche brought with her the Dutchy of Lancaster Constance the pretences to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon and Katharine nothing at all being but a meer Waiting-woman to the above-said Blanche So as if Henry the fourth and the daughters born of Blanche could not pretend to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon in prejudice to Katharine daughter to Constance nor Katharine to the Dukedom of Lancaster in prejudice of Henry the fourth and his sisters much lesse could the children of Katherine have any pretence at all in prejudice of the children by the former two wives unlesse what you will allow them meerly in respect of their Fathers Inheritance wherein must be considered their disadvantage of being the last born therefore not to enjoy the prerogative which the Laws give to the first-born To this may be added that they were born whilst Constance yet lived so as they were not onely Bastards but in such a degree as doth aggravate the condition they being on the Fathers side born in Adultery And though after the death of Constance he married Katharine which subsequent Marriage was made legitimate by the double legitimation both of Pope and Parliament yet they not being of the whole Blood the House of Sommerset had nothing to do with the House of Lancaster in what belonged to the Inheritance of the Crown their legitimation making them only capable of their Inheritance by the Father So as Henry the fourth being established in the kingdom by the Authority of Parliament and by the same Authority his sons such as should descend of them being declared his lawful Successors therein he in case his succession should fail made no mention at all of his Half-brothers or such as should descend from them So as let it be granted that his Usurpation was no longer an Usurpation it being allowed of by a Publike Act of Election yet had not the House of the Sommerset though descended from the same father the same pretence since not being able to pretend to the Dukedom of Lancaster much lesse could it pretend to the Crown the father having no pretence at all thereunto And if Henry his eldest son obtained the Crown it was by Purchase and so as none should enjoy after him but such descending from him as he should specifically name So as the Crown according to the Laws of England belonging to the House of York by the Marriage with Anne sister and heir to the aforesaid Edmund Mortimer there remains somewhat of doubt whether the Parliament could invest the House of Lancaster to the right of the Crown in prejudice to the first Mortimer and consequently to the House of York If it could not Then justly do it neither could it justly do it after Henry the Seventh's pretence unto the Crown and if it could do it in the same manner and by the same right as it did operate to the prejudice of Mortimer the House of York by making Henry the fourth King it might do the like to the prejudice of the House of Lancaster by making Edward the 4 King So as Henry the Seventh be it either by Election or by natural Descent is totally excluded from any right unto the Crown which exclusion notwithstanding rests onely in his Own Person not in those who have descended from him For having married Elizabeth the true Heir of the House of York his sons begotten upon her were true Heirs to the Crown And if in this particular we desire to be any thing favourable to him let us say that if the House of Lancaster had any such pretence it had it by the Mother who was Heir to the House of Sommerset and if the House of Sommerset be different from that of Lancaster so as he Thereby have no colour of Claim yet may he have it Another way being chosen King by the same power of Parliament as Henry the Fourth and Edward the 4 were
Yorke to insnare the King and Kingdome his pretensions were just according to the lawes of England but according to the chiefest of all lawes which is the peoples welfare directly unjust for it is more convenient that a private man suffer and smart alone then the weale publique be ruinated and every one smart for if the meanes to claime be unjust there cannot any thing be thereunto framed but an injurious and blamefull justice he doubted that Henries knowne goodnes would render this his busines difficult and that the people borne by their love to a Prince who bore the Crowne not by his owne usurpation but by two successive discents from Father and Grandfather both worthy Princes the house of Yorke never having beene in possession thereof his pretensions would appeare a dreame and if not such yet not such as were likely to be applauded The evill consequences considered which were to ensue such controversies not being to bee decided but by the bloudy law of the sword and the losse of many an innocent life that therefore they were not likely to forsake Henry long in possession for him a new pretender these considerations prevailed so far with him as to keepe him within the bounds of simulation for doubting that the danger might consist in making knowne his designes he thought it best to make that be beleeved to be done for the weale publique which was indeed done for his owne ends and that by taking his former pretences touching the Duke of Somerset he might take revenge of a mortall enemy free himselfe of his greatest obstacle deprive the King of his chiefest leaning stocke and afterwards purchase the love of all men the love of the people by the ruinating a man detested for the losse of Normandy the love of the Nobility by reducing him who by reason of his too powerfull authority and greatnes was by the most of them infinitely envied Not herewithall contented hee forbare to villifie Henries reputation giving him out to bee poorely spirited and affirming that the condition of the now present times required a King who would not bee governed by his wife nor any third person but by his owne judgement a wiseman and endued with such vertues as not being to bee found in him were requisite in a Prince who was to governe so as having by these meanes prepared the peoples inclinations he made firme unto him such as sided with him especially two the Father and the Sonne the one Earle of Salisbury the other Earle of Warwick the first excellent for matter of councell the second endued with such qualities as vertue doth not impart but to those who are ordained for heroicall actions he wonne the good will of all men by approving his wisedome and valour with his innate liberality and magnificence Vertues by how much more solide then others and proper to make him be esteemed so much the lesse to be commended in this occasion altogether unworthy of any manner of praise he ordered things in this manner by the assistance of those forenamed he caused the Duke of Somerset to be arrested in the Queens lodgings and sent unto the Tower the which he was emboldned to doe by reason of the Kings being at that time sicke whose double weakenes both of minde and body had encourag'd him assisted as he was to worke himselfe into the government But as soone as Henry recovered his health he did not only restore him to his liberty but made him chiefe commander of Callis the then the most important charge the Kingdome had which caused great alterations for he was thought unfit for the custody of the only place which remained beyond the Sea who had lost all Normandy but Yorke perceiving that he had twise failed in his endeavours of ruinating him went into Wales where having got together a good army he marched towards London being accompanied by the forenamed Lords and many others the King so much distrusted that City as that he would not expect his comming there but went to encampe himselfe at Saint Albans where the adversary presented himselfe to give him battell the King had in his campe the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham the Earles of Pembrook Stafford Northumberland Devonshire Dorset Wiltshire and many Barons amongst which Clifford Ludley Berneis and Rosse and proceeding according to the peacefull instinct of his nature he sent some unto him to know why hee came in that hostile manner and what hee did pretend unto but the messengers were hardly arriued when the Earle of Warwick at unawards set upon the Vantguard Royall and disordered it before the Duke of Somerset could remedy it so as all forces on both sides giving together a bitter battell was begun each side made good its station no man recoiled so many were slaine as it was thought there would not be a man in all the field left alive The Duke of Yorke stood observing all occurrences and sent fresh men to supply the place of such as were wounded whereby he made good the fight which Somerset could not doe as not having so many men and being more busy in fighting then in making provision The Royallest were almost all slaine The chiefe that dyed there were the Duke of Somerset the Earle of Stafford sonne to the Duke of Buckingham the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford the Duke of Buckingham the Earle of Wiltshire and Thomas Thorp Lord chiefe Baron together with some few that escaped fled away wounded This victory which hapned the 23. of May was a good Omen to those that ensued and to the putting an end to this difference for the prevailing party though not without shedding their owne teares and bloud did some few yeares after effect what they desired the Duke of Somerset left three sonnes behind him Henry Edmond and Iohn who adding their Fathers revenge to the hatred of the faction came all of them to miserable ends as wee shall see in middest of this good successe The Duke of Yorke would confirme the people in the beliefe that he had taken up armes onely for the good of the commonweale For the Duke of Somerset being dead who was the pretended reason of his commotion nothing remained for him to doe but to assume the Crowne so as having the King in his hands and under colour of his name power to frame the golden age which all seditious people promise in their rebellions he resolved to arrive at his end by degrees not thinking to meete with any more oppositions but he was deceived as are all those who not able to effect their desires but by wicked meanes dare not withstanding bee so wicked as it were requisite for them to be Some report that the King in this occasion was but ill served by the three Lords that fled and by his domestique servants their flight caused him to forsake the field and mightily dishartned the few that remained the King had withdrawne himselfe to a poore mans house where being found by the
at liberty they contented themselves with such sufficient security as he gave them Thirteen men were afterwards chosen who under the King should take upon them the government of the Kingdome of the which number were the two Uncles of Yorke and Gloster and the Earle of Arundell An Oligarchy at all times dangerous in a Monarchicall government and which first instituted in the reigne of Richard was afterwards as harmfull repealed But examples are not sufficient to ground Lawes upon when the injustice of the Prince is such as it receiveth Lawes from the subject when their injustice springs from their weaknesse and when their weaknesse proves the nerves of strength and veines of justice to the people whether being arrived commanding they are blind in doing of offence whilst being commanded they were Arguseyd in receiving offences every man cries out Liberty a pleasing thing and according to nature but to bring others into servitude is a vice in nature more in reason The tyranny of the Decemviri in Rome was more insupportable then that of Tarquin and the short government of these thirteen more inexorable then all Richards reigne so as if wee consider things aright we shall finde that evils have almost alwayes had just beginnings but contrary proceedings and ends hatred envie and revenge unmasking those vices which covered by the deceitfull cloake of Common-good were beleeved to be vertues The last businesse and the onely one which gave satisfaction to the King was the assigning over to the Duke of Ireland the thirty thousand markes paid in by the Admirall Clisson for the ransome of Iohn of Brettony Count of Pointivers his sonne-in-law This Iohn together with his brother Guy was taken prisoner by Iohn Shandois in the battell of Antroy the yeare 1364. The French seconding Charles of Bloys father to the two young brethren who died in that battell and the English Iohn Montford both of them pretenders to the Dukedome of Bretanny they gave unto him this money in colour that he should goe into Ireland to take possession of such lands as the King had there given him but in effect to separate him from him barring him of all delay they prefixt unto him Easter for his departure from England This was the price at which they thought to have purchased his absence but neither did he see Ireland nor was the King likely to lose his company if Fortune did not deprive him of it This Parliament ended with the giving of one Subsidy which was alotted to Richard Earle of Arundell to be spent at sea where having done considerable actions accompanied with the Earle of Nottingham he gave to the Duke and others further occasion of hatred whereby to suppresse those vertues which in well-governed Common-wealths use to be rewarded so to incite others to the service of their Countrey by the bait of emulation and honour a dismall signe of corruption the bringer in of vice and forerunner of ruine The Parliament was no sooner ended but the King returned to London retooke the Earle of Suffolke to his former favour who as one condemned ought not to have been permitted to have seene the King nor have come where he was he anuld all that was decreed against him conniving onely at this that the office of Chancellor should remaine in the Bishop of Ely upon whom it was conferred And to the end that matters of scandall might never be wanting to the favorites and that their insolencies might witnesse to the world the supreame power they had over him he suffered the Duke of Ireland to do one act of scandall the which distasted all men The Duke amongst the chiefest of his honours married Phillep the daughter of Ingram Guisnes Lord of Consi and Isabel daughter of Edward the third cosen to the King a great and noble Lady by her owne deserts as well as birth not moved thereunto by any inciting cause but his owne pleasure he resolved to repudiate her that hee might marry one Ancerona a Bohemian a Carpenters daughter who came into England in the Queens service It is to be beleeved that he had not taken her had not Richard adhered to him and the dispensation of Vrban the sixth had not been obtained without the Regall countenance there being no lawfull cause for the putting her away although it was the easilier gotten for that the Dutches Phillep being a Frenchwoman adhered to the schisme of Clement of Avignion So that it is no wonder if the King were not generally beloved of his people since that to second the Dukes unlawfull humours hee put no valuation upon himselfe The Duke of Gloster was herewithall soundly netled neither did he cloake his anger though to declare himselfe therein was not agreeable to the rules of wisedome for an open enemy puts himselfe to too much disadvantage Easter the prefixed time for the journey into Ireland was come and gone the world was to be satisfied He delayed the time under the colour of making preparations but not able to put it off any longer he departed and together with him the King who went as hee gave out to accompany him to the Sea side Being come to Bristow they did not put to Sea but leaving it on the left hand passed forward into Wales as if the people had forgotten the journey to Ireland Trickes and devices the more scandalous and unseasonable for that they argued some strange alteration The authoritie of the governours troubled his quiet and the advantage that they had got upon Regall authority threatned his ruine they coveted to secure themselves from them for neither did the Duke intend to goe into Ireland nor the King to part with him nor the Archbishop of York to stand the shock of universall hatred nor the Earle of Suffolk to return to the censure of the Parliament nor Trisillian nor Bambre to give an account of their past actions Whereupon finding themselves in great danger they agreed that it was impossible for them to subsist without ridding them out of the way who were onely able to undoe them A wicked resolution but now necessary since they were come to that passe as nothing but extreams could worke their safety The difficulty of the businesse lay in the making away of Gloster Arundell Warwicke Nottingham and Darby eldest sonne to the Duke of Lancaster who hitherto hath not been named though the first subject of our Story They had likewise proscribed many others with whom they might not have done amisse to have temporized but all delayes were to them dangerous and treacheries framed formerly against Gloster made it impossible for them to compasse their ends by the same meanes The law was thought the safest way and the more masked the safer Many there were who had followed the King not so much out of respect and to claw the favourite as for that the aire of London under the blast of the thirteene not tempered by the propitious breath of Regality was thought pestilentiall They all seemed to make
so as apprehending danger he demanded counsell not without some signes of feare Some were of opinion that he should do well to temporize entertaining them with hopes of satisfaction Others thought that this knot was too fast tyed not to be undone but by the sword The Archbishop of Yorke was the author of this opinion but it met with many oppositions The King could reap nothing thereby but losse the gates were opened to a civill warre and if amongst bloud and dead carcasses the key should perchance be lost hee was not like to meet with them in time to shut the gate at his pleasure that if he should overcome it would bee a mournfull victory both friends and enemies being the chiefe of the Kingdome and equally his subjects That if hee should be beaten hee had no place to retire unto his ruine was inevitable his kingdome life and liberty being at the stake Ralph Basset a Gentleman of quality said freely that he would not have his head broken for the Duke of Irelands sake But the Earle of Northumberland propounded the giving them a hearing as the best rosolution in this case could be taken This advice pleased the most of them The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Ely Chancellour were sent to perswade them to present themselves the next Sunday in Westminster where they might themselves lay open their grievances before the King assuring them that they should finde his Majesty ready to give them a gracious hearing But they found the adverse party hard to resolve being by past examples reduced to small beliefe and lesse trust for where there is neither shame of infamy nor feare of punishment breach of promise craft and treachery are taken to bee tearmes of wisedome and things handsomely carried the which being well knowne unto the Chancellor who dealt uprightly in this businesse he desired them not to sticke at this since the good and peace of the Common-wealth depended upon this resolution passing his word unto them that if there were any thing of fraud intended he would give them timely advertisement Upon this security they promised a meeting but as their suspitions were not vain so did the Chancellor faithfully keep promise with them for understanding that 1000 men were laid in ambush to cease upon them at unawares he advertised them thereof to the end that either they might not come or if they came come so accompanied as they need not fear danger Sunday being come the King wondred that they came not and understanding the reason swore he was no wayes conscious of it and commanded the Sheriffes to goe to the place of ambush and to cut in peeces as many as they should there meet But the ambushers having retired themselves upon the advertisement of Thomas Trivet and Nicholas Bambre their leaders that care was needlesse 'T is hard to say whether the King had any hand therein or no unlesse they ground their opinions on this that a Prince who onely intends his owne desires values no plighted faith neither religious nor civill so as the breach thereof may tend to his own interest and to him his ends being considered the miscarrying of these Lords had been much availeable and the not making inquiry after the authors of it must needs bee subject to a bad construction Notwithstanding al this the Chancellor forbare not to doe all good offices he mitigated the resentment of this fresh wound with reiterated lenitives and procuring them to boot with the Kings word a safe conduct in writing he secured them a second time and drew them to Westminster whither they came well accompanied relying much upon the fidelitie of the people a securitie upon such occasions efficatious though wavering The King understanding their arrivall came thither in his Robes with his Scepter in hand and Crowne upon his head invironed by Prelates and Lords His favourites and confidents upon good advice staid at home Gloster as soone as he was come into the Hall kneeled downe before him together with his associates The Bishop whose office it was as being Chancellor to declare unto them the Kings intentions did in a grave manner say That the King their Soveraigne Lord being informed of their assemblies made at Haringie forbare to use the way of violence which easily he might have done to reduce them to their obedience that hee had put a greater valuation upon the bloud of his subjects and their own particular safeties then upon the injuries done unto himself That he was rather pleased to make use of his owne grace and favour the naturall Panacea of good Princes then to apply violent remedies to so grievous a malady That his resolution was not onely to pardon past offences but patiently to listen unto their grievances and to remedy them if need should require They tendring all humble thankfullnesse answered That their assemblies had been made not with intention of taking Armes against his Majesty their Soveraigne Lord but driven thereunto out of the necessity of his Majesties good and the weale publicke That they had taken this resolution to withstand the treacheries plotted against them and the State by certaine traytors who under pretence of serving his Majesty intended the subversion of King and Kingdome Passing by the rest they instanced in the Duke of Ireland Archbishop of Yorke Earle of Suffolk Trifillian and Bambre They offered to make good their assertions by the sword throwing downe their gloves as gages a thing then in use and which in case of difficultie is as yet sometimes used in England The King having patiently given them hearing answered That he was not well pleased that from the appeasing of one quarrell many others should arise hee willed them to be present at the Parliament which was to commence the next day after the purification of our Lady where all differences should according to the Lawes be ended The which being said he immediatly added these words And you my Lords what reason did permit you to take up Armes against me in this my Land thought you thereby to frighten me could not I have raised greater forces to your destruction I would have you all to know that upon this account I no more value you then the least Scullion in my Kitchin These last words being said not allowing time for a reply he tooke the Duke by the arme and raised him from the ground and returning to his Palace welcomed them all with such appearing signes of friendship as in token of his good will hee called for wine and did in a familiar friendly manner drinke with them That which was agreed upon in this businesse was That the differences should be decided by Parliamentory justice That the King should take the parties interessed into his protection That the one side should not wrong the other That in the intrim neither side should raise forces and to the end that no marke of infamy might remaine upon the fore-named Lords Richard caused a proclamation to be made that
Princes actions to the peoples humours workes wonderfull effects without the effusion of bloud This Ireland was commanded by many petty Kings almost every Province had its particular Prince he drew foure of them to his obedience and by the example of his honourable treating of them had drawne all the rest had he not been by his Prelates desired to returne to remedy the troubles which the Wiclifs opinions had raised up in England Whence it may be gathered that had hee not been naturally given to listen unto bad advice and flattery hee would have proved a good Prince The Duke of Lancaster was received in Guascony as the Sonne and Uncle of a King but not as Duke of Aquitany he with much modesty shewed them the donation which his Nephew had given him and did with as much patience endure the not receiving of it He moved that Embassadours mought be sent into England giving them his word that hee would approve of what should bee there agreed upon though to his prejudice the which was done The points which opposed the donative were two The one pertaining to Justice the other to reason of State That which belonged to Justice was the preservation of their priviledges The Kings of England were obliged to keep the Dukedome of Aquitany perpetually united unto the Crowne they had deprived themselves of any power of dismembring it giving it away or of giving it in fee-farme to any whosoever were he or Sonne Brother or Uncle to the Crowne They swore at their coronations to maintaine these priviledges and did authorise them by letters Patents and great Seales Richard had sworne the same and had given them letters Patents to the same purpose but hee had forgot it being very young when he did it The point of State was that the successive Dukes contracting affinity with other Princes which must of necessity ensue as namely with Burgondy France Normandy Brettany Fois Navar Castile and Portugal they should in processe of time divest themselves of all interest and shake off the friendship of England and the subjection thereunto The reason of their priviledge wrought much with Richard but this last consideration broke the necke of all the favours therein intended to the Duke for all that Gloster could do to the contrary who left nothing unattempted whereby he might keep him aloofe off Hee annulled the donation and recalled the Duke receiving him at his returne with more honour then good will This businesse being ended there remained nothing of importance but the providing of himself of a new wife not any daughter being then to be found amongst his neighbouring Princes Navar had daughters and sisters too but Richard did not incline that way The Duke of Gloster had a daughter marriageable nor could any thing more acceptable have befallen the Kingdome but the being his full Cosen-german served him for a justifiable excuse for if bare consanguinity had emboldned the Duke so much to molest him what might he expect from him when hee should bee likewise joyned unto him by so neere affinity as to be his Father-in-law But if this was the cause why he would not marry her he was deceived for this was the onely means to have made the Duke on his side and whereby to have avoided the evill which did befall him But the blinded eyes of humane judgement fore-sees not what 's to come but rather by eschewing meets with those evils which it thought to have left behinde The true cause as I conceive was that as his love was in extremity so was his hatred and that consequently the hatred he bore to Gloster was the reason why hee detested this match not the meannesse of bloud The King of France had a daughter between seven and eight yeares old here Richard pitched his resolution though hee therein met with three obstacles all of them of moment That shee was daughter to a King that was his enemy so yong as that hee was not in a long time to hope for issue by her and that she was formerly promised in marriage to the Duke of Brettanies eldest sonne Hee did not so much reflect upon the first save what made for his advantage for detesting warre with France he could not finde a better meanes to settle a peace between the two Crownes then this For her yeares hee did not much value them since hee himselfe was young enough and also her being promised to Brettany he slighted it since the King of France stood more in need of his friendship then the friendship of any other Hee sent a solemne Embassage to France and though answer was not presently made for time was taken to consider of it the Embassadours returned partly assured of successe the King People and Councell being all of them well inclined to the businesse At this same time the Duke of Lancaster tooke his third wife It so fell out as that he had three sonnes and a daughter by one Catherine Roet the daughter of a King of Armes she was servant to his first wife Bianca and he kept her as his Concubine during the life of his second The desire hee had to make his children legitimate and her good conditions though not nobly borne as he made him resolve to marry her and not unluckily for Iohn the Duke of Somerset who was he alone who of the three brethren had any issue was Great-grand-father by the mothers side to Henry the seventh who put a period to the civill warres of England He did legitimate them and his succeeding marriage by Act of Parliament and by ratification of Pope Boniface the ninth from whom he obtained a Bull to that effect I was not willing to leave out this particular in this place as necessary for what we shall hereafter meet withall The Kings marriage was likewise this meane while concluded and since a finall peace could not bee concluded on in respect of many places which the English pretended unto a suspension of Armes for thirty yeares was covenanted with caution that both sides should peacebly enjoy what at this time they were possessed of A businesse which did so highly incense the Duke of Gloster as the King did divers times feare lest hee might upon this occasion raise a rebellion since the people depended much upon him and were not very well pleased with this marriage nor truce he went in person to the confines of France to receive his wife as likewise did her father to deliver her up unto him Being with much content parted he caused her to be crowned at Westminster not being yet fully 8 years old Shortly after came the Count Saint Paul into England sent by Charles to receive the oath of truce a man of a working spirit and who was husband to Iane Holland sister to Richard by the mothers side The King discoursing with this man complained of the Duke of Glosters contumacie that hee was the onely man who opposed himselfe against the match with France as desirous
Kings of France of Iohn in England and Francis the first in Spaine The ransome of the two brothers sonnes to Charles of Blois were reserved for Richard the second and though it were afterwards by act of Parliament granted to Vere Duke of Ireland it was not done to prejudicate the right we speake of but to the end that by his being absent from the court the King might the better governe himselfe And for what concernes prisoners of lesser condition yet re-donable the example of the victory at Lepanto which happened in our fathers times may suffice in the which the confederates divided the Turkish prisoners and made them tug at one Oare in their fleet The King persisting in his resolution of having them they thought to make him desist therein by demanding of him things of greater consequence The Earle of Worster a wicked and turbulent man was hee who did forward this resolution an advice worst to the adviser and mortall to those who did embrace it The King was then at Windsor whither the Earle of Worster being come hee represented unto him the miserable imprisonment of Edmund Earle of Marsh their kinsman kept in fetters by Glendor and fallen into this misfortune for doing service unto his Majesty and the State He desired him to be the means of his freedome either by ransome or otherwise the King finding whither this request tended after having a-while bethought himselfe made answer that the Earle of Marsh was not taken prisoner in his service but by his owne consent as not willing to bee inforced to professe himselfe an enemy to Glendor and this answer he willed to be published to the terror of all such as had any inclination to him-ward Worster being returned and having acquainted his brother nephew with what had past the Nephew would not endure it who being a violent young man did wrongfully exaggerate the injustice saying That Henry not contented to bereave Edmund of the Kingdome did now deny him that succour which his service done unto him did chalenge That if he should have ransomed him it should not be done by his owne moneyes but by the inheritance which he usurped from Edmund and that in stead of praise through too much ingratitude he loaded him with undeserved calumnies wherein hee said truth for Edmunds wit was not proper for such inventions and if it had been true Glendor would not have treated him as he did But the King who had by evill meanes usurped the State from him could not by good meanes maintaine it not onely the losse of his liberty but the losse of his life would have re Lord Percy who came with intention to win the City failing in his intentions and the aids hee expected not appearing resolved to give battell of himselfe incouraged in that his souldiers were resolved to dye for their liberty and for the good of the Kingdome governed as he gave out by a Tyrant He sent the forenamed writing to the King by two Squires the which acquainted him with the reasons of his revolt and did likewise denounce the battell The King was there only named Duke of Lancaster it was written subcrib'd and seal'd by the names hands and seales of Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland Lord high Constable of England Lord Warden of the West Marches of Henry Percy Warden of the East Marches and of Thomas Percy Earle of Woster The contents thereof was that having sworne at his returne from France that he did pretend to nothing but the inheritance due unto him by his father and wife and that he would suffer the King peacefully to enjoy his Crowne he had done otherwise for after having through famine thirst and could caused King Richards death hee had usurped the Kingdome which did of right belong to Edmond Mortimer the lawfull heire causing the Burgesses of Parliament to bee chosen contrary to the forme of Law and priviledge of the subject so to suborn votes for his own advantage that he had denied to ransome Mortimer who being by them set at liberty hee had proclaimed them traytors that therefore they did defie him as a perjured and false man as an usurper of the crowne which did properly appertaine to the true heire and together with him they defied all his complices and such as sided with him as traytors acd destroyers of the State If true faults objected but in jest doe sting much more did these doe so accompanied with such upbraidings and threats But the King not woonted to discompose himselfe when hee had read the letter said merrily to the messengers that his sword should answer that scandalous writing and that he was confident God would assist his just quarrell against such forsworne disloyall traytors as were the Percies But his moderation in these occurrances is worthy a particular observation for lacking neither generosity nor courage if his usurpation and injustice did not bereave him thernof which did not appeare hee received all these injuries not onely untransported but with a setled judgement weighed that as to hazard his estate life and honour upon the fortune of one day would be an act of rashnesse if he could avoid it so to preferre his safetie before their offences would bee a point of wisedome For that injuries were passions of the minde which might breathe away in a standing fortune but the ruinous effects of a lost battell were irrepairable in a falling fortune so as cashiering all punctualities not caring what others would say of him he resolved to see whether he could in some sort fairly accommodate this businesse rather then trust to the inconstancy of fortune which was not to be tried till the last push And that in such a case he would shew that manlihood which men hasty and void of judgement might now tax in him He appeared the next day and ordering his troopes as the others did he sent the Abbot of Shrewesbury unto them accompanied with one of the officers of his privie Seale with an offer of pardon if they would yeeld to reasonable conditions The Lord Percie though naturally violent examining the businesse in the same sort as the King had done accepted the proposition Hee sent unto him his Uncle the Earle of Worster to require of him an effectuall reformation of those things which had caused them take Armes But the Earle though fully satisfied by the King in all his demands and in a more submisse sort then did become his degree made a cleane contrary relation to his Nephew envie and confidence for he judged the Kings humility to be cowardize and feare leading him by meanes of this deadly lye to his fatall end The young Percie thinking himselfe under-valued caused the signe of battell immediately to be given by sound of Trumpet the two Armies were about fourty thousand fighting men the rebels Vantguard was led by the Scots who after a great showre of Darts which slew many of both sides advanced themselves against the Vantguard Royall which rigorously withstood the first
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most poteâ—… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Châ—…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he migâ—…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
head and the corrupted humours of her principallest members That France did afford many advantages to whosoever should assault her as seated in a climate abounding with all good things whereas the sterility of Scotland afforded nothing but inconveniences sufficient to beat backe her assaliants That England could but for a while keepe footing there being to be beaten backe by the two urgent peeces of artillery cold and hunger That wit and valour would there lose the day inforced not by problematicall fables of fatality and destiny but by the reall and apparent necessity of nature since then no invasion was to be feared from thence to what purpose should the enterprise thereof be undertaken if being subdued it would neither cause lesse peace nor more trouble then whilst left at liberty warre might be elsewhere made for being fenced by the situation sterility it s owne and other forces it would alwaies afford occasion of beginning afresh to the end it might never beginne much lesse ever make an end with others That therefore to leave the confines well garded and take in hand what was propounded was the only resolution now to be taken as that which alone was conformable to the justice of the cause the reputation of the King and the reason of armes since England should never thinke to subdue Scotland if she did not first subdue France No sooner had the Marquis expressed his reasons but the Parliament did unanimously agree upon the warre with France so farre forgetting the businesse of the Clergy as no man thought any longer of it The King having created his two brethren Iohn and Humfrey Dukes the one of Bedford the other of Gloster and the forenamed Marquis Duke of Exeter following the wonted course of first denouncing war before the undertaking of it dispatcht away this last Duke together with the Admirall Grey the Archbishop of Dublin and the Bishop of Norwich as Embassadors to France whither they went accompanied with 600. horse and were received with great pompe royally feasted by King Charles who finding himselfe then well disposed would in their presence runne at tilt against the Duke of Alanson The jollities being over in solemne audience they demanded of him the restitution of the Crowne together with such Provinces as did of old belong unto the inheritance of the Kings of England namely the Dutches of Aquitany Normandy and Angius the Counties of Poictou and Vinena with this caution that if he would give unto King Henry his daughter Katherine together with the aforesaid Dutchies and Counties for a portion that then he would lay aside all other pretences but if he did deny this then Henry was resolved to doe what in him lay by force of armes to repossesse himselfe of his right These demands were long advised upon to finde out the marrow of the businesse but the Embassadors standing firme to the conditions agreed upon betweene Iohn King of France and Edwâ—…rd 3. King of England at Bretigny answer was made that a businesse of so great weight was not to be answered in an instant That assoone as it would be maturely discust the King would send his resolution by expresse Embassadors of his owne King Henry tooke this delay as an expresse deniall and sent word unto the Dolphin who had sent unto him a chest of tennis balls as who should say he thought him onely fit for sport that within few months he would requite his present and restore unto him balls of iron for balls of clouts which should be so tossed as France should have small reason to glory in her good walls And losing no longer time he began to raise monies munition victualls artillery and souldiers and hired a great number of ships from Holland and Zealand for his transportation King Charles was this mean while relapsed into his accustomed trances so as the Dolphin understanding what preparations King Henry made did himselfe likewise prepare for warre not forbearing though to send him a solemne Embassy as was by the Councell resolved on by the Duke of Vandosme and Archbishop of Burges Their instructions were to approve of the marriage and to propound in portion certaine territories of no great consequence supplied by a great summe of money upon condition that all other pretences abandoned peace might ensue The King who was at Winchester going to his army when hee understood their arrivall stayed there to give them audience the which he publickly did and after having feasted them at his owne table he by the Archbishop of Canterbury answered them that if the King of France would give unto him his daughter endowed with the Dutchies of Aquitany Normandy and Aniou and Touraine and the Counties of Poictou Vinena together with the rest that the Kings his predecessors had by right of inheritance possessed in France he would accept of her and peace if otherwise he would indeavour to acquire them by force and together with them the Crown which did of right belong unto him This being with much impatiency heard by the Archbishop of Burges who could not hide his anger hee desired leave to speak freely whereunto the King giving way with an inflamed countenance and angry voice hee said That if he did beleeve the King his Master had made him this offer as fearing his forces he beleeved amisse t was the compassion of Christian bloud that had moved him to it that he erred in his presumption to thinke that he alone was able to injuriously oppresse the noblest and most redoubted King of Christendome who by his owne forces and those of his subjects and friends was not onely likely to resist him but to take him prisoner and kill him and to expose such as should follow him to the scorne and fury of the French Nobility he further desired a safe conduct that they might returne without molestation and for ought else they would not trouble him The King who with much patience had listened to what the Archbishop said replied That he was nothing at all affrighted at his anger much lesse at its being sustained by the forces he alledged That his claime was known to all the world and by them themselves though they feigned the contrary That the power of their King was to them as the morning twilight whilst they had not seene the noon-tide of his strength That if Charles had subjects and friends he thanked God he lacked none That he should be consident that ere long the highest Crown of their Country should be forced to bow to him the proudest Miter meaning the Archbishop to bend the knee before him That they should say to the usurper Charles their Master in his behalfe that within three months he would come into France not as into a strangers house but as into his owne lawfull patrimony to vanquish it by the sword not boasting words That they might be gone with this answer which he would give unto them under his hand and seale as likewise their safe conduct the onely thing
him before him said That the multitude of men slaine which he saw there was no worke of his but the worke of God Almighty to punish the unjust usurpation of France That therefore he willed him to say whether he thought he or the King of France had wonne the battell To the which Monijoy replied that his Majesties victory was so apparent as there was no place allowed for dispute the King then looking round about desired to know the name of the Castle which was neerest to the two campes and understanding that the name thereof was Aiencourt from henceforth said he this battell shall be called the battell of Aiencourt He then granted him all he demanded but the souldiers desired first to view the field and to take such prisoners as did yet live and to take from such as were dead their gold and jewells what else they had of value leaving them their apparrell of the which they were afterwards by the Country people stript The number of the slaine according to Monstrelet were above 10000. of the which 9000. gentlemen He registers the names of the chiefest of them in a particular Chapter It will suffice us to know the names of the Princes and chiefe commanders Of Princes there died the Duke of Brabant and Gount de Nevers both brothers to the Duke of Burgony The Duke of Barre and his brother Iohn the Duke of Alenson The Counts of Marle Vademont Blamont Grampre Roussi Faucumberg and Lewis of Burbon of chiefe commanders Charles Albret Constable Dampiere the Admirall Ramburres generall of the crossebowes and Guishard Master of the Kings houshold The prisoners were the Dukes of Orleans and Burbon the Counts Ew Vandosme Richmont the Marshall Bonchiquâ—…t and eighteene Gentlemen of name beside others Of those who were slaine of the English side reports do very much differ Paulus Aemilius sets downe 200. naming the Duke of Yorke for one whom he calls the Kings brother Gaguine sets downe 400. comprehending the said Duke with the said error Monstrelet 1600. Duplex the same number adding a great many that were wounded which as he saith did almost all die Of the English writers Grafton saith betweene 500. and 600. other betweene 20. and 26. Edward Hall who comprehends the Duke of Yorke the Earle of Suffolke Sir Richard Kikely and David Game the onely men of note saith there were not above five and twenty slaine Let who please beleeve miracles But in all reason it is likely that having fought three whole houres with so great a number of enemies the relation of 500. or 600. is the truest David Game the last of the foure above named and one whom the King much esteemed as one of the bravest and most judicious souldiers of his campe being sent the night before to make an estimate of the number of the enemy went to the top of an hill and seeing all the Champion covered with tents and blazing with fires brought word backe that there were enough of them to be slaine enough to be taken prisoners and enough to be made runne away When the King was come to Calleis he found there the prisoners of Harfleur who according to their promise were come to present themselves unto him Assoone as he had dispatcht them and refreshed his men he passed into England meeting in so short a passage with so terrible a tempest of winds as it drove two ships loaden with souldiers into Zeland without the losse of any one vessell yet some write otherwise he was received in triumph with processions and other magnificences He tooke order for the safety of his prisoners and caused the Duke of Yorke and Earle of Suffolkes funeralls to be splendidly celebrated The afflictions wherewith France was in generall wounded would more particularly have touched upon the Duke of Burgony by reason of the death of his brothers had not the imprisonment of Orleans and Angolesme and the death of Alenson served him for defensive weapons It cannot be easily judged whether of these two prevailed most with him till it be resolved whether the love of friends or hatred of enemies be of most power in humane affections But who shall well consider it will finde that in an ambitious and revengefull minde the excesse of hatred is greater then naturall affection is Few are seene who to inherit their possessions would not be content to lose their brethren and very few who doe not forget the love to their owne bloud when at the charge of their friends they may revenge themselves upon their enemies But whereas hatred proceeds from injuries from the which as being done not received evill is to be expected without the concurring of any other passion It is able to corrupt whatsoever nature much more the Dukes nature which was already corrupted And t is to bee beleeved that the private and publicke losse he suffered in this battell did not more afflict him then he was joyed at the benefit hee received by his enemies being oppressed Hence it was that seeing himselfe voide of competitors he resolved immediately to go to Paris to resume that authority the desire whereof had caused him to cause the Duke of Orleans father to this present Duke be slaine to breake so many covenants made with his sonnes and to reduce the faire and rich Country of France almost to gastlinesse and poverty But the present condition of government did not permit him to enter in a peacefull manner for the King being possest by the contrary faction those of his party being or excluded or banished the Dolphin though his sonne in law evilly conceited of him if he came not in a condition to give the Law he ranne hazard of suffering it both in his life and livelyhood Having then levyed 10000. horse he tooke his journey but assoon as his designe was heard of King Charles laying aside all other busines endeavoured to stop his comming He strictly forbad all Cities and Towns to permit him entrance and that he might oppose unto him a man of valor of the contrary faction he recalled from Gascony with the offer of being Constable of France the Count Armignack who willingly came drawne rather through hatred to the Duke then ambition of the honour The Duke seeing those gates shut upon him which he thought to have found throwne open and that the Count Armignacke was arived at Paris with great troopes of men from Gascony and Languedock and that he had received the sword the badge of Constableship to the end that he might wield it against him tarried at Lagni where in a short time he was 20000. horse strong remooving all obstacles which might withstand his entrance into Paris not unarmed and with his particular family as he was permitted to doe but armed in the head of twenty thousand horse alledging the same reasons to obtaine his entrance as the King did to deny it During these disputes Lewis the Dolphin died of a fever but according to the opinion of most of poyson being by
sacraments which by the Church of Rome were prescribed to dying men he dyed the last of August of a plurisie a disease not wel known in those daies which caused amongst the common people two severall opinions of his death the one that he dyed of a disease called Saint Anthonies fire the other of that called Saint Fiacree which is convultions or extention of the nerves hee raigned nine yeares five months and twenty three daies not having fully compleated his eight and thirtieth year his temperature according to the observations of physicke promised a longer life he was of a leane and sinnowie body of a black haire his limbs well proportioned and active of stature higher then usuall his face well shaped though somewhat long endowed him with a manlike beauty England hath had before and since his time many worthy Kings but of perfections exceeding his none he was just wiâ—… magnanimous valiant I would say fortunate if fortune had any abiding place with vertue he undertooke a difficult warre in a time when his enemies intestine dissention did facilitate it unto him he thereby appeased his Kingdome purging it of all its ill humours he healed it and made it greater by reducing slothfull and vagabond people the ordinary plagues of common wealths from idlenesse and vice to warfare and honour hee was served by inclination and affection the greatnesse of his spirit and his heroique actions were the loadstones which drew unto him his subjects love and reverence he was of an unblameable life and an enemy to all vice which may serve for a sufficient testimony for whatsoever else of good may be said of him at home he spilt no bloud save that of the Earle of Cambridge and his fellow conspirators under whose ashes as long as he lived and some while after all civill wars was buried and if he used severity abroad armes his enemies obstinacy and the lawes of war must suffer the blame The end of the first Volume THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY THE SIXTH BY the lives of the preceeding Kings wee have seene that the Civill Warrs had their beginning from the bad Government of Richard the second that Henry the fourth did first commence them and Henry the fifth suspend them but that after 40. yeares Peace they should againe breake forth under Henry the sixth when the Government was established Mens minds quieted and appeased is a matter worthy of consideration which ought not to bee passed over to the end wee may examine whether this hapned by default of the Subjects or Prince and which of them it was that after the cure of the first malady were causers of the second Wee shall find Arguments probable enough if wee consider the different natures of the two last Kings Henry the fifth found a Kingdome usurped by his Father so exasperated by the deaths and confiscations of many as he would never have beene able to have setled and maintained a Peace had not his valour caus'd him to be fear'd and his vertue belov'd by his Subjects in all the time of his life he met with no other Conspiracie then that of Richard Earle of Cambridge which was suppress'd as soone as undertaken not for that Richards Heires were Children since that Edmund Mortimer lawfull Heire to the Crowne outliving him pretences were not like to be wanting to any one who durst have molested him but for that Edmunds fearefull or were it peacefull nature the tender yeares of such as were to succeed him the ambition of great ones allured by honours and inriched by forraigne Warrs and that another King could not better their private conditions nor rayse the publike honour to a higher pitch were the true causes which did suppresse alterations being dead the fortune which did accompany him during his life did not for a long time forsake him in the person of his Sonne insomuch as in his infancy and two succeeding ages he was by his Subjects served without contradiction out of hopes that together with the Kingdome he had Inherited his Fathers vertues his tender yeares priviledged by his owne comlines and the love of others had not afforded them time to dis-deceave themselves in what concerned vallour and wisdome vertues in him of much expectation whil'st the bright sunshine of other vertues dasled the Eyes of the wisest for malice it selfe cannot but confesse that Henry the sixth was one of the best and holiest Kings that ever England had if goodnes alone without the helpe of other vertues were only required to the office of a King but there is difference betweene the vertues of private Men and of Princes what is sometime to be praysed in the one is to be blamed in the other not for that the faculties of operation bee not from the highest to the lowest uniforme in all but that being diversified by the differing condition betweene Princes and Subjects they produce contrary actions according as the condition of those who operate is contrary and as the wayes and imaginations of God are not such as are those of Men so all due and reverent proportion being given if any proportion at all be to be given the conceptions and proceedings of Princes ought not to bee such as are those of private Men. Very morall vertues though the same in all Men are not in them considerable but with a particular difference for that becomes them and they may do that which becomes not us nor may wee doe Henry was a good Man but no good King Hee was borne with good intentions but of himselfe simple Conditions plausible in a private Man misbecomming him that Raignes and in all cases harmefull for as wisdome without goodnes is a meere infirmity so goodnesse without wisdome is a meere defect Were it not the part of wisdome to put us upon those actions which in reason wee ought to doe but only to make us simply or meerly good he would have had no need thereof nor yet they who are naturally given to be good Those who imagin'd all vertues though differing in name not to differ in Office but that they all were so many wisdomes did not perhaps beleeve amisse experience shewes us that without wisdome fortitude is rashnes justice severity and temperance disorder other vertues are common or indifferent to all Men this of wisdome in Princes is singuler The goodnes of Henry the sixth was a Cloyster life goodnes but as the affections of a King doe not befit a Clergie-man so doe not the affections of a Clergie-man besit a King Wee are borne under two Lawes the one of God the other of Nature the which though distinct are not incompetable if wee do embrace the former which hath no other end but the spirituall health the choice is good and much the better if it be accompanied with contempt of the World and mortification of the Spirit If the second in which Princes are comprehended and which joyned to faith doth not exclude saving
the third growing hereat mad thinking to redresse evill by evills assaulted Dumbartaine a populous Citty where letting loose the raines unto his fury he put Men Women and Children unto the Sword none being excepted from this Cruelty save such as fled being by the King pursued he fled into Ireland leaving his Father and his Brethren in the Hangmens hands who were shortly after beheaded He carried himselfe towards England as did his predecessors notwithstanding his Allyment Oaths and benefits received wherof the English Writers accusing him and the Scottish recriminating mov'd by passion they leave the story and fall to invective speeches whereas the accusers should consider that as our understanding works diversly in us according to the diversity of our temperatures so Princes who are the states understanding worke only according to the interest of state which is their temperature Obligations and curtesies things apart and externe give place to this interne inseparable disposition in like manner as desire gives way to nature in that which by nature cannot bee otherwise It made not for Scotland that England should bee Master of France since they might then feare their owne subjection Henry the seaventh bound to the French in having receiv'd ayd from them against Richard the third as wee shall see forbore not notwithstanding to worke according to the temperature of his state doing what in him lay to keepe them from making themselves Masters of Britanny being a place farre of and disjoyned from his Kingdome whereas Scotland being neare and Contiguous was fitter for Invasion yet was he not blamed for this the first law of States is indemnity and selfe safety Neither would the French have formerly moved in his behalfe not being any wayes offended nor molested by Richard had they not hoped by nourishing Civill Warres to better their affairs an end which tooke away the Obligation for Princes can hardly oblige one another save for their particular intrests it may bee alleadged that his sworne homage ought to have oblidg'd Iames to have kept his word In conscience he ought to have done but yet ought he not so to be upbraided as if he had done what never had beene done before the French accuse Edward the third for that having done homage to Philip the second hee awhile after layed pretences to his Crowne the pretension not arising since but before his doing of homage if the one bee excused the other ought to bee so likewise necessity inforced Edward he ran hazard not doing it to loose what ever he held in that Kingdome having as then neither forces nor intention to make his pretences nor is it likely he ever would have had without the favour of the Emperour Duke of Geldres and of his neighbouring Provinces Flanders Brabant Hannault Iuliers Leige and Collen I was willing to alleadge this Example passing by the many others which in like case I could produce for that I thought the sincerity of my pen did require it but the rest are not for all this to be excused There is no State so innocent but for what concernes promise and by no meanes excusable as this is besmeared with blemishes blacker then is the blackest Coale never to be washed off but by the Water of Oblivion and in that promiscuous generallity I accuse none I only accuse and condemne Reason of State the generall Idoll of all Governments Buchanan who upbraides the English with having undone whatsoever of good they had formerly done unto Iames by loding him with so insufferable a Ransome do's them much injury for neither does Hector Boetius blame them for it neither could Iames being a King be tax'd at lesse David one of his Predecessors paid the same summe to Edward the third and Iohn King of France three Millions of Gold besides the Provinces which he bound himselfe to restore so as there was no injury done to Iames being taxed with the like summe as a King of Scotland formerly was and so farre inferior to a King of France for what remaines the Fatherly and Brotherly piety of Henry the fourth and Henry the fift in giving him such instructions as made him prove the most famous and vertuous King that ever Scotland had frees them from all calumny and makes it appeare that since therin they had none of the common intrests of State spoken of but rather the contrary it did proceed meerly from the magnanimity of those two valiant and excellent Princes Ten thousand Souldiers were come from England to Paris just at such time as the French had made themselves Masters of two important places Compaigne equally distant from Paris and Amiens and Crotoi a place of consequence on the Sea side upon the Coast of Picardie The Earle of Suffolke was sent by the Regent to recover Compaigne accompanied by the Messieurs de Ligni and de Lilliadam with whom he incamped himselfe on both sides the River Oise incompassing the Walls thereof with Souldiers Trenches and Artillery to the end that he might the easelier and the sooner winne it but he was likely to have lost there many men and much time had it not beene for a happy exigent which hee luckily layd hold of Sir Iohn Falstaffe an English Knight had not many Dayes before taken Gerolumus Raymond surnamed Mariolanus Prisoner a valiant Captaine who having formerly commanded those Souldiers who were now shut up in Compaigne was by them passionatly loved Hee made him bee brought from Paris to the Campe and putting him in a Cart they presented him to the sight of the besieged with a rope about his Neck threatning to put him to death if they would not surrender themselves they had not much adoe to prevaile with them for those of the Fort thought it bootlesse to trouble themselves with the maintaining of a Fort which not being succour'd was to be lost they surrendred the Towne their Captaines life and liberty preserved and in their owne behalfes their Lives Horses Armes and Baggage Iames de Harcourt Charles his Lievetenant Generall for that Province was he who defended Crotoi one of his best and most inriched commanders this Man having lost Noel a Castell belonging to himselfe surrendred by those who did defend it and Rues a place not to be defended being abandoned had put himselfe into this Towne with intention to indure the Siege which Paul Butler an English Commander layd to it by Sea and Land by Shipping and Land forces brought from Normandy he defended it from Iune till the midst of October but both of them being weary not so much in respect of the time they had spent but for what in all appearance was of longer duration either for the ones atchievement or others succour capitulation was made for the surrendring of it up upon the third day of March ensuing alwayes provided if in the three first dayes of that Moneth the Regent nor those that should be by him sent to receive that place should not bee by him or some other of Charles his forces
affaire in France could not prosper if those of England did amisse this newes made a great impression in the Duke so as deputing the Earle of Warwicke who was but a little before come thither with 6000. men His Lieutenant in the Regency of France hee went together with his Wife to England and came to Lancaster where the Parliament was at that time called The first action hee did was to blame such Lords as had sided in this difference not naming his Brother or Uncle to whom his discourse tended who drawne by their venome had stir'd up the People to the danger of the King and Kingdome and utter subversion of the affaires in France hee exhorted them to lay aside their passions and take to them more moderate and civill thoughts Gloster did not forbeare for all this to present in full Parliament his complaints against the Bishop First that Richard Woodville Lieutenant of the Tower had by the Bishops instigation denyed him entrance Secondly that hee was resolv'd to lay hands upon the King and carry him from Eltham to Windsor without the Kings consent or consent of the Councell Thirdly that when as hee had resolv'd to hinder him herein Hee had caused the Bridge to bee shut up upon him caused the chaines to bee drawne and placed men armed with bowes arrowes and all other manner of weapons in the chambers windowes and corners neare about to hinder his passage and to kill him and as many as were with him Fourthly that hee had beene told by Henry the fifth as hee lay asleepe in the great chamber at Westminster in his Fathers time by the barking of a Dog a certaine man was discover'd behind the hangings who being question'd by the Earle of Arundel said that hee was placed there by directions from the Bishop of Winchester to kill the Prince in his bed and that being removed from thence hee was immediatly drowned in the Thames Fifthly that he had told him likewise that his Father in his latter times being troubled with grievous indispositions the Bishop should say unto him that since hee was no longer fit for governmrnt hee should doe well to transferre both the government and Crowne upon him The Parliament was not easily brought to beleeve the circumstances of this accusation especially when the Bishop gave in his answere To the first hee said that before the Duke of Gloster went to Hannault hee and the councell good reasons moving them thereunto had ordered that the Towre of London for the time to come should bee victualled and munition'd as other forts use to be That after his being gone to Hannault the Citie being in apparent danger threatned by libels and seditious speeches particularly against strangers the greatest part whereof were for this cause fled the councell fearing a rebellion had appointed Richard Woodville to be Lieutenant of the Towre who to boote with the great affiance the deceased King had in him was Chamberlaine and Councellor to the Duke of Bedford with directions that during this his charge hee should not suffer any one whosoever to enter therein that was stronger then himselfe without particular commandement from the King or order to bee given by the Councell that the Duke at his returne disliking this order would breake it Hee pretended to enter and inhabite there being offended that Woodville denied him entrance and that the Bishop had advis'd him so to doe the which hee did not deny his reason being that the Duke desiring Richard Scot Lieutenant of the Tower to deliver up into his custody one Randall a Frier convict of treason against the late King and who had bin some yeares Prisoner Richard not able to deliver him without order from the Councell nor to refuse his delivery without offending the Duke desired him to send him such a command as might serve for his discharge the which the Duke denied to doe saying his commandement might serve for a sufficient discharge so as the Bishop seeing him so farre exceed the limits of his authority and not knowing where it would end could not chuse but give Richard this advice so much the more for that after his returne from Hannault hee had not forborne to allure some of the People saying that if they had beene ill dealt withall in his absence as hee understood they had they should bee so no more now that hee was present and that as for the Tower which was reinforced to keepe them in awe as who should say they were not loyall Hee would find a remedy for that if they so pleased To the second that hee never had any intention to lay hands upon the King much lesse to take him from where hee was to governe him otherwise then till then hee had beene unlesse it were by the resolution of the Councell that such a thought could no wayes availe him but rather prove harmefull and dangerous to him the which hee offered to make good in time and place convenient To the third that hee denied not to have done as much as was alleadged but not to the end as was objected that hee had beene certainely inform'd ever since the last Parliament at Winchester of the great ill will the Duke bore him which made him resolve not to bee there to shunne the evils wherewithall hee was threatned that evident signes were seene of this that certaine people of base condition being assembled together on the Thames side where boates use to land were heard to say that if they should meete with the Bishop in that place they would throw him into the River and that the Sunday before All-Saints day the Duke being demanded by the Councell concerning his ill will to the Bishop hee said it is true and that it might bee his reasons should bee seene one day in writing that the next Munday by the Dukes commandement no reason being given for it the Citizens were all night in Armes saying injurious things against the Bishop that commandement was likewise given to the Courtiers to bee with the Duke by 8. in the morning armed that on Tuesday hee gave directions to the Major and Aldermen to send unto him 300. Horse-men to waite upon him whither hee was to goe which was as it was said to remove away the King without the Councels knowledge all which being manifest signes of this the Bishops danger hee resolved to prevent him as it is lawfull for every one to defend himselfe so as if he had fortified the Bridge to the end it might not bee forc't it was not done with any intention of damnifying the Duke or any others but to keepe himselfe from being damnified since hee was not the assaylant but the defendant To the fourth and fifth that hee had bin true and loyall to all Kings which if hee had not beene Henry the fifth a wise King would not have trusted him so much as hee did Hee offered to prove this the proofe to bee such as is wonted to bee granted to persons of his state and
condition that herein hee humbly intreated the Duke of Bedford and all the lords spirituall and temporall of that Parliament since they were the lawfull Judges for the administration of justice especially in this case and because the aforesaid letter written to the Duke of Bedford suffered a sinister interpretation hee interpreted it according to its naturall sence the end for which it was written not admitting of any other If this busines had hapened betweene private men or that it had beene judgeable where Lextalionis is practised it would not have beene so easily ended but being betweene two great Lords almost equall in authority bloud and followers and where hee who layes treason to anothers charge though calumniously undergoes no punishment but the hazard of single Duell the remedy was easy the condition of the times the necessity of peace at home and the evils which by doing otherwise were likely to ensue being considered for the cure of a Fistula differs from the cure of a wound the one as soone as cut must bee suddenly closed the other being newly made must bee kept open to the end it may purge But there was no probability in this accusation the 3. first articles though they had some shew yet was there no proofe of them and that appearance wiped away by a more solid recremination the fourth and fifth not to bee spoken of since the dead are not call'd to witnesse nor cited before Earthly Tribunals they were alleadged onely to make the party accused ill thought of not that there was any reason to condemne him for them Moreover it is not likely that in England where the accusation witnesses defence and judgement are all made in publique and in face of the Court an accessary should bee privately drowned by night the King not being advertis'd thereof the party not delivered up into the hands of justice nor confronted with his accuser whilest the Prince who could not love the Bishop seing the ill will hee bore him had so large a field to revenge himselfe in by Iustice not being withstood either by any interest of feare or want of proofe the case being cleare the guilty convinc't the fault inexcusable treason in the highest degree The order which was taken in this busines was to sweare all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall to proceed therein without passion and with secresy it was by them put over to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Dukes of Exceter and Norfolke the Bishops of Durham Worcester and Bath the Earle of Stafford the Lo. Privy Seale and the Lo. Cromwell who after having made them promise to stand to their judgements as well themselves as their adherents Glocester in the word of a Prince and sonne of a King and the Bishop in the bare word of a Priest they framed certaine words which they were to speake one to another causing them the King being present to come to the Parliament The Bishop seeming much grieved at the scandalous speeches layd to his charge pressed much either to bee declared innocent of what hee stood accused concerning the two last Kings since hee was not nor could not bee convinst thereof or else that he might be permitted to justifie himself and being gone out of the house to allow them time to consider hee was shortly after cald in againe and Bedford in name of the whole house sayd unto him that upon the examination of his request the King and all the Lords declared him to be an honest man and faithfull to both the Kings which declaration was ordered to bee regestred amongst the Acts of Parliament then saying the conceived words one to another and having shaken hands the businesse was ended and they pacified The King was willing to witnesse his gladnesse of this accord by solemne mirths and Court solemnities he created Richard Plantagenet sonne to the Earle of Cambridge beheaded at Antona Duke of Yorke This title ceased in this family through the death of Edward Plantaginet slaine in the battle of Aiencourt elder brother to the forenamed Earle of Cambride and not to bee ransomed by this Richard his nephew and next heire without his being restored in blood as now hee was this was hee who afterwards deposed the King and who was the first cause of exturpating the house of Lancaster having boldnesse enough to contest for the kingdome with him and to lay claime thereunto in full Parliament as wee shall hereafter see in its due place neither was hee likely to have arrived at so immense a bouldnesse had he not beene promoted to this honour and honord by those high places of trust which by the King he afterwards was But God governes things here below by meanes contrary to wordly reason for whilst men foolishly beleeve that good turnes make past offences be forgotten examples shew us that the correspondencies due to vertue and reason ought not to be expected from men but such as the interest of profit dayly produceth profit is that alone which surpassing vertue or reason spurnes at any other gratitude the which though it ought not alwayes to be supposed 't is notwithstanding a want in judgement to thinke otherwise in great offences especially such as were these of this Richard on whom no benefit being to be conferred which was not inferior to the kingdome usurped from him it was the chiefest of all others to chalke out vnto him the wayes to the conquest thereof and by conferring upon him honors riches and power to indow him with an ability of doing what he did An errour whereunto the best of men are onely subject who expect not that from others which they themselves would not doe this creation was accompanied with another of Iohn Moubray who being Earle Marshall was made Duke of Norfolke which title was unluckily enjoyed not above three yeares by his Father who died in Venice being banished for England the first yeare of Henry the fourth this solemnitie was concluded by the order of knighthood which the Duke of Bedford gave into the King accompanied by 35 great Lords or some of great Families and the liberall contribution which by way of subsidie was given in Parliament in consideration of the warre with France no one City being exempt from the payments of monies or raysing of souldiers At this time the Duke of Exceter died a man of great wisedome who having no sonnes made the King his heire though besides the Bishop his brother and the Countesse of Westmerland his Sister hee had by her a great many Nephewes Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke whom the Duke of Bedford had left his Lievtenant in France was not this meane while faultie in what belonged unto his charge for entring the County of Maine hee tooke there many townes and being returned to Paris met with this newes of his being chosen to the government of the King in place of the deceased Duke of Exceter though he went not into England till a good while after advancing in the meane while by
the Cardinall of Winchester was at Dover ready to passe over into Bohemia with 4000. men The Hussites had much troubled that Kingdome not without danger of infecting the Neighboring Countries with their opinions the which Martin the fifth being willing to withstand hee did together with other remedies nominate the Cardinall of Winchester his Legate in this Warre and that by comming arm'd hee might not bee despis'd hee gave him power to raise the tenth part of all the Ecclesiasticall livings in England to make thereby a leavy of souldiers The busines being propounded in Parliament and approved of by meanes of the said moneyes these 4000. men were raysed The Duke of Glocester who could not make so suddaine provision of men intreated the Cardinall to assist the busines of France by transporting those souldiers to the Regent and that when hee should see those affaires out of danger hee might goe on his journey The Cardinall obeyed him though unwillingly mov'd thereunto out of consideration that if any disaster should be fall the Kings businesse the fault might be laid on him The Regent re-inforced by these men came forth againe into the field continuing his resolution of fighting with the enemy who being incamped between Baron and Monpillier he incampt himselfe betweene Baron and Selins where many skirmishes were made but Charles not willing to set upon him in his owne Campe though he were by much the greater number nor the Regent to expose himselfe to all disadvantages they both retired the Cardinall taking his way towards Bohemia where having had ill fortune he returned home with little honour and Cardinall Guilian was sent in his place Henry was now entred into the eighth yeare of his raigne and the ninth of his age not having beene till then crowned so as on the sixt of November this solemnity was with much pompe celebrated at Westminster with all such demonstrations of joy as upon like occasions are usually made both publiquely and privately Charles this meane while being free from the incounter with Bedford received as hee passed by such Cities as surrendred themselves amongst which Campaigne and Senlis but thinking this successe not sufficient unlesse hee could totally sever Philip from the enemy hee resolved to send Embassadours to him who excusing the death of his Father might shew unto him how misbecomming a thing it was for a Prince of his qualitie so blamefully to joyne with those who did oppugne the house royall the Country and Kingdome to the which hee or such as should descend from him might sometimes aspire if Fortune should throw the succession upon him offering him what conditions hee pleased and such as were never to be effected But Philip keeping himselfe upon generalls neither giving hopes nor taking them quite away and demanding such things as were not to bee granted him reserved himselfe to his best advantage for being courted by both sides he was sure that without him neither of them could prevaile This meane while Beaunois and Omale being come over to Charles the Regent fearing yet worse went to Normandy the Province which though all the rest were lost was chiefly to be preserved as being the Patrimony of the Crowne of England and the most convenient for it of all the rest leaving Lovis of Luxemburg Bishop of Ierouanne who by Henries meanes enjoyed the office of Chancellorship of France in Paris with 2000 English under good Commanders Charles would not not lose the opportunity of this absence to try whether fortune would favour him in the atchieving of that City S. Denis yeelded it selfe up unto him without resistance so as his men began to scowre the country even to underneath the walls of Paris and the chiefest of his Army being lodged at La Chapelle they levell'd their Artillerie against the gate Saint Honore and tooke the Bulwarke thereof whereupon the Maid throwing her selfe into the ditch and resolute contrary to the advice of Alansonne and all the rest to give an assault he pretended revelation having not revealed unto her the depth of the ditch and the water therein she was wounded in her leg the which not abating her violence but she still persisting in causing where withall to be brought to fill it up she had there beene taken had not a servant of the Duke of Alansonnes withdrawne her from thence so as force proving vaine many brave souldiers being there slaine and the Bulwarke abandoned they wholly forsooke the enterprise Charles tooke his way from Touraine by Berry being not naturally inclin'd to businesses but rather to the trimming up of gardens as usually are the lovers of idlenesse an humour which though it be allowable in men who have not much to doe yet is it harmefull in Princes whose art it is to give lawes to peace to governe their people with honour to pardon the humble and punish the proud The Regent understanding the danger that Paris was in made hast thither he thanked the Citie for the loyaltie they had shewed upon this occasion promising whatsoever might be expected from a moderate government and from a King who loved nothing more then the preservation and content of his people Philip was not long in comming thither who after having treated with him of what was to be done after a short stay departed leaving him to the recovery of Saint Denis and the adjacent places whilst the Bastard of Orleans layd siege to the Castle of Turcis which being very strong both by scituation and art held out six moneths at the end whereof it yeeded the Souldiers lives being saved and the Castle wholly demolished At this very time Sir Thomas Tirill had with 400. Souldiers much damnified the county of Cleremont the Count thereof resolute to chastise his boldnesse drew out the Garrisons from thence and the neighbouring places and chasing him therewithall overtooke him about Beauvois in so narrow a passage as his Horsemen could not make use of their Horses they therefore quitted them and fiercely set upon him the bickering lasted a good while without knowledge which side had the better till such time as the English bowes decided it the Count saved himselfe for which he owes thankes to his Horses heeles of the rest 300. were slaine and 200. taken prisoners with whom Sir Thomas returned to Grovay the place of his Garrison Omale had a little before yeelded unto Charles as hath beene sayd Mounsieur de Ramburres remaining Governour thereof the Earle of Suffolke besieged it and after 25. assaults the Towne not being able to doe any more surrendred it selfe the Earle caused 30. of the chiefest of them to be hang'd on the Walls as falsifiers of their faith and perjur'd to Henry he fined the rest and sent Mounsieur de Rambourres into England who six yeares after recovered his lost liberty by exchange On the other side Laval which Talbot had taken the yeare before was retaken by the French who lay in ambush all night neare unto a Mill and following the Millers advice who
ayre then by the Testimoniall letters of the Count Dunnesse authenticated by his seale both which are very slender reasons The ayre ceaseth not to be tearmed cleare though some little cloud may appeare wherein may be formed the forenamed Crosse and for the testimoniall letters alleaged they might be beleeved had they beene written by some English Generall Factions are like Sexes the one doth not succeed unto the other especially when the one doth disagree within it selfe Hallian one of the same faction not beleeving that the Pucell of Orleans was sent from heaven was therefore reprehended and now not beleeving this Crosse his beleeving in the Crosse of Christ doth not exempt him from being reputed by Dupleix a bad Christian. We have the first and the second causes and ignorant people not able to give a reason for the second have recourse unto the first which is by all men knowne to cover their idiotisme with piety and religion but the learned though alleadge the second causes they omit not the first though they name it not supposing that no existence can be without it God in the creating of nature hath given her her orders to the end that without the name of Miracle though all his workes are wonderfull shee may operate accordingly So as if the earth yeeld not ' its fruites so abundantly one yeare as another and they alleadge for reason thereof the inequalitie of seasons some conjunction of unfortunate Plannets or some such like influence they forbeare notwithstanding to have recourse to God Almightie Knowing for certaine that he is able though contrary to the course of nature absolutely of himselfe to provide therefore noâ—… is there any so ignorant nor wicked body who doth not confesse this but in miracles 't is otherwise the Church must alwayes examine them Hallian denies not miracles nay I doe verily beleeve he beleeves them so much the better in that not admitting of them indifferently upon simple testimony hee according to true Pietie discernes betweene devotion and superstition as good Graine is discerned from Tares but pietie is not there simply required by Dupleix though hee make shew thereof hee useth it for a vehiculum he would make us swallow a falsehood wrapt up in religion with the same end hee had in the Pucells case which was to strengthen Charles his pretences by the meanes of miracle and in this case hee alleadges his testimonies with such seeming sinceritie at the businesse required The Dunnesse letters containe these words that the Crosse appeared in a cloud with a crucifix crowned with an Azure Crowne which afterwards changed to a Flower de Luce according to the relation of more then a thousand that saw this prodigie This was the end of the English government in Guascony which had ' its beginning in the yeare 1155. by the marriage of Ellinor Dutchesse of Aquitany with Henry the second King of England and came to its period after 296. yeares in the yeare 1451. in Henry the sixt his dayes and as William the father of Ellenor forsooke his stake the world and his daughter to undertake a pilgrimage and peacefully ended his life in an Hermitage and was canonized for a Saint So Henry the successour to two Williams the one a Guâ—…scoyne the other a Noâ—…man did not quit it but lost it for having too imperfectly imitated the sanctitie of the one and no whit at all the valour of the other and being opposite in nature to the Conquerour and in pietie not equall to the canonized Saint he came to a violent end with the reputation of being innocent but no Saint The Duke of Yorkes machenations were a chiefe cause of all these losses where withall the people being corrupted nothing was thought of but homebred rancour the praise worthy ambition of publique reputation which so long had warmed every mans heart was extinct the evill satisfaction given by the Queene augmented and Sommerset so much hated as that his house was broken open and ransack't every one detâ—…sted his actions envied his power and lay in Ambush for him as being the obstacle of their worst designes The Duke of Yorke who was in Ireland had notice given him of all these proceedings and because the Kentish sedition had had but an ill successe hee resolved to come for England his chiefe friends and Counsellors were Sir Iohn Mawbery Duke of Norfolke Richard Nevill who was stiled Earle of Salisbury in the behalfe of his wife daughter and heire to the valiant Thomas Montague who was slaine before Orleans Richard Nevill his son who was likewise Earle of Warwick in the right of his wife Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Edward Brooke Barron of Cobham all of them personages not inferior to any for their power followers and valour of these five the first two were drawne to forsake the allegiance they ought to Henry their King and kinsman by reason of their affinitie with the Duke of Yorke the rest were onely moved by Englands ill genius the Earle of Salisbury discended from Iane Beaufort daughter by the third wife to Iohn Duke of Lancaster Henries great grandfather so as being so neare a Kin unto him he had no reason to take part against him but the marriage of the Duke of Yorke with his sister Sicily was the reason why both he and his sonne for sooke their former duty Iohn Duke of Norfolke tooke part with the Earle of Salisbury as being the sonne of one of his daughters but more in the behalfe of his Father who was banished and of his Uncle who was beheaded at Yorke in the time of Henry the fourth I know not what moved Thomas Earle of Deuonshire who married the Daughter of Somerset first to side against him and afterwards to his misfortune to joyne with him the Lord Cobham had no other interest save his owne proper disposition alwayes enclined to actions of the like nature their resolution was for to cloake their first commotions as that they should not seeme to bee against the King but the people should bee prest under pretence of the publique good That the Duke of Somerset should bee their baite who was fit by reason of the bad successe in Normandy to colour the reason of this insurrection and consequently they intended his ruine without the which they could not hope to effect their ends since hee was the onely remaining Buckler for Henries defence and preservation Having taken this resolution hee went to raise people in Wales many flocking unto him from all parts under the plausible pretence of publique good with these hee marched towards London The King at first newes hereof had got together a good army to meete with him but hee shund him hoping to encrease his numbers and like fame to yet by going he would not hazard to trye his passage through London the deniall thereof might lessen his reputation but passing over the Thames at Kingston hee went into Kent and pitched his campea mile from Dartford some ten or
he should come which was not long after On the other side to Talbot came the Lord Lisle his sonnes the Lord Mullins and Harrington and Lord Camus the Bastard of Somerset Sir Iohn Talbot Sir Iohn Howard Sir Iohn Montgomery and Sir Iohn Vernon who brought with them 2200. souldiers munition victualls Charles being come to Lusignano mustered his men which flockt unto him from all parts when hee was come to Saint Iohn d'Angeli he understood how that Iaques de Chabanes had taken Chales and slaine many of the English he divided his army which consisted of 22000. men into two parts to the end that he might weaken the enemy who were to divide theirs likewise he gave 15000. to Count Cleremont and sent the Marishall Lorhac with the rest to besiege Castillion In this case Talbot resolved to fight with one of the armies and made choise of the weaker to succour Chastillion he went thither with 800. horse commanded by 3 Barons his sonne Lasle Mullins and Camus and 3. Knights Sir Edward Hall Sir Iohn Howard and Sir Iohn Vernon and gave order for 5000. foote to follow him conducted by the Count de Candalle and Monsieur Desparres In his march he tooke a Tower which the French had fortified and slew as many as he found there meeting with 500. of the enemy who were gone a forredging he slew some of them the rest saved themselves before Chastillion which was the cause of the ruine which ensued for feare having caused them to withdraw from the siege and draw into the field fortified with trenches and deepe ditches they put themselves in order to expect his comming and hee though hee knew it would bee to his disadvantage to set upon them in that posture yet fearing what hee could not shun viz. that if new troopes of the enemy should come up the enterprise would bee the more difficult hee resolutely gave in amongst them the fight continued along time before it could bee discerned which side had the better but certaine forces sent by the Duke of Britanny to assist Charles comming up unto them when the battell was at the hottest conducted by Messieurs de Montalbon and Hunnandy they tooke some colours and made the rest retreat Talbot rid every where up and downe upon a little ambling nag his age not permitting to fight in any other manner when struck with a peece of Artillery he and his horse were borne to the ground above 300. more faring alike with him so as being ready to dye and seeing his sonne close by him he advised him to save himselfe the which his sonne refusing to doe the Father replied that his valour which in this case was to be esteemed meere rashnes ought to bee reserved for a better occasion that it did misbecome him being old to run away since thereby he should darken the luster of his past actions but that it was not so with him who being young and but a novice in armes could not bee prejudiced by a flight grounded upon reason but all these admonitions wrought nothing upon the generous youth hee chose rather to imitate his Fathers actions then to obey his desires he dyed by his side though not without revenge for hee fell valiantly fighting with his sword all bluody in his hand His Bastard brother Henry Talbot and Sir Edward Hall were slaine together with him the Lord Moullins and 60. more were taken prisoners most of those that fled saved themselves within Burdeaux amongst which Monsieur Desparres was one A thousaâ—…d of the English were left dead upon the field according to the English-writers and 2000. according to the French this was the end of Iohn Talbot Earle of Shrewsbery the terrour of France hee put a period to his victories and his life the 13. of Iuly in his 80. yeare of age after a long uninterrupted warfare he was borne not to dye by humane hands had he not beene slaine by the hellish humane invention of guns Chastilion served for a short refuge to many especially to Messieurs de Monferant d'Anglades and the Count d'Candalles sonne but after ten dayes defence they yeelded up themselves and the Towne upon conditions all other places followed their example except Burdeaux which would yet have held out longer had not want of victualls enforced it to capitulate and Charles who could not hope to keepe there long for the plague grew very hot amongst his people received their offers without any shew of severity making them onely promise never to rebell againe He suffered the English freely to depart and reserved 20. of those who were chiefe authours of the rebellion to be banished France for ever amongst which Monsieur d'Espares and Monsieur de Duras The losse of this Dutchy according to the English stories was as prejudiciall to particular men as to the Crowne for being of no charge but rather of benefit both within and without the revennes thereof being great and the commerce very great it was of great consequence for the breeding up and maintaining the youth of England as in an Academy of warre especially younger bretheren who having but little to live on were there provided for with honourable entertainement Hence forward I shall not speake of France save in such occurrences as often times happens betwixt neighbouring Countries for though these two Kingdomes did not cease to doe mischiefe each to other as much as in them lay yet did they it not in like manner as formerly they had done but answerable to the common state rule to keepe their neighbours from growing greater and if they should have beene otherwise minded it was out of their power to mischiefe one an other it was hard for the one to recover what was lost since they had lost all and very difficult for the other to wage warre with the former in his owne home The Queene of England was brought to bed of her only sonne Prince Edward the thirteenth of October in this present yeare such as bore ill will to the house of Lancaster and endeavoured the subversion thereof talked lewdly of this birth They would have the child to bee the issue of adultery affirming Henry to bee insufficient whether hee were adulterously got or not was onely knowne to the Queene but that the King should be unsufficient is a thing which could not by any one bee better knowne then by himselfe and iâ—… to the prejudice of others he should avowe a child for his owne which he knew was not so he should not have beene that sanctified Prince which by his very enemies he was at all times acknowledged to be in celebration of this birth or for that he thought it otherwise convenient he made his two brothers by the mothers side Edmond and Iasper Earles Edmond who was Father to Henry the seaventh Earle of Richmond and Iasper who dyed without issue Earle of Pembrooke We have already spoken of and we shall now continue to relate the art and cunning used by the Duke of
with feare with hands held up and a submisse countenance did tacitely pray for mercy and pardon the Chaplain who by naming him thought to save him told him who hee was and that if he would save his life he would spend it in his service but Clifford swore fearefully that as his Father had slaine his so would he doe him and all his race then struck his dagger to his heart and went his way rejoycing at the most barbarous and inhumane revenge that ever cruell man tooke Then casting himselfe upon the Dukes dead body hee cut off the head and crowning it with a Crowne of paper he presented it upon the point of a lance to the Queene the Earle of Salisbury and other prisoners were beheaded at Pumfret and their heads together with the Dukes set upon the Gates of Yorke whilest they rejoyced who not many dayes after bewailed their owne calamity as did the Queene or shared in the like fortune as did Clifford The Earle of Marsh in Glocester received the newes of his Fathers defeate and death but being comforted by those of the City and such as lived along the River Seaverne who were infinitely affectionate to the house of Mortimer of the which he was heire he with 23000. men ready to spend their lives in his quarrell as they did very well demonstrate resolved upon revenge he was ready to be gone when he understood that Iasper Earle of Pembrook brother by the Mothers side to the King and Iames Butler Earle of Ormonde and Wiltshire followed by great troopes of Irish and Welsh were joyned together to surprise him changing resolution he made towards them and met them not farre from Hereford on Candlemas-day he defeated them and slew 3800. of their men the two Earles fled away and Owen Teudor the second Husband of King Henries Mother and Father to the Earle of Pembrook was taken prisoner and with others that were taken with him immediately beheaded though some will have him to be dead many yeares before by the command of the Duke of Glocester The Queene at the same time with an army of Irish Scots and people of the North parts of England went towards London with intention to set her Husband at liberty and to undoe what in the preceding Parliament was done by the Duke of Yorkes authority to the prejudice of her sonnes succession The ill opinion the Citizens had of her and the feare of being pillaged by those stranger people made them not onely resolve to put an extraordinary guard into the City but to take up armes under the conduct of the Duke of Norfolke and the Earle of Warwick who carrying the King along with them did not remember that his presence brought alwayes ill fortune along with it They came to handy blowes neere to Saint Albans where though they were not wanting unto themselves the Queene not withstanding had the victory the two Lords fled away leaving the Lord Bonneveile and Sir Thomas Terrill with the King who might have fled with the rest had they not thought the Kings authority sufficient for their safe guard in this Batttell 2300. persons dyed amongst which no person of note except Iohn Graye who that very day was Knighted The Queene having recovered her Husband made him Knight Prince Edward her sonne a Child of eight years old and 30. more of those who had valiantly behaved themselves in the Battell and perswading herselfe that having caused the principalls to flie dissipated their partakers and recovered the King London would bee obedient to her shee sent command to the Major to send her in victualls for her men the which hee obeyed but the people opposed him and stayed the cartes at the City gates This examples shewes the errour which some time Princes run into when flattering themselves they promise themselves obedience from a distasted people and who without feare of punishment have already begun to disobey The Magistrate for all hee could say to shew the evill that might ensue could not prevaile for they still cried out the more that the City had not need to succour them who came with an intention to pillage it This disobedience grew yet more obstinate by reason of an insolent troope of horse who at the same time came from Saint Albans to pillage the Suburbs and many of them hasting to Criple-gate the Gate whereat the cartes were stayed and endeavouring to enter they were beaten back and three of them slaine to the great trouble of the wisest sort for it was to bee feared that the Queene being in armes and so many severall wayes offended would rigorously resent it The Major sent to excuse himselfe to the Councell which lay at Barnet and the Dutchesse of Bedford accompanied by the Lady Scales and some Prelates went to the Queene to pacifie her they perswaded her that some Lords might beesent with 400. armed men who riding about the streets might appease the tumult and that part of the Aldermen should come to meet her at Barnet to bring her and the King peaceably into the City but all these appointments did on a sudden proove vaine for whilest they whereupon the execution thereof came the newes of Pembrooks and Wilshires defeate how that the Earle of Marsh and Warwick were met and making towards London so as shee not affying in the neighbouring Countries and lesse in London went presently towards the Northerne parts which were affectionate to her having before her departure caused the Lord Bonnaveile and Sir Thomas Terrill bee beheaded though the King had promised them safety whilest shee should have used clemency to winne upon the enemy not cruelly to make him desperate The Earle of March on the contrary who for his amiable conditions was in every mans mouth and desires understanding the Kings retreat rid streight to London where being received with universall applause and all the Inhabitants of the neighbouring Countries gone to make offer unto him of their persons lands and goods hee caused a great assembly of Lords Ecclesiasticall and Temporall to bee made and joyned unto them the chiefest of the Commons wherein when hee had laid open his ancient pretences and the late agreement made in Parliament betweene King Henry and the Duke of Yorke his Father hee desired that since that agreement was broken by Henry Henry might bee declared not to have any right thereby to the Crowne whereas hee was onely King by vertue thereof and that hee might bee substituted in his place according to the said agreement and the justice of his claime the which being by the assembly considered and the title of the honour of Yorke judged ligitimate it was declared that Henry having violated the oath and broken the accord made by the authority of the last Parliament had made himselfe unworthy of the Crowne and was by the same authority deprived of all regall honour and title being thereof incapable and a prejudice to the Common wealth that instead of him Edward Earle of March sonne and heire to
the Duke of Yorke was to bee acknowledged King The people joyfully received this declaration and the next day which was the fourth of March hee went to Saint Pauls where Te Deum being sung hee made the offering which Kings use to doe and was in Westminster proclaimed King by the name of Edward the fourth FINIS THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND Between the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke WHEREIN IS CONTAINED The Prosecution thereof in the lives of EDWARD the fourth EDWARD the fifth RICHARD the third and HENRY the seventh Written originally in Italian By Sir Francis Biondi Knight late Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber to His Majesty of Great Brittaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of Monmouth The second Volume LONDON Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker and are to be sold at his shop at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard 1646. To the Readers his beloved COUNTREY-MEN I Know it is not usuall to say any thing before Second parts of the Same continued Story nor truely am I so inamour'd of my own Pen as to write more then according to some acception may be thought Needfull The reasons then that drew me to this otherwise Unnecessary Epistle are First to let my Readers know lest I may seem to derogate from my Authour by tacitely arrogating to My Selfe that the three Last lives of this Volume are not yet as I can heare of printed in Italian and the Authour being dead out of whose written Papers whilst he was here in England I translated them I know not whether they may ever undergoe the Presse in the Language wherein they were by him penn'd or no. My next inducing reason is That the subject of both parts of this Treatise being Civill Warres and this Second comming forth in a Time of Civill Warres in the Same Countrey I hope I may be excused for doing what in me lies to perswade to a Happy Peace whereunto I know no more powerfull Argument then by shewing the Miseries of Warre which is a Tragedie that alwaies destroyes the Stage whereon it is acted and which when it once seizeth upon a Land rich in the plenty of a Long Peace and full with the Surfeit of Continued Ease seldome leaves Purging those Superfluities till All not onely Superfluous but meere Necessaries be wasted and consumed as is sufficiently made to appeare throughent this whole History I know no Nation in Christendome that could till of some late yeeres more truely have boasted of the blessings of Peace Plenty and Ease then this nâ—…w Miserable Kingdome of Ours insomuch as it may be truely said of Us Quae alia res civiles furores peperit quà m nimia faelicitas Ariosto sayes Non cognosce la pace è non la stima Chi provata non ha la guerra prima We have now sufficiently try'd both Peace and Warre let us wisely betake our selves to the Best choice and say with Livy Melior tutiorque certa pax quà m sperata victoria illa in tuâ haec deorum in manu est And what though the ballance of Victory may leane some times much more to the one side then to the other many Checks may be taken but the Game is never wonne till the Mate be given and if you will believe Guicchiardine who was a Solid and Experienced Statesman be will tell you that Nelle guerre fatte communemente da molti Potentati contra un solo suole essere major le spavento che gli effetti perche prestamente si rafreddano gli impeti primi cemminciando a nascere varietà de pareri onde s'indebolisce tra loro la fede e le forze e cosi spesso auviene che le imprese comminciate con grandissima riputatione caggieno in melte difficultà e finalmente diventano vane If all be true that is of late reported ouâ—… two great neighbouring Kings are concluding a Peace if so we may invert the Proverbe of Tunc tua res agitur c. I believe we are most concerned when Their walls are Least on fire and unlesse it please Almighty God so to inspire the hearts both of our King and Parliament to the speedy piecing up of these unfortunate Rents and mischieveous Misunderstandings as that we may have a happy and speedy Peace cordially agreed on by all sides I am afraid we may finde my beliefe to be too true for Civill Warres give faire Advantage to Forraigne Powers Remember then that an honourable Peace is the Center of Warre wherein it should rest and that when Warre hath any other end then Peace it turnes into Publique Murther and consider that if injustissima pâ—…x justissimo bello sit anteferenda as it is held by some how Blessed will the Peace-makers be in setting an end to that warre which is by all sides acknowledged to be Unnaturall having our Saviours word for their attestate that they shall be Own'd for the Children of God Ita bellum suscipiatur saith Cicero ut nihil aliud quà m pax quesita videatur That this may be the endeavour of all parties interressed is the Sincere Counsell and Humble Advise of him who is a Faithfull and Loyall Subject unto his King an earnest Interceder to God Almighty for a Blessing upon the Parliament a Hearty Well-wisher to his Countrey and who wilâ—… conclude all with the words of the man according to Gods owne heartâ—… Seeke Peace and pursue it Imprimatur May 18. 1645 Na. Breut THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fourth WIth what ease Edward came unto the Kingdome is worthy of observation but hard it is to give a just reason thereof whether power Justice or the peoples inclination It was not power since he was admitted of by election not Justice for to decide the right of the Crowne without an Assembly of Parliament is not a duty belonging to the people especially the tumultuous people of a City though Metropolitan without the joynt approbation of all the Shires and say it did by right belong unto him a businesse of such importance against a King that was no usurper who succeeded to two who for the space of more then threescore yeares his owne reigne comprehended were acknowledged and received for Kings was not to be decided in so short a time he being Sonne to the last one of the best deserving and most glorious Princes that England ever had and being King himselfe ever from his cradle for the space of eight and thirty-yeares so as he had his goodnesse been as usefull as it was innocent the Duke of Yorke durst not have contested with him for the Kingdome nor Edward bereft him of it The peoples inclination was then the onely thing which tooke the Kingdome from the one and gave it to the other whereby Princes may learne that long possession without the practice of Princely actions and the foregoing such affeâ—…tions as are hurtfull and hatefull to the people is
considering that they were likely to meete with many such bickerings before they should come to London and not likely to hold out against them all their numbers not being answerable to the way they were to goe they turned towards Warwicke intending to expect the comming of the Earle thereof who being come from Calleis did together with his Sonne in Law raise people in all parts But before either the King or Warwicke got thither fortune brought the two Armies face to face within three miles of Bambery in a certaine place where were three hills In two whereof the two Armies were encampt the third left to the successe of fortune not assayed by the Welch because they could not without much hazzard make themselves masters thereof though they had a great minde so to doe The Earle of Pembrooke and the Lord Stafford were lodged in Bambery where to shunne disputes which upon the like occasion might arise they agreed each of them to take such lodging as they first should light upon The Baron being lodged to his liking the Earle forgetting his agreement and using his authority would I know not why have him change lodging the which he unwillingly did because so doing he was to quit the company of a Gentlewoman whom he found lodged there And having no other meanes to shew his resentment at the present hee together with all his people left the Towne leaving the Earle without any Bowmen who by their shooting were likely to bee the best advantage of the Battell The Earle was not herewithall dismayed but going to the Campe tooke any resolution rather than to retire It was just the day after St. Iames his day when Sir Henry Nevill Son to the L. Latimer thinking hee had been too long idle went forth to skirmish early in the morning being followed by a company of light horse But delighting more therein than he had reason hee so far advanced himselfe as not knowing how to retire hee was taken and soone after put to death upon coole bloud His youth nobility and valour the chiefest of all endowments not being sufficient to save him This act of cruelty incensed the Northerne people who resolving to revenge his death let flie their darts at the hill where the Welchmen lay whereby inforcing them to come down into the plaine where the battel began It was not sufficient for the E. of Pembrook who fought upon disadvantage to execute the part of a Commander it behoved him to play the part of a souldier whilst his brother Sr. Rich. Herbert minding nothing but the battel did so behave himself as the true story of his valour is not to be exceeded by any fabulous Romanza for making way through the enemies troops with his sword in his hand he passed twice through the whole length of their army returning to his own men if not untoucht yet without any mortall wound The which as I believe was occasioned for that his worth admired by those that saw it did by joyning delight with danger and wonder with delight with-hold the hands of all men from injuring him The battell did almost totally lean to his side when Iohn Clapham a Servant of the E. of Warwicks who had gathered together 500 of the poorest basest sort of people about Northampton appear'd upon the top of one of those hils with a white Beare in his Ensigne crying out a Warwicke a Warwicke the which did so much frighten the Welch as believing Warwicke to be there with all his forces they began to fly Sir Richards valour not being sufficient to detain them In this flight the prisoners not numbred 5000 men were slaine The Earle of Pembrooke his brother Sir Richard and many other Gentlemen wer taken prisoners and without any triall at Law beheaded at Bambery The Earle who was appointed first to suffer addressing himselfe to Conniers and Clapham entreated them in the behalfe of his brother hee objected unto them his youth and comelinesse of stature answerable to his Martiall mind that his valour even by themselves admired might one day be serviceable to his Countrey But Sir Henry Nevils death had so exasperated them as that it occasioned his death the death of his brother and of many others A lamentable Tragedy presented by so worthy men So as it is no wonder if vertue be hated since it is not usefull but rather harmefull to the owners thereof Sir Edward Herbert Baron of Cherbery doth at this time live descended from them a Gentleman who hath given such proofe of his valour as well in his owne private occasions in England as in the warres in the Low-Countries as hee may justly be said to sympathize with the said Sir Richard but in schollership he hath the advantage of adding that glory to his Ancestors by his famous Philosophicall composures which in the like kind hee hath not received from them Their cruelties did not here cease for those of Northampton having chosen unto themselves one Robert of Risdale for their Captaine and joyned certaine others unto him they surprized the Earle Rivers father to the Queen and his sonne Iohn in his mansion-house of Grafton brought them to Northampton and without more adoe beheaded them The Lord Stafford was generally accused for the losse of this battell who for so sleight a cause and upon so urgent an occasion forsooke the Kings service to revenge himselfe upon the Earle of Pembrooke And to say the truth this misfortune had not hapned at least not with the death of so many and so worthy men had hee been there Edward therefore sent forth Commissions to the Sheriffes of Devonshire and Somersetshire to seeke him out finde him and upon paine of their lives to put him to death They were not wanting in diligence they found him where he thought he had been sufficiently concealed and executed their command The victors this meane while had retired themselves to Warwicke whither the Earle thereof was come with a great body of armed men And understanding that the King was marching towards him hee advertised the Duke of Clarence who forthwith joyned with him bringing along a great number of armed men They were likely presently to have come to blowes according to the custome of England had not some great personages desirous of peace and of the good of the Weale publique interposed to finde some way of accommodation This negotiation made Edward so carelesse as that confidently believing in peace hee neglected all duties of Military discipline whilst Warwicke more wary than he being by his spies certified of the Guards negligence and the heedlesnesse of all the rest who behaved themselves as if no enemy had been set upon the King by night and without any resistance tooke him prisoner A blow likely to end the difference without blood-shed He first put him in the Castle of Warwicke from thence that no man might know what was become of him he sent him to Medlam a Castle in Yorkeshire then in the custody of the Archbishop
freedome The death of his two Brothers the extirpation of his Family and the Kingdomes being in the hands of an enemy Prince caused his death Henry Holland Duke of Exceter he who Philip Comines affirmes hee hath seene begging bare Foote and bare Legg'd from doore to doore in the Court of Charles Duke of Burgondy and whose Grandmother was sister to Henry the Fourth being repossest of his goods when Henry the sixt was re-possest of his Kingdome injoyed that happinesse but a small time for at Edwards returne hee was left amongst the dead at the battell of Barnet but comming to himselfe againe hee tooke Sanctuary at Westminster where hoping to obtaine pardon by the intercession of his Wife Anne Sister to the King shee was so farre from intreating for him as that shee desired to be devorced which shee obtained whereupon forsaking the Sanctuary out of disperation 't is not knowne what hee did with himselfe his Body was found upon the shore of Kent no Ship-wrack being discerned The inhumanity of this Anne and the fraud of her Sister Margaret of Burgondy as will be seene in the Reigne of Henry the Seventh afford mee an observation which but upon such an occasion I should not have lighted upon It cannot be said but that the pretence unto the Kingdome was a principall cause of the enmity betweene the houses of Lancaster and Yorke to thinke otherwise were to erre against common sence but I believe that without such respect they had beene incapable of hearty friendship by reason of the difference of their natures derived from their fore-fathers For as all that was good in the House of Yorke was wound up in Edmund Duke of Yorke the first Father thereof so all the bad of the House of Lancaster rested in the person of Iohn Duke of Lancaster the first Father thereof with this difference notwithstanding that whereas the good was intense and constant in Edmund the bad was remisse and inconstant in Iohn the former never did any harme for being naturally inclined to do good it would have troubled him to have done evill to any one the other having ability to do evill and having done evill by a vertuous resolution forbeare to do so but this goodnesse ceased with Edmund those who descended from him being stained with fraud and malice and evill such as it was ceased likewise with Iohn all who descended from him proving vertuous but as Henry the Fourth his onely Sonne may seeme not to merit the name of good having usurped the Kingdome and to secure himselfe therein committed so many excesses so Edward the eldest Sonne of Yorke may seeme not to deserve the name of bad haveing in vertue out done his Father dying gloriously in the battell of Agencourt but for all this the observation is not erroneous for if Henry did usurpe the Kingdome 't was not by consultation or any fancy of his owne for hee had never dreampt thereof had not the people called him thereunto and Richards ill government enforc't him On the contrary Edward Duke of Yorke lost all claime to goodnesse by conspiring against the said Henry to bereave him both of Life and Kingdome not having beene any wayes injur'd by him for all the rest they admit not of exception all the Lancastrians were good those of Yorke bad Edward the Fourth did almost alwayes falsify his Faith the Duke of Clarence first was traytour to his Brother then to his Father in Law Richard the Third a monster in perfidiousnesse and cruelty all of both houses were notwithstanding equally valiant Henry the sixth excepted whose intentivenesse to Divine things tooke from him the thought of humane assaires whereupon as the house of Lancaster lost the Kingdome in him through His too much goodnesse so the house of Yorke lost it in Richard the Third through his height of wickednesse so as it is not to bee wondered at if Henry the Eighth proceeding afterwards from these two Races did in his first yeare proceed so well being begotten by a Lancastrian father and afterwards so ill his mother being of the house of York not that she was bad but by the influence of her bloud Edwards revenge was not bounded with the punishment of the great ones for making enquiry after such as had born Arms against him he caused many of the meaner sort to be executed and not able to inflict the like punishment on them all without the mark of cruelty he taxed them all in sums of Money some more some lesse according to their possessions But the Earl of Pembrooks and the Earl of Richmonds escape did much trouble him as that which did most import him since they were forth-coming and out of his reach He sent over into Britanny and spared neither for promises nor ready moneys to obtain them But the Duke unwilling to violate the laws of hospitality and his plighted faith denied to deliver them upon promise notwithstanding to have such a care of them as that they should not molest him He stood in need of the friendship of England for that Lewis kept him perpetually busied so as it made much for him to have those two Earles in his custodie that he might so hold Edward in hand and in hope and make him depend upon his will and pleasure with firm resolution notwithstanding in commiseration of their misfortunes never to yeeld them up he notwithstanding parted them one from another and took from them such English as waited upon them placing his own servants about them to the end that making them safe Edward might be the more secure by his keeping promise with him and faith with them But Edward not herewithal satisfied foreseeing as it may be thought the evil that was to ensue thereby though not in his life-time sent unto him again under pretence of thanking him but in effect to tie him with a chain of Gold to look well to them he obliged himself to pay unto him a yeerly Pension hoping that the gate being once open to the receiving of Moneys he might easily obtain them by some great sum when his honesty and faith waxen old might be wrought upon by the batteries of Bribery But if he were deceived in the one he was not so in the other for the Pension made him the more diligent in their Custody Charles Duke of Burgondy sent Ambassadours over into England to move Edward to crosse the Seas and make Wars with France that so he might recover those Provinces which not many yeers before were lost by the English promising him to assist him in the recovery thereof Edward was herewithal much pleased he called a Parliament and easily obtained Moneys wherewith he made requisite provisions for a businesse of so great importance But before we proceed any further herein 't is requisite we take a short view of some few yeers past that we may finde the Rise of this Commotion and so the better understand the cause and ground-work thereof There was so great an Antipathy between
had not any to intercede for him He left behinde him two children born unto him by the Earl of Warwick daughter Edward Earl of Warwicks and Margaret Countesse of Salisbury both of them born under the like unfortunate Constellation for He lost his head in Henry the sevenths time She hers in Henry the eights King Lewis when Charles was dead thought to make himself master of those States believing he could not meet with any obstacle since all the men of War were almost slain in the three Battels of Granson Morat and Nanci neither had he been deceived if he had persisted in his resolution of marrying that Princesse to the Dolphine his son of working upon her Counsellors by gifts promises and additions of Honours and of winning the peoples good-will by feeding them with hopes of being well treated but his thirsting after this Conquest which to him appeared easie diverted him from the means of coming by it lawfully and was the ruine if not of all yet of his most principal designes Abbeville was the first City which fell into his hands but as of right belonging unto him being one of those which were to be surrendered to him after Charles his death Han Bohin S. Quintines and Peron out of the same reason did the like Arras was by agreement delivered up unto him Heâ—…ine Bullein and Doway yeelded themselves All this progresse of affairs appertained to Picardy In Burgundy he employed the Prince of Orange a man of great power in those parts and Monsieur de Cran with a distinct Army who in a few days brought the County and Dutchy to his obedience Neither did he pretend usurpation in this the Dutchy was the Patrimony of the Crown given in Fee-farm to Philip the bold by his father Iohn the second King of France upon condition it should revert again unto the Crown in default of Issue male such Grants not falling according to the French phrase unto the Distaff And he had some pretences to the County though not from the Crown The Infant Princesse seeing her self thus hardly dealt withal all her Embassies Supplications and Submissions nothing availing her she sent a Dispatch into England to shew to Edward what prejudice he suffered by having the King of France so neer him possest of Abbeville Bullein Hedine Arras and other places upon the Sea neer Callice and in the face of England But though in all reason he ought to have assisted her his private interest made him notwithstanding be a Spectator of all those ruines without budging his Counsellors being almost all of them Pensioners to Lewis preferred private interest before all reason of State Edward though sent Ambassadours to mediate that no more harm might be done a very good means certainly before a Prince hath put on a resolution of War but as ridiculous as unprofitable without a mans sword in his hand The hopes of marrying his daughter the Fifty thousand Crowns which were ready to be paid and his chief men being won by Pensions were the obstacles which withstood all good Resolves Lewis received the Ambassadours courteously and was bountiful to them at their going away so sent them away without any answer the which he said he would send by Ambassadours of his own who a good while after were sent with directions to spin out the businesse upon pretences of having no Instructions working by this means his own desired ends and hindering Edward from doing had he been so disposed what he ought to have done and though many free from corruption advised him to the contrary shewing the damage he thereby received without any hopes of advantage for if Lewis had any minde to make the Marriage he would have sent for the Princesse away after the first yeer according to the Treaty sworn at Picquigny divers yeers being now past and she not sent for yet were they not listned unto Any the least obstacle to boot with the defence made by the Infant Princesse would have been sufficient to have made Lewis keep within his own Precincts and if nothing else his unwillingnesse to see the English in France would have slackned his proceedings and though he invited Edward to passe over into Flanders whilst he busied himself elsewhere and seemed to be content that the English might win Flanders and Brahant for themselves he did it for that he was sure by reason of the many strong places that were there they would make but a slowe and costly progresse and when Edward seemed to accept of this invitation if in stead of such places as he should win in Flanders Lewis would deliver unto him those he had won in Picardy namely Bullein no more was heard of the businesse Edward would willingly have assisted the Princesse if she would have married the Earl Rivers brother to his wife and she needing assistance would have married him but the disparity of their conditions would not permit her Counsellors to suffer her so to do so as Lewis found none that crost his Fortunes nor she any that would assist her in her misery which made her conclude the Match with the Archduke Maximilian son to the Emperour Frederick the third not listning to any other that was propounded to her not to that of the Dolphine for that he was but nine yeers old and she twenty or one and twenty and for that she hated his father not to that of Charles Count d'Angoulesme who was afterward father to Francis the first because Lewis would not consent thereunto being jealous of the Princes of the bloods power not to that of the Prince of Cleve because she liked him not Edward had this mean while prodigiously alter'd his nature from being affable and liberal he became austere and a varitious to the great wonder and worse satisfaction of his people The Laws of England grant many things in favour of their Kings as their penal Laws which the Kings themselves make no use of as being too full of rigour He by vertue of those Laws took such penalties as those that were rich fell into by their not punctual observance of them and making no difference neither in respect of Blood Quality or Title he put the Kingdom into a great fright making them believe he would become formidable for having abated the courage of other men by his Brothers death there was not any one that durst contradict him But the greedy heaping up of Money which he used was so much the more monstrous in him by how much it was contrary to the constitution of his nature so as such a change shewed his death to be at hand Ambassadours were frequently sent from England to France and from France to England the former that according to their Obligation the French might send for the betrothed Princesse the others to excuse their delay laying it upon the Wars of Burgundy and the Low-Countreys in the which all the principal men of the Kingdom being employed she could not be sent for in manner becoming the
with King Iames who did not suffer any one to come into the Castle he made a publike Proclamation to be made in the chief Market place by Garter King at Arms that if he would not make good to Edward what under his hand he was by agreement obliged unto if he did not before September next make satisfaction for the damages and injuries done to England and did not put the Duke of Aubeny in his former condition without the diminishing of his Possessions Authority or Offices he would put his whole Kingdom to fire and sword But the King returning no Answer neither by message nor writing being equally unfit either to give satisfaction or make resistance the Nobles who had encamped themselves at Haddington with a great number of men being abandoned by the King and not willing to abandon themselves and Countrey sent Ambassadours to the Duke of Gloucester offering for what belonged to them to effect the Marriage and requiring the like of him promising that it should not fail on their sides if all the Articles agreed upon were not put in execution and an inviolable Peace for the time to come were not made between the two Kingdoms To the which Gloucester answered that the Match was broken by means contrary to the end for which it was made That he did not know the King his brothers intentions and whether he was not resolved as he had good cause not to think any more of it That his Instructions were To demand restitution of the Moneys the which he did requiring speedy payment for what concerned the Peace That it was not to be had unlesse they would promise to deliver up unto him the Castle of Berwick or unlesse in case they could not do it they would oblige themselves not to assist the besieged nor molest the besiegers till such time as it were either taken or surrendred These Demands seemed very hard to the Scots They answered The cause why the Marriage was not effected was by reason of the young couples yeers not through any default of theirs That the Moneys could not justly be demanded the time of repayment being not yet come That if the security given in for the repayment of them did not suffice they would give in other That Berwick was situated upon the very Bound of Scotland built by the Scots and by just Title always possessed by them nor was their claim thereunto the weaker because the English had made themselves Masters of it since violence doth not prejudice the right of a just ancient natural and primary possession But the Duke of Aubeny put an end to all these differences for Gloucester permitting him to go into the Scotish Camp and the Lords there promising him that if he would submit himself to the King they would procure his pardon and the restitution of all his goods he was declared under the King Lord Lieutenant of the Kingdom and it was resolved though not without much opposition that the Castle of Berwick should be surrendred and a Truce for certain moneths was agreed upon to the end that the Peace might be treated on without disturbance oâ—… hostility so as the Duke of Gloucester having recovered Berwick One and twenty yeers after Henry the sixth had given it to the Scots he retired himself to Newcastle where he expected directions from his brother who having weighed the concernment of this Match the Kings decaying condition the danger he was in of being deposed he being hated and the Duke of Aubeny beloved he demanded his Moneys which were forthwith payed him leaving Scotland to its turmoils the which though the Duke of Aubeny did sincerely endeavour to quiet by remitting the King his brother to the plenary possession of his Kingdom yet could he not reconcile the King unto him For if the remembrance of injuries be never to be forgotten by men of perverse natures good turns are the more easily forgotten ingratitude being an enemy to all Christian and Moral vertues King Iames his minde was so contaminated and depraved as it would not suffer him to think well of his brother though the effects demonstrated the contrary nay he was likely to have made him follow his other brother had he not by his friends been advertised thereof which made him flee into England from whence having delivered up to Edward the Castle of Dunbarre he went to France where running at Tilt with the Duke of Orleans who was afterwards Lewis the twelfth he was unfortunately slain by the splinter of a Lance which wounded him thorow the sight-hole of his Helmet Edward had long suffered Lewis to take his advantage not onely in such parts of the Heir of Burgundy's Countrey as were far distant from him but even in those which were neare to Callice permitting him contrary to all reason of State to make himself master of Bullein and other Forts upon the Sea onely out of the hopes of his Daughters marriage but growing too late suspicious of it he sent the Lord Howard to France to sift out the truth who though he saw the solemne receiving of Margaret Daughter to the late heire of Burgondy and Maximilian of Austria and saw her married to the Dolphin in Amboyse yet when he tooke his leave Lewis according to his wonted dissimulation confirmed unto him his former promises as if a new match contracted with all the Church-Ceremonies and the Bride in the house did not prejudice the former so as being returned to England hee truly related the difference of what his Eyes saw and Lewis told him Lewis had handled this match according to his wonted craft not seeming to be therein obliged to those of Gaunt who had concluded it maugre their Prince the Brides Father and they did it willingly for taking from him the Counties of Artois Burgondy and Carolois the Counties of Macon and Auxorres which they gave in portion to the Dolphin they made him the lesse able to offend them they would likewise if they could have given him Hainault and Namours not considering that these Provinces in the hands of so great a King were like to forme the chaine of their servitude But Fortune favoured them beyond all expectation for this marriage so advantageous for that Kingdome was together with the Bride yet a Virgin not many Yeares after renounced by Charles the eight that he might take to Wife Anne the Daughter and Heire of Francis Duke of Britaigne and thereby to possesse himselfe of that Dukedome and the aforenamed Margaret borne under an unhappy constellation for matter of Husbands was in a very short time Widow to three To Charles who did yet live and to two others who died Iohn Prince of Aragon who lived not many moneths and Philibert the 8th Duke of Savoy who within a few Yeares dyed so as she had no issue by any of them Edward was so sensible of this his great abuse as that he resolved on revenge every one with cheerfulnesse provided for War the Clergy supply'd in monies
rather then to live in the miseries they hitherto had done They cal'd upon Alinighty God the King of Kings to inspire him with his light and to continue unto him in his Regall dignity those praise-worthy parts by meanes whereof he deserved to be King though he were not And that though his right needed not any publique Acts of Parliament he being King and heire unto the Crowne without them yet in regard the people might be ignorant of the cause of the deposing the one and assuming the other for this cause and to remove all doubts that might arise the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons assembled in Parliament had in full Parliament pronounced decreed and declared that Richard the third their Soveraigne Lord was whilest hee should live the undoubted King of England and of all that within or without belonged thereunto and after him his heires That the high and mighty Prince Edward his sonne was his heire apparant and after him those who should discend from him This decree being registred among the Acts of Parliament and approved of by King Richard with order to be held authenticall in all the parts thereof made it be understood that the Kings of England have power to doe what they will when they are either loved for their vertues or feared for their force For what concernes love there is no proof in this present case but of feare sufficient feare being the prinium mobile of this businesse Richard having by the assistance of the Duke of Buckingham and their adherent raised a powerfull faction the lawfull King being a Child and prisoner the Tyrant a man of braines wel-spoken and of reputation in armes not likely to undertake such a businesse unlesse certaine to effect it all men doubting themselves since their forces being cut off and those put to death which might have re-united them they were exposed to the violence of so cruell a man as Richard who had given proofe of his cruelty by his detaining the King by his taking the Duke of York from the Sanctuary by his impudence in declaring them to be Bustards and by his shamelesnesse in publishing his mother to be a whore to boote with the death of so many Peeres This feare was that which gave a maske to the flatteries of Parliament and which furnisht it with some colour of pretence drawne from Doctor Shaw's Sermon and the speeches made by the Duke of 〈◊〉 in the City-Hall Richard being thus confirmed and believing to settle his tyranny by resting it upon un-accustomed circumstances hee went into Westminster-hall sate him downe in the Kings Bench where in doubtfull cases the Kings of England had wont antiently to sit and where hee avowed his accepting of the Crowne the which hee exprest in a formall Oration and in a manner so well composed as those who had not knowne him would have thought England had never beene blest with so good a King and to colour with the shew of clemency his innate cruelty hee caused one Fogge who had taken Sancturary and whom he had alwayes mortally hated to be brought before him hee tooke him by the hand in fight of all the people and made professions of loving him now as much as he had formerly hated Him by which act he made a great impression in the simpler sort but those who were better advised knew that this was but a Bait wherewith to catch better fish In his returne to his Palace Hee courteously saluted such as Hee knew loved Him not thinking by this servile flattery to infatuate their mindes and to establish his government Yet for all this he durst not rely upon his present fortune He ascertained His Coronation by unaccustomed forces causing five thousand men to come from the Northerne parts of the Kingdome in whom hee trusted aswell for that they tooke part with the House of Yorke as likewise that living in remote parts they were not acquainted with his actions as were the Londoners who having him alwayes in their eye abhorred Him These Northern men appeared ill clad and worse arm'd which made them be but laught at for t was thought that if He should have occasion to make use of them they would not serve His turne and that t was neither these forces not yet greater but a meere Fatality which had precipitated England into so dire and miserable a subjection The last act of His possessing the Crowne was His Coronation all things thereunto belonging being ready as prepared for His Nephews Coronation Hee went with his Wife and His Sonne to the Tower where the next day Hee created the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Thomas Howard Sonne to the same man Hee created Earle of Surrey Hee made William Barckley Earle of Nottingham and the Lord Francis Lovell Viscount and Lord Chamberlaine and Hee made seventeene Knights of the Bath The Archbishop of Yorke the Lord Stanley and the Bishop of Ely had beene prisoners in the Tower ever since the Chamberlaine lost his Head Hee set the first at liberty finding himselfe peaceably possest of the Kingdome otherwise Hee would not have done it for being an honest man hee would never have given his consent to the deposing of the true King Hee freed the second out of feare for His Sonne the Lord Strange was raysing great forces in Lancashire a place wherein Hee had great Power and was mightily followed it behooved him to appease Him but Hee did not set the Bishop of Ely at liberty who was a faithfull servant to King Edward for Hee was certaine Hee would never condescend to his Childrens deprivation nor to the unjust wayes whereby Hee usurped the Kingdome whereof Hee had made tryall in the Councells held in the Tower whilest by oblique meanes He set the businesse on foot The Bishop was of no great birth but having lived a long time in good repute in Oxford hee was taken from thence being but bare Doctor by Henry the sixt and made a Privy-Counsellour Edward knowing his integrity kept him still in that condition and chose Him at His death to be one of his Executors Richard therefore fearing Him would have kept Him still in Prison though Hee set the others at liberty had not the Vniversity of Oxford which Hee did alwayes very much favour interceded for Him so that desirous in part to satisfy the Vniversity Hee was content to take him from the Tower as being too publick a place but that Hee might not have His free liberty Hee committed him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham who sent Him to a Castle of His in Brecknockshire where they joyntly laid the first ground-worke of Richards ruine Hee together with his Wife was Crowned in great pompe the sixteenth of Iuly his Wife was daughter to the great Earle of Warwicke who had made and unmade the two preceding Kings and Widow to Edward Sonne to Henry the Sixt Prince of Wales to whom she was give in marriage when Edward the Fourths ruine was agreed upon in
fight with him or hinder his landing on the English shoare In other parts he left no place unprovided for people were not suffer'd to land without diligent search that so some news might be had of the Duke of Buckingham Banister into whose hands the Duke had trusted his safety hearing of the Proclamations and the Rewards therein promised were it either for Feare or Avarice discover'd where he was to the Sheriffe of Shropshire who going to Banisters house found the Duke in a Day-labourers apparrell digging in a Garden in which habit he sent him well guarded to Shrewsbery where Richard then was He denyed not the Conspiracy he hoped by his free confession to have gotten admittance into â—…he Kings Presence some think with an intention to beg his Pardon others to kill the King with a Dagger which he wore underneath his Cloths But Richard not suffering him to be brought unto him he was beheaded on All-soules day without any other manner of Processe in the Market place To Banister the chiefest of all ungratefull Traytors nothing that was promised was made good Richard who was unjust in all things else was just in This denying him the reward of his Disloyalty which amongst his many Faylings worthy of Blame was the only one worthy of Commendation Punished thus slightly by man he received much more greivous punishments from God his Eldest son died mad his second of Convulsion fits his Third son was Drown'd in a Standing poole and his Daughter a very Beautifull young Woman was crusted over with Leprosy he himselfe in his later Yeares was convict of Man-slaughter and condemned to be Hanged but was saved by his Booke The Duke was in his death accompained by many others amongst which by Sir George Browne Sir Roger Clifford and Sir Thomas Saintlieger who was the last husband to the Dutchesse of Exeter the Kings sister The Earle of Richmond assisted by the Duke of Britanny had got together five Thousand Britons and forty Ships furnished for all purposes wherein he imbarked himselfe and made for England But the next night he met with a terrible Tempest which disperst all his Vessells carrying them into severall places insomuch as there remained onely One with him with the which he found himselfe neer the Haven of Poole in Dorsetshire where he discoverd the shore all over pester'd with men whereat he was much afraid for they were placed there to hinder his landing in like manner as others were sent for the same purpose to other places He cast Anchor expecting the arrivall of his Other Ships he commanded that none should go on shore without His leave and sent forth a boate to see who those men were when the boat was come within Hearing those on shore said they were sent to conduct them to the Duke of Buckingham that was not far from thence with a great Army expecting the Earle of Richmond so to give chase to Richard who had but small forces with him being abandoned almost by All men But the Earle finding out the cosenage for had it beene so they wanted not Boates to have sent some known man abord him no newes being heard of the rest of his Fleet and the wind being reasonable faire for him to re turne he hoisted Saile and with a fore-winde landed in Normandy Charles the Eight Reigned then in France his Father Lewis being not long before dead the Earle was desirous to returne by Land to Britanny and being to go through France he durst not adventure without a safe conduct he therefore dispatcht away a Gentleman to the King for one he was graciously heard by the King who commiserated the Earles misfortunes and together with a safe conduct sent him a good sum of money by meanes whereof he past safely into Britanny whether likewise he sent his Ships But understanding there what ill successe his affaires had in England how the Duke of Buckingham was dead and that the Marquis of Dorset with the rest of his companions who having many dayes expected some news of him in that Court grew now to dispaire thereof believing some mischiefe had befalne him and therefore had withdrawne themselves to Vennes was come he was much grieved and tooke this frowne of Fortune at his first beginning for an ill Omen yet was he comforted at the arrivall of his Friends promising some good to himselfe through their safeties When he was come to Renes he sent for them and welcomed them with termes of Curtesy and Thankefulnesse The condition of affaires being well weigh'd they resolv'd to effect what formerly had beene but spoken of to wit The war against Richard and his deposing and the making of Richmond King upon Condition that he should promise to Marry the Lady Elizabeth Daughter to Edward the Fourth These Articles were agreed upon and sworne unto by all parties on Christmasse day in the Cathedrall Church of that City where likewise the Marquis with all the rest did Homage unto him as to their actuall King swearing to serve him Faithfully and to employ their Lives and Estates in endevouring Richards destruction The Earle failed not to acquaint the Duke with all these proceedings and to make knowne unto him the cause why he undertook this businesse and what he stood in need of to effect it the cause was his being sent for Called in and Expected Richards government being growne intolerable that he stood in Need of was Another Fleet and supplies of money he having in setting forth the Former spent all that his Mother had sent him and what he had gathered amongst his Friends he therefore desired the Duke to lend him some monies promising to boote with the never to be forgotten Obligation sodainly to repay him when God should have given a blessing to his just endevours The Duke was not backward either in Promises or Performance so as the Earle had conveniency of furnishing himselfe with Men and ships â—…hilst Richard did what he could in England to hinder his designe though to no purpose for if God keepe not the City the Watchman watcheth but in vaine He in sundry places put many who were guilty or suspected to death and having returned to London Hee called a Parliament wherein the Earle of Richmond and all that for his cause had forsaken the Land were declared enemies to the King and Kingdome and had their goods confiscated They being many and the richest men of the Kingdome their confiscations would have beene able to have discharged the Warre against them had not Richard beene formerly too liberall in his Donatives thereby endevouring to reconcile mens mindes unto him and to cancell the uncancellable memory of his cruelty to his Nephews so as though the Summes were great which hereby accrew'd yet were they not sufficient nor did they free him from laying insufferable Taxes upon his people 'T was a wonder the Lord Stanley was not in the number of the Proscribed his Wife Mother to the Earle of Richmond being chief of the Conspiracy
Injustice and together with his Life his Memory would have been Lost whereas by Pardoning him he gave life to a testimony of his Own Clemency and Others Wickednesse and instructed the People upon other occasions The being a Priest saved Simond though worthy of whatsoever punishment the King was pleased to afford him Penitence and Pennance by giving him leave during his Life to bewail his sin in Prison There is a great difference between Virgil's calculation of this Battel and that of Other Writers he affirms it to have happened in the yeer 1489 the rest in the yeer 1487 on the Sixteenth of Iune on a Saturday the day which was observed to be happie and propitious to the King I follow the Later The King went not from the Camp till he had given humble thanks to God for the Victory the which he did likewise three days together at Lincoln with Processions and other religious duties and he sent his Standard to our Ladies Church in Walsingham whither he had vowed it He caused some of those that were taken to be put to death doing the like in York-shire where diligent search was made after the Rebels and since it would have been a kinde of Cruelty to have punished so Many for One fault he was contented to commute the Blood of their Veins for the Blood of their Purses imposing great Pecuniary punishments upon them wherewith both He and They were satisfi'd He went to Newcastle from whence he sent Ambassadours to the King of Scotland to invite him either to a Treaty of Peace or to a longer Truce His being but newly setled in his kingdom and the Inveteratenesse of the Faction counselled him to be at quiet with his Neighbours especially with Scotland for these two kingdoms being almost Naturally given to be Enemies they did much harm one to another by fomenting Rebels and nourishing of Seditions Yet was this peace more requisite for King Iames then for Him For being a friend to men of Mean condition and an enemy to the Nobility he never wanted cause of Fear so as it behoved him to have Peace with England that he might punish the Contumacious and revenge himself upon his enemies He therefore courteously received the Ambassadours letting them know there was nothing which he in his heart more desired then that which they came for but that there would be great difficulty to make the Parliament condescend thereunto for that there was an ancient Law which did inhibite Peace lest the people growing carelesse through Idlenesse and losing their natural vigour which was conservable by the Use of Arms might become Lazie to the prejudice of the State that therefore they must content themselves with a Truce for Six or Seven yeers which being obtained they might Renew from time to time without much difficulty for what concern'd Himself King Henry might assure himself he would Always be his friend he intreated them howsoever to keep secret his free Communication with them otherwise they would ruine the businesse for nothing would be granted which should be known they had desired of him Henry was contented with a Truce of Seven yeers which being obtained he returned to London where being taught by the last events that his hatred to the House of York had been the cause of all the disorders that had ensued he prepared for the Coronation of his Wife which was effected the Five and twentieth of November which was in the Third yeer of his Reign and almost Two yeers after he had married her 'T was generally believed this resolution proceeded from Any thing else rather then from Good-will the affections wherewith we are born being as hard to be concealed as to be laid aside Neither is it to be marvelled at if Henry born during the time of Hatred and Civil wars wherein he had lost his estate and been kept Prisoner till he was Ten yeers old carried Exile into Britanny demanded from thence by Edward and Richard granted and sold to the former to the Second sold but not granted and saved as it were by miracle from the hands of Both of them it is no marvel I say if the Remembrance of these things did confirm him in the above-said hatred and that that Hatred was converted to his very Nature and Blood against the Blood of those who had laid traps to Ensnare and to Destroy him But neither did his memory fail him in what concern'd Good Turns for the cloud of Dangers and Suspitions being blown over he set the Marquesse Dorset at liberty and that he might know his imprisonment had proceeded from the Jealousies of the Times and not from any Evil he had Done him he suffered not those Ceremonies to be used to Him which usually are to such as are imprison'd for any fault His affairs being thus quieted he dispatched away an Ambassadour to Pope Innocent the Eighth to give him advertisement thereof and to thank him for having honoured his Maariage with the assistance of his Nuntio offering Himself and his Kingdom to be upon all occasions at his Service for which the Pope by way of correspondency gratified him by Moderating the Priviledges of Sanctuaries and other Priviledg'd places and by sending him a Bull which was welcome and advantageous to him for thereby Traytors became lesse bold We have hitherto spoken of the affairs Within the kingdom we must now passe on to External businesses to the which the King could not Before attend being busied about Home-affairs which more concerned him The designes of Lewis the Eleventh King of France father to Charles the Eighth who at this time reigned were to establish himself within the limits of his own Kingdom and such bounds as confin'd upon his kingdom by readjoyning unto it whatsoever at sundry times had been dismembred from it either by Appennages or Otherwise and to beat down the Authority of Princes and great Lords that hindered him in his designe which was to become Absolute to bring this to effect it was necessary for him to collogue with England which was the onely place able to disturb him and prodigally to present it whereby having laid it asleep as he desired he reunited to the Crown the Dukedoms of Burgundy and Anjou the Counties of Bar and of Provence together with all the best places of Piccardy He intended to do the like to the Dukedom of Britanny but not effecting it he left the care thereof to his son Charles who though very Young did fully bring it to passe For Peter de Landois a proud and insolent Officer of the Duke of Britanny having incens'd the Nobility of the Dutchy and called in Lewis Duke of Orleans to his aid by making Anne the Eldest daughter and Heir to that State be promised to him in Marriage by her Father the Barons had recourse unto Charles who being entred with Four several Armies into Four several parts of their Countrey made them too late perceive that they had not call'd him in to Assist them but to
by the Enemy got to S. Malo where they unluckily put four times to Sea and were as often driven back so as they gave over their employment believing the succour they went for would come too Late and that therefore they must look for some from Elsewhere but it was more then needed For the Frenchmen despairing to win the Town gave over the Siege Charles whilst he besieged Nantes had sent Bernard of Aubeny into England to re-assure the King of his desire of Peace and he either believing it or seeming so to do named the Abbot of Abington Sir Richard Tunsdal and the former Ursewick his Commissioners to treat thereof giving them full Authority though the circumstances afforded little hope Which Edward Woodvile Uncle to the Queen a gallant Gentleman perceiving he desired leave to go to assist the Duke with a Troop of Voluntiers with which he would Privately steal over so as the King of France should have occasion to complain of none but of Him It is not known whether the King did Privately give way thereunto or no but in Publike he denied his request charging him not to depart from Court notwithstanding he went to the Isle of Wight where of he was Governour and raised there Four hundred fighting men with which he sailed into Britanny causing thereby such an alteration among those of the Court of France as the Commissioners would have been evilly intreated had not Charles whose conscience accused him seemed to believe that Woodvile was come of his Own head since the Reputation of England and the Need of Britanny required Other manner of aid then Four hundred men The Commissioners having discover'd his minde return'd to England and acquainted the King that Charles his desire of Peace was but counterfeit the better to gain time and to make him lose the opportunity of hindering him from the Usurpation of Britanny Whereupon Henry resolved to Call a Parliament wherein succour being resolved upon he raised Moneys and muster'd Souldiers sending word to Charles that his Kingdom liked not this war with Britanny made by him there having always been an un-interrupted Friendship between that Dutchy and England wherefore they could not now abandon it since their Own commodity was concerned in the Losse thereof that He therefore could not oppose his People as Charles himself might judge that he thought good to give him Notice hereof as well to the end that his Moving or Marching might not be News unto him as likewise to entreat him that he would take away the Cause of his so doing which if he would not he assured him that his succour should onely tend to the Defence of Britanny from whence if the French would withdraw themselves they should not be Pursued by his men nor fought withal Out of Britanny so as their Friendship was not to go Lesse in the said War The Ambassadours arrived when Charles had brought the businesse to such a passe as he needed not greatly weigh the Late resolutions of England having received news of the surrender of Ancenis Fougeres Saint Aibine di Cormier and not long after that the Armies had met and that the Britons were discomfited The French-men thought that the Duke's Army would bend themselves for the Recovery of Saint Albine as they did whereupon following them and coming up to them not far from thence they fought with them and had the Victory they slew the Four hundred English with Woodvile their Commander took the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange prisoners who would not have purchased their Liberties at so Cheap a rate as they did had it not been for their Wives Orleans his wife being the King's sister and Orange's wife sister to the Duke of Burbon for after divers Removals from one prison to another they by the Intercession of their Wives obtained Liberty and Pardon Henry understanding of this defeat sent Eight thousand fighting men into Britanny under the Conduct of the Lord Brook which joyning themselves with the Duke's Forces marched towards the Enemy who knowing they loved not to Encamp themselves but to come to Blowes thought to cool their heat by Intrenching their Army and sallying out with their Light-horse which they did but with more Losse then Gain This mean while Francis the Second Duke of Britanny died leaving Two Daughters behinde him the younger whereof died not many months after and left the Inheritance wholly to Anne but the subversion of her State was caused by her father's death A month before this the Duke was constrain'd to Compound with Charles and subscribe to the Articles of Agreement remitting the Difference to Arbitratours Charles pretended to this Dukedom out of Two reasons by the pretences of Iohn de Brosse and Nicholas of Britanny which were yeelded up to his father Lewis the Eleventh and by the rights of the Viscount of Rohan descended from Mary of Britanny sister to Margaret the first wife of Francis the Second the which right or claim the said Viscount had surrendred up to this Charles and these Two sisters being Daughters to Francis the First would in succession have preceded Peter the Second Arthur and Francis the Second had not Women been excluded from men of Name and Coat of Britanny as were the Three above-named The which being then brought into question made the dispute more intricate though it should not so have done for the Former Two's grant was annull'd in the Abbey de Victoire by a Treaty made with Lewis himself and the Viscount Rohan's relinquishment made by him not that he believed he had any Right thereunto but to please Charles was of no Validity since he descended from Women and the Nullification of such pretences appeared in his Contract of Marriage in the Wills of the Dukes and in the Decrees of the State of Britanny Reasons which though they were all of force enough yet were they not able to weigh against the force of the Weaker for the weakest pretences are sufficient so they have power enough to prove their right by force The King was Young and every one about him pretended to get an Armful of Wood by the fall of this Tree the Sister for her part had already in her conceipt devoured the City of Nantes the Britons who were Partakers pretended to participate therein whilst the rest that saw their fortunes and welfare depend upon the Weaknesse of an abandoned Orphan Maiden and under the Sword of a Powerful King resolved to Declare themselves for him before they were by force Constrained so to do Whereupon the English not able to Save what ran to so Headlong a Ruine returned into England after they had spent Eight months in Britanny and done nothing The Parliament had given certain Subsidies for the payment of these men which were readily paid by all the Shires save York-shire and the Bishoprick of Durham which Two Counties flatly denied to pay any They alleadged that they had suffered great grievances the Last yeers past and for the
and not barely of her Person that Promises of Marriage yea Marriage it Self were to be dispens'd withal in cases of Necessity that the Pope would not be found difficult herein since Blood War and Desolation would otherwise ensue which by Peace might be prevented and Peace was to be had onely by this Marriage that Maximilian's daughter was no impediment since she was not of Yeers either to Consent or Dissent For her Marriage with Maximilian's Self though Promised yet was it not Consummated the Solemnities used therein were meer Ceremonies invented to dazzle the World they not being valid by whatsoever Law either Canon or Civil And if nothing else would prevail with her the Preservation of her State her 's and Charles his Proportionable Youth and Yeers and her being to be the Chief Queen of the World ought perswade her Weary at last with so many Onsets she gave way though not yet freed of the Scruple of her Promise-breach to Maximilian but he being accused of having failed in his Duty and of not having kept any one whosoever neer her which he would not have done to the meanest Princesse alive she was likewise quitted of That The Ambassadours which were sent to Charles being come to Callis met with the Bishop of Concordia sent from the Pope to reconcile the Two Kings for through the molestation of their Wars Christendom was in great danger of the Turks who made daily further progresse thereinto The Bishop having dispatcht his affairs with Charles who feigned a willingnesse to Peace came to England where he did nothing for the Marriage with Britanny being published the Treaty was broken off and each King sent for his Ambassadours home Henry not in honour able to suffer any longer dissimulation and being by Maximilian promised strong succours from the King of Spain called a Parliament and there propounded war with France not to be made any more by Deputies as was the war of Britanny but by Himself in Person to recover those Provinces lost under Henry the Sixth against a Prince who for his Pride and for his pretending over every one was unworthy of All men's Friendship since having possest himself of Britanny by Force and Fraud and maintained the Rebels in Flanders against their Prince he pretended now to bring Italy to his Subjection that he might aftewards trouble all the Princes of Christendom honesting his thirst after Rule and his conceived Usurpation of the Kingdom of Naples by saying he did it with an intent to carry his Arms against the Infidels on the other side of the Adriatick Sea he told them it would be dangerous to let him advance so much for that England being already girt about with Piccardy Normandy and this new purchase of Britanny it would be easie for him to molest her if suffering her self to be Flatter'd as hitherto she had done she should be abused as she had been that the French forces were not unknown to the English as had been witnessed by their Battels Victories and the Imprisonment of one of the French Kings and if the English had at last had unhappie successe 't was not be attributed to Their Valour but to Civil Dissention which like tempestous Hail had beaten down the Fruit upon the very point of Ripening that his claim to that Kingdom was manifest that Fortune did second Justice and Valour accompany her that Their generous resolution would serve for an Invitation and an Example unto Others to Flanders and Spain for their Own Interests and to Britanny for that being won more by Corruption then by Arms there wanted not such as were evilly affected the People were discontented and the greatest part of the Nobility not willing to subject themselves to a Prince whom they abhorr'd the Pope would joyn with them for detesting to have Italy molested Diversion was that which would free him from Danger All which were thus presented not as the Ground-work but as the Adherences of an Enterprise which was not to be resolv'd on upon hopes of Assistance from Others that England was of it Self sufficient neither did it stand in need of any other Forces then her Own it being to be supposed that by the Death of those Ancient warriers the natural courage of those which Descended from them was not extinct but that they would make it appear to the world they did not degenerate from their Predecessours and though Honour have no reward worthy of her self but Her Self yet it was to be consider'd that this was a War to be made in a Countrey full of whatsoever Nature did afford sufficient to maintain the Publike expence to adorn the Nobility with Lordships Vertue with Employments and to satisfie the Souldier with Booty and Riches Riches which were to be shared out by sundry ways as is the Blood from Vein to Vein to England in general and that those who for the present should contribute towards it were to enjoy in the future aboundant Increase for what they should Now part withal that the war was to be made not as at the First at the expence of the Kingdom but at the cost of such Cities and Provinces as they should Conquer it had been done so Formerly and should be so Now so as they that would contribute towards it he wisht they might do it Readily for he was resolved not to have any thing from the Poorer sort but from such as without any incommodity might expect the Re-imbursing of their Moneys The War with France was with much cheerfulnesse approved of in Parliament They thought the Honour of the King and Kingdom had suffer'd somewhat in the Losse of Britanny But the King's intentions were not such as he made shew of he knew Maximilian's Forces were not to be built upon nor yet those of Ferdinand for the Wars of Granada had exhausted his Coffers and the recouery of Rossillion without Cost which he aspired unto was not to be effected by fighting with Charles but with Seconding him He knew moreover the constitution of France was not Now as it had been Formerly when divided into Two Factions it made way for the advancing of the English Forces it was now United the Burgundian Faction was faln to the ground and the Orleanists depended upon the Regal authority that she hath now brought her self to a custom of encamping Leasurely and to fight no more with Violence but upon Advice so as he should Weary his people Weaken his Forces and Impoverish his Kingdom Feigning notwithstanding the contrary he seemed to Desire what he Detested he so wisely fitted himself for what might happen as satisfying his Honour with the Appearances and Beginning of War he was sure to make Peace when he listed for Charles would be Desirous of it that he might bring to passe his intended Designes and he Himself would Accept of it as not being deceived in his opinion of Maximilian's Impotency and the vain hopes from Spain Yet he was sure to make Charles buy peace Dear who had his minde
far won upon their opinions as they beleeved the denying of this Subsidy and their mutiny thereupon to be Legall and meritorious his opinion was of authority sufficient to interpret the Power of King or Parliament he had instructed them that they were not bound to the payment of any Subsidies for war with Scotland that the Law had provided for it by other means so as this Subsidy was invented to fleece the People he therefore advised them to present a Petition to the King who for the example of other men could not chuse but punish the Inventors of it they both offer'd themselves to lead them on till they should find some man of Quality under whom they with the hazard of their lives would continue to serve them but that for matter of Life there was no Hazard at all their demand being so Just as it would be approved of by all the other shires since the publick good was treated of from which the Kings particular interest could not be separated Hereby encouraged they took up arms and because they were not all provided of Bows and Arrows they arm'd themselvs with such Tools as belonged to their severall Trades They entered by Somerset-shire and passed through Devonshire not offering any manner of Out-rage when they came to Taunton they slew one of the Commissioners for the Subsidy who had shew'd himselfe more busie therein then the rest at Wels they met with the Lord Audley who having had former intelligence with their two Leaders was chosen their Generall They would go into Kent out of an opinion that that countrey which never having been conquer'd was according to Flammock the Freest part of England was likely to joyne with them but finding the contrary some wondred at it and other some were mad thereat the former handsomly drawing their neck out of the Yoke returned home the others passing forwards thought that since they had met with no opposition in so long a march the King and the Citie would suffer them to make their Own Conditions and with this foolish imagination they encamped themselves within sight of London between Greenwich and Eltham The King was troubled at the first news of this mutiny fearing lest he should have Three Irons in the fire at once the people of Cornewall Perkins secret Intelligence and the war with Scotland He took up arms as soon as the Parliament was ended thinking to go towards Scotland but crost by the other occasion he suspended that resolution and because he had sent the Lord d' Awbeny whom he had made Lord Chamberlain in lieu of Stanley with some forces to the confines of Scotland he sent for him back to take such counsell as necessity required and sent in his stead the Earle of Surrey with order to defend the countrey in case the Scots should fall in upon it he moved not at the very First as was his wont against the Rebels for the Countrey not being by them endammaged did not require it and he was confident that wanting Money and Ammunition they would of themselvs Disband as they had already begun to doe when they failed in their hopes of the Kentish men but when he saw them encampt he resolved to fight with them moved thereunto by his apparant Advantages by which fore-seeing what might be effected he freed himselfe from all the hazards of Fortune He divided his forces which far exceeded Theirs into three great Battalions he assigned the First over to the Earles of Oxford Essex and Suffolke the Second to the Chamberlain and he commanded the Third Himselfe he appointed the First to place themselves behind the Hill where They were encamped and to secure all the Passages save that towards London that being inclosed like wild beasts in a toyl they might not know how to escape he ordered the Chamberlain to give them battell in the Front having given unto him the Best and most Experienc'd Souldiers in all the Army being it was on Them that the greatest burthen lay he Himself stayed with the Third between London and Them to supply them if it should be needfull and to fight with them that should dare march towards the Citie as the citizens apprehended The fear hereof had caused much confusion in London citizens were seen to run armed through the streets some to the Wals some to the River minding what they had to doe for they could not think they were come from Cornewall the uttermost bounds of England with other intention then to enrich themselves by the sacking of that opulent Citie and they did not hold that their having past quietly through all other parts ought to be taken for an argument to make them beleeve the like upon This occasion but understanding the good order which the King had taken how that he had interessed his own Person in the danger that the enemy was to win Three battels before they could come to the Citty and that the Commanders were not only Faithfull and valiant but such as they confided in they laid aside their fears The King had caused it to be noysed abroad to the end that he might take them the more unprovided that he would not fight with them till the Munday following but towards the Saturday Evening the Lord d' Awbeny set upon some troops which not looking to be fought withall till Munday were upon the side of the Hill who though they resisted valiantly yet being but Few in number they could not make good their Station so as quitting it it was easie for the Kings Forces to clime the Hill make themselves Masters of the Plain and give on upon them they though taken thus at unawares with their troops out of order received the assault so handsomly as the Lord d' Awbeny fighting in the Head of his men and playing the part rather of a Common Souldier then a Commander was taken Prisoner but was presently rescued for the Rebels being ill armed without Commanders Artillery or Horse they could not so far resist but that in a short time two Thousand of them were slain and a great many taken Prisoners The Generall Audley and the two Seducers the Atturney and the Black-smith suffered themselves basely to be taken alive Three hundred of the Kings side were slain all of them almost by Arrows for the Cornish had strong Bows and very long Arrows The King came thither to make many Knights Bannerets and others he made in St. Georges fields where he was encamped he gave the goods of such as were taken to those that took them to be disposed of as they listed Audley was beheaded upon Tower-hill having on him a Coat of paper torn with his Arms painted thereon the wrong side upwards The Atturney and the Black-smith were brought to Tibourn where they were Hang'd Drawn and Quarter'd the Black-smith not ceasing to shew his vanity and vain-glory at the very last beleeving in future times his name would be big in story The King would not have their quarters be sent
into Cornewall as he had appointed for hearing that they were not totally appeased he thought it was not good to incite them any further To all the rest he gave a Generall Pardon so as in so scandalous a rebellion there were but Three that suffer'd those not being cast into the number which were slain in the Battell who perished rather by Fortune then by way of Punishment The King of Scotland hearing of this rebellion made use of it he went to besiege Norham Castle plundering the countrey This Castle belonged to Fox the Bishop of Durham who fore-seeing it would be besieged had doubly furnished it with all sorts of Munition causing the herds of Cattle what else might be helpful to the Enemy to be withdrawn into the greatest strengths The Earl of Surrey who was ready upon all occasions in Yorke-shire not far from thence hasted thither accompanied with good store of Souldiers the which when King Iames understood he with-drew himself and was pursued by the Earl who not able to over-take him sate down before Hayton Castle one of the strongest Castles between Barwick and Edenborough the which he quickly took and not meeting with any opposition he returned to Yorke-shire not doing any more these two actions having produced no matter of Note but the Preservation of One Castle and the winning of Another At this time came Pedro d' Aiala a man of praise-worthy conditions to Henry being sent Embassadour from Ferdinand and Isabel King and Queen of Castile The pretence of his Embassie was to compound the differences between Henry and the King of Scotland but the true cause was to negotiate a marriage between Katharine their second daughter and Prince Arthur My opinion is that these two wise Princes were cautious of entring into a busines of this nature till by this peace they might see Henries state setled for considering him to be a New King they did not a little weigh the machinations of an Impostour which being grounded upon the appearances though but of a False name were upheld by the King of Scotland who if he should forsake him they would soon vanish Henry willingly embraced the Offer being no way inclined to the unprofitable wars with Scotland by the cessation whereof two great advantages were to redound to him the one he would unkennell Perkin from out the Kingdom with hopes to get him into his power or else that wanting that leaning stock he might easily end the busines Himself the other his desire to reign in Peace being weary of so many molestations which rising one in the neck of another had always troubled him So as agreeing to whatsoever d' Aiala should treate of his Honour and all wherein it might be concern'd always preserved he suffer'd him to go into Scotland where having rough-cast the busines and perswaded the King to listen to Peace for his endeavours were seconded by the Counsel who favoured England he writ to Henry to send some discreat man who together with Him might end the busines with the Commissioners of Scotland The King gave his Commission to Fox Bishop of Durham who was then at Norham and sent him When they met together in Iedworth they could not agree by reason of many difficulties that arose Henry demanded to have Perkin delivered up unto him and Iames could not doe it without a great aspersition to his Honour for though he knew he was but a Iuggler yet having called him the Duke of Yorke made war in his name and married him to a neer kinswoman of his own the doing of it would injure his own Faith and Reputation On Henries behalfe was likewise demanded satisfaction for the Losse he had suffer'd and the Restitution of such Booty as had been taken from England which was impossible to be had the booty was disperst amongst the Souldiers and the King had not of his Own wherwith to give satisfaction for the Losses suffer'd it was more possible for the one to suffer the Losse then for the other to Repay it But all of them being met together with a Desire of Peace 't was easie to find a way to accommodation wherefore leaving off the Treaty til another time they agreed on a Truce upon condition that Perkin should be dismist Scotland The Kings were here withall contented Truce working the same effect King Iames calling Perkin to him shewed him that according to his promise he had done what lay in His power for him which He had not correspondently done in any thing he promised for having made him beleeve hee had a Party in England not so much as one man had appeared to side with him after Two attempts made that he the King had together with his person hazarded his Kingdom to a perpetual war The Scots would none of it neither would his Occasions permit it that he had reason to complain of none but of Himself who in a busines of so great importance had not cast up his accounts aright that the Emperour Arch-duke Dutchesse of Burgundy and the King of France had been faulty both to Himself and Him that he could not doe all of Himself whilest they far from Danger looked on from safe places without either dammage or expence though this were a sufficient cause yet should it not have been of force enough to have made him change his former resolution had there been any one that would have acknowledged him for the Duke of Yorke as there was none that would acknowledge him for so much as an English man Hee would no farther examine his Genealogy nor make himselfe Judge of anothers pretences whilest there is not any one that dreams much lesse beleeves him to be Sonne to Edward the fourth that hee had given him for wife a Noble Lady his neer kinswoman to the end the Scocs might be moved to favour him and the English might take courage to own him and if the second designe which depended on Him Perkin did not succeed well the first which depended on Him the King failed not that his Kingdom would have Peace which they could not have so long as He stayed in it that therefore it behooved him to be gone for having denied to Deliver him up to the King of England as was by the said King Demanded he could not deny to send him out of Scotland which should he not doe it would be contrary to the interests of One of them and repugnant to the affairs of the Other Hee told him Times did alter so as if hee were the man hee gave himself out to be it was impossible but the Time would bring the Truth to light that though Fortune were Powerfull yet was she not able to prevaile against a certain Truth if therefore his Pretence were such he could not want Friends and Furtherers if otherwise it behooved him to look to himself and to put on apparell fitting his condition Perkin though convinced seemed not to be so casting all his bad successe upon the Aversenesse of Fortune And
Pope Alexander the Sixth upon the occasion of the year of Jubile for since they only received the benefit thereof who went to Rome he thought it fit that it should be commuted for by Remote countries the inhabitants whereof could not make so Long a journey in so much as they staying at Home might receive the same indulgences which those did that went on Pilgrimage to Rome if they would give a certain summe of money to be imployed in the wars against the Turks whose advancing Hungary Germany and Italy did much apprehend This man did so wisely negotiate this af fair as he thereby got a great summe of money without any manner of grudging or murmuring save against the Kings Person who being naturally given to Extort from his People it was thought hee would not have suffered these monies to have beene gathered had not he Himselfe had a share therein An opinion which was known to be false in the time of Iulius the Second who making it a difficult busines to grant Prince Henry a Dispensation to marry Katharine who had been wife to his brother Arthur Cardinall Adrian de Corneto who endeavoured the obtayning of it alleadged amongst the rest of the merits of King Henry his Father that he had not pretented to share in the monies raysed by Pons in that kingdom Neither was there any dissimulation used in this by Alexander at least there Appeared none for he propounded this war in the Publick Consistory in the presence of as many Emssadours as were then resident in that Court with designe to set upon the Turkish territories in Three severall places in Thracia by the Hungarians Bohemians and Polanders in Greece by the French and Spaniards and at Constantinople by him Himselfe accompanied by the King of England and the State of Venice and he sent Nuntioes to All Princes that they would joyne their Forces and Monies according to their Abilities in so pious a worke The Answer which the King gave to Pons was That he was ready to Accompany his Holinesse but that it was impossible for him to doe it in that manner the remote Distance of his countrey would put him to Double the charge of any of the rest that the Kings of France and Spaine were first to be made Friends which if it should not be effected all other designes would prove but vain that when they should be made friends 't was they that best might accompany him as being Neerest him which if they should Refuse to doe He would wait upon him Himselfe not considering either Expence or other incommodity upon Condition he might have some Cities upon the Sea-side in Italy delivered into his possession to make use of what ever chance might happen This answer and it may be the Like of other Princes made this undertaking vanish away to Nothing when the Proposition was such as might very well have beene effected Cardinall Morton who was likewise Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England died this year We have spoken of him formerly He was a man of great Integrity yet somewhat given to Gripplenesse which made him be ill thought of for it was beleev'd he had nourished in the King his humour of Impositions But time proved the Contrary and had he left no other laudable memory behind him his being the First agent in the uniting of the two Roses is a merit whereby to render him Glorious to all Posterity Iohn Earl of Lincolne he who was slain at the battle of Stoke left his brother Edmund Earl of Suffolke heir to his Humour and his Misfortune in so much as calling to mind that he was Son to Elizabeth who was sister both to Edward and Richard hee thought he might be as bold under This King as he had been under the Other two his Vncles He had slain a man in such a manner notwithstanding as the Circumstances did not Aggravate the fault Henry gave him his Pardon but so as he was to passe all the course of Law and Justice and to appear before the Iudges and receive Sentence of Condemnation This manner of proceeding against him did so touch him to the quick as reputing the Favour that was shew'd him Ignominy he sodainly left the Land and went into Flanders to his Ant Margaret at which though the King was offended yet was he resolved to apply Lenitive salves giving order to his Agents in those parts to offer him his Pardon at the very First so as he would return knowing that Despair in banisht men begets thoughts in them of Little service to Themselves and of much Trouble to Others It succeeded according to his imagination for accepting the Pardon he returned to England the Dutchesse not opposing him therein either for that she thought his Genius inferior to the Kings or else that she was satisfied that in Perkins publick Confession her name was conceal'd But arrogant and proud natures such as was that of this Earl leading men into Dangers brought this man at Last to his Ruin under Henry the Eighth The match between Prince Arthur and the Infanta Katherine of Spaine which had been treated on for the space of seven years received this year its maturity the King her Father sending her nobly attended into England The tediousnesse of this negotiation proceeded from Both parties for the two Kings being endued with equall wisedome before the establishing of the Affinity would see each others fortune established the Infanta had for her Portion 200000 Duckets without any covenant of Restitution either to Her selfe or her Family and in lieu thereof she had set out for Ioynture the third part of the Principality of Wales of the Dutchy of Cornewall and of the County of Chester and if she should come to be Queene she was to have as much as any other Queene before her had had The marriage was solemnized in Pauls the Bridegroome was Fifteene yeers of age the Bride Eighteene The Festivals being ended they returned to keepe their Court at Ludlow in Wales but their abode there was but for while for the young Prince died there on the second day of Aprill in the yeare 1502. five moneths after he was married having lived 15. Years 6. moneths and 13. Dayes Nothing more is to be said of him Authors write nothing of him since hee lived not long enough to be knowne All that is related of him is That being naturally given to study he was learned beyond his Age and the Condition of a Prince This his death did much molest the King the Infanta Katharine was left upon his hands and if Prince Henry were to marry Another wife he was to find out a second Joynture a thing repugnant to the merit of State and to his Frugall honour whereupon resolving to marry him to the same Katharine he wrote concerning it to Spaine and Rome Ferdinand was contented but he met with Difficulties in procuring a Dispensation from the Pope and in getting his Sonnes Good-will who though he was then but