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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A52522	Wonderful predictions of Nostredamus, Grebner, David Pareus, and Antonius Torquatus wherein the grandeur of Their present Majesties, the happiness of England, and downfall of France and Rome, are plainly delineated : with a large preface, shewing, that the crown of England has been not obscurely foretold to Their Majesties William III and Mary, late Prince and Princess of Orange, and that the people of this ancient monarchy have duly contributed thereunto, in the present assembly of Lords and Commons, notwithstanding the objections of men and different extremes.	Atwood, William, d. 1705?; Grebner, Ezekiel.; Nostradamus, 1503-1566.; Pareus, David, 1548-1622.; Torquato, Antonio, 15th cent.	1689 (1689)	Wing N1401; ESTC R261	72,982	73

as they could sit without Prorogation or Adjournment and be good for a day at least time enough to have repealed the former Statute as to that part and to qualifie themselves for a longer Continuance In short They with whom our Dispute is are either for the Unalterableness of Fundamentals according to which what I have shewn remains notwithstanding all Efforts to the contrary or else all of a sudden they have a mighty Zeal for the strict Letter of the Law by which that Parliament which endeavour'd to alter the Fundamental Contract was ipso facto dissolv'd before such Attempt However since the Question is not about a Coercive Power over Kings but barely concerning Allegiance to them whenever he who was King ceases to be so either by the Act of God or the Law the Obligation of Allegiance necessarily determines as the subject Matter of it fails But lest the Liberty allow'd in extraordinary Cases be us'd as a cloak for maliciousness I shall restrain it with the Authority of the Learned Pufendorf In Contracts by which one is made subject to another this has the Right of Judging what the Subject is to perform and has also a Power conferr'd of compelling him to the Performance if he refuses which Coercive Power is by no means reciprocal Wherefore he who rules cannot be called in question for breaking his Contract unless he either wholly abdicate the Care of the Government or become of an hostile mind towards his People or manifestly with evil Intention depart from those Rules of Governing upon the Observance of which as upon a Condition the Subjects have suspended their Allegiance Which is very easie for any one who Governs always to shun if he will but consider that the Highest of Mortals are not free from the Laws of Humane Chance But that the Judicial Power of the People so qualified as above is not peculiar to England might appear by the Customs of most neighbouring Nations For Denmark Swedeland and Norway which had anciently three distinct Negatives in the Choice of a King I shall refer to Krantius particularly in the remarkable Story of their King Erick who was adopted Son of the Three Kingdoms Anno 1411. he having provok'd his People by the Outrages of his Officers and Soldiers he was oppos'd with Force by one Engelbert a Danish Nobleman transmitted down to Posterity with the fair Character of engaging in the Publick Cause neither out of love of Rule nor greediness of Gain but meer compassion to an opprest People This so generous an Undertaking was so justly Popular that Eric not able to stem the Tide withdrew from Denmark the Place of his usual Residence to Swedeland But Engelbert's Noble Cause found so few Opposers there also that the King as a Pattern to J. 2. privately ran away and recommended his Nephew in his stead but they told him plainly he was made King by Adoption and had no Right to surrogate another Him there not being the inconsistency of a different Religion between the Head and Members of the same Body they would have receiv'd again upon Terms but he refusing the Three Kingdoms unanimously chose one of another Family For the Authority of the People even in France no longer since than the time of Lewis 11. Hottoman's Francogallia gives a large Proof Nor is the Emperor of Germany more exempt for the Golden Bull of C. 4. provides who shall sit as Judge or High-Steward when he comes to be Impeach'd And by that the Palatine of the Rhine has the like Power with that which Matthew Paris says the Earl of Chester had here as Count Palatine Nor is this in the Empire founded meerly upon that Bull for the Bull it self says Sicut ex consuetudine introductum dicitur As 't is said to have been introduc'd by Custom And Freherus gives an Instance of this before that Bull in the Case of King Albert whom they threatned to depose for killing his Leige-lord Adolphus With Freherus agrees Gunterus in his Octoviratus who says That the Palatine of the Rhine Major Domo to the Emperor is by Custom Judge of the Emperor himself or rather in the highest Matters declares the Sentence of the Electoral College And he cites several Authors to prove the like Office or Power to have been in divers Kingdoms and Principalities and names France England Arragon Spain Denmark Poland Bohemia c. And for France Loyseau in effect shews this Power to have belong'd to their Maior du Palais for he owns the Power to have been greater than the Roman Praefect of the Palace had and yet he cites the Words of the Emperor Trajan giving his Praefect a naked Sword which he enjoyn'd him to use against him if he misgoverned And Loyseau says That this dangerous Office was put down by the Kings of the Third Line that they might perpetuate the Crown in their Family This Office he supposes to have been split into the Conestable's Chancellor's Treasurer's and the Grand Maistre's du France or Count du Palais which he seems to resemble to an High Steward with us And I meet with an old English Author who affirms almost such a Power as is above-mention'd to have belonged to the High-Conestable of England His Words are these As God hath ordained Magistrates to hear and determine private Matters and to punish their Vices so also will he that the Magistrates Doings be call'd to account and reck'ning and their Vices corrected and punished by the Body of the whole Congregation or Common-wealth As it is manifest by the Memory of the ancient Office of High-Constable of England unto whose Authority it pertained not only to summon the King personally before the Parliament or other Courts of Justice to answer and receive according to Justice but also upon just occasion to commit him to Ward 3. There has been no Hereditary Right to the Crown of England by Proximity of Blood from the Fundamental Contract but the People have had a Latitude for the setting up whom of the Blood they pleas'd upon the determination of the Interest of any particular Person except where there has been a Settlement of the Crown in force The Kingdom I own is founded in Monarchy and so is Poland which yet is absolutely Elective Nor is there any Consequence that the Dissolution of the Contract between the immediate Prince and People destroys the Form of Government for that depends upon a prior Contract which the People entred into among themselves And that by vertue of this to avoid endless Emulations Kings have generally from the first Erection of the English Monarchy been chosen out of the same Family appears beyond contradiction I know some talk of a Birthright and Inheritance in the Crown which is not founded in the Statutes but on the Original Custom and Constitution of the English Government which is an Hereditary Monarchy according to proximity of Blood. But I would

not to assume the Royal Dignity unless he firmly resolv'd to perform what he had sworn To which he answered That by God's help he would faithfully observe his Oath And Hoveden says That he was Crown'd by the Counsel and Assent of the Archbishops Bishops Earls Barons and a great number of Milites which Word was then of a large extent Wherefore I submit it to Consideration whether these are any Exceptions to the General Rule or are not at least such as confirm it 8. The Parliament 11 H. 7. declares That it is against all Laws Reason and good Conscience that Subjects should lose or forfeit for doing their true Duty and Service of Allegiance to their Prince or Sovereign Lord for the time being that is to the King de facto as appears by the Occasion of the Law to encourage the Service of H. 7. who had no Title but from his Subjects and there is a Provision That any Act or Acts or other Process of Law to the contrary shall be void Which being built upon the Supposition That according to the Fundamental Law the People's Choice gives sufficient Title perhaps is not vain and illusory as the Lord Bacon would have it but argues strongly that the Parliament then thought the Monarchy Elective at least with that Restriction to the Blood which I yield And if this be part of the Fundamental Contract for which it bids very fair then perhaps no body of any other Stock may be King within this Statute To what I have offer'd on this Head the following are all the Objections of seeming weight which have occurr'd to me The Maxim in Law That the King never dies or to use the Words of Finch The Perpetuity which the Law ascribes to him having perpetual Succession and he never dies for in Law it is called the Demise of the King. To which I answer 1. That neither that Book nor any Authority there cited is so ancient as the Settlement of the Crown above observ'd and that the Death is but a Demise or transferring the Right immediately to a Successor may be owing to the Settlement but is no Argument of any Right otherwise 2. Even where there is an Election tho' never so long after the Death of the Predecessor yet by way of Relation 't is as if there were a Demise or Translation of Interest without any Interregnum as it was resolved by all the Judges 1 Eliz. of which the Words of Lord Dyer are The King who is Heir or Successor may write and begin his Reign the same day that his Progenitor or Predecessor dies with which agrees the Lord Anderson But that to many intents a King dies in his Politick Capacity as well as Natural appears by the discontinuance of Process in Criminal Causes and such in Civil as was not return'd in the Life of the former King till kept up by Statute the determination of Commissions and the like 'T is urg'd That the Hereditary Right contended for has not been interrupted by the People's Elections so oft as it should seem by the Breaches in the Succession for that many who came in before them who stood next were Testamentary Heirs of the Appointment of the Predecessor which argues an Inheritance in him that disposes And Dr. Brady thinks he produces an Example where the Election of the People was bound and limited by the Nomination of the Predecessor But if he had duely weigh'd the Presidents of this kind he might have understood that an Election without a Nomination had full effect while a bare Nomination had none and he might have learnt from Grotius that among the Germans from whom we descend Kingdoms did not use to pass by Will and that Wills were but Recommendations to People's Choice but not Dispositions I find it urg'd That as anciently as the time of E. 3. the Realm declar'd That they would not consent to any thing in Parliament to the disherison of the King and his Heirs or the Crown whereunto they were sworn If any Colour of Evidence can be produc'd that the Subjects of England so early as that swore Allegiance to the King and his Heirs this were to the purpose Indeed I find that before this 24 E. 1. a Foreign Prince the King of Scotland Feudatory to the Crown of England did Homage to the King and his Heirs but the like not being exacted of the Subjects of England till particular Acts whereby the Crown was setled it argues strongly as indeed appears from the Subject Matter that the Homage paid by a Foreign Prince was due to none but the present King and his Successor to the Kingdom whoever was next of Blood And by parity of Reason the Disherison of the King and him her or them who succeeded to the Crown was all that could be referr'd to when they urge the Obligation of their Oath to the King and his Heirs or the Crown which appears farther not only from the old Oath of Allegiance to which they must needs have reference whereby they are bound to defend the Rights of tbe Crown but even from the Matter then in question which was not of the Right of Succession but of a Flower of the Crown Bracton puts this out of dispute when he tells us That Inheritance comes not from an Heir but an Heir from Inheritance and that Inheritance is the Succession to all the Right which the Predecessor had by any sort of Acquisition With Bracton agrees the Civil Law Haeredis significatione omnis significari Successores credendum est etsi verbis non sunt expressi By Heirs we are to believe all Successors to be signified altho' not exprest in Words And again Nihil est aliud haereditas quam successio in universum jus quod defunctus habuit Inheritance is nothing else but Succession to all the Right which the Deceased had Wherefore I cannot but wonder that so Learned a Man as Sir P. P. should cite this to prove that Allegiance is due to the Heirs and Successors in a Legal Course of Descent that is as he explains or receives it out of Mr. Prynne by proximity of Succession in regard of Line Nor is this Learned Man more fortunate in mentioning the Salvo which Littleton tells us is to be taken to the Oath of Homage to a Subject Salve la Foy que jeo doy a nostre Signior le Roy where there is not a word of Heirs but he tells us that Littleton cites Glanvil where the word Heirs is whereas 't is the Lord Cook who makes the Quotation as he does of Bracton whose Sense of the word Heirs we have seen and Littleton fully confirms it by leaving out the word Heirs as a Redundancy Allegiance being due to every one that becomes King and to no other But to put the extent of Heirs to a King out of Controversie we have the Resolution of all the

That alone will not authorise Endeavors to this End unless it can be done without Injustice to any For otherwise we should make God the Author of those Sins of Men which have often been foretold But in order to satisfie those who question what is their Duty at this time either for Acting or Acquiescing I shall shew that we have been Grateful without being Unjust and may chearfully act under the present Government in sure and certain hope that those great Things which are already come to pass according to plain Predictions are the happy Omens and Earnests of greater yet to come being equally promis'd For which end I shall consider 1. Whether we may not by comparing the following Predictions reasonably conclude That as the Crown of England has been destin'd for the late Prince of Orange the better to qualifie him for the executing God's Purposes for the Benefit of Mankind so it has been long since foretold 2. Whether the People of England have not a rightful Power to contribute towards their Accomplishment 4. Whether that Power has not been duly exercis'd in the present Assembly of Lords and Commons Many I know despise Prophesies and laugh at the Observers of those Hand-writings from above and others tho' they own that some Beams of Divine Light had visited the dark Ages of the World before the Sun of Righteousness appeared and that they were more frequent during its abode upon Earth and for the two or three first Centuries after Yet they will have it that ever since God has kept his Foreknowledge to himself without communicating any Notices of it to Mankind Be their Opinions as it will 't is not unlikely that many who have been doubtful what Course to steer in their Endeavours for the Publick will attend to these Divine Admonitions But that Nostredamus either thro' Judicial Astrology or Divine Inspiration or both as himself professes did foretel many things which have come to pass must not be denied by any body who reads him as where he says That the Senate of London that is the Parliament of England or those of it who usurp'd its Name should put to Death their King That London should be burnt in Thrice twenty and six that is Sixty six and that the Plague should not cease till the Fire Where according to what himself observes of some of his Predictions he limits the Place Times and prefixed Terms that Men coming after may see and know that those Accidents have come to pass as he marked What he says of the Bastard of England's being half receiv'd is not more obscure or less verified Nor does there seem a greater Veil upon what he says of the West's freeing England where he in very lively Characters represents the Event of the first and second Attempt there And as we find those things to have fallen out accordingly we have great ground to believe that what he speaks of his native Country France was from a certain Foresight Who can with-hold his Belief from all those Particulars in relation to it which he speaks not in the least mysteriously Or can any one doubt but that this present Juncture bodes it those Ills which he threatens The Fleet in the West and the great Appearance there with His Majesty's stupendious Progress not without cause made the French King think Danger approaching by Blay Nor can it be a question who is meant by the Chief of the British Isle or the Great Aemathien who is to lead the English to Glorious Enterprises Can it be other than the Celtique that is Belgick Prince of Trojan that is English Blood of a German Heart married to one of Trojan Blood and in safe Alliance with the Spaniard I will not be positive that a King's danger of drinking the Juyce of Orange unless he yield to an Accommodation must necessarily be intended of the late King and this tho' I am very confident no time can be shewn when this could be so properly applied I cannot but think that Nostredamus has foretold the Fate of James the Second the Question for the Kingdom between this Prince and the reputed Brother-in-Law the carrying the Babe into France the Father 's not being able to make good the Title of his Blood and this Sham's being the occasion of the late Prince's accepting the Crown And who can doubt but this King is that Native of Friezland as one Part of a Country may be taken for the Whole or other Part of the Whole to be cbosen here upon another's having Death given him drop by drop by the Guards Nor can it be denied that J. 2. has received his Deaths-wounds or occasion of a lingring Death in a great measure from his own Guards Nor is the Crown more plainly foretold to His Majesty from an Election than it is to His Royal Consort by way of Succession which are both exactly fulfill'd in that happy Partnership in Dignity while the Regal Power is kept entire to accompany the Marital In two Particulars I have taken a Liberty with Nostredamus which I cannot but think allowable 1. Where his Words admit of different Senses if I have not left them in aequilibrio equally applicable to either I have determin'd them to that which best agrees with Events For if he has truly foretold any thing without ambiguity we are to believe that in others he or the Spirit which dictated to him intended what has fallen out if the Words will bear it 2. Whereas the Stanzas of his Predictions are scatter'd up and down like so many Sybilline Leaves I have gather'd and sorted them together according to past Occurrences or that relation to the future which they seem to bear and certain it is that God's Holy Spirit foresaw all things in their true Order I must own that the like Persons and Actions may come upon the Stage more than once wherefore of many every body is left to his own Conjecture but in others the Parallel is so exact between Nostredamus his Descriptions and what has come to pass in the whole or in part that where a Connection of Events seems to be pointed at 't will be as difficult not to entertain warm Expectations of the Accomplishment of the Whole as to deny that Part is fufilled And many Personal Characters tho' given in distant Stanzas have that mutual Resemblance that they look like several Parts or Lineaments at least of the same Face and may without blame be drawn together Grebner seems rather to give an Account of what he had liv'd to see than to foretel what lay in the Womb of Time Who can deny but that he pointed at the Misfortunes of Charles the First with the Occasion of them the Generalship of the Earl of Essex then of Sir Thomas Fairfax And it is not improbable that the Nullus coming next might be Nol. Nor can it be a question but the late Prince of Orange

who by the Mother's Side is Grandson to Charles the First and Son-in-Law to James the Second is that Person of Charles his Lineage who was to Land upon the Shore of his Father's Kingdom with such Forces as His present Majesty had with him And if this be admitted I am sure His Reign in his own Right is foretold for the Prophesie of that Person says Regnum suum felicissimè administrabit and since Grebner speaks of one to Reign here after the Knight and the Nullus it makes it highly probable that he had a Foreknowledge of the Protectorship of Oliver Cromwel who was commonly known by the Name of Nol. David Pareus one would think had seen the Person of the Prince of Orange in a Divine Dream as he was thought to have seen the City of Heidelburgh in Flames three Years before it hapned Nor is he singular in calling his Hero a Grecian King for Nostredamus called his the Aemathien either resembling him to Caesar who conquer'd Pompey in Greece in the Aemathien or Pharsalian Fields or else with respect to the future Progress of his Arms as far as Pareus mentions Antonius Torquatus who wrote above Two hundred Years since looks like an Historian setting forth the great Changes and Occurrenrences in Europe during the two last Centuries and not obscurely to describe the present Juncture of Affairs Nor does his Northern Prince seem to he other than the English-Belgick Lion. 2d As to the rightful Power which this Nation had to contribute towards the accomplishing of those Prophecies which mark the late Prince of Orange for King of England Not thinking it worth the while to refute the fond Notion of an Absolute Patriarchal Power descending down from Adam to our Kings in an unaccountable way I shall take it for granted that as Grotius has it the Civitas is the common Subject of Power this in the most restrain'd sense is meant of the People of Legal Interests in the Government according to the first Institution Yet if they are entitled to any fort of Magistracy they become part of his Subjectum proprium the proper or particular Subject or Seat of Power Wherefore I take his Cives to be the same with Pufendorf's Quorum coitione consensu primo civitas coaluit aut qui in illorum locum successerunt nempe patres familiâs By whose Conjunction and Consent the Civil Society first came together or they who succeeded in to their Rooms to wit the Fathérs of Families And the most sensible of them who deny this as fighting against their fansied Divine Right of Kingship own that the People have in many Cases a Right to design the Person if not to confer the Power only these Men will have it that the Extent of the Power of a King as King is ascertained by God himself which I must needs say I could never yet find prov'd with any colour But to avoid a Dispute needless here since the Question is not so much of the Extent of Power as of the Choice of Persons Whether any Choice is allowable for us must be determin'd by the fundamental or subsequent Contract either voluntary or impos'd by Conquest and 't is this which must resolve us whether the Government shall continue Elective or Hereditary to them that stand next in the Course of Nature guided to a certain Channel by the Common Law of Descents or limited only to the Blood with a Liberty in the People to prefer which they think most fit all Circumstances considered And if our Constitution warrants the last then we may cut the Gordian Knot and never trouble our selves with Difficulties about a Demise or Cession from the Government or Abdication of it for which way soever the Throne is free from the last Possessor the People will be at liberty to set up the most deserving of the Family unless there be subsequent Limitations by a Contract yet in force between Prince and People which being dissolv'd no Agreements take place but such as are among themselves In which Case whatever ordinary Rule they have set themselves they may alter it upon weighty Considerations And that it is lawful for the People of England at this time to renounce their Allegiance sworn to J. 2. and to prefer the most deserving of the Blood notwithstanding any Oaths or Recognitions taken or made by them I shall evince not only from the Equity of the Law and Reservations necessarily imply'd in their Submission to a King but from the very Letter explain'd by the Practice of the Kingdom both before the reputed Conquest and since 1. For the Equity and reserved Cases I think it appears in the nature of the thing that they for whose benefit the Reservation is must be the Judges as in all Cases of Necessity he who is warranted by the Necessity must judge for himself before he acts tho' whether he acts according to that Warrant or no may be referr'd to an higher Examen but where the last resort is there must be the Judgment which of necessary consequence in these Cases must needs be by the People the Question being of their Exercise of their Original Power and where they have by a general Concurrence past the final Sentence in this Case their Voice is as the Voice of God and ought to be submitted to For the direction of their Judgment in such Cases they need not consult Voluminous Authors but may receive sufficient Light from those excellent Papers The Enquiry into the Present State of Affairs The Grounds and Measures of Submission and The Brief Justification of the Prince of Orange 's Descent into England and of the Kingdom 's late Recourse to Arms. Which I shall here only confirm by some Authorities The first as being of most Credit among them who raise the greatest Dust shall be Bishop Sanderson Of the Obligation of an Oath who shews several Exceptions or Conditions which of Common Right are to be understood before an Oath can oblige in which I shall not confine my self to the Order in which he places them 1. If God permit because all things are subject to the Divine Providence and Will nor is it in any Man's power to provide against future Accidents Wherefore he who did what lay in him to perform what he promis'd has discharg'd his Oath 2. Things remaining as they now are Whence he who swore to marry any Woman is not oblig'd if he discovers that she is with Child by another These two Exceptions sufficiently warrant Submission to such Government as God in his Providence shall permit notwithstanding Oaths to a former King And if he cease to treat his People as Subjects the Obligation which was to a Legal King determines before his actual Withdrawing from the Government 3. As far as we may as if one swear indefinitely to observe all Statutes and Customs of any Community he is not oblig'd to observe them farther

desire all Men of this Opinion impartially to weigh these following Particulars 1. There was very anciently an Act made in a General Convention of all England in Conventu Pananglico That their Kings should be elected by the Clergy senioribus populi and the Elders of the People that is such as were Members in their Great Councils or Witena Gemots Assemblies of sage or wise Men. This tho it was long before the reputed Conquest yet was never repeal'd or cut off by the Sword nay seems receiv'd with the Confessor's Laws as included in them Which leads to another Head. 2. The Confessor's Law receiv'd by William 1. and continued downward as the noblest Transcript of the Common Law shews that the Kings of England are elected and the End for which they are chosen by the People After the same manner do the ancient Historians and Lawyers commonly express Accessions to the Throne and seem industriously to mind Kings of it that according to the Caution given the Jewish King their hearts be not lifted up above their Brethren 3. According to the Usage from before the reputed Conquest downwards the People are ask'd whether they are content to have such a Man King 4. The most Absolute of the English Monarchs never believ'd that their Children had a Right to the Crown except the People consented that they should succeed as appears by King Alfred's Will and the Death-bed Declaration of William 1. And therefore some of our Kings against whom there has been no pretence of better Title in any particular Person or Family when they stood upon good Terms with their People have often prevail'd with them in their Lives-time to secure the Succession to their Eldest Sons and H. 2. to prevent hazarding the Succession endanger'd himself by getting his eldest Son Crown'd himself living But as the going no farther than the eldest argues that they look'd on that as a Favour the pressing for a Settlement on their Issue in any manner argues that it was not look'd upon as a clear Point of Right without it Of later Times Settlements have been made in Tail which tho they were occasion'd by Pretences to Titles are Records against an Hereditary Monarchy 5. The Oaths of Allegiance required of all the Subjects were never extended to Heirs but were barely Personal till Settlements of the Crown were obtain'd upon the Quarrels between the Families of York and Lancaster and tho' H. 4. obtain'd in Parliament an Oath to himself the Prince and his Issue and to every one of his Sons successively and in the time of H. 6. the Bishops and Temporal Lords swore to be true to the Heirs of R. Duke of York yet perhaps no Oath of Allegiance to the King and His Heirs can be shewn to have been requir'd of the Subjects in general till that 26 H. 8. according to the Limitations of the Statute 25. 6. Even where the People had settled the Crown they seem'd to intend no more than to give a Preference before other Pretenders not but that upon weighty Reasons they might alter it as appears by Pollydore Virgil who was never thought to lie on the Peoples side whatever Evidences for them he may have conceal'd or destroy'd whose Words of H. 5 to whom the Crown had been limited by Parliament may be thus rendred Prince Henry having buried his Father causes a Council of Nobles to be conven'd at Westminster which while they according to the Custom of their Ancestors consulted about making a King behold on a sudden some of the Nobility of their own accord swear Allegiance to him which officious Good-will was never known to have been shewn to any before he was declared King. 7. As the Practice of the Kingdom is an Evidence of its Right numerous Instances may be produc'd of Choices not only so called by the Historians but appearing so in their own Natures wherein no regard has been had to Proximity but barely to Blood. And I believe no Man can shew me any more than Two since the reputed Conquest of whom it can be affirm'd with any semblance of Truth that they came in otherwise than upon Election express'd by the Historians of the Time or imply'd as they had no other Title or else a late Settlement of the Crown either upon themselves immediately or in Remainder The Two upon which I will yield some Colour are R. 1. and E. 1. which singular Instances will be so far from turning the Stream of Precedents that unless the Form or Manner of Recognising their Rights as Hereditary be produc'd the Presumption is strong that the Declarations of the Conventions of those Days or the People's acquiescing upon the Question Whether they would consent to the King in nomination or both made even their Cases to be plain Elections And of these two Instances perhaps one may be struck off For tho' Walsingham says of E. 1. They recogniz'd him for their Leige-lord that does not necessarily imply a Recognition from a Title prior to their Declaration for which way soever a King comes in duely he becomes a Liege-lord and is so to be recogniz'd or acknowledg'd and that the Title was not by this Author suppos'd prior to the Recognition appears in that he says Paterni honor is successorem ordinaverunt They ordain'd or appointed him Successor of his Father's Honour And yet his Father to secure the Succession to him had soon after his Birth issued out Writs to all the Sheriffs of England requiring all Persons above Twelve Years old to swear to be faithful to the Son with a Salvo for the Homage and Fealty due to himself Indeed of R. 1. the Historian says He was to be promoted to the Kingdom by Right of Inheritance yet the very Word promoted shews something that he was to be rais'd to higher than that Right alone would carry him which he fully expresses in the Succession of E. 2. which he says was not so much by Right of Inheritance as by the unanimous Assent of the Peers and Great Men. Which shews that ordinarily they respectively who stood next in Blood might look for the Crown before another till the People had by their Choice determin'd against them But this is farther observable of R. 1. That he was not called King here but only Duke of Normandy till he was Crown'd which next to the People's Choice was in great measure owing to his Mother's Diligence For he being absent at the Death of his Father his Mother who had been releas'd out of Prison by his means to secure the Succession to him went about with her Court from City to City and from Castle to Castle and sent Clergy-men and others of Reputation with the People into the several Counties by whose Industry she obtain'd Oaths of Allegiance to her Son and her self from the People in the County-Courts as it should seeem notwithstanding which the Archbishop charg'd him at his Coronation

him from his Master but only by a commodious Interpretation to have what is done by him or with him sustain'd and that so long the Error of the People and Servitude of the Person chosen should not prejudice what is done Gotofred goes yet further and says Magistrates and Judges constituted by Tyrants the Manner of Judgments being kept and things done according to Form of Law or transacted according to their Wills have been held good And yet in this Case the Defect seems greater being the Power is collated by one inhabil and so a substantial Form is wanting Wherefore in this part there seems no difference between the Inhability of the Elector or the Elected And if ever the Common Utility or Publick Good might warrant Actions out of the common Course certainly this could never have been pleaded more forcibly than in the Case of this Nation which unless it had declared for King WILLIAM and Queen MARY which they did in the most regular way that the Nature of the Thing would bear had in all likelihood by French Forces by this time been reduc'd to the miserable Condition of the poor Protestants in Ireland who are by no means beholden to the nice Observers of unnecessary and impracticable Forms I cannot think that I have followed Truth too nigh at the Heels for my Safety in the present Government which I take to be built upon this stable Foundation and that Protestant fondly flatters himself who thinks to retain his Religion and Security upon any Terms at a return of the former which some who were Instruments in setting up this seem madly to contend for But could Men hope to find their private Accounts in such a Change yet surely the dismal Prospect of Common Calamities to ensue should induce them to sacrifice such low Ends to the Interest of their Religion and their Country I am not sensible that I have misrepresented any Fact or Authority tho' I have not urg'd them with that strength which might have been by a better Pen. Perhaps what I have offer'd may give another Notion of the Succession than what many have imbib'd who will think I violate what is Sacred I have not urg'd the Illegitimation of the Children of E. 4. by Richard the Third's Parliament because tho' he was a King de facto if the Character fix'd on him be true he was a Tyrant as well as Usurper upon the innocent Prince E. 5. in whose Name he first took the Government upon him and either terrified or cheated the People into a Compliance with his Pretences Tho' I have not the vanity to believe that any thing of my own can weigh with them who have thought otherwise before especially if they have listed themselves on a Side contrary to that which no Disadvantages can make me repent of Yet I cannot but hope that the Authorities which I have produc'd will occasion some Consideration till they are either evaded or disprov'd And being all Legal Objections are answer'd nor can any Scruple of Conscience be here pretended without much less against Law What hinders but that we should exert our utmost in the Service of that Lawful Government from which we receive Protection and may expect Rewards for Vertue at least the Defence of it if we do not strengthen the Hands of them who have hitherto made that the greatest Crime Wherefore for us now to look back after we have set our Hands to the Plough would be not only to distrust that Providence which has given such a wonderful Encouragement to Perseverance but were enough to tarnish all our Actions with the Imputation of making the Publick Interest a Pretence for carrying on our own 'T is an happiness indeed when they are twisted and thrive together But the Cause is such as a Man ought not to fear to die nay to starve for it And how improsperous soever a Man's Endeavours for this may prove yet it may be a Comfort to have sown that Seed which may grow up for the Benefit of future Ages Nor ought he to repine because another Man hath gilded over his Name by what he has got by the Ruine of his Country or may have insinuated himself again into Opportunities to betray it Let it be enough for him how much soever slighted and contemn'd while he lives to embalm his Memory by a steadiness to Truth and the Interest of his Country not to be shaken by cross Accidents to himself or the Publick Cause Let him still act uniformly while others live in perpetual Contradictions or Varieties their Actions and their Principles thwarting themselves or each other or varying with the State-Weathercocks Let them violate the Laws out of Loyalty unchurch all Protestant Churches but their own out of Zeal against Popery narrow the Terms of Communion to spread the National Religion confine all Advantages to that Communion for the Publick Good make their King the Head of a Party to strengthen his Hands against his Enemies deliver up Charters and retake them gelt of their Noblest Privileges in performance of their Oaths to preserve them fight against their King and yet urge the Obligation of Oaths requiring an unalterable Allegiance to his Person assert that the Power is inseparable from him and yet may in his absence without his Consent be transferr'd to a Regent not to be reassum'd when he should think fit to return grant that he has broken the Contract yet contend that he retains that Power which he receiv'd from the Contract or that tho' the Contract is broken the Throne is not vacant or if it be vacant yet an Heir has a Right and so it is vacant and not vacant at the same time Or that after one has broken a Condition upon which he took an Estate to himself and his Heirs in Fee-simple or Tail another shall enjoy it as Heir to him and that in his Life-time invite a Deliverer yet reject the Deliverance Upon such Principles as these I find an eminent English Prelate censur'd as a Deserter of his Church for going about according to his great Learning to justifie the Oaths taken to the present Government And thus the Cause of J. 2. is made the Cause of the Church of England Certain it is whatever is now pretended 't is more difficult to justifie the taking up or promoting Arms against a Deliverer than an Oppressor And if Arms against the last were lawful even with the Prospect of involving Thousands in the Miseries of War much more are they in Defence of that Power which has restor'd those Liberties which the other invaded and reassur'd the Publick Peace And whoever first engag'd and now draw back not only brand themselves for Traitors but make it evident that Ambition Revenge or some ungenerous Design animated their Undertakings And as I doubt not but they will meet with their due Reward perhaps that Success which Nostredamus and others foretel to our present King may go further with such Men to

Rot. Parl. 8 H. 4. n. 60. Gomezius de Qualitatibus Contractuum f. 319. Hottomanni Com. de Verbis Juris usus-fructus est jus alienis rebus utendi fruendi salvâ rerum substantiâ Emphyteusis 13 E. 4. Rot. Parl. 1 H. 7. n 16. H. 7. Son to Edmund Earl of Richmond Brother by Mother's Side to H. 6. Rot. Parl. 1 H. 7. Vid. Rot. Parl. 1 H. 7. n. 16. supra Vindiciae contra Tyrânnos Ed. Amstelodami p. 110. Rot. Parl. 1 H. 7. 25 H. 8. c. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 2. 28 H. 8. c. 7. Vid. 28 H. 8. sup 35 H. 8. Hist of Succession f. 34. 1 2 P. M. c. 9. 1 Eliz. c. 3. 1 Jac. 1. c. 1. Sir Robert Filmer's Power of Kings f. 1. Vid. Pufend. de Interregn sup p. 288 289. 25 E. 3. Stat. 2. Stat. 25 E. 3. sup Vid. 1. Anderson f. 60 61. A Devise to the Wife after her Decease to the Children Vid. Wild's C. 6 Rep. In Shelley's C. 1 Rep. f. 103. A Gift to a Man semini suo or prolibus suis or liberis suis or exitibus suis or pueris suis de corpore Vid. Sir James Dalrimple's Institutions of the Laws of Scotland f. 52. Vid. Dugdale's Bar. 2. Vol. Beaumont Just Inst lib. 1. tit 9. So Bracton lib. 1. cap. 9. Greg. Tholos Syntagma juris universi f. 206. Spiegelius tit Liberi Non procedere in privilegiis quae generaliter publicae utilitati derogant Vid. Antonii Perezi Inst Imperiales p. 21. Vid. Cujac ad tit de verborum significatione p. 147. 230. That the People of England have duly exercis'd their Power in setling the Government Object Answ Hobbs his Leviathan Pufendorf de Interregnis p. 282. A Letter to a Friend advising in this exttaordinary Juncture c. Vid. Pufend de Interregnis p. 267. sup in Marg. Brady's first Edit p. 227. See this proved upon him Pref. to Jus Anglorum Prynne's Animadversions on 4 Inst f. 10. Vid. Rushw 1 vol. f. 470. 3 Car. ● Tacit. de Moribus German Coeunt nisi quid fortuitum subitum certis diebus c. V. Leges S. Ed. tit Greve In capite Kal. Maii. Jus Angl. c. 7. Vid. sup 12 Car. 2. c. 1. 3 Inst f. 7. sup in Marg. Anno 1127. Vid. Spelm. Con. 2. vol. f. 1. De modo habendi Synodos in Angliâ primaevis temporibus Vid. Jan. Ang. fac nov and Jus Angl. Flor. Wigorn. f. 663. Confluxerant quoque illuc magnae multitudines Clericorum Laicorum tam divitum quam mediocrum factus est conventus grandis inestimabilis Quaedam determinata quaedam dilata quaedam propter nimium aestuantis turbae tumultum ab audientiâ judicantium profliga●a c. Rex igitur cum inter haec Londoniae moraretur auditis concilii gestis consensum praebuit confirmavit Statuta concilii a Willielmo Cant. c. celebrati Vid. sup Hottom Illust Quaest 17. Gotofredus de Electione Magistratû inhabilis per errorem factâ p. 6. Gotofred sup p. 23. sponte transacta Conclusion Letter to B. L. Victrix causa Diis placuit sed victa Catoni Cent. 9. 49. Cent. 2. 51. Cent. 2. 53. Cent. 3. 80. last Edit 1682. Cent. 1. 52. Cent. 4. 96. Cent. 3. 16. Cent. 2. 68. Taken out of the 12th and added to the 7th Cent. 80. last Ed. par plui 82. 83. 〈◊〉 10. 66. Cent. 2. 100. Cent. 4. 16. 〈◊〉 6. 7. 〈◊〉 10. 56. Cent. 4. 89. Cent. 2. 67. Prophesies at the end 5. Cent. 6. 13. Cent. 8. 58. Cent. 10. 26. Cent. 5. 18. Cent. 5. 4. Cent. 30. 70. Cent. 4. 13. Cent. 4. 22. Cent. 4. 75. Albion Cent. 10. 68. Cent. 5. 26. Cent. 1. 13. Cent. 1. 35. Cent. 1. 33. Cent. 2. 78. Cent. 2. 38. Cent. 2. 89. Cent. 3. 63. Cent. 2. 87. Cent. 5. 99. Cent. 6. 28. Cent. 5. 24. alias 74. Cent 5. 87. Cent. 6. 41. Cent. 6. 12. Cent. 6. 43. Paris Cent. 3. 9. Cent. 5. 34. Last Ed. Blaye Cent. 9. 38. Cent. 9. 64. Cent. 10. 7. Cent. 1. 32. Cent. 1. 100. Cent. 2. 61. Vid. Cent. 5. 34. Cent. 2. 97. Vid. Cent. 6. 43. Cent. 3. 49. Cent. 5. 43. Louis le Grand Cent. 3. 83. Cent. 6. 3. Cent. 6. 4. Cent. 7. 34. Cent. 8. 98. Cent. 9. 92. Cent. 10. 22. Cent. 10. 75. Cent. 10. 86. Cent. 9. 49. France Cent. 2. 51. Anno 1666. St. Paul ' s. Other Churches Cent. 2. 53. The Plague not to cease till the Fire Cent. 3. 80. Ed. 1672. 82. Monmouth Cent. 1. 52. J. 2. born under Scorpio Q. the Nativity of his Brother of France Cent. 4. 96. The D. of Cambridge born 15 years after the Princess of Orange England counted the Ballance of Europe Cent. 3. 16. The Prince of Orange English by his Mother Sister to J. 2. Cent. 2. 68. Viz. The Liberties of the Kingdom Added to the Twelfth Cent. Stan. 80. From a Prince becomes a King. Ibid. 82. The second Landing in the West He being a Romanist calls it so Ibid. 83. A lively Description of the State of our Court. Cent. 10. 66. The Commentator renders this a Reign of Confusion Cent. 2. 100. All join in the Association Cent. 4. 16. The King seeing the Numbers encrease would repent too late Cent. 6. 7. The United Provinces vex Denmark England or the Governour there of the Romish Religion and French Blood by his Mother Cent. 10. 56. J. 2. of the Order of the Jesuits Another Realm or Government rescues England Vid. Usher 's Antiqu. Brit. f. 〈◊〉 citing Merlin Gallica quem gignet qui gazis regna replebit Oh dolor oh gemitus fratris ab ense cadet Cent. 4. 89. Luy mort desgouteront distillabunt shall occasion his Death drop by drop Blonde is most commonly render'd Fair but may be taken for any Complexion departing from Black. Cent. 2. 67. Prophecies at the end 5. Who in danger of drinking the Juyce of Orange Cent. 6. 13. Doubtful what Title to take The King can't justifie the Babe Cent. 8. 58. The Babe sent to France Cent. 10. 26. The Occasion of taking the Crown of England Cent. 5. 18. V. Cent. 2. 63. speaking of France and Germany Qui le Grand mur c. J. 2. of Scotland the Seventh Cent. 3. 70. The Mastiff an Emblem of England Cent. 3 70. The Landing of Forces may answer this Ausonium Ausburg Cent. 4. 13. Cent. 4. 42. The Officers disbanded after the routing of Monmouth Cent. 4. 75. Albion England Cent. 10. 68. Viz. Their Liberties Forces sent to Holland Cent. 5. 26. Aux Monts Cent. 1. 13. Cent. 1. 35. English and Begick Lion. Cent. 1. 33 Cent. 2. 78. The King of England shall find his Designs fatal to himself Cent 2. 38. England and France Cent. 2. 89. England and France As its State new The King of France Cent. 3. 63. Rome and France Cent. 2. 87. The Prince of Orange is of German Extraction The Whore of Babylon Cent. 5. 99. Germans English Dutch. Cent. 6. 28. Belgick The Pope The French. Cent. 5. 24. alias 74. The English reputed of Trojan blood and London has been called Troinovant Cent. 5. 87. Vid. Partridge de Anno 1688. The Sun now deprest by Saturn Cent. 6. 41. Prince George the Dutch and English Cent. 6. 12. Cent. 6. 43. Paris Cent. 3. 9. A Sea-fight English and Flemings victorious over the French. Cent. 5. 34. It must needs be thought that this relates to the Princes landing and stay in the West Cent. 9. 38. Vid. Pref. Cent. 9. 64. The Jesuit Cent. 10. 7. * France Cent. 1. 32. Cent. 10. 100. Cent. 2. 61. Vid. Cent. 5. 34. The English Forces fatal to the French. Cent. 2. 97. Seems to relate to Paris vid. Cent. 6. yet may agree with London Cent. 3. 49. Cent. 3. 53. * Holland Cent. 3. 83. Part of France Is it a doubt who has been Agent for the French. Cent. 6. 3. The Rhine First the Administration then the Crown Cent. 6. 4. Cologne Vid. Partridge of the Conjunctions An. 1688. Cent. 7. 34. Cent. 8. 98. Cent. 9. 92. The Prince Nephew to the K. as well as Son-in-law Cent. 10. 22. Aministrator first Cent. 10. 75. The Ausburg League Cent. 10. 86. Nota Abdicated Cited in the Northern Star f. 25. Nota Ireland has no Crown Dedicated to Matthias King of Hungary Anno 1480. Edit Anno 1552. Pag. 7. 6. The Emperor and King of Spain of the same House