subsist and pay our Troops might through a very small Care and friendly Conduct of the Prince of Orange in our behalf and through the least measure of Discretion Wisdom Justice Equity and Compassion of those Assemblies stiled our Parliaments to the Kingdom have been preserved in the Nation and have remained to circulate among our selves for the support and increase of our Manufacture and for the protection and enlargement of our Trade and Navigation And the Ways Means and Methods in and by which it might have been done are both so various and plain That had there not been a Conjunction of Malice in King William and of Treachery in our Senators towards England it would not have escaped the being undertaken persued and effected long ago For why might not we with as much Ease and with more Justice have carried all the Provisions from hence for the subsisting the Confederate Army or at least our own Troops and those of other Nations under our pay as that the Dutch should have the Privilege of furnishing it and to be encouraged as well as suffered to go away with the Gain Nor can any other Reason be assigned of the Conduct we have been under in this matter but that William intends to bring us first to Beggary and then into Thraldom and that too many among our selves are through Folly and Knavery willing both to assist and justify him in the effecting of it Had we not Ships enough as I am sure we had before we lost so many Thousands of them as we have done since the Revolution and the Commencement of this War which was the unhappy Off-spring of it to have carried over to Flanders our Grain Butter and Cheese Iron Bread and all things else that are necessary unto or consumable by an Army but that the buying of all those here and the transporting them thither should in a manner be given up and entirely consigned into the hands of the Dutch Whence we are justly become the Derision and Contempt of the World that being stored and furnished without purchasing of other Nations with all the Productions either of Art or Nature that an Army can need or use and the Dutch having scarce any thing of their own Growth and little of their own Manufactures to answer the Occasions and Exigences of so vast a military Body yet that they should engross to themselves the supplying them with all they want and we not only tamely connive at it but like People who have lost their Senses and forfeited their Understandings as well as abandoned the Care of their Country do approve it With what facility might it have been stipulated and provided for at our first entrance into the Confederacy or retrieved and recovered to us since upon renewing of Alliances with those whom we are become engaged to assist in this War that all those Supplies necessary for Troops which England could afford should be applied to that end and that as they should be transported by none but our selves so they should be expended and laid out not only upon our own Troops towards the saving the Remission of Money but taken off from us and accepted by our Allies in lieu of those vast Sums we have disbursed upon them Nor will ever England vindicate it self from the Dishonour and Ignominy brought upon it in that during all this time wherein we have been wasting our Men and Treasure to defend the Dutch Barrier and protect the Provinces of others and to make Conquests for them we should never have contracted for a Port where we might unload what we pleased towards the premised Uses and Ends without being liable to the Payment of Customs or any other Duties of that kind which use to be exacted Which the present House of Commons seems to be sensible of though it is now too late and have therefore declared in their Vote of Decemb 10. That it is the Opinion of that House that all Commodities and Provisions that shall be transported from England for the use of the Forces in his Majesties pay abroad be exempted from any Duty and Excise throughout the Spanish and United Netherlands But though this Vote doth sufficiently intimate their Sense of King William's Infidelity as to the trust reposed in him under the Quality and Stile of King of England and of his Treachery to this Nation in not having contracted and stipulated with those Allies for the forementioned Privilege and Immunity Yet the Treaties between him and these Confederates being already concerted and ratified without the mention or specification of any such Freedom and Advantage to be allowed us all the Effect and Operation which this Vote of the House of Commons can have is to proclaim them to be pragmatical weak and insolent in assuming a Power and Authority over the Rights of foreign Princes and States and that contrary unto as well as without regard to Articles adjusted between King William and those States in the fresh Alliances which have been lately renewed made and ratified Nor can any thing now after the aforesaid Vote preserve the House of Commons from the Derision Scorn and Contempt of Mankind but their declaring those Alliances to have been contracted and confirmed to the prejudice of England and therefore not to be supported by any Taxes to be levied upon the Subjects of this Kingdom And that the said House will grant no Money towards the Confederacy till such other Agreements are made and entered into between this Crown and those neighbouring States which may correspond with and come up to the Opinion of the said House as they have declared it in the foresaid Vote and by the Printing whereof they have published it to the World as the unanimous Opinion and Judgment of the Representative Body of the whole Commons of England And may not this Treachery in the present Administration so openly reflected upon by the foresaid Vote cause us remember both the Memory of Queen Elizabeth and of Oliver Cromwel with Commendations and Praises of their Conduct while in the mean time we must convey down to our Off-spring the Name of the Prince of Orange loaded with all the Obloquies Imprecations and Curses that a People impoverished and ruined by his contrived and chosen ill Conduct towards these Kingdoms can entail upon it For as that great Heroine Queen Elizabeth did upon her assisting the Dutch with a very few Troops in comparison of what we now do covenant with and obtain of them the Brill Flushing and Ramekins to be put into her hands as Cautionary Towns not only that she might thereby oblige them to a more firm dependency upon her and tie them to the better observation of their Alliances and secure unto herself the Reimbursment of some part of the Treasure which she expended in protecting them but that she might always be in a Condition and have it in her own Power to reinforce relieve succour and supply those Troops that she sent them for their aid and defence according
their Ships of War or their Vessels of Commerce and Traffick Nor has he any more Right to deprive me of my Liberty save when where and in what Cases the Laws have declared me to have forfeited it than I have to break into the Prince of Orange's Closet at Kensington and to snatch from thence the Testimonials of his Reconciliation to the Church of Rome But by these little sportful Preludiums of the young Cub we may guess what we are to expect from the Animal when grown up to the full strength and vigour of a Tyger or a Lion But the next Depradation and Invasion committed upon our Trade is more vilanous and ought to be more provoking as well as surprising than any of the former seeing it was neither compassed nor executed by meer Cunning and Fraud nor upon Pretences of avowed Authority derived and received from King William but which they perpetrated by open Force and direct Violence Whereof though there may possibly be found divers Instances yet I shall only assign one but which shall be of that hainous Nature that we need require no more and ought henceforth to think how to do our selves Right and take our Revenge upon them The Hostility and Violence which I mean is that committed by the Dutch upon the African Company of England in driving them by armed Force out of two Factories in Africa the one whereof brought the Company Forty Marks of Gold per Mensem and the other not much less besides other Commodities For the said Company having among other Factories which they had erected and quietly held in Africa established one at a Place called Commenda and which they stood possessed of and had furnished with all Things necessary for the defence and protection of their Servants and for the management of their Trade both in the Sale of what they transported thither from hence and for the obtaining and securing whatsoever the adjacent Coast and the neighbouring Ports on that Continent afforded fit to be brought hither the Dutch having a Factory adjoyning thereunto did about Two years ago instigate and stir up the Natives against the English Factory by telling them that the English were a conquered Nation and not able any longer to help and assist or to trade with them in that they had subdued the Kingdom of England and made their Stadtholder who was but their Servant King and Monarch of it By which fraudulent Means and Language as reproachful of us as it was false in it self the Natives who are all a kind of unthinking Mob and easily misled as well through the Habitude and Dulness of their Understandings as through the little Acquaintance and Knowledge which they have of the European Parts of the World made an Insurrection against the English and in Multitudes assaulted and attacked their Factory But the Africans being no better than an undisciplined Rout and not well furnished with the Materials and Utensils of War and especially being unprovided with great Artillery were easily repelled and beaten off by those of the English Factory which the Dutch observing and being sensible that time would both asswage the mutinous Passions of the Natives and discover the Fraud by which they had hurâ—ied them into that hasty and intemperate Rage against the Factory there having been noâ— just Cause administered by the English whereby the Natives might be provoked to fall upon them thereupon the Dutch did not only make fresh Applications unto and renew their Instigations of the Africans to persevere in and persue the Design of expelling the English out of the forementioned Factory but these treacherous Hollanders did hostily turn and fire the Guns of their own Fort against the English Factory that stood near unto it and by armed Violence drove them from thence and forced them to leave and abandon it And as these are some of the blessed Fruits and Effects of the Revolution so having by our departure from our Loyalty lost together with our Vertue our Honour and our Concerns for the safety and welfare of our Country these Encroachments Rapines and Robberies of the Dutch are not only overlookt by most tamely digested by all but have a Merit and Sanctity ascribed to them by some of our Sycophant and Mercenary Clergy under the Notion of the Tributes of our Gratitude paid to the Hollanders as our Deliverers from Popery and Slavery And it is but Reason That owing our Lives Liberties and Estates to the Friendship and Bounty of their Assistance when the Gospel and every Thing that is valuable in it self and dear to us was at Stake they should at pleasure claim and exercise a Jurisdiction over them and we be contented with a precarious Right in all that we are and have For through the Bigottry of most and the Treachery of a great many it is now arrived at this That even for a House of Peers to take upon them the representing the Decays and Sufferings of the Nation in point of Trade is by your Salisbury Burnet thought worthy of being branded with the alarming and ignominious Name of Remonstrating against the Government But I will venture to say That if speedy Remedies be not fallen upon and used by the Senate of the Kingdom for the relieving us from our Distresses and Miseries of that kind that the forenamed miâ—red Gentleman will soon find the Heats of the Nation to rise beyond the Remedy of his Vinegar-bottle how effectual soever he may have found that Liquor to have been to check and allay warm and â—ustful Insurrections in himself Yea in vain do both Houses of Parliament labour to help and relieve us in this matter while we have a King so linked and united to the Dutch by manifold ties of Interest and Affection and who thinks himself no otherwise obliged by the Title and Authority we have given him over this Nation than to sacrifice us to their Safety and Prosperity and to raise them to Greatness Power and Wealth upon our Poverty Thraldom and Ruin So that the only mean of Deliverance and Rescue is to dissolve the Bonds between him and us and to return and leave him where we found him in the separate and amorous Embraces of his darling and beloved Hollanders All I have further to add in reference to the damage done to the Trade of this Nation by the Dutch and of the Design which King William out of kindness to them has been promoting for the Ruin and Subversion of our Traffick shall be briefly to take notice of and to reflect a little upon his erection of a Scotch African and East India Company with such Immunities and Privileges as will prove destructive of the Trade of England to those Parts Which Scotch Company as it is established by a late Act of Parliament of that Kingdom to which King William gave the enacting Fiat and Royal Sanction so he did it without giving his English Privy Council or any other of this Nation the least antecedent Notice of it and much
more without asking or taking their Advice about it though a matter both of great Importance in it self and of vast Consequence to the Trade of this Kingdom Nor can it be imagined that the said Act for erecting of a Scotch Company was surreptitiously obtained or precipitately passed without his Knowledg and Information of the Tenor of it Seeing the Instructions were formed and digested here and signed by him which upon being sent down thither gave occasion and encouragement there to make and enact such a Statute at this Juncture And it is highly worthy of remark That this Scotch Law containing so many unusual Privileges and beneficial Concessions as were never granted heretofore by any King of Great Britain should be made at a Season when the Trade of England is so loaded and depressed by late grievous Impositions and Taxes laid upon It by several Laws since the Revolution in order to the carrying on of the present War and for the defraying the Charges of it Nor is it conceivable how after so many Discouragements given to the English East India Company not only in refusing them an Establishment by Law but in Delaying for several Years to grant them a Confirmation of their Charter and thereby putting them both to vast Expenses through their being so long in soliciting of it and the leaving them all that while naked and exposed to be undermined and supplanted by Interlopers that this unwonted and exuberant Grace should be exercised to the Kingdom of Scotland were it not done upon the Influence of Dutch Councils and in pursuance of Measures from Holland for the ruining the Trade of England And whosoever considers the little respect and the less affection which King William hath for the Scots Nation and with what disdain and contempt he speaks oâ— that whole Kingdom and treats those of the first Quality of it will easily believe That he did not authorise the Establishment of the forementioned Company out of kindness unto or concern for the Prosperity of that Nation but that it was done upon the Motives and in pursuance of foreign Councils Not that I do envy the Scots any Favour that is shewed them upon whatsoever Inducements it be done or that I blame the Parliament of Scotland for what they have done in this particular towards the raising of the Genius and encouraging the Industry of their People to the pursuit of Trade but what I would say is That as King William's Kindness to the Scots in this matter is to the apparent and visible Damage of the English so it is morally certain that both the first overture of such an Establishment sprung from Belgick Councils and that the Prince of Orange's Instructions which led that Parliament to such a Bill and the Royal Assent given thereunto by his Commissioner upon which it is become a Law and Statute is all in order to encrease the Trade and raise the Grandeur of the Dutch and to depress and lessen the Trade of England and thereby to weaken and impoverish the Kingdom For as the Author of a Paper called Some Considerations upon the late Act of the Parliament of Scotland for constituting an Indian Company has with Candor and Ingenuity told us Pag. 4. That the Original of that Design of settling a Company of Commerce for Strangers as well as for Scotch-men was not from Scotland nor from hence but altogether from foreign Parts which as he there tells us he had from good hands So we have reason upon his Testimony to receive what he says being so avowed a Patron of the Wisdom Justice and Equity of the said Act. However it will not be amiss to unfold a little more distinctly what he hath only obscurely and briefly insinuated In the doing whereof I must crave pardon for revealing a Secret committed to me in a private Conversation and the rather because I have always valued my self upon an inviolable Fidelity toward all that have trusted me and upon a tenacious Retentiveness and steddy Secrecy in reference to such Things as have been privately and under the Notion of friendship conveyed to me But where my Discretion has only been confided in but neither my Honour nor my Conscience have been engaged I do judg that I not only may but that in Duty I ought to disclose what hath been and is contrived and machinated in order to divide and separate these two Kingdoms and thereby to weaken if not ruin both of them namely That the Dutchâ— being afraid that either through the Prince of Orange's Death or through King James's Restauration these Nations may be awakened to consider how they have been first deluded and misled and then wronged and injured by the Hollanders and thereupon may be provoked to demand Reparation and grow enraged to persue Revenge they have therefore studied and concerted how to separate the Kingdoms of England and Scotland the one from the other And have proceeded so far therein as in either of the foregoing Cases to have allowance for it from Willam's Dutch Minions and Confidents which is equivalent to the having it from himself And accordingly they have treated with some of the Scotch Nation about it whom they have not only gratified with Mony to make them pliable but have given them assurance That there shall be Three or Four hundred thousand Pound ready to bribe and gain the chief and most leading Men of that Kingdom to comply with this Design at what time it may be needful for the Dutch to have it put in execution In pursuance whereof they have started the Project of a Scotch East India Company which that Nation had all the reason in the World to take hold of and they will be thought not only kind but just to themselves in gaining this Grant and Concession from the Crown for their coming into the Interest of this Man at a Season when their adhering to their Rightful King as was their Duty to have done would have made this Man's Title very uncertain and precarious and would have rendered his Abode in and Reign over these Kingdoms of a very short Duration and Continuance Nor will it escape the recommending the Wisdom of the Scots Nation to Posterity That whilst the English who have lavished away and wasted near 40 Millions sterl upon their Dutch King have not obtained one Beneficial National Act or Law in recompence of all that they have so foolishly and prodigally bestowed for the support of his Government the Scots by taking the Benefit of his foreign Inclinations and Affections have gained something that may be useful to them and their Off-spring It were high Presumption in me to undertake to declare how far the Scots Act is directly calculated and adapted to the Prejudice of England seeing that were to invade the Province and to break into the Rights of both Houses of the Parliament of England who being extreamly sensible of and having maturely weighed it have not only the Integrity and Fortitude to represent it
to have Satisfactorily answered The first is That they would tell us what the meaning of a King de facto is and how such a One differs from a King de jure For I find that many both of the Lawyers Gentry as well as of the Clergy who do wholy disbelieve and in their Minds disclaim the Prince of Orange's Right to the Sovereignty do yet allow themselves to swear Allegiance to him and do pay him the Duty of Subjects meerly because he is got into Possession of the Throne and Royal Title and de facto hath assumed the exercise of the Kingly Power Nor am I ignorant that the pedant Writers of Politicks do speak of a King de facto as well as of a King de jure but so far as I am capable of understanding Reason or good Sense no Man can be called a King de facto who is not either antecedently or concomitantly a King also de jure Seeiâ—g he that is stiled a King but who is not rightfully so is by all the Laws of God and Man a Robber and an Usurper but a King he is not nor can he be A Thief may as well be called a legal Proprietor of what he hath stolen from his Neighbour and he that Pads upon the Road may have as just a Claim to the Purse he hath forcibly taken from a Traveller though the Law makes both the one and the other obnoxious to be hanged and that very justly too as he can have either Right or Pretence to the Regal Title and Power who attains not to them by the Methods Rules and Measures and in the Virtue Force and Efficacy of the Constitution And as the Names of Intruder Usurper and Robber and not those of Prince Sovereign and King are which such a one ought only to be called by so instead of Allegiance due unto him or of our being under the Obligation eitheâ— of divine or human Laws to render unto that Person the Duties of Subjects we are bound boâ—h in Law and Conscience to raise Hue and Cry after him and to persue him and make him accountable for the Crimes which have entitled him to the Names of Robber of his Neighbours Crown and Intruder into and Usurper of another Man's Throne Things are stubborn and inflexible and will not change their Natures because of the complemental soft Words that are fastned upon them Theft Robbery and Usurpation will not cease to be the same evil and abominable Crimes which God hath denounced Curses against and which Men in all Ages have annexed Punishments unto notwithstanding the smooth Whitehall and Kensington Language with which we varnish them over And whereas the Word and Name King hath been hitherto taken for a fair honest and honourable Word and Name and held no ways reproachful for a vertuous Man to have it ascribed unto him and to be denominated by it I will venture to say that it is one of the worst and most scandalous Words in the World and the most disgraceful and injurious Title that a Person is capable of having given him if it be allowed to express an Usurper by and used of one that has no Right to a Crown but meerly the Possession of it But whereas there are some who through want of Sense and others who through Ignorance of the Law may take the Prince of Orange to be a King de jure and may thereby hope both to save their Consciences and their Credits and think to justify themselves from Treason and Disloyalty in their swearing Allegiance to him and yielding him the Fealty due from Subjects I desire therefore in the second Place to ask our Senators of Wisdom and our Gentlemen of the Gowns how this Right to be King accrues to the Prince of Orange and from what Sources of Law and Justice the Royal Stile and Authority come to be derived unto and vested in him and by what Tenure he bears the Royal Name and exerciseth the Sovereign Power For as there are but Three ways in any Nation of arriving lawfully at the Supream Authority and of coming legitimately and honestly to be a King namely either by the Right of hereditary Succession or by the Right of just and lawful Conquest or by the Right of Election where through the known Laws and the fundamental Provisions of the Constitution there is upon every Vacancy of the Throne a Privilege vested in the People or in their Representatives or in some select Number of the most honourable and qualified Persons to chuse one to fill it And as none can have the Impudence to say either that the Prince of Orange is King of England by the Right of hereditary Succession seeing there are divers Persons who have an hereditary Right of inheriting the Crown antecedently to him Or that he attained to be King by a lawful Conquest in a just War seeing that is not only disclaimed by himself and reprâ—bated by the Parliament but because the offering to establish his Title upon that Foundation and to justify it by that Plea were to put us into the State of Slaves instead of Subjects and to make us enjoy all we are and have by his Pleasure and Will and not to have any Property in them by our antient Laws So in the third Place none who have the least Acquaintance with the Nature of our Constitution the Frame of our Government or the many Laws of the Land relative to the Right and Manner of Succession in the Sovereignty will dare to pretend that upon a Demise of the Crown the People or any certain Number of Persons whatsoever stand legally vested with a Power of chusing who shall succeed And the reason is obvious because our Monarch is and has been always an hereditary Monarch and not an elective Wherefore though there have been sometimes Interruptions in the Rightful Succession and Translations of the Crown from one Family to another yet save in the Cases of direct Usurpation such as Oliver Cromwel's it was never attempted on the Foot and Principle of the Peoples having a Power resident in them by Law to elect their King but it was always on the Motive and Foundation of doubtful and controverted Titles Which Claim though in some it was very weak yet it was always insisted upon and what their Title wanted in legal Goodness they endeavoured to make out by military Power I might add That there was no Demise here neither by Death nor by Resignation and much less were there any vested with a Regal Power of abdicating deposing and driving away King James So that upon the whole the Prince of Orange can upon â—o Foundation whatsoever nor in any Sense received among Men of coming Lawfully to a Crown be King of England de jure and by consequence he must be contented to be held for no other than an Usurper and as such ought all Men to account him who according to the Laws of Revelation and of the Kingdom would either approve themselves to God
lies so much under every ones Prospect that it needs only be pointed at and not insisted upon how much the Dutch stand advantag'd to Endamage us by their having the same Benting qualify'd to sit in the House of Lords under the Character of an English Peer In which Capacity abstracting from the Influence he has over his Master to Sway and Determine him to put a Negative upon such Bills as may be prepared there and in the House of Commons to Skreen us from Belgick Encroachments and Rapines he is Capable sometimes by his own single Vote and often so by the many Proxies which some â—hro Fear others thro Flattery and many in order to Court a place and Preferment do lodg with him to get those Bills thrown out which were either Introduced there by some generous Peer that loves his Country or framed and sent up thither by the House of Commons for their Lordships Concurrence in order to protect our Trade preserve our Constitution and to prevent the Slavery as well as the Poverty which the Dutch seek to have Overthrown and wish and endeavour to have us reduced unto Nor was there ever a good Bill formed upon the Design of being a Fence about our Lives Liberties and Estates whether it began in the Upper House or came conveyed thither from the Lower since the Revolution which this Gentleman raised to the Honour of Peerage by a Merit singular and peculiar to himself hath not both given his own Vote and if Occasion was applied all the Right Authority and Power vested in him by Proxies for the casting it out and the rejecting of it To which under this Head I shall only briefly add That it is no less than an avowed and visible Betraying both of the Honour and Interest of England to the Dutch to employ a Batavian under a Character derived from the Crown of England to any Foreign King or State about Brittish Affairs and Concerns And for any one stiling himself King of England to appoint a Dutch Man Amhassador or Envoy to any Court in Europe can be upon no other Motive than of Sarificing the Concernments of England in that Court and Country to the Pleasure and Profit of the Hollanders seeing we want not Men of Quality Sense and Merit of our own to be sent Abroad under those Characters And yet this Belgick Prince now set over us and whom our wise Senators have accustomed themselves to call their and our most Gracious King Values himself upon Treating us after this rate as appears by his Interposing in the Vindicating Justifying and Protecting of Myn Heer Schonenberg at Madrid whom in his Letters to the King and Court of Spain he calls his Ambassador And according Resents the Driving him out of that City as a Violation of the Rights and Laws of Nations tho it was for Crimes that any other Prince besides ours would have Chastised and not have Defended him Nor does the Privelege belonging to the Character he bears give him Security by any Laws in reference to the Cause for which he was Insulted from being as justly as he was ignominiously Dealt with Nevertheless this Belgick Prince hath espoused and pushed the Vindication and Defence of this Dutch Heer so far as to have Forbid the Spanish Ambassador to present any Memorial or to Appear at Court till he havâ— Satisfaction given him in Reference to that Batavian whom he hath the Indiscretion and Confidence in the View and Face of the World to stile an Ambassador from the Crown of England And were the Wheedle of Rescuing Nations from Popery and Slavery as proper to Influence the Subjects of his Catholick Majesty and to Pervert them from the Allegience to their Monarch as they did the weak and credulous People of these Kingdoms This Prince Errant who not only Fancieth himself another Hercules born and raised up to tame Monsters but one Divinely Commissioned to give Laws to all Nations and to Trample on Crowned Heads and wrest Scâ—ptres out of the Hands of Kings he would Embark speedily with his Dutch Janizaries for Cadiz to Drive his Catholick Majesty out of Spain as he did the King of Great Brittain from his Dominions In the mean time the Fraud to which this Schonenberg was accessary and the Insolence he was guilty of towards the King of Spain shews the Prince of Orange's Skill in the choice of his Ministers to be Employed Abroad under publick Characters and how well Qualified this Dutch Man was for being Constituted the Ambassador of the King of England Seeing it is most certain that as Dutch Stadtholder he could not give that Title nor the Powers belonging to it But is not England in the mean time in a safe and fine Condition to have all the Affairs of the Kingdom that are to be Transacted by a Person vested with that Character in the only Nation and Court of Europe where we have now most to do and are most embarkt in Commerce and Traffick and where our Concernments do chiefly lie to be not only Trusted in the Hands and put under the Care and Conduct of a Dutch Man but of one whom the Hollanders themselves have given the same Stile and appendant Powers unto for the Management of what appertains to them both in the way of State and Trade To whom we may be not only sure that he will be Truer than to Us but that it was intended by the Prince of Orange he should be so And should any be so foolishly Favourable as to Entertain a better Construction of his Highness's Intentions Yet it is Demonstrable that Nature and Interest will be prevalent in most Men especially in a Hollander above Duty and Obligation Accordingly Mr. Stanhop who is both an English Man and sent from hence to Reside there in the quality of William's Envoy is not only sensible of the Affront done to himself thro a Dutch Man's being Authorised under a higher Cha racter to meddle at that Court in Brittish Concerns but of the Injury done to the Kingdom by reason of that Hollander's Sacrificing them to a Belgick Interest So that by this Conduct of the Gentleman at Kensington the Sheep are committed to the Wolves to keep and the Guards allotted for our Defence are Placed upon us in Order to Assassinate Us. Nay at other Courts and particularly at the Hague where he pretends to Employ English Men under the Character of Envoys and Ambassadors from this Kingdom He Trusts none of them in the great Affairs and Concerns of State which are Transacted in that Court but Useth them only in Complements Trifles and Baggatells or at most in receiving and delivering such Letters as are of no Importance Witness among others my Lord Dursly whom I do therefore name because he is both a Person who for Honour Prudence and good Sense is qualified to discharge the Duties of a Publick Minister in any Court whatsoever and is one who preserves that Regard to his Country and to his own Dignity
Purchasing of it than She is believed to have done And therefore not being Contented with Lands of Theobalds which were bestowed upon him soon after the Prince of Orange was Advanced into a Condition and Capacity of making Grants and Alienations of that Kind and of which he has made large Improvements and Raised vast Summes from thence by Sales and otherwise to the wonderful Wrong and Damage of all those that had Leases of and Tenant Right in them from and under the late Duke of Albemarle to whose Father they were Judged a very Royal and Valuable Recompence for the Noble Service He did in Retrieving and Re-establishing the Government upon its Ancient Legal Bottom the Restoring the late King Charles to his Rightful and Hereditary Soveraignity and for Re-estating these Kingdoms in the peaceable Possession of their Laws and Liberties I say that not being Satisfied with this ample Donative and Gift He hath lately Begged of King William the other Lands I have Mentioned and hath had them Granted unto Him without the least Regard to the Right of the Crown the Property of the Prince of Wales the Laws of this Kingdom or to the Interest which some Hundreds of Persons have more or less in them Of which Acquisition on Benting's part and Alienation on William's it will not be amiss to inlarge a little that we may the better Discern and come the more Sensibly under the Impression both of the Despotical and Unlimimited Absoluteness which the Usurper and his Minions Challenge over us and of the Slavish State and Tenure we are Reduced unto of having our Estates wrested from us and given away to what Degree Measure and Proportion one Dutch Man shall have the Impudence to Demand and the other the Insolency and Tyranny to Grant For if we look into the Extent and Largeness of this Grant it is the Giving away no less than the Dominion and Property of Five Parts of Six of one Entire County which as it is too great a Power and Inheritance for any Foreign Subject to Possess and Inherit So it may hereafter prove Unsafe for the Government to have so Numerous a People made Subject unto and Dependant on Him Seeing it is of that vast Dimension and ample Jurisdiction that near Fifty Mean Lordships Hold of those Mannors and above Fifteen Hundred Freeholders are Tenants there to the King and thereby Obliged unto Him under a particular Allegiance besides that which they ow him in the Quality and on the Foot of their being his Subjects And it is so particular a Revenue Anciently Vested in the Prince of Wales that it cannot Legally and according to the Customs Constitution and Laws of England be Alienated from him And therefore upon the Creation of a Prince of Wales there are upon the Right of Tenure under him and of Tenancy unto him Mises of Eight Hundred Pounds payable to the said Prince Nor is it unworthy of Remark that in the Preamble of the Statute of the 21. Jac. Cap. 29 it was brought into Doubt and questioned whether Charles the First that was then Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwal whom the Statute Declares to have an Inheritance in both tho under special Limitation could Let or Rent Leases for Three Lives or any longer than his Own And it is there Declared that he could not unless such Leases were Confirmed in Parliament And the Reason is Because upon want of a Prince of Wales that Inheritance becomes immediatly Vested in the Crown So that if the Prince of Wales himself who has an Inheritance in that Revenue cannot Grant Estates out of it for any longer than his own Life without the Consent and Authority of Parliament it demonstratively Follows that the Prince of Orange who by the very Title that he possesseth the Crown hath at most only an Estate in it for his own Life cannot Grant away and Alienate it without the Consent of both Houses of Parliament Declared in and by a formal and express Statute To which I will presume to add that in Case of a Failure of a Prince of Wales it doth not settle in the Crown as a Propriety but as an Usufructuary till a Prince of Wales be Created to whose Creation that Revenue is Annexed by those words in our Law To him and his Heires who shall be Kings of England Nor was there ever a Disposal or Alienation of that Estate from the Crown save when Queen Elizabeth who was as much the Idol as she was called the Protectoress of her People ventured to grant it unto and bestow it upon the Earle of Leicester but that both occasioned such an Insurrection and Rebellion and was likely to raise and continue such a Civil War in the Kingdom that Leicester was glad both to depart from all Pretence of Claim that was made unto him by that Grant and quietly to Resign it and the Queen who wanted neither Spirit to Assert her legal Rights and Prerogatives nor Interest in the Affections of her Subjects for Support and Justification of them was joyful to put an End to those Intestine Divisions and Troubles bâ— Reassuming those Lands to the Crown where they have ever since continued Nor can a rightful and hereditaâ—y King of England even in the Case and on the Sâ—pposal that there were no Prince of Wales legally Alienate and Give away those Lands from the Crown seeing they are no otherwise Vested in it than in Trust to be Preserved forth coming to the Use Profit and Honour of such a Prince when there comes to be One and at what time he is Created and Declared And therefore in and by the very Statute of Charles II. which gave Power as well as Liberty for the Sale and Disposal of the Fee Farm Rents there is a particular and express Exception of the forementioned Welch Rents tho there was then no Prince of Wales nor any Prospect that there would be one of that King's Body which plainly Imported that the Parliament took the Welch Revenue nor to be Alienable Much less then can the Prince of Orange that hath no hereditary Right to the Crown but hath only Obtained it by the illegal and merely pretended Choice of the People which is in other Terms to have Usurped it and who by the very Act of Settlement has but an Estate for Life in the Possession of it Grant away the Inheritance and absolute Fee of the Principality of Wales For it is no less an Absurdity in Law to say that a Tenant for Life can Grant a Fee than to say that a Tenant in Fee can Grant no more than for a Life But it appears that that tho the Power of a lawful King and of a legitimate Prince of Wales be Limited and Restrained within the Precincts of Law yet that the Power of an Usurper is boundless and unconfined However it is no way incongruous that he who has violently Snatched his Father in Law and Uncle's Crown from his Head and Drove him from his
and them could not have been much to the Prejudice either of the Kingdom or of Trade farther than as it involved us in an unnecessary and unjust War meerly to gratify the Ambition of our Dutch King and to hinder the Return of our Legal and Rightful Sovereign Because otherwise as it would have been agreeable to our Interest both as we are an Island and a Trading Nation so it would not only have proved a means of keeping all our Mony at home and of the having had it to circulate among our selves but we should thereby had Treasure enough to have rigged out a Royal Navy superior to the marine Power of France and to have equipped and maintained more than a sufficient Number of Men of War as Cruisers and Convoys to have protected our Trade But to be first at the vast Expence we have been in raising and maintaining so great an Army on the Continent meerly for the Benefit of others and not our own and then to equip and set out double the Quota that the Dutch have towards the câ—nstituting the Confederate Fleet of both Nations was plainly to disable our selves from having that Number of Cruisers and Convoys as is necessary to be kept at Sea during the present War against so potent an Enemy as the King of France and his Subjects are upon that Element Nor was this concerted between our Belgick Prince and his beloved Dutch upon any other Motives or to other Ends but that we might be put out of Capacity of safe-guarding our Coasts and protecting our trading Vessels whilst the Dutch through furnishing a small Quota to the the General Fleet are left in a Condition to employ the rest of their marine and naval Strength in securing and protecting their Traffick And the Event hath fully answered the Design in that while we by furnishing so many Ships of War to the Royal Navy did leave our selves destitute of such a Number of Ships of War as might in the Quality of Cruisers and Convoys in all Seas as well as in the Chanel have covered and defended our trafficking Vessels and as we have in consequence thereof lost above 4000 trading Ships to the empoverishing of the Kingdom as well as of many Families that were before the Revolution opulent and rich while the Dutch in the mean time through their furnishing so small a Proportion of Men of War to the General Fleet and being thereby provided of the larger number of Men of War as well to defend their Merchant Ships as to guard their Coasts have not sâ—stained the Third nay nor the Fourth part of the Loss of Vessels and Cargoes that we have done Not but that our Chanels might have been better guarded and our trading Ships more protected than they have been by those Convoys and Cruisers that were appointed and ordained by Parliament had not our Commissioners of the Admiralty been treacherous and slothful as well as blockish and ignorant in the Service Duty and Province which they undertook So that if the Parliament as I have formerly hinted do not make those Persons accountable for the Losses at Sea which Merchants and in and through them the Kingdom hath sustained all thinking Men will have reason to believe That those they have chosen to be their Representatives do take pleasure in theâ—r Empoverishment Misery and Ruin and will be provoked to judge them in a Conspiracy with those Gentlemen to promote all those Desolations and Mischiefs Seeing the Parliaments over looking the Crimes of those Commissioners or their conniving at their Conduct will more than intimate that they are so And indeed by the whole Management of publick Affairs for near these Seven Years both in Parliament and out of it those called to sit in the Senate as well as those employed in civil Offices have been doing to the Nation as the Daughters of Peleus did by the Advice of Medea to their aged Father whom they hackt in pieces in hopes that by her Magick they should have restored him both to Life and Youth again For through the Influence of Dutch Councils and the Administration of a Belgick King and by this wheedle and under pretence of rescuing us from Popery and Slavery of banishing Tyranny securing Liberty and of making us an opulent and glorious Nation they have empoverished us beyond Remedy and Retrieve and have brought us so near to the brink of Vassalage and Thraldom that it will require more Vertue and Courage to prevent it than we have much ground of hoping to find the generality of this debauched rebellious and disloyal Generation endowed with And if some of those that have been principally Accessory to our Misery and Ruin be not speedily made Examples of Parliamentary Justice who knows but upon the late President of making a King accountable for the Offences of his Ministers whether the Body of the People from Wapping to Westminster may not assault Kensington and Whitehall as well as the Admiralty Office if not instead of it For as Plebâ— non Judicium so furiosis nulla voluntas as the Populace and Mob is commonly void both of Judgment and Equity so they do not act when provoked under the Guidance of Reason but under the Agitations of intemperate Rage Nor will your Dutch Ingineers brought lately over if we may believe the Paper called the Post man from December the 10th to December the 12th St. vet who tells That by Letters from Brussels of December the 14th St. N. there were divers Ingineers ordered from Maestricht to London to deter an injured and thereupon an enraged People from attempting more than I will say and 〈◊〉 call it the doing themselves Right and the Nation Justice And having mentioned those outlandish Ingineers I crave leave to recommend it to the Parliament to enquire into their Business and what they come hither to be employed about seeing there are no French Garisons in England to be besieged and bombed But if it be in order to King William's erecting a Citadel for enslaving London and Westminster it is to be hoped that the terrour of Bombs and Carcasses will not frighten English-men quietly to surrender their Liberties and Properties and tamely to put on and wear Chains To all which might be further added the very small Quota which they furnish the Confederate Fleet are not only many times subsisted upon our Provisions and Stores instead of their own and supplied with our naval Preparations but in the Place of attending constantly upon the Flag as they ought many of those Ships of War are detached from the Fleet and employed as Convoys to their trading Vessels Which as it may at some time or other prove of fatal consequence to the Royal Fleet of England and the whole Kingdom so in the mean time they make their Profit by it through the enlarging and securing their Traffick while ours is narrowed and crippled for want of Cruisers and Convoys and while such Merchant Ships as will venture upon Voyages are left
by a solemn Address to King William but who in their profound Wisdom are considering both how to obviate the Evils which that Law threatneth to the Traffick of the Kingdom and how to settle the Trade of the Nation upon such a Foot and Bottom as may give Encouragements to it and make it revive and flourish I do know that all which the two Houses are to expect from their Belgick King in answer to their Address is That he was surprised into the passing of the Scotch Act which I hope all Men will believe he as truly was as he pretends to have been into the Massacre of Glenco for the perpetration whereof he gave several positive and reiterated Orders For Fides Belgica and Fides Punica are equivalent and the Word of a Carthagenian Senator or General and that of a Dutch Prince are of the same alloy and stamp But as the Scots are a wiser Nation having obtained the passing of such a Law than upon any Consideration whatsoever to be prevailed upon to repeal or to part with it either to gratify King William or to humour and accommodate this Kingdom so no Man in the present Circumstances in which England is will judge it the Interest of this Nation to quarrel with Scotland or too much to rally and vex the Scots upon this Account Not but that there are many ways and means within the Circle and under the Power of the Parliament of England by which they may not only vent their Anger against those English that have subscribed to the Scots East India Stock but make Scotland it self first uneasy and then enraged But as this were to spend their Resentment and Anger where they ought not seeing all their Indignation ought in Justice and Equity to fall no where but upon Kensington and Holland so it were to make themselves Tools in promoting the Design of separating these two Kingdoms which the Dutch contrived this Act for the Establishment of the forementioned Company as a Foundation of and a Path unto For should they at Westminster as they easily may make all those English that have put in their Shares into the Scots Stock pay quadruple Taxes to the War which they are upon Ways and Means to support this would but make many wealthy and industrious Merchants to forsake England and retreat to Scotland where they will be heartily welcomed and effectually protected against all the Operation of such a stingy Law Or should the Parliament of England enjoyn these English that have subscribed to the Scots Stock to abandon and renounce their Membership in that Company this would not only entitle the Scots to so much Mony as was the Quota of theiâ— first Payment which having already received they are not so silly as to refund but it would also occasion those that have ventured so much in that Bottom rather to carry their whole Capital after it than to be both shut out from the Benefit of such a Proportion of their own Estates and likewise to forfeit so much of their very Principal Nor would the Parliament of England act with less imprudence and in greater inconsistency with their own Interest should they suffer themselves to be provoked to turn the Payment of all the Scots Regiments in Flanders off from the English Establishment and cast it upon the Scots as the equivalent of the Customs which they are excused from by the forementioned Statute but which they would be obliged to pay to the Government were they to trade to Africa and the East Indies upon the like bottom and terms which the English do But as this were to enfeeble the Confederate Army by robbing it of Seventeen thousand as good Men as any it is constituted of or else to necessitate England to hire and pay so many Foreigners in their room which they cannot in that Method of acting avoid doing towards the compleating of the Eighty seven thousand four hundred and forty Men which the House of Commons by their Vote of December the 14th have declared necessary for the Year 1696. So such a Procedure of this Kingdom towards Scotland would enforce the Scots both to call home their Troops and to employ them where England will not find any Advantage in giving them Provocation as well as Occasion to do it So that in a Word all the Anger that boileth in English Breasts upon the Account of this Scots Act ought to vent it self upon the Dutch who gave the Advice and upon our Belgick King who gave it the legislative Stamp and ratified it into an Act by what he calls his Royal Authority And to shew that all his little Excuses and particularly what he gave in answer to the Address of the Two Houses when presented to him Octob. 17. viz. That he had been ill served in Scotland is all Cheat pure Grimace in that he has not in Evidence of his being imposed upon and misled turned out or laid aside one of those Ministers of State whom he would have this credulous Nation believe to have deluded him to it Which were it true as it no wise is it ought not to vindicate him from being accountable for the wrong he hath therein done to the Kingdom of England seeing he who drove away King James by a President of his own making meerly for the Offences of that King's Ministers and which Ministers he has not only taken into his Friendship and Confidence but made some of them the chief Superintendants of all his Affairs must not think to Sham the World off with Pretences that the Ministers are only guilty whilst he is to be looked upon as one as innocent as the Child unborn Yea I will presume to add That whereas K. James was not by any Laws of the Kingdom responsable for the Transgressions of his Councillors and Offâ—cers but his Person and Royal Dignity were in all Cases to remain Sacred and Safe K. W. is justly and legally Arraignable for all the Crimes of his Ministers as well as for his own and that both by his authorising that unjust and barbarous Fact of abdicating his Uncle and Father in Law and also by virtue of the Stipulation Contract and Term upon which he accepted the Crown But if nothing else will serve and content the Parliament of England save the making Reprisals and taking Revenge upon the Scots for their establishing an East India Company with so many ample Privileges and Immunities the way of doing it is open and easy without their committing any thing that the Scots can call unjust or which they themselves may either repent or be ashamed of namely To grant unto their own trading Company especially to those of Africa and the East Indies such an Establishment by Law with ease from Custom and Impositions at least with such an Abatement and Moderation of them as caeteris paribus may be an Equivalent to all the Privileges and Immunities in the Scots Act and thereby discourage and cripple if not stifle and smother their
Undertaking And it is a surprise to all thinking disinterested Men that Trade being the Source and Fountain of the Wealth Strength and Populace of a Nation and that this Kingdom being more adapted for it by its Situation Harbours and the Genius of its People than any other Country whatsoever that yet it should be so far from being encouraged in the way manner and degrees it ought that the Trade of England is more Clogged Loaded and has greater Burthens laid upon it than that of any other Nation But if this Method of counteracting the Scots should not be thought convenient when the Kingdom is to be charged with so many and large Grants of Mony to the Government for the upholding and carrying on the present War there is still another way of obviating all the Evils we are apprehensive of from the Scots Act and from the old East India Company yea and not only of defeating the Design of the Dutch who were the first and under-hand Advisers to it but of improving it into an Occation of strengthening our selves to chastise the Hollanders and to exact Reparations from them for all the Injuries of one kind and â—â—other which they have done us And that is the bringing these two Kingdoms into an Union of Councils Laws and Privileges of all Sorts as they are already united under one Monarch encompassed by the same Seas Inhabitants upon one Island and not differing in Language farther than in tone and dialect Which as it would be to the mutual Safety and Prosperity of both Nations so it is not to be questioned but that the Scots in consideration and acknowledgment of the Benefit that would accrue to them by an Incorporation with England would chearfully surrender their late Act and be as forward as we can wish to repeal it Nor would it be sound so difficult as some do imagine it to effect compass and perfect such an Union upon Terms that both Kingdoms may think equal could we on each side renounce national Piques and give up little private Interests in order to the obtaining a general common Good I am told that some are so ignorant and others so impudent as say That King William in virtue of that Sovereign Power which that Kingdom hath granted him may by his own personal and immediate Authority without the concurrence of a Parliament or the Prescription of a Law impose upon Trade what Duty Customs or Taxes he pleaseth and this they alledg to stand vested in him as a part of his Prerogative by the Gift and Concession of an Act of Parliament made in one of those Sessions when Launderdale was King Charles the Second's High Commissioner To which I reply three Things 1. That such a Supposition were to put all Traders of the Kingdom of Scotland into the state and condition of Slaves by making their whole Property acquirable by the way of Traffick to be under the protection of no Law but to be sâ—isable and disposable at the arbitrary Will and despotical Pleasure of the King which I think that Nation which justly boasts it self a free Kingdom as much as any other whatsoever will not easily acquiesce in and submit unto from any King But especially not from one of their own making who being as the Clay in their hands of which they have made a Vessel of Honour they may either break it or mould it again when the Humour takes them into a Vessel of Dishonour 2. Whatsoever Prerogative this Man under the Notion of being their King may have as to the laying Impositions upon Goods and Merchandise where no Law doth preclude and bar him from doing it and where the Concession Liberty and Right for them to trade to such and such Places and in such and such Commodities proceed and are derived meeâ—ly from his personal Grant and Charter which gives them all their Title so to do yet it is most absurd to imagine that he can have any such Prerogative or Power where a publick Law hath given them both a Right and Authority to trade and an Immunity from all Impositions whatsoever in reference to such Places and the Productions and Superfluities thereof and it is also Tyranny in him to challenge it For by this means no Laws can be a Fence about Mens Estates and Properties nor give them the Security which they both promise and were made and enacted for the ensuring to them And for King William to claim and exercise such a Jurisdiction and Authority were to usurp a dispensing Power that is both infinitely worse in it self and more fatal in its consequences than that for which we so much blamed and have hostily treated King James Seeing all the dispensing Power King James challenged was only in reference to penal Laws and those also relative meerly to Religious Matters as to both which the King has a greater extent and latitude of Jurisdiction inherent in him by reason of his Sovereign Power than he hath in reference to other Laws But should King William take upon him to dispense with the Act we are speaking of it were to usurp a dispensing Power both in reference to beneficial Laws and those made for the protection of our Civil Rights Properties and Estates which all Men who have common Sense know to be more out of the verge and reach of Kings to supercede and controle than those are which refer to Ecclesiastical Officers and which are likewise of a penal Nature 3. Should it be admitted that by that Act of Lauderdale's Parliament an absolute unlimitted and despotical Authority became vested in King Charles and stood conveyed to King James in relation to this laying Taxes and Impositions on Trade yet no Power of this kind accrues by this Act to King William in that it was complained of as one of the Grievances which were presented to him antecedently to his having Crown conferred upon him and whereof Redress only was demanded But it was stipulated and made a part of the Original Contract betwixt the Kingdom of Scotland and Him That no such Power as Lauderdale's Act imported should ever be claimed or exercised over them And for King William now to pretend to it were not only to violate his Coronation Oath and proclaim himself perjured to all the World but it were to discharge that Nation from all Obligation of Fealty to him and to give them a legal Right as well as Cause to proceed to the deposing and abdicating him Before I shut up this Discourse which the variety and importance of the matter has already made longer than I at first designed it though I hope it will not be found tedious I shall for the sake of many Thousands as well as my own humbly applying my self to the Senate of the Kingdom to the Members of the Privy Council and to the Gentlemen of both the Gowns for their resolving me Two or Three Questions which it is of great Concernment with respect to our Constitution our Laws our Religâ—on and our Consciences
or have peace in their own Minds But then thirdly admitting the Prince of Orange to be King of England whether de Jure or de Facto I further enquire not I desire to ask the Two Houses of Parliament as well as our Lawyers and Divines of what Signification and Importance in their Judgments and Opinions the Word King is that the People may the better know the Nature Extent and Bounds of their Allegiance that being on their part Reciprocal and Corrolate to Kingship on the Sovereigns And this Question is the more necessary to be resolved in that the Notion and Idea of King is much different in the present Estimate of the Generality of Men as well within the Houses of Parliament as without them from what it is represented and found to be in our Laws and from what it has been always heretofore taken and acknowledged to be That therefore which with reference to my self as well as to many Thousands besides I would earnestly beg to know is Whether by King they mean a Sovereign Prince whose Person by virtue of the Authority lodged in him and by reason that the Peace and Welfare of the whole Society depends upon his Safety is Sacred and Inviolable who cannot legally be resisted opposed or withstood and much less be judged deposed and abdicated by any Power on Earth on any Pretence whatsoever and one without whose Call and Authority all Meetings Assemblies and Consultations about Matters of Government and State are Treason and Rebellion Or whether by King they do intend only a Person that is meerly in the Quality of a Trustee entrusted by and accountable to the People as his Principals and who being only vested with a delegated Power may therefore be resisted arraigned judged abdicated and drove away if he offend those over whom he is advanced to rule and act dissonantly from and contrary to the Laws of all which his Subjects are to be Judges For if King be taken in the first Sense to signify one that is unaccusable irresistable and unabdicable than we of this Nation neither have nor lawfully can have any other King than King James while he liveth and hath not renounced and disclaimed his Right And by consequence the Prince of Orange is no other than an Usurper And we out of our own Mouths and by our own Sentence no better than Rebels in abdicating the former and in submitting unto and owning the later And indeed the Principles upon which the Salisbury Dictator of Measures of Obedience Dr. Burnet who out of disloyal Malice to us endeavoured to subvert our antient Government and to battle all our Laws by his modern and treasonable Politicks striveth to justify the Abdication in a Book he hath lately published called Reflections on a Pamphlet entitled Some Discourses upon Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tillotson occasioned by the Funeral Sermon of the former upon the later plainly shew both how self condemned the Author is and what Rebellion he and the Nation are according to the Laws of God and Men become guilty by that Transaction For whereas he owns That illegal Acts and Acts of Tyranny and the remote Consequences of them do not justify the resisting of Princes and that they can be then only lawfully withstood when their going about to subvert totally the Constitution shall be plainly apparent P. 32 33 34 35 36 37. there is no more needful to be said for the loading of him and for the branding the Nation with the just Imputation of the highest and most detestable Treason committed in the Abdication of the King and in the Choise and Exaltation of the Prince of Orange to his Throne Seeing whatsoever illegal Acts which were not many nor of any menacing Importance to the Kingdom the King might be misled and hurried into by treacherous Councillors yet it is so far from being plainly apparent that he designed to subvert the Constitution that the contrary is demonstratively evident and that no Prince ever bore greater regard to the Laws Liberties and Prosperity of England than he did And as his Majesties sending an Ambassador to Rome his appointing Popish Bishops and his claiming a dispensing Power in reference to penal Laws about Religion are all the Instances which that traiterous Doctor gives of the King 's being embarqued in such an Attempt so they are such weak and impertinent Proofs of such a Design that it is to banter Mankind to raise a Suspition of it upon them and much more to stile them plain and apparent Evidences of it Nor needs there any more to shew that the Constitution was in no danger of being totally subverted by those Means and Overt Acts of Government than that neither the noble Person that went to Rome nor those that were constituted Popish Bishops nor any of them that gave Advice for the dispensing Power have been so much as arraigned and much less capitally punished as they would and deserved to have been if those Things had been of a direct and immediate Tendency to destroy totally the Constitution Nor would any Man have betrayed at once the Weakness and the Impudence as to have assigned those Acts of Administration and no other as convictive Proofs of an apparent Design in King James to subvert totally the Constitution but this noisy treacherous and disloyal Doctor who like to him that fired Diana's Temple to protect himself from Oblivion has been studying to raise himself a Monument upon the Banishment of his Sovereign the Ruin of our Antient Government and the Involving of these Kingdoms in a bloody and destructive War But then on the other had if King be taken in the second Sense for one that may be resisted arraigned deposed and drove away from his Throne and Kingdom then as the Prince of Orange hath but a flippery Seat of it and a thorny Crown so no Man can be lawfully required to take an Oath of Allegiance to him and much less justly punished by double Taxes or otherwise for refusing it Seeing if that be the Signification and Importance of King it may be every Man's Duty to assist in deposing and dethroning him And upon what I have said of his Miscarriages in Government and the Designs he is carrying on to the Ruin as well as Impoverishment of the Kingdom there is nothing remains to be added or adviced But to your Tents O Israel for this Man ought no longer to be suffer'd to pretend to reign over us For as he hath in many Instances apparently attempted the total Subversion of the Constitution which even by our Salisbury Doctor 's Principles of Politicks justifieth the deposing him and particularly both in the commanding a whole Tribe of Men that were under the Protection of the Laws to be massacred without any previous Tryal or Conviction and in his taking the Earl of Bredalbin by meer arbitrary Power not only out of the hands of Justice when he stood impeached by Parliament which whether he was justly or unjustly makes no Change in the Nature of what the Prince of Orange hath therein done but in putting him into the Administration of the Government as a Privy Councellor So he hath likewise in effect destroyed the very Kingdom and hath brought us into those Circumstances of Confusion Misery and Want out of which it is impossible to recover and deliver us while he is permitted to sit at the Helm And which if we be so sortish and so much Enemies to our selves and to our Posterity as to connive at any longer it will be out of the reach and power both of our Rightful King and of a well constituted Parliament ever to redeem us or either to retrieve the Nation from final Ruin or to save us from being Conquered by any potent Neighbour that may have a mind to invade us Nor will I enlarge this Discourse any further save to tell those who out of rebellious Enmity to a Rightful King and Idolatry of an Usurper may complain of the Acrfmony of some Expressions which will be found to occur in the foregoing Leaves That all the Language I have used is either consecrated by the Tongues or Pens of your Williamite Divines in their Pulpit Invectives against King James and the King of France or else it is all authorised by the Licenced Pamphlets published in way of Elogâ—e upon the present Government and Satyr upon the last And whosoever will waste so much time as to peruse a Paper stiled A Dialogue between the King of France and the late King James occasioned by the Death of the Queen will justify me in the Reprisals and Retaliations I have made Only whereas little is to be met with in these Sermons and Pamphlets but ridiculous Fiction and impudent Slander as well as dull Malice there will nothing be found in these Sheets but weighed and measured Truth though sometimes a little piquantly expressed Decemb. 20. 1695. ERRATA Page 2 line 30. before other read of ibid. l. 38. for staâ—e r. state p. 4. l. ult for stuff r. strife p. 5. l. 25. dele same p. 6. l. 36. for Redress r. Readers p. 9. l. 1. r. where we had for a great while been in the quiet and peaceable Possession p. 11. l. 37. r. plead p. 12. l. 15. dele a before Servant p. 13. l. 8. r. Placat's ibid. l. 20. r. Rude ibid. l. ult for their r. these p. 14. l. 8. r. become ibid. l. 20. for th r. to p. 15. l. 7. before it r. as ibid. l. 13. for were r. we p. 16. l. 3 4. r. putting ibid. l. 6. r. Guet p. 20. l. 21. r. executed ibid. l. 27. for yet r. yea p. 22. l. 35. after with r. the p. 23. l. 8. r. Donative p. 25. l. 38. r. Bordacho's p. 32. l. 33. before Mischiefs r. the p. 33. l. 6. before have r. they ibid. l. 12. two Millions p. 34. l. 7. after transported put p. 35. l. 33. for mark r. mask p. 36. l. 12. r. thither ibid. l. 19. for so r. for ibid. l. 20. for more r. were ibid. l. 33. r. they thus p. 37. l. ult dele they p. 38. l. 8. after unto put ibid. l. 21. r. become p. 43. l. 14. r. whereof p. 47. l. 28. r. Villanies p. 48. l. 28. r. become ibid. l. 29. r. Center p. 50. l. 25. r. Officers ibid. l. 30. r. the p. 51. l. 3. r. Plebi ibid. l. 11. dele to ibid. l. 22. before the r. that p. 55. l. 32. r. no.
as their should be occasion and as she should judg to be at any time needful for the Honour of the Crown of England and for the Safety Commerce and Reputation of her Subjects So Oliver Cromwel upon the Assistance of Six thousand Men which he gave the present King of France An. 1657. did not only by a ratified Treaty take care and provide that what Ports and maritime Towns should be won from the Spaniards by the joynt and confederate Forces of France and England should be resigned unto him and given up to the Possession of the English but in pursuance of that Stipulation he had Dunkirk upon its being taken from the King of Spain put into his hands Yea the late King Charles who in the Alliances he made was not thought by many to be so regardful of the Interest of his Kingdoms as he might have been did in the Treaty he entred into with France against the Dutch An. 1671. Provide and Stipulate by an express Article That what Marine Towns on Ports should be taken from the common Enemy should be resign'd up and delivered over to him in Compensation and Recompence for the Share and Charge he was to bear in that War Whereas this Dutch Prince whom we have been so unkind to our selves as well as disloyal to the King as to set over us hath not in all the many Alliances which he hath entered into with foreign Monarchs and States notwithstanding the numerous Troops and vast Treasure supplied by us to their Aid and Defence made the least Provision for any one Advantage to accrue to these Kingdoms should the War wherein we are united and embarked prove successful And much less has he by Agreement and Contract obtained for us either any Cautionary Town which may prevent our being abandon'd and lurch'd by the Dutch and other Foreigners and left alone to encounter the Power annd suffer the Revenge of France Or gained so much as a free Port wherein we might send and where we may lay up and lodg such Stores of all kinds as would at least serve to supply our own Forces if not those of the Confederates without being kept under a necessity of remitting Month after Month such vast Sums of Mony as we have done and still continue doing to the Robbing and Emptying of the Kingdom of all its Treasure Yea as if he did not treat us scornfully enough and sufficiently betray us to the Dutch and others by the Neglect he hath shewn both of the Honour and Profit of these Kingdoms in all the Treaties he hath made and all the Alliances he hath Contracted since with the Connivance of all and the Assistance of many he Usurped the Throne of England he hath not esteemed either Parliaments or Privy Councils worthy to be Consulted with before-hand about the Terms Conditions and Articles fit to be demanded and insisted upon with reference to our Credit and Interest in the Compacts and Agreements he had made with those that he stiles his Allies but whom thro this Deficiency we have found to be our Underminers and Supplanters Nay he disdains to acquaint the two Houses of Parliament with those Treaties when they humbly Address him concerning the doing it And instead of laying those Alliances before them in the plain and ratified Draughts he either Shams them off with general imperfect and blind Accounts and that done with the unsincerity and regardlesness of Truth natural to a Dutch man of which the whole course of his transactions with and towards this People since he became unrighteously possessed of his Father in Law and Uncles Crown is one uninterrupted and continued Evidence or else he ridicules and bubbles them with false and counterfeit Copies in which as some things are disguised so others are not expressed though he hath concerted them formally with his Confederates and especially with the Dutch And I dare affirm That of all the Branches of the State of War in reference to the Year 1696. which he hath caused to be delivered into them there is none of them true genuine and just So that from thence the Two Houses and in them all the People of England may have a Specimen of his Honour and Integrity without travelling farther for Evidences of them But if he do treat thus not only those he calls the Body of his Subjects with Treachery in relation to their Interest as well as with Carelesness and Neglect of them in all their Concerns and Safety but the Houses of Parliament who ought to be his grand Council with superciliousness and contempt and all this while he is yet unfledged what will he do when his Wings are grown For if he do thus strut as to monopolize all Things to his own sole cognizance and to manage them to the visible Prejudice of these Kingdoms and to the apparent Benefit of the Dutch while he only stands and is upheld by leading Strings and walks in a Go-cart and cannot manage the War he is engaged in but as he is aided by Parliamentary Grants What Tyranny may not the People fear and what Insolency and Scorn should not our Senates expect to meet with if he live to arrive at virile Strength and through putting an end to the War can come to stand and go alone For it is only the indispensable need he stands in of the continual Aid of the People of England and the fear he is under of being baffled and routed by the French which make him now and then appear in the dress and posture of Modesty and to put on a dissembled Humility Meekness and Compassion while in reality in respect to Ambition Despoticalness and Tyranny he carries Ten Sultans Twenty Moguls and Forty Czars in his Belly And could he but once prescribe terms to the Monarch of France he would soon trample upon all the Laws of these Kingdoms and tread upon our Necks And instead of the Shapes and Figure of sometimes an Almansor and sometimes a Gusman that he now puts on and seeks to appear in he would then manifest himself a Caligula a Nero or according to the Title lately bestowed upon him a Galienus Redivivus having already furnished himself with more than one Verianus But having said enough upon the Head of which I have been discoursing it is now time to advance to another In the next Place then I shall proceed to a more particular review and representation of their Invasions Rapines and Depradations committed upon our Trade than those I have hitherto unfolded and laid open Nor will it require any great Enlargement seeing all Men do experience and feel it though some may not understand the several and particular Ways and Methods in which it hath been done Nor shall I here repeat what I have already both insinuated and detected concerning the Decay that is brought upon our Trade and the final Destruction that threatens it as well through the Clipping and Embasement as through the Transportation of our Coin to other Ends and