titular Command and Orange who was wholly taken up with Civil negotiations could not take upon him the Military government So as the management thereof lay chiefly on Monsieur de la Nue a French-man and Colonel Norris an English-man but the authority and estimation of the former was much greater then the others Their Forces being of this condition the military affairs proceeded but very slowly on both sides Each of them could rather withstand then overcome and each of them hoped for better success in time The year 1580. came now in which brought with it one of the most memorable events that ever the war of Flanders produced through the resolution which the Rebels then took of chusing a new Prince and of continuing no longer under the King of Spains obedience The Prince of Orange had driven on this design before now and being between Despair and Hope he could no longer resist their violences On the one side despair assailed him setting before him all the greatest and most dreadful dangers which could be expected from the wrath and power of the King of Spain being then made greater by the accession of the Kingdom of Portugal And on the other side he was highly invited by hope desire making him believe that new greatness would be added to his fortune by a new Principality He argued within himself That at least the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand would be well-nigh wholly at his disposal And wherefore in such a case might not greater good fortunes befall him since it might easily happen that the Flemish being again angry at or weary of a foreign Prince might at last resolve to choose one of their own Nation And if so wherefore should not he hope to be preferr'd before all others He then without any further delay having first prepared mens minds in every Province by his Adherents of which he had great store in each of them He I say caused the proposition of change of Prince be put and made all such things be suggested as might facilitate the business The Rebels had no more weighty affairs at this time then this was Therefore that they might treat and resolve thereof with such maturity and honour as was needfull it was thought necessary to call a meeting of the States Generall wherein they might afterwards come to such a resolution as might be best for the whole Country This advice was chiefly given by Orange and Antwerp appointed for the place of meeting Here then about the beginning of the abovesaid year the Deputies of the Provinces met and Orange was there himself so they began to fall close to the business The Heretick Deputies of which the greatest part of the Assembly did consist such industry and means had Orange used in causing them to be chosen inclined to choose a new Prince as also still to strengthen Heresie Yet they differed within themselves in their votes some of them were for the Queen of England and some for the Duke of Alanson the one holding they might receive more advantages from England the others from France The City of Gaunt in particular was much inclined to the Queen of England which was the chief City of all those that then followed the rebellion of the Confederate Provinces Wherefore James Tayard the Deputy thereof together with some others who represented the peculiar Province of Flanders that is to say the Flemicant part one day when the business was hottest in agitation spake thus When I consider most worthy Deputies how much France is at this time divided and afflicted within it self I confess I cannot be perswaded to preferrre the Duke of Alanson before the Queen of England in the subjecting of our Provinces under a new Principality Every one knows what the unhappy agitations of that Kingdom at the present are it totters on all sides amidst mighty dangers The several Factions strive who shall rend it most The King hath only the shew of a King and is forced to use intreaties much more then commands How often and with what prejudice to his authority hath he been inforced rather to yield to the will of others then to use his own So perverse under the variety of their specious pretences are they sometimes grown who favour the Catholick religion and sometimes they who follow the Reformed in causing one revolt after another all tending to the great diminution of the Royal majesty and splendor France being then in so low a condition what ease or advantage can Flanders expect from thence Our end is to put our selves under a Prince who who may by his Forces strengthen ours that we may the better defend our selves against so powerful and so bitter an Enemy as is the King of Spain Then tell me I pray you what State what Forces what advantages can the Duke of Alanson bring with him that should make him be desired for our Prince Doth he enjoy any thing else in France save the bare Title of being the only Brother to the King with other such Prerogatives much greater in shew then substance Hath not the King treated him sometimes more like a Prisoner then like a Brother hath not the Duke sometime gone from Court in form of a Fugitive endeavouring by all means to protect Faction but rather to receive assistance from thence then to give it To boot his being the Kings only Brother bears with it a condition which we may very well suspect For if he when he shall be our Prince shall peradventure succeed his Brother who is childless in what condition shall we be then what dangers will our Provinces be then again in we shall be under so great a King who peradventure may treat us so much worse then the King of Spain now doth by how much the Forces of France are nearer us and more ready to oppress us From what I have said against France I shall now come to what may be taken into consideration as making for England States doe then most flourish when they are mâ—st quiet which may easily be seen by the happiness which that Queen now enjoyes Her Kingdom enjoyes full Peace and her people strive who shall most witness their obedience to her An obedience notwithstanding which she hath very will deserved of them For what Princess was there ever seen of a more masculine spirit who indued with more excellent vertues She hath nothing of woman but the appearance She is born to Empires and to command those chiefly which require most merit to enjoy them It is confest her Kingdom is â—et a little divided in point of Religion but the Catholicks are so few and 〈◊〉 so low as they can in no sort weigh against the Reformed She maintains these and by these is she maintained her pleasure is that only their Religion shall be profest in England according to the custom of that Country and with this her pleasure hath the Authority of the Estates general met in Parliament often joyned And how much doth this
King of Spains power And none of them were well pleased to see the Provinces of Flanders joyned to his Crown which by reason of their situation circuit and opulency were of such consideration as when they were only in the hands of the house of Burgundy had oft-times reduced France to great straits and troubled England and the near adjacent parts of Germany more then once In France after the unfortunate mischance of Henry the second who was wounded as he was running a Tilt and died at the celebration of his daughters marriage with the King of Spain and his sisters with the Duke of Savoy Francis the second succeeded in the Crown whilst he was yet a child The Government of the Kingdom was therefore wholly in the hands of his mother Catherine of Medicis but so distracted and so full of factions as it could not be in greater disorder nor more confused Heresie which was first in secret and fraudulently crept into France shew'd it self now bare-faced And her Fautorers hiding their own ambitious ends under the deceitfull visard of conscience proceeded from their first Court-contentions to the taking up of arms to the great detriment of the whole Kingdom Those hereticks were called Hugonots nor is it well known from whence that word proceeded and Lodovick of Burbone Prince of Conde made himself the chief head thereof he was brother to Anthony King of Navar first Prince of the bloud-royal and his chief rather guider then follower was Jasper di Coligni Admiral of France who proved afterwards the plague of that Kingdom and at last his own ruine But the chief heads who maintained the Catholick cause were not less suspected and especially those of the house of Guise out of a received opinion that under the specious zeal to religion they hatched divers designes of bringing themselves to greater power France whilst thus afflicted within her self could not contribute much to the afflictions of others Yet it was evidently discerned that what fomentation from thence could be expected to the troubles of Flanders would never be wanting especially by the instigation of the Hugonots In England the succession of that Kingdom and of Ireland was fallen to Elizabeth daughter to Henry the eight Queen Mary who was wife to Philip King of Spain dying without issue Mary was not more resolute in restoring the Catholick faith in England then Elizabeth was in resuppressing it incited thereunto by the example of her mother Anne of Bullen and for fear lest by the Laws of the Church her succession might prove illegitemate from which fear she thought her self secure under the Dogmata of heresie Elizabeth making Religion thus subservient to State Interest would have heresie to be received throughout all England and Ireland And detesting the Pope and King of Spain by which two she might be the most indamaged she likewise endeavoured to prejudice them as much as she could She therefore persecuted the Church infinitely in England and was very intent upon all those sinister successes which might befall the King of Spain especially in Flanders where his power was nearest unto her and from whence she did most suspect it From those parts of Germany which lie nearest to Flanders all those heretick Princes who were there Masters of any States or Dominions shewed the same disposition against the Church and the King of Spain But the most considerable amongst them and of whom the greatest fear was had for that he was more amidst the Austrian Forces of Germany and Flanders was the Prince Elector Palatine of Rhine 'T was therefore much to be feared that from these external parts all the inward commotions of Flanders were upon all occasions to be fomented This was the condition of Affairs and the disposition of minds in Flanders when the King was there and upon his departure for Spain I will take my rise in the History which I undertake to write from hence after having with as much brevity as I could acquainted you with what hath already been said The King was resolved to go for Spain to the which he was moved not only out of his particular natural addiction to those Kingdoms as out of mature wisdome and advised choice He saw his vast Empire hardly well setled and consolidated after the so many voyages and great pains of his Father and finding it composed of so many members and so far divided one from another he thought it expedient that he should share out and disperce the vigor and spirit of government from out the principall part thereof as doth the heart in humane bodies and certainly Spain was to be reputed not onely the most important but the fittest place for this purpose there wanted not moreover many other urgent necessities which required the Kings presence and particularly those which were occasioned partly by the danger of Heresie which was already begun there and partly by jealousies of the Moors wherewith Spaine was greatly infected and with whom it was greatly feared that upon any intestine commotion the neighbouring Moors of Africa would joyn themselves The chiefest business which before the Kings departure was taken into consultation was to whom he should leave the government of Flanders in his absence Two Ladyes neerly allyde unto the King by blood were taken into consideration the one was Christierna Dutches of Loraine who was daughter to a sister of the Emperour Charls the fifth and the other Margaret Dutches of Parma naturall daughter to the same Emperour great was the contestation before it was resolved which of the two was to be preferred Christierna was the elder very well known in Flanders by reason of the neighbor-hood of Loraine praised for her great wisdom in having worthily discharged the Government of that State remaining still a Widdow and the afore mentioned Peace of Cambray which by her means she being there present in person was managed and concluded had very much increased her reputation By which successe Flanders being freed from the molestation of Arms she won more upon the affection of the Flemings Orange was chiefly for her out of the hopes he had of marrying one of her Daughters and therefore labored her Election as much as he could hoping also by that marriage that the government of Flanders might be more sway'd by him then by Christierna But the Kings inclination bore him at last to like best of Margaret as she who had been born and bred up in Flanders and who having her Husbands Estates of Parma and Piacensa in midst the forces of the Dukedom of Millan in Italy and resolving to send her onely son Alexander to the Court of Spain promised a more absolute dependency upon the King where on the contrary the house of Loraine by reason of the condition of the Country and more in respect of interest was inforced to depend almost wholly upon the Crown of France besides the great desire which the Flemish themselves shewed to have Christierna for their Regent made the King Spanish officers
to send a Commander in chief thither with a foreign army They said that the King would find greatest obedience they sought to honest as much as they could the Covenant and the Petition and though they detested the popular insolencies against the Church yet they would make it be believed that it was done out of ignorance or levity but not out of infidelity That therefore the King should come himself in person and that imitating his father and his fore-fathers in his benignity he might expect answerable effects in their obsequiousness from the Flemish The King himself had long nourisht this opinion of his going into Flanders and such a speech was spread abroad in Spain and such was the preparation of ships which were built in Biscay to make that voyage as it was given out as all Europe did firmly believe it and to say truth the aforesaid reasons being well considered it could not be judged but that the King had some such thought but oft-times those councels which are advisedly taken are out of necessity past by The consequences which made against it being therefore put into the contrary scale it appear'd almost impossible for the King to resolve upon such an action And first to keep a long time aloof off from the heart of his Monarchy bore with it those important considerations which were toucht upon in the beginning when it was shewed for what reasons the King resolved to make his residency in Spain And a double fear did still continue as well of the Moors who were spread thoroughout all those Kingdoms as also of some dangerous infectious heresie which might be brought amongst those people But suppose the King had been free of those suspitions how should he have gone into Flanders by sea or by land with or without forces by sea he must depend upon storms and wind and upon the meer will of fortune which useth to make her greatest sports of the most eminent amongst mortals And the King himself not many years before had experienced the danger of sea-voyages in his return from Flanders and had not his own example been sufficient that of his Grandfather Philip was yet very fresh who by the violence of the winds was thrown upon England and detained by force many days in that Kingdom Upon which occasion he notwithstanding received all fair entertainment and Courtly hospitality from Henry the seventh which the King could not exspect from Queen Elizabeth who did rather conspire with his enemies to his prejudice On the other side the journey by land seemed very difficult for the King was of necessity to pass through the Countries of several Princes and would depend with too much danger upon their wills The King of France would peradventure consent that he should pass through his Kingdom and would perhaps have received him with no less friendly demonstrations then King Francis had done the Emperour Charls the fifth but the hereticks wherewith all the parts of that Kingdom were then almost infected would have opposed his journey and would doubtlesly have made the event prove dangerous It remained then that he must land in Italy and afterwards take his way either through Savoy or by the Switzers so to enter into the Country of Burgundy and Lorain and from thence into Flanders On both which parts he was likewise to pass through the Countries of strangers and to coast so near upon France and Germany as he must needs be subject to many sinister accidents which easily might have befaln him These were the difficulties which were taken into consideration if the King were to pass into Flanders either by sea or by land with only his Court attendance But how much greater were to be feared if he should pass with an Army since carrying with him so great a â—ne as the occasion would doubtlesly require all States would be jealous of so great Forces and peradventure would have raised Forces likewise and instead of friends have become enemies lest that which was termed a passage might turn to an oppression Then the Councel of Spain not thinking it fit that the King should go himself in person into Flanders for the aforesaid reasons it remained to see whether it were better to send some warlick Commander thither with an Army or laying aside all asperity endeavour to compose the affairs by fair means The King was much at variance within himself upon this point He was naturally given to love quiet he loved the Flemish and would rather have been beloved then feared by them knowing very well how much securer the Garison is which Princes have in their subjects hearts then those of Citadels or Cities moreover that he might be very uncertain of what the event of his forces would be against a people by nature so fierce so far remote from all the rest of his Dominions and who were invironed on all sides by the Crown of Spains greatest enemies and enviers But on the contrary he saw how little good fair means had done as yet since the authors of the begun disorders had rather been incouraged thereunto then otherwise by too much tolleration and might likely if unpunished grow worse and worse Nor were the Kings Councelless at a stand then the King The Councel of Spain was then full of many eminent personages Amongst the rest Ferdinand de Tolledo Duke of Alva and Gomes de Figheroa Duke of Feria were in great esteem both with the King and Councel Feria chiefly for Civil affairs and Alva for Military actions who was so excellent therein as the first place in the profession of Militia was unquestionably given to him by all Spain These two were of differing opinions Feria thought it better to reduce the Flemish to their duties by fair means and Alva by force Upon a certain day then when the King himself was in Councel to resolve what was to be done in this so important business The Duke of Feria spake thus The cure of an evil most glorious Prince lies chiefly without all question in knowing what it is Cities and Monarchies are born and die grow sick and are cured as humane bodies are so as if diligence be used in the private indispositions of one onely man how much more necessary is it to be used in the publick maladies of whole Kingdoms To provide then for the evils wherewith Flanders is afflicted 't is very necessary first to know their causes And this without all doubt ought chiefly to be attributed to the terror which the Inquisition and the Edicts have infused into that Country The Flemish have apprehended and do apprehend now more then ever to have their consciences violated by such ways and to undergoe all other greater affliction and misery and this it is which hath made them fall at last into so many and so hainous outrages That under which Flanders doth at the present labour is if I may so call it a Frenzie of fear which is fomented by such as are ambitious and turbulent that they
river side and without much gainsaying quickly put them to the rout Many of them were drowned in the river many slain and many taken prisoners Amongst others Hostrat was wounded and soon after died of his wounds This action put a period to all Orange his hopes of seeing the Countrie rise and to the like of the Flemish malecontents of ever exciting any He was the more troubled at this success because his hopes were much increased at this time by advertisements that he had received of great succours sent from the French Hugonots which were at hand They were led on by Monsieur Genlis and sent by the Prince of Conde out of the abovesaid ends which the Hugonots had to foment the neighbourghring revolutions of Flanders that they might the better establish their own in France Orange thinking now on nothing else but how to put himself into some safe condition left Brabant and went into the Contiguous Provinces of Namures and Hennault to meet the French succour which he did and so make his retreat the surer Genlis had about some 4000 foot with him and 1500 horse Orange was somewhat inheartned by the coming of these men for many of his own men were missing and many ran away every day and the rest being ill disciplined and worse paid and threatning continually to mutiny he thought to return back the same way to Germany But finding the Mause at that time very high and greater opposition then before in the Legeiois he turned again into the Province of Hennault From thence he continued his retreat towards France and having in vain tryed the Castle of Cambray before he quitted Flanders being still close pursued by the Duke of Alva he at last went out of Flanders and staid near St. Quintains at the entrance into Picardy Here according to the diversity of designes he divided his men and those of France into several parts The High-Dutch quite spent by hunger and hardships returned to Germany Orange staid a while in France to renew the former practises with the chief Hugonots and his brother Lodovick tarryed there afterwards for the same end till their second coming from Germany and France against the Duke of Alva as shall be said in its due place The Duke having gotten so important a Victury without the loss of almost any one of his Army or rising of any place he distributed his soldiers into their several quarters and about the end of the year returned as in triumph into Brussels And for that it appeared he had merited no less for his service done to Religion then to the King Pope Pius Quintus sent him soon after the Helmet and Trunchion which are presented only to great Princes and particularly to such who by some famous action have deserved well of the Church This mean while these prosperous proceedings of the Spanish forces in Flanders were looked upon with a clean contrary eye by the Queen of England She had hitherto assisted the troubles in those parts rather in secret then barefaced but when she saw that those of Nassaw were driven out and that the King of Spains forces were now more potent there then ever she returning to her former fear of having them so near at hand resolved to let slip no occasion whereby she might more openly prejudice the Kings affairs in those parts There were two of her privy Councel who then bore great sway with her The one was Robert Dudly Earl of Lester a Gentleman of Noble descent and great imployment And the other William Cecil her Secretary of State who being but of mean bloud though of great wisdom passing through divers Court-Offices to the managing of State-affairs had drawn almost the whole Government of the Kingdom upon him Both these had chiefly perswaded the Queen still to establish the heresie of England and consequently to indamage the Catholick Church and the King of Spain as much as she could for those respects which have been formerly spoken or She persecuted the Church cruelly in her Kingdom And watching for an opportunity whereby she might still more incommodate the Kings affairs in Flanders it was not longere she met with one of very great consequence which was this The King by means of means of Givers Genua Merchants had raised a great sum of money for the affairs of Flanders whereof 400 thousand crowns were sent by sea to Antwerp the ships which brought this money met with some Pyrats so as to save themselves they were forced to fall in upon England The Spanish Ambassador who was then with the Queen hearing of this apply'd himself presently to the Queen that the money might be freely carried to Antwerp and received answer from her sutable to his desire But she being resolved within her self and councelled thereunto by Lester and Cecil to detain the money so as at one and the same time she might accommodate her self and disaccommodate the King of Spain let the Ambassador know that being informed that those monies were not really the King of Spains but that they belonged to some Italian Merchants she had resolved to make use thereof her self allowing them just consideration The Ambassador laboured to make it appear that the money belonged unto the King and sent by his direction to Flanders and to strengthen this the more he made the Duke of Alva write to her about it But she feigning one difficulty after another gave such delatory answers as it was plainly seen she had no mind the money should goe into Flanders The Duke stormed mightily hereat and presently dispatched away Assonville to London about it who with much earnestness renewed what the Ambassador had formerly prest for But look how much the Duke made his need of the monies appear the greater by his so earnest desiring them so much the more did the Queen by the interposal of new and subtill Impediments on her behalf deny them He being thus deluded in his Negotiation and being by nature inclined rather to overcome then to sweeten difficulties resolved at last to see if he could bring the English over to his will or no by reprisals He therefore first made the goods and the persons of such Merchants of that Nation be detained who did in great numbers traffick in the Low-Countries and made it be known unto the Queen that the like should be done in all the King of Spain's other Dominions unless the monies of Spain were set at liberty which were so unjustly detained in England The Queen was not inwardly displeased hereat but growing the bolder by such a pretence to make good the mony-business she began to pretend satisfaction in stead of giving it and complained bitterly of the Duke of Alva to the King himself To her complaints she added resentment on her behalf she commanded that the same reprisals should be made in England against the King of Spains subjects And appearing much incenst against the Duke of Alva's person she publikely threatned to indammage him as much as she
with him was Orange who treated with him at large in that City and many Articles were agreed upon by which he bound himself to govern The first was That the Prince of Orange should be given unto him for his Lieutenant All the rest tended to make his Authority subordinate to that of the States General so as he could not in any whatsoever manner do any publick action without their will and consent The States and the said Mathias did afterwards by their Letters to the King endeavour to procure his approbation of that Election endeavouring to honest it in manner aforesaid and by divers other colourable pretences But this mean while the States forbare not to prepare forces and they turned them chiefly towards Vaures a Town between Brussels and Namures as hath been elsewhere said here they resolved to make their Rendesvouz resolving to befiege Namures So as when they should have possest that Pass towards Italy as they had already done the other of Mastrick towards Germany there might be no passage left for the Kings men who were to enter into Flanders either by the one or the other in an hostile manner This was the resolution of the States General and this was Orange his particular opinion who governed all things then according to his own will But when Escovedo was come to Spain and the other news of the novelties happened in Flanders being likewise advertised continual consultation was had there touching what was to be done in the affairs of that Country The King considered on the one side that to return to arms again would be to return to the former vast expences and excessive difficulties and that his enemies and those that envied his greatness desired nothing more then that he might re-enter upon a War of which he should never have an end and wherein he was to spend the flowre of his Militia There were not wanting some in his Councel who did no approve of Don Johns retreat to Namures and of his surprising that Castle as if he had done it not so much out of necessity as out of choice that he might have Forces in his hands and gather thereout more advantage to himself then to the Kings service But on the other side it was considered that if Don John should not be presently succoured and that with powerfull forces the Kings affairs in Flanders would be utterly lost the plots which were practised to that purpose both within and without being too apparent To boot that there was no way seen whereby to come to a peaceable agreement but by preparing with all possible power for a new War These opinions being then justly weighed it was resolved in Spain that Orders should be given to all the Kings Officers in Italy immediately to send back those forces into Flanders who were some months before come from thence and who were now almost all of them in the State of Milan or in the Kingdom of Naples At the same time Commissions for the raising of horse and foot were sent from the King into Burgony Lorain and the nearest parts of Germany And it fell out luckily that Count Charls Mansfield son to Count Ernestus did then lead back a body of 4000 foot from France which he had formerly brought into that Kingdom for the service of that Crown So as the Kings Forces began to found aloud in divers places which afforded the Flemish sufficient matter to think upon Their chief designe was as we have a little before said to besiege Namures and to be Masters of that Pass which was of such importance Wherefore the States endeavoured with all diligence to bring their men to the Rendesvous in Vaures And Commanders were already provided for the Army which was a gathering They had made the Lord Goygni Camp-master-general the Count de Laleigne General of the foot the Vicecount of Gaunt General of the horse and Mr de la Motte Master of the Artillery But the strength of their forces did not as yet answer to the eagerness of their design and therfore they labour'd very hard to get potent succours from their neighbours abroad and to advantage their Cause as much as they might These endeavors were had as we have formerly said in Germany France and England From Germany the Palatine John Casimire promised to bring a great strength of men if they would send him mony to pay them In France that King would not meddle with the revolt of Flanders they having been too busie in the Domestical troubles of his own Kingdom Nor could the Duke of Alanson much favour the Flemish by his own Forces They therefore placed all their chiefest hopes in the Queen of England And doubtlesly they might be better helpt from thence then from any other part both with men and mony Wherefore they turned their chiefest endeavours thither and to give it the greater weight and reputation they sent a solemn Ambassy to the Queen the head whereof was the Marquis of Haure The Queen her self desired that this clamorous appearance might be made to the end that she might the better honest unto the King of Spain any aid that she should give them through the publick complaints of the Flemish A firm Confederacie was by this means made without much difficulty between the Queen and the Belgick States the substance whereof was That each side should assist other interchangeably with proportionable Forces by Sea and Land The Queen obliged her self thereunto with present effects and with declaring that she would not suffer Flanders to be opprest And on the contrary the States promised to assist the Queen whensoever she should be molested by the common enemy She suddenly sent an express Ambassador into Spain to justifie this action of hers unto the King and sought to honest it by making known how much her interest was concerned in not suffering her Neighbours to be opprest especially the Flemish with whom the English had alwayes kept good correspondencie She shewed the King that he ought rather to be well pleased then offended with what she had done in their assistance for that otherwise they might peradventure through despair have thrown themselves into the hands of some other neighbouring Prince She exhorted him speedily to send some other Governour of his own blood in stead of Don John but chiefly to comply with the Flemish in their so just demands and fairly to compound the affairs of those Countries to which purpose she offered on her side to use her best and most powerful mediation When she had satisfied this her palliated respect to Spain she failed not readily to perform her true designs on the behalf of Flanders she suddenly raised the monies which were needfull to raise the intended Forces in Germany under John Casimire which were to be most of them Horse and gave order that a good number of Foot should be sent out of her own Kingdom The monies being received John Casimire was not slack in using such diligence as was behovefull Nor
munite it on the one side and to Mandragone on the other Mansfield therefore fortified the Village of Cowstein from whence the counterdike was thrust out and that Fortification was called the strong House he inlarged and heightned the counterdike where it was most needfull he planted a little Fort upon the one side which was called La Motta because Signor de la Motta had the command thereof He made also another on the other side and named it Palata because for want of earth it was made of pales which want was found almost every where in fortifying the counterdike so as they were fain to supply it with fagots and other such like materials Where the counterdike joyned afterwards with the chief dike of the river Mandragone raised a Fort and called it the Cross in relation to the position of the place which was almost of the same form and because 't was doubted that the enemy might make a great cut in the chief bank of the river beneath Lillo which might have more prejudiced the counterdike Fernese caused three Forts be raised in that place which for that they were triangular were called the Forts of the Trinity All these Works which we have named were made from time to time according as need required which we have here set down the better to present them before your eyes and to give you the clearer intelligence thereof The Prince had shut up the Passes towards the land side about Antwerp which coasted upon Brabant by Garisons which were placed in Hostrat in Herentales in Breda in Lira in Diste and in divers other Towns by which Antwerp was kept from being relieved on that side Particularly the horse scoured the whole Country every where not only out of a bare intention of incommodating the Antwerpians but to keep them from having any communication with those of Brussels or Malines so to make both them Towns fall the sooner into their hands The fiege being thus ordered on each side the river it remained totally to block up the same river which was the chief business and which brought with it not only the greatest advantage but also the greatest necessary and met with greatest opposition The Marquis of Rubays General of the horse was of great authority and esteem in the Kings Camp Wherefore Fernese gave him the chief care of the bridg and gave unto him likewise the command of a great many men of War which were a preparing to facilitate the enterprise Rubays was not wanting in acting his part in all these imployments He was in action both day and night he uncessantly divided his labours now on this side now on that with infinite industry and valour So as by his dilligence all necessary provisions for the building of the bridg did in time so increase as all the Army began to hope to see their work soon brought to perfection Whilst the Kings Camp was amongst these labours and difficulties the besieged within the City were not agitated with less uncertainty and perturbances From the very beginning of the siege they had sent expresly into Holland and Zealand and to the rest of the Confederate Provinces to desire the best and speediest assistance which could be sent them from those parts But knowing that they could not receive sufficient succour from thence they had sent particular personages into France and into England to do the like in those Courts and endeavoured to interest both those Crowns again if it were possible in their cause They had good hopes from France but the effects were not answerable That Kingdom was still full of troubles and that King would not more irritate the King of Spain who was already too much incensed for what the Duke of Alanson had done in Flanders They received greater hopes from England and might much more easily come by them But the Queen after Alansons death willing to make such advantage of the Flemish as she could not do before made them believe she would assist them but was very slow in doing it It appeared at last that her end was to see them reduced to such necessity as they should be inforced to throw themselves into her hands and contenting her self at first with a bare title of protection she might come more easily afterwards so to be totally master of them These practises from abroad proceeding but very flowly and with much ambiguity the Antwerpians hopes consisted chiefly in succours from Holland and Zealand Provinces which were nearest them and which by their naval forces might best disturb the siege especially by way of the river Nor were these parts wanting in doing what possibly they could to this purpose But the work about the bridg advancing every day and the Forts of the Kings Camp being already increased on both sides and Rubays having commanded his barks to withstand those of the enemy victuals could not so freely be brought to Antwerp by water as formerly And all passes by land being shut up they had less hopes of any relief from thence Their wants therefore still increased But the Inhabitants were chiefly afflicted to see that Commerce began already to fail and that by continuation of the siege they were likely to be totally deprived thereof And peradventure not without danger of new plunder and firing which was that that they most apprehended calling to mind what they had undergone not many years before in that kind by the Spaniards A great part of their people especially of meaner sort lived upon Merchandizing and Traffick wherefore they began to complain very much of their already sufferings and of those yet greater which they daily feared more and more And those who were of better condition were not well pleased to see themselves thus incommodiated And those that were of the best condition and wealthiest amongst them the more they feared to lose so much more did they desire to avoid the danger thereof And though they did all of them abhor to return again under the Spanish Command especially those who were most infected with heresie yet well weighing all Interests they preferred that of their lives and estates before all other respects The meaner sort of people began already to speak freely of these inconveniences and dangers and whispers were heard to the same purpose amongst the more civiliz'd people So as wavering thus in their minds it appeared that they could not but grow very cool in sustaining such a siege so vigorously as they ought to do Il Signor di Santa Aldegonda was chief of the Magistracy which governed the City by the Title of Burgamaster Before Orange his death he was put into that Office that he might particularly advance Orange his ends as he had always endeavoured to do and as we have often told you And when Orange was dead there was not any one that more partially maintained his memory nor his passions with more vehemency then did Santa Aldegonda Wherefore occasion being one day offered when the Magistracy was much
exceeding great preparations both by Sea and Land He gave the care of the maritime preparations to the Marquis de la Croce and destin'd him to the Naval command As for the Land he would have the greatest Forces be raised in Flanders and that the Duke of Parma should carry that Army which was under his command over into England and that he should have the chief command thereof as also of all the rest who were brought in the Fleet to land in the Island These Orders being given out by the King the noise thereof began to be heard throughout all his Kingdoms each of them strove which should provide most ships greatest store of victuals and warlike ammunition in so great ampleness as so high a design did require Great preparations of all these things were made in Sicily in the Kingdom of Naples and in all the maritime Coasts of Spain and especially in the building of great abundance of ships whereof the Fleet was to be composed Such men as were necessary for the service were also raised in all parts and in fine the resolution was to make an Armado so powerfull in all conditions as the like had never been known at any time to be upon the Sea The Duke of Parma's diligence in making preparations in Flanders in behalf of the enterprise was this mean while no whit less After the getting of Sluce he went to Bruges and kept there as in the fittest place of all the Province of Flanders to dispose of all things necessary for the transporting of his Army into England To recrute it with men the King had given order that Biaggio Cappizucchi in Italy should raise a Brigado of Foot in the State of Urbin and that Carlo Spinulli should do the like in the Kingdom of Naples That the Marquess of Brogaut brother to the Cardinal Andrea d' Austrea should raise another in Germany greater then ordinary That the rest of the German Nation that were on foot should be filled up and that the like should be done amongst the Burgonians and Walloons That a good body of men should be sent from Spain to recruit the old Brigadoes That in in fine the field Army of Flanders should be composed of 30000 Foot and of 4000 choise Horse all of which or at least the greatest part were to be imployed in the expedition for England An infinite provision of things was required to transport such an Army and to provide it with all things necessary to lead on the enterprise successfully on that side They purposed to embarke the men at Newport and Dunkirk and a great number of vessels was necessary to transport them And though these were rather to be for burthen then war and rather low built then high yet the assembling so many of them brought with it both great expence of time and monies and amongst other things a great number of Artificers were requisite to be had to do the workmanship and of Mariners to govern them The Duke of Parma had great scarcity of both these and was likewise jealous of them by reason of such mens being inclined to follow rather the Hollanders and Zealanders in whose Seas they were for the most part born and bred up then the Kings party where their profession was but little practised insomuch as the Duke was glad to send for some from the Baltick Sea and to make provision of them in divers other parts of the lower side of Germany The aforesaid Vessels were most of them built in Antwerp and many in Gaunt Newport and Dunkirk Those of Antwerp were to be brought by the Scheld to Gaunt and from thence to Bruges by a Channel cut by hand which goes from the one City to the other And upon this occasion the Duke cut another channel likewise from Bruges to Newport to the end that the Vessels might fall the more commodiously into the sea and there joyn with those of Dunkirk During the noise of so great preparations made in all parts of Italy Spain and Flanders to assault England that year ended and the year 1588 commenced which was particularly remarkable for this enterprise sake The designe was not notwithstanding publickly declared but the King striving as much as he could to conceal it made it be given out that so great a preparation by land and by sea was intended against the Rebels in Flanders And to keep them likewise in suspence he caused the begun negotiation between him and the Queen touching the accommodation of the Affairs in those parts to be continued Other reports were given out that the King intended a good part of the Fleet by sea for new designes which he had upon the Indies Some times the preparations seemed to cool But at last they grew to such a greatness and so many signes appeared of their being precisely destin'd for England as there was no room left for doubt The Queen seeing her self threatned by so great a tempest betook her self to make all such preparations likewise on her part as might be necessary to withstand it She gave order to Charls Howard Admiral of England a Lord of a very Noble Family and of great imployment that he should powerfully reinforce her usual Fleet and that he should make all other such provisions as were needfull to furnish it with Souldiers Mariners Victuals and Ammunition of War But she gave unto him Sir Francis Drake for a particular assistant herein one that was then the most esteemed amongst all the English for sea affairs and famous likewise thorowout all other Nations for many memorable sea-voyages which he had made and for many enterprises which he with great boldness had effected Such a preparation required great expence and a great inclination of the Kingdom to effect it Wherefore the Queen called a Parliament without the Authority whereof the Kings of England cannot receive any supplies of monies upon any extraordinary occasion The Parliament being met at London the Queen would one day appear there in person and went thither in the greatest glory that might be Where being placed under her cloth of State and having so composed her countenance and other gestures of body as might most take the Assembly she spake thus What a weight of war my Lords and you my beloved of the House of Commons is threatned against me at this time by the King of Spain each of you who know the preparation will easily believe the designe nor is the pretence less apparent That King complains that I have always favoured his Rebels as he is pleased to term them of Flanders And especially with so many forces and so openly in these their last necessities I confess the action and do still more commend the advice given unto me therein by my Councel Since in effect I could do nothing which was more praise worthy for Justice or more necessary for convenience Every one knows the near Confederacies which past between the Kings my predecessors and the house of Burgony whilst
From thence they proceeded to Tumults from Tumults to Rebellion and from Rebellion to a cruel War The unquenchable fire whereof hath now burnt above these forty years and how oft to bring it to an end to boot by the way of force have you used treaties of concord But still in vain so unappeaseable hath the double rebellion of the Flemish proved against the Church and against your Crown and so very much have they continually been fomented by their neighbours on all sides insomuch as Holland and Zealand and many other of those Provinces which are up in Arms grow every day more obstenate in resolving never to return under the obedience of Spain Then if you who have lived whole years in those Provinces with such experience of their own particular affairs and of the affairs of the whole world with so many Forces and so many valiant Commanders when France was most grieved with inward wounds and England apprehended the like sufferings under a woman have not been able to shun such great losses in Flanders why should we not fear that your successors may yet suffer every day greater So as at last which God forbid this Crown may be wholly deprived of those Provinces How much better souldiers do those Rebels daily grow And how much better may France and England foment them now then they could have done formerly France being at peace within it self and England which daily expects the King of Scots for their King The vils which Spain suffers from Flanders reacheth even to the Indies it is to be feared they may indammage you more in the West-Indies then they have hitherto done in the East As a Canker in any one member of a mans body works upon and consumes the vigor of all the other members So the ulcerate part of Flanders makes the body of your whole Empire daily languish The gold of the Indies the people supplyed from Spain from Italy and those which for the like end are continually raised in Germany are not sufficient as by experience is found to maintain that war The hunger of that ravenous Beast is still increased by food and how much do mutinies devour Which are now grown so Domestick that as one ends another begins and often teo much to our loss divers happen at one and the same time This is the condition of Flanders and this is the state of the losses which the Crown of Spain hath thereby suffered till now and of what they may suffer hereafter My opinion therefore is that your Majesty shall do well to give the Low-Countries in Dowry to the most Illustrious Infanta whereof framing a principality in your daughter and honouring the Cardinal Infanta your Nephew with her by making him her husband the Flemish will by this means have at last a Prince of their own which is that which they at all times have so thirsted after If the marriage of these new Princes prove fruitful as it is to be hoped it will the yet obedient Provinces will continue their obedience to the Church and Austrian blood at least if not to the Crown of Spain Nor is it to be doubted but that the same good and profitable correspondency will pass between that branch and this as hath past betwixt this and that other established in Germany And to say truth of what use may such an example be In which it is seen that the Emperor your father in great wisdom would there agrandise that Austrian branch because he thought it impossible that the greatness of that and this joyned together should continue here in your Spain though the chief branch but too far remote from Germany Their neighbours will then rejoyce at this new Flemish Principality and will assist it as much hereafter for seeing it dismembred from this Crown as they have been formerly averse thereunto for that it was joyned to your Majesties Kingdom Jealousies will be succeeded by assurances instead of having the wars fomented from those parts friendly offices will be done for the introducing of Peace And the Flemish race being by this marriage established why should we not hope that at last even the rebellious Provinces should by degrees reunite themselves according to the ancient form with those which are obedient In sine either is this the remedy which remains to heal the wounds of those Countries or we shall never finde any sufficient to effect it When Moura had spoken the other Councellors gave their opinions Jovanni d' Ideaques a Councellor likewise of great authority with the King joyn'd with Moura Idiaques as we have told you upon another occasion had been Ambassador in Genua and Venice and after other imployments being returned to Spain did now exercise a place of the greatest importance belonging to that Crown But there were divers others of the Councel who adhered to Fuentes his opinion Wherefore the King was for a while in doubt what to doe yet at last those reasons prevailed with him which first inclined him to give the Low-Countries in Dowry to the Infanta his eldest Daughter He considered and foresaw how France would grow daily greater in power That the Queen of England being now very old was to be succeeded by the King of Scotland who would unite that Kingdom to England and of them both make but one of all Great-Britain That from those parts the Rebellion of Flanders would still be more and more fomented and still he should be in greater danger of losing all those Provinces He likewise foresaw the dangers wherewith the Indies might be continually threatned and thought that if Flanders were reunited under an Austrian Prince the Maritime Provinces returning again to enjoy as formerly the Commerce of the Indies in that of Spain they would no longer think of their new so long and so expensive Navigations But the King seemed to be chiefly affected with the losses which the Church had already suffered in Flanders and which they might again suffer at the same time together with him And lastly it was believed that to boot with the reasons formerly touched upon this consideration swayed much with him That in case his onely Son should dye and the Infanta being in such a case to succeed him he should doe wisely to give her a Husband who was already so well known already becom a Spaniard and who would cause no alteration in the affairs of Spain The King being thus fully resolved he caused the Articles of Marriage to be drawn up the chief whereof were these That he gave the Provinces of Flanders together with the County of Burgony in Dowry with his Daughter which she was to enjoy joyntly together with her Husband That either Males or Females which should proceed from that marriage should succeed the men being notwithstanding to be preferred before the women and still the first-born sons or daughters That if the inheritance should rest in a woman she should be bound to marry either a King or Prince of Spain That be the Heire
together with some other of our writings concerning the Affairs of Flanders and that even since then we had a thought of composing this intire present History of the War which happened in those Provinces till by the Truce Arms were laid down we will therefore here insert the same Relation though it were formerly printed it being a member which ought also to be joyned to this body in this place and which will now fully compleat it The Command of the Catholick Army being past into Marquis Spinola's hands great were those designes as you have heard which he brought with him from Spain to Flanders to make the chief seat of the War on the other side the Rhine and to straiten the enemy the most they could in those parts To this purpose were the extraordinary Forces in the two last fields raised But though great advantages were gotten thereby yet fell they far short of the conceived hopes It was seen that Spain could not continue to maintain so excessive an expence That for want of money a new Mutiny had again happened That another might insue and that one of these disorders did much confound and distort the whole body of the Army Spinola was so troubled with these and some other reflections of importance as he at last fell upon those very considerations which already divers of the gravest and best experienced State-Ministers both of Spain and Flanders had faln upon touching the difficulties and dangers which the Warre of Flanders and the going about to weaken or subdue the Enemy by force of Arms brought with it They discoursed thus amogst themselves That all the good they had reaped by forty years War was their having made the Enemy the more strong more resolute to defend their usurpt liberty more firm in the union which they had established amongst themselves and better united to the forein Princes whho sided with them That Nature's self might be said to have fought always for them by their Bulwarks of Sea and Rivers and their strong scituations in all other parts and that where nature was wanting there industry together wih their so many well munited places did make amends That their power by land was verygreat in all things else and their power as sea so great as that the Crown of Spain had been much indamaged thereby even in the East-Indies and was in danger of being a greater sufferer by them in the West-Indies also What amass of strength on the other side and money must it cost the King to maintain the War of Flanders That doubtlesly his Empire was very large but much discunited Flanders the most disunited member of the whole body of his Dominions both by sea and land That the sea was blocked up by the Enemies ships That their passage by land did depend upon many Princes which alwaies caused great difficulties in their sending of aid and destroyed their men more by their marches then by their bickerings Then how many corruptions and disorders had been rooted in their Army and how could they be remedied during the War they being the effects which so long a War had inevitably produced That instead of obedience strife reigned amongst the Nations That there were now more wives then souldiers more mutinies then years that their own Forces were almost as dangerous to them as those of their Enemies And mutinies growing so familiar now of one now of another Nation and ofttimes of many Nations at once what a sad day would that be when the whole Army should mutiny together a day which would bring the Kings affairs in Flanders to their utmost danger as also the Cause of the Catholick Religion for the defence whereof the War at first was chiefly made and hath been so long maintained by the Spanish side If then by so many reasons and so long experience War against the Enemy were to be esteemed so fruitless is it not better said they to come to some fair agreement with them is it not better to order our Army anew and in the mean time to get strength and laying down Arms except what with time would make most to the Spanish advantage Arms being laid down the King of France already grown old might in this interim die and with him that assistance might chance to cease which was subministred to the Enemy by a Prince of such power and repute That after his death the affairs of France might peradventure change face their King being so young the like might be expected in the affairs of England their King being a new King and a Scotchman but ill looked on by that Kingdom the Enemy having likewise received considerable succours from Scotland And in case any of these things should happen how much would the affairs of Spain be bettered But above all it was to be hoped that even peace it self might turn to a secret war against the Enemy That the fear of the Spanish forces was the bond which fastened their union closest so as this fear ceasing through the enjoyment of quiet some domestick evil might arise amongst them which might break the union and some opportunity in favour of the King and Arch-dukes of regaining some of the Rebelious Provinces by underhand-dealing and of subjugating the others afterwards by force These reasons were doubtlesly very weighty and of great consideration and had been oft-times argued in Spain whereupon the King had at last resolved that if he could not effect his ends by arms all possible means should be used to come by some convenient Treaty of agreement with the Enemy in Flanders and the affairs of Flanders may be said totally to depend upon the King For the marriage between the Arch-duke and the Kings sister proving barren and the Provinces of Flanders being consequently to return unto the King again he had therefore chiefly maintained the War with his Forces and consequently all Treaties ' of agreement were chiefly to depend upon his Authority The Arch-duke inclined also very much to bring things to some accommodation he being a Prince naturally given to love his quiet and full of years and experience might comprehend better then any other the dangerous consequences which the War of Flanders brought with it but it was very hard to find out a way how to treat of accommodation A while since the enemy seemed to be quite averse unto any such Treaty and still swelling with prosperity and success they resolved never to listen to any whatsoever Treaty till such time as the King and Archdukes should first publickly declare that they treated with them as with Free Provinces and States unto the which the King nor Arch-dukes made no claim nor pretence whatsoever wherein the Arch-duke found great repugnancy in himself and foresaw the like in the King He thought that to declare those now to be a free people against whom they had fought as against rebels would be to confess that their former war had been unjust and that to seem now so willing to put an end
a great suspition of being over-reached by the Spaniards whence it was to be beleeved that they would interpret all that should come from that side in the worst sense You have heard what the number and Government of the United Provinces are and how they are seated How Holland and Zealand are seated in the bosome of the Sea and the other five lie more inwards into the land these therefore did more willingly give way unto the Treaty at the first and did afterwards appear more inclined to continue it The principal and Fundamental Law of their union is That in resolutions appertaining to the common interest the Votes of all of them must equally agree so as their businesses proceed but slowly they being to be treated of apart in every several Province and alike uniform consent to be gathered from them all by long and tedious perswasions as their liberty is in all of them alike The Kings ratification being then sundry times consulted on and with great jealousies these difficulties were objected by the United Provinces That the ratification came in general terms that it did not contain the essential clause touching their liberty but that the King still styled the Arch-dukes Princes of the Low-Countries that the King writ himself I the King as he used to do to his own Vassals that it was written in ordinary Paper and not in Parchment as is usually done in things of great importance and finally that it was sealed with a little seal and not with a great one as ought to have been Verreychin being afterwards sent for in these difficulties were propounded unto him and exaggerated rather in an insolent then free manner and it was at last concluded that the United Provinces would by no means accept of the ratification in manner as it was by him presented The common peoples madness is alwaies very great but more when they are smiled upon by Fortune They are full of arrogancy and rashness in time of Prosperity and as base and abject in adversity So as a multitude must either not be treated with at all or these alternate defects must be patiently born withal Verreychin used therefore such dissimulation as was requisite and endeavoured to remove their suspitions He assured them that such a ratification would not have been sent from Spain did not the King intend to make it good that his intentions were excellent and that he did vie therein with the Arch-Dukes he prayed them to allow time for another to come that he did again promise in the the name of the Arch-Dukes to cause another ratification bee sent in same form as was by them desired The resolution put on in Holland was that the Arch-Dukes should procure a new ratification to be sent from Spain within six weeks which should contain word for word the same Declaration of Freedom Which the Arch-dukes had made in their instrument that it should be written in Latine French or Dutch and should be subscribed by the King with his own name and to the end that no more errors might be run into the form thereof was given to Verreychin in all the three Languages Father Neyen was this mean while returned from the Court he acquainted them how hard it was to procure the King to send the former ratification though in general terms yet he affirmed that he did verily hope that a second would come in particular terms The Spaniards knowing what necessity there was to commence a Treaty thus with the United Provinces since no other way would be admitted of The Arch-Dukes did again signifie this necessity so as not long after the second ratification came from Spain but it was so penhed as it was feared the United Provinces would raise new seruples in admitting it it contained the pretended declaration of liberty and all the other clauses that were desired But in the conclusion this was added by the King that if the matters of Religion should not be agreed upon as well as the other points his ratification should signifie nothing and affairs should still continue in their former posture It was also written in Spanish subscribed as usually I the King and in all things else according to the former manner Yet it was believed that these last rubs would easily be removed by the example of the Kings having done the same in the two Peaces which were lately concluded with the King of France and King of England The other difficulty touching the new added clause was thought the greater And that word Religion seemed to be immaturely put in since it might raise jealousies in the United Provinces as if it were already determined in Spain to make propositions against the liberty of their Government and against that declaration which the King at the same time made in form aforesaid The Commissary and Verreychin were sent both together with this second ratification into Holland who in the presenting thereof made large professions to the States general again of the great good inclinations of the King and Arch-dukes towards the common good and how desirous they were particularly of the Low-Countries welfare The States took time to give their answer and after much consultation their answer according to their wonted arrogance was thus That the Kings ratification was not answerable to the form which they desired and that amongst other things the new added clause could not be allowed of since the King knew very well as did also the Arch-Dukes that the United Provinces were free Provinces and would alwaies be so though no agreement were made That notwithanding the States would acquaint every Province with the ratification and would within six weeks make their resolution known But with this protestation that they intended not that by vertue of such a ratification any thing should be propounded which might tend to the prejudice of the freedom of their Government in case the Treaty went on This answer being given the Commissary and Verreychin returned to Brussels Whilst affairs were thus negotiated in Flanders divers interests passions and ends were upon this occasion discovered to be not onely in the neighbouring Princes but almost in all the Princes of Europe In Germany the Emperor Radulphus the second pretended that no Treaty of agreement could be made in Flanders without his participation and consent taking for granted that the Low-Countries did depend upon the Empire and therefore no separation could be made therein without his Authority Wherefore he had written some Letters to this purpose to the Catholick King the Arch-duke and the United Provinces The King and Arch-duke answered him in general terms as did also the United Provinces save onely that they added a long justification of their cause and of their war against the Spaniard till the present Neither was there any more news heard of the Emperor in the whole progress of the Treaty But Henry the fourth of France was not so negligent in the consideration of these passages He had sent Ambassadors upon this occasion at
the first into Holland the truest and most intrinsecal end whereof was that he might have a share in what was to be done and specially to cause jealousie in the Spaniards and by this means to induce them to make use of him and to make him Arbitrator in the differences The King of France was then in his chiefest greatness and prosperity and enjoying his Kingdom in perfect peace and honour after having arrived thereat through many difficulties all which he had overcome with incredible constancy and valour He considered the Affairs in Flanders after several manners on one side he could have wished that the war might continue and that thereby the affairs of Spain might still be impaired even till at last they might lose whole Flanders On the other side he saw himself well stricken in years his children very young and that in case he should fail fresh troubles might in a short time arise in his Kingdom which might chiefly be fomented by the Spanish Forces of Flanders that the disorders of those Forces were not so many but that if the war should continue very necessity would force them to finde out a remedy nor the danger of their losses such as might not be evaded by the power of so great a Monarch which made him desire to see Flanders without war and the Spaniards without Forces so near at hand Neither did he like that the United Provinces who were already become so formidable at Sea might by their growing too great be as dreadful at Land For the Hereticks of his Kingdom could from no part else be better fomented to rebel The King amidst these various considerations had his eye fixt upon these passages of Flanders and because his authority was very great in the United Provinces he beleeved they would never come to any accommodation with the Spaniards without his consent At the first he seemed to be averse to the affairs in hand though to say truth he did not well know what he had best to do but he did this of purpose to enforce the Spaniards to put the Negotiations into his hands Great dexterity and cunning was requisite to the leading on of these designs He therefore chose for this so important affair the President Jannine a man of great experience and abilities and one who was then chieflyest employed by him in State affairs He sent Mr. de Rosse along with Jannine who was then extraordinary Ambassador into Flanders to continue afterwards his ordinary Ambassador in the United Provinces Having both of them exercised their Offices in the entrance into the affairs spoken of they stayed in Holland Jannine did diligently observe the whole carriages and wrought himself every day more and more into the affairs which still increased the jealousie of the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes who then began to see clearly that it behoved them to have recourse to the King of France his mediation who already had complained to the Commissary General in his return to Flanders that the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes had proceeded so far without his knowledge in the aforesaid business Almost the like passions and artifices appeared in James the first King of England who was newly come to that Crown The same reasons appeared in him for desiring the continuance of the war in Flanders as did in the King of France for the King of England being strong at Sea and confiding in the strength of all his Kingdoms situation as also in the conformity of his ends with those of the United Provinces in favouring heresie he could not much fear their Forces though they should grow greater He was the more secure likewise by having Flushing and the Ramechins in Zealand and the Brill in Holland Sea Towns of great importance in his hands as pawned for monies lent by Queen Elizabeth to the United Provinces and for that their chiefest strength consisted in English and Scottish souldiers who were in their Army He foresaw he should have greater cause to be jealous of the Spaniards if being free from the war of Flanders they might endeavour to molest him in any part of his Dominions especially in Ireland an Island which is almost wholly Catholick well-affected to them and much dis-affected to England Out of these reasons it was believed that the King of England desired the war in Flanders might continue But being a great lover of Quiet and much given to Hunting and to his Book and wholly fixt in warring by writings with the Church it was therefore judged he would not at last shew himself totally averse to see the affairs of Flanders in some sort pacified To boot that not being able for scarcity of Monies to give any considerable succour to the United Provinces his power would be but small in perswading or counselling the continuance of war since he could not much assist it by his Forces Yet it very much imported those Provinces to preserve his friendship were it onely that they might raise souldiers out of his Kingdom Wherefore they entertained his Ambassadors which were sent into Holland at the beginning of this Negotiation with very much respect and treated with them with all confidency The King of Englands end in sending of them was almost the same as was that of the King of France To wit that he likewise would have a share in the business which was in hand and to enforce the Spaniards to make use of him likewise therein The King of Denmark sent likewise Ambassadors to Holland as also the Prince Elector Palatin the Elector of Brandenburgh the Lantgrave of Hesse and other German Heretick Princes who all of them seemed to shew their good affections towards the united Provinces in so important an occasion These businesses which were thus begun grew very hot in Holland every thing was in motion and great was the expectation what the united Provinces would resolve as well touching the second ratification come from Spain as also whether they would continue or break the Treaty But of all others Count Maurice of Nassaws thoughts were most busied at this time His father the Prince of Orange being dead he being yet but a youth of sixteen years of age had got into all his fathers Military and Civil employments with the great good will and approbation of the united Provinces And encreasing no less in valour then in years after so many enterprises and prosperous successes his authority grew daily greater amongst them He had won it by arms and he thought he could best preserve it by arms And by means of the publick trouble of war he hoped some favourable conjuncture might the easilier be opened unto him of making himself one day Prince of those Provinces It is not to be doubted but that his ambition carried him thus high for his Father was very near attaining thereunto and his own deserts being added to his Fathers his hopes ought rather to be augmented then diminished To boot with the Supreme Government of the Army he had
sentence and for the most part the justice of the cause gives the victory It imports but little then whether their ends be sincere or fradulent in case of agreement for then they cannot oppress us by their forces We must above all things endeavour to secure our selves from this danger which necessarily consists in one of two remedies either in continuing the war out of hope that their necessity will daily grow greater or else in ending it by some accommodation after which our affairs might be better secured And from hence I come to the second point I deny not but that their present disorders and necessities are great but I cannot think them past remedy so far but that if the war in ure the Spaniards may finde sufficient Forces to do it I for 〈◊〉 own part finde the Monarchy of Spain to be the same thing that it hath alwaies 〈◊〉 during the whole course of this war nay rather increased in this interim by the addition of the Kingdom of Portugal and of the East-Indies which depend thereupon I finde it to be very strong both at land and sea Where hath the formidableness of their forces been better seen then here in Flanders What other power hath at any time maintained so long so far distant so hard and so expensive a war And shall we believe that the Spaniards cannot still maintain it And that they are not likely to finde a remedy for their disorders in these parts and for any hazard they may run in the East-Indies The very necessity of making war will doubtlessly furnish them with means enough to continue it So then we are again engaged in war in a new and more obstinate war then the former and what security can we have that fortune will alwaies favour us We have likewise our necessities and if they be at present great amongst the Spaniaads remember I pray you that they have been greater amongst us and that all humane things being subject to alteration and the events of war usually very uncertain the time may prove propitions again to them and averse to us Do not we know how much our war depends upon the aids from France and England May not the King of France die Is he not already very old May not the Kingdom afterwards alter And shall we not then be deprived of all succour from thence Do not we likewise know upon what fickle terms the affairs of England stand The King being a Scotch-man a stranger in that Kingdom and there being many other occasions which may cause some fear of alteration on his side How much would the affairs of Spain be bettered by any of these accidents How much worse would ours be We ought then to be taught by all reason and by all the rules of good Government not to let slip this happy conjuncture of coming to some good agreement with the Spaniards Fortune is flitting inconstant disdainful and exceeding apt to be provoked 'T is now the time to know how to lay hold of her So as my opinion is that by all means we ought to accept of this ratification come from Spain and proceed on to some Treaty of agreement I confess it is not alwaies in the power of man to enjoy the happiness of peace but I verily bel eve it is now in our power to shun the dangers of war which in my opinion ought by all means to be indeavoured and certainly we may hope for great advantages from the Spaniards by this accommodation which they do so much desire to make with these our Provinces in this their present necessity As all Pilots prefix the haven for their end all Travellers their Country and all motion rest so all war hath peace for its end wherein consists means chiefest happiness and shall the wa◠of Flanders be the onely thing which shall never have an end And shall all our most advantagious successes depend alwaies upon the so uncertain event of war We shall be free from the uncertainties and from so many dangers which troubles brings with them by reducing our selves at last to a quiet condition we shall then much better re-order the Government of every of our particular Provinces and of the intire body of the union when we shall be in a quiet condition This our Common-wealth will then break forth from out the duskishness and horror of arms which how wounderful a sight will it be and what unaccustomed praises will it produce in the Theatre of the Universe When it shall be seen how our Provinces do unite themselves in one body with what sort of Lawes and Magistracy they conspire together how unwounded the Liberties of each of them remain and how uninjured it passeth through every one of them as through so many veins to the intire body of their general Union We shall have Ambassadors sent to congratulate with us from all parts who will return rather envying then rejoycing at this our so great felicity We shall pay the debts we have contracted abroad we shall ease our selves of those we have here amongst our selves and we shall enrich our treasury by taking off so many and so grievous expences our people shall then know that they are truly free when they shall enjoy liberty without any contestation and being once got into such a condition what need we fear to be at any time reduced under the yoak of that proud cruel and tyrannical Spanish Government Barnevelt was listned unto with much attention and the reasons alledged by him appeared to be so weighty and wisely grounded as after some other consultations it was at last resolved on by the States General that they would accept of the ratification yet there was much ado before Zealand could be brought to joyn in this Vote so absolute Authority had Count Maurice in that Province whereof he was not onely Governour but had a great estate there and enjoyed such prerogatives as he appeared rather to be Prince then Governor of that Country The Arch-dukes were then acquainted with this the States Generals resolution and 't was almost in the same words which were used in the answer which was first given to the Commissary and Verreychin when they brought the ratification into Holland And because the term for suspension of Arms was already expired it was by both sides prorogued and continued to be so from time to time in new terms till the end of the Treaty which was after concluded I thought good to insert this in this place to shun the tedious repetition of the same things sundry times Now all the eyes of Flanders were fixt upon that Deputies the Arch-dukes would chose to send according to the first agreement into Holland The greatest weight of the Spanish affairs which were agitated in Flanders lay upon the Marquess Spinola Camp-master-general of the Army and upon Manchichidor the Spanish Secretary of War and as for the Arch-dukes business John Richardotto President of the Privy Councel and Verreychin so often named before
discuss affairs with an intention to come to a perpetual peace if it were possible The Vnited Provinces offered one Article in the first place wherein they pretended that the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes should acknowledge them to be absolutely Free States and should at large renounce all right or claim which might be pretended unto by them or any of their successors to or over those Provinces with an obligation not to make use of their Arms or Titles or whatsoever other appearance This last addition appeared too arrogant to the Catholick Deputies who complained very much thereof to the Ambassadors of France and England with whom from the beginning they had had communication in what concerned the Treaty alleadging That it was an usual thing amongst Princes still to retain the Title of States or Kingdoms though they were lost or but pretended to whereof there was examples in the greatest Kings of Christendom That the Catholick King stiled himself King of Hierusalem and Duke of Burgony the King of France King of Navar and that the King of England did still keep the Title of King of France That the Vnited Provinces would be they alone who would introduce new Laws in the world and not content to pass from rebellion into liberty would pretend as it were by usurpation to such and so rash advantages in fine that this was a cause common to all Princes and wherein they were all by this one act injured The answer which the Catholick Deputies gave hereunto was that they had no Authority to admit of the Article in manner as was desired That they would acquaint the Arch-dukes therewith and expect their Answer but the Ambassadors thought these their complaints to be artificials they imagined that the Catholick Deputies meant to indear the said renuntiation as much as they might that they might the easilyer induce the Vnited Provinces to give way on their parts in other things in which opinion they were confirmed by the Answer which came from Brussels which was that the Arch-dukes would consent to the Article in the same manner as it was propounded if the Vnited Provinces by acknowledgement of so great a benefit would in lieu thereof abstain from their sayling into the Indies The Vnited Provinces seemed to be as much moved by this answer and their Deputies made equal complaints thereof to the Ambassadors of their Confederate Kings and Princes What do the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes grant said they more then what the Vnited Provinces do already possess that what should be granted by the King and Arch-dukes was nothing but wind and a bare Title whereas if the Vnited Provinces should give over their sailing to the Indies they should deprive themselves of the principal and most important part of their Traffick That they had begun and would continue that their Navigation which by the Laws of Nature and right of Nations is allowed to all men That some other thing might be thought upon which in this point might give reciprocal satisfaction to both sides But that they should exclude themselves from sailing into the Indies was neither to be thought on nor hoped for and why ought not the spoiles of that new world be common to all That it was of that immence vastness as more thereof was undiscovered then discovered as yet and that the right of the occupiers in those parts differed only in the better knowing how to manage what they possess Both parties argued this point touching the East Indies with great stifness and pertenacity nor would the Catholick Deputies ever discede from their first answer At last the Deputies of the United Provinces made three Propositions The first that according to the nature of all peaces Commerce might be free both by sea and land to both parties The second that for the space of seaven years the United Provinces might continue their Navigation to the Indies and that one year before the expiration of those seaven years some new composition might be made The third that upon the insuance of peace and due observation of all things on this side the line the Vnited Provinces might at their own peril continue their Navigation on the other side The Catholick Deputies were not pleased either with the first or the third Propositions Not with the first because it left the Vnited Provinces absolutely free to Traffick in the Indies Not with the third because they saw a peace mixt with hostility was not likely to last They did not appear to be totally averse from the second so as they would now agree that when those seaven years should be ended the United provinces should for ever forbear from their Navigation to the Indies To this their Deputies would by no means consent this point of the Indies was much stood upon and the difficulties thereof inlarged by the particular Company of Merchants in the Vnited Provinces which traffick into those parts The Company was chiefly composed of the Merchants of Amsterdam and of Midleburgh and one was sent in the name of that Company to the Hague to shew how great the gain was which they made by their trafficking in the East Indies and how much the continuation thereof did import in other respects They alleadged that they had already introduced Commerce in sundry parts of those Countries that many were the frienships and confederations which they had established there and that those seas were already frequented by above 150 of their Vessels and by above 8000 of their Mariners and Souldiers that great was the gain of particular men and the advantage no less which the publick received thereby that to keep so many of the baser sort of people imployed who would be alwayes troublesome when at quiet what was it but to purge their Publick of so much ill bloud ready to grow corrupt That the Navigation of the United Provinces into the Indies had already made Lisbon groan that the Merchant Towns of the Portugueses in those parts went to wrack and that their ships were seen to go and come much possest with fear and apprehension and were inforced to be at much greater expence then formerly for they had wont not to be greatly vigilant in that their Voyage not meeting with any contestation save from the seas and wind These and many other considerations were represented by the Company to keep the Vnited Provinces from consenting to the Spaniards demands touching the Indies So as both parties adhering to their opinions nothing was done therein The Catholick Deputies resolved therefore to send Father Neyen into Spain to acquaint the King with what past and particularly to receive Orders for what they should do concerning the Indies having first declared to the other Deputies that they had no Commission to conclude any thing in that business They told them also how that the Commissary should be back within two months whereupon he suddenly took his journey for Spain and I to shun the tedious prolixity of the less important affairs
do in her name implore the help and protection of the Upper Germany But such recourse for refuge will not avail unless you your selves repute the cause which is now in hand to be common as well to Germany as to Flanders as I at first took for granted And who can doubt it who is not aware of the Spaniards vast designes doubtlesly a desire of Domination doth naturally reigne in all men One will draws on another nor doth what is possest give satisfaction But how immence how immoderate doth this thirst appear particularly in the Spaniards they think not their unknown worlds sufficient to quench it and will therefore extend their Empire still further in those which are known They fix their eyes and their machinations much more upon Europe in particular When they shall have opprest Flanders and have gotten so opportune a seat for their Arms what Province will they next fall upon that certainly which they shall have most reason to fear He who will lay the foundations of servitude well first seeks to beat down the Bulwarks of Liberty Wherefore knowing that they shall be most withstood by the power and undaunted spirits of this Nation which in all things is so united to Flanders they will forthwith bend all their forces hitherward It may then be concluded that the Spanish forces being in Flanders will be always ready to enter Germany and then what will your miseries be when their Colonies shall likewise be seen here new faces new Customs severe Laws more severely executed heavy yoaks upon mens persons and more heavy upon their consciences This point being then granted that the danger will be common amongst us the other will be clear that the cause should likewise be reputed common the rest follows on in consequence One neighbour runs to quench the fire that is kindled in another neighbours house When a river threatens to break in who runs not from all sides to mend the banks the same course ought now to be held all you must haste to help the Flemish since you are the first that are likely to seel the flames of their fire and they who shall first partake of the inundation of so many miseries which they suffer But do not believe that they will linger in expectation of your aids They will move assoon as they shall see you move and their worth and vertue which by so unexpected and cruel a violence is rather stupified then opprest will return with greater vigour then before What cannot armed desparation do what dares it not the entrance will be always easie from these parts into Friesland and into the Provinces of Flanders which are on this side the Rhine that river will with like easiness be at all times past over all the chief Cities will throw open their gates The Nobility and all the whole Country will joyn in the same opinion But I came short when I said that only Germany and Flanders would joyn in this cause France and England and the other Northern Countries will undoubtedly joyn with us since they stand in like fear of the Spanish forces He that commits violence doth not always boast thereof And how oft do we see oppression prove the ruine of the oppressor It may so fall out as whilst the Spaniards do so greedily gape after other mens states they may chance to lose their own The Flemish expect only your assistance to escape so hard a slavery And I in their names do once again earnestly implore it The cause cannot be more just nor more easily helped and it is yours no less then ours All neighbours will take it for their own concernment and the whole North will favour it But as the defence will in the first place fall to your share so the first place of victory will be given to your forces And so by the title of our being oppressed you shall for ever be accounted our deliverers The Crown of Spain never had nor never shall have a fiercer enemy then the Prince of Orange To this his discourse made in publick he added many others in privat He exagerated all the evils which are wont to be said in detestation of great Empires and their Governors and sought by all means possible to imprint those passions in the minds of others which burnt so fiercely in his own He pre'vailed so far with the Diet as even the backwardest amongst them wisht they had helped the Flemish Whereupon it was concluded that such men as were necessary for that purpose should speedily be raised This resolution was suddenly communicated by Orange to his confederates of Flanders and to those also with whom he held intelligence in France and in England They designed to enter Flanders at one and the same time in divers parts The easiest way seemed to be by Friesland as being the most open Country and the most commodious to receive German aids The other side whereon they would endeavour to get entrance was Brabant and Ghelderland confining upon the States of Cleves and Juliers and Liege On the behalf of France the Hugonor intimated hopes that they would cause some novelties in the Walloon Frontiers and the like was promised from England in Holland and Zealand by sea They made no delay much soldiery did just then return to Germany which John Casimere one of the Count Palatines of Rhine had not long before led into France in favour of the Hugonots Arms were for that time laid down in that Kingdom by some agreement between the parties interessed and therefore the aforesaid Germans returning to their own homes Orange and the rest of his adherents thought it very oportune upon this occasion to make use of them for the accomplishment of their designes Such as were needfull being then tane into pay by the Princes and Cities that did intervene in the Diet as many of them as were requisit to boot with the men which they raised in their own Countries began to march under Count Lodovick brother to the Prince of Orange with intention to enter the Low-Countries on the side of Friesland but before he began to move another was heard of towards Ghelderland Lumay and Villiers were two of those Nobles who had shared most in the Covenant Petitions and revolts which had happened in the Dutchess of Parma's time they feared to be punished by the Duke of Alva proportionably to their demerits Havingtherefore through this apprehension quitted their Countrie they would now return again with forces They resolved to put it to a tryal by indeavouring to surprise some important place in Ghelderland They thought Ruremond a fitting place a City standing on the Mause and which might serve them for a passage into Brabant Orange instigated them hereunto for he designed to enter with very powerfull forces on that side and then to settle in the midst of the Countrie Having gathered tumultuously together about 2000 fot and some few horse a rabble of people all of them almost of the neighbouring Countries they
make for our advantage For the most of us having resolved to imbrace the Refoâ—med religion doubtlesly the Queen of England will in that respect much more concur in our defence then will the Duke of Alanson who is a profest Catholick Together with this advantage in matter of Religion we shall also receive from her all other things which we stand most in need of her Kingdom abounds in People nor wants she Mony proportionably How much ought we to esteem her so near and so potent Maritime forces We may by that means expect at all times all manner of Aid in a very few houres and by that means that Country will be joyned to ours as well as if we were both one firm land And how much is England and our Province already joyned in Commerce May not the English-House here in Antwerp be envied by their own hamber of London And if we consider the Form of Government how much more conformable to ours is that of England then that of France For in France the Kingly power may be said to be almost absolute whereas in England it is so limited as in al affair of greatest weight the Princes there can resolve of nothing without the supreme authority of Parliament Which ought to make us expect a much more moderate government certainly from the Queen of England then from the D. of Alanson who hath already too much drunk in the too haughty and Kingly spirits of France This my short comparing of the present condition of these two Kingdoms doth sufficiently discover my opinion touching the business now in hand Yet all private opinions ought to submit to the publike interest And so shal I do when the contrary shal be approv'd of by this most wise Assembly for I have no consideration of any foreign good which is not altogether subordinate to what concerns our selves This discourse wrought very much upon the Deputies But the Lord of St. Aldegonde one of those that was deputed for the Nobility one of the best esteemed amongst all those of the Flemish Union took upon him to defend the contrary opinion And spake thus I wish it had pleased God most worthy Deputies that our calamities had not clearly taught us what the remedy is to free us thereof This remedy consists in having one for our Prince who being amongst us in person may rather with a Fathers then Princes affection imbrace maintain and govern the concernments of these our Provinces as if they were altogether his own And to pass by the more ancient examples let each of us consider what happiness they enjoyed in more modern times 'T is very well known to all how they flourished under the House of Burgony And that out of no other respect but for that the Princes did then of themselves and in their own persons steer the Government and shewing themselves from time to time in almost every of our Provinces did both give and receive such satisfaction as was most to be desired by each in each of them The Government then altered and began to grow worse under the House of Austria nor was it to be otherwise expected by reason of the many States and Nations which fell under the Empire thereof A great bulk cannot long maintain it self and when one part thereof is wrested all the rest are usually out of frame So in States which are too far divided a sunder the good of Government not being able to be joyntly united in them all the most remote must needs suffer therein and afterwards those that are nearest joyned will rescent it But notwithstanding in the times of Maximilian of Philip the first and of Clarls Flanders enjoyed such a share of their own personages and presence as look how much it sometimes suffered by reason of their absence it reaped other whiles as much advantage by their being present And each of them did still retain as well the sence as the bloud of Germany and Flanders Countries both of them almost alike seated and of the same nature The â—ow King being afterwards born in Spain and being become a Spaniard more by will then by birth he resolves to keep there and not to absent himself in any manner from thence What our miseries have been since then and what those in particular which we have suffered through the pride and cruelty of Spanish Governours we may all very well know since we have all too well tryed it Then to conclude as I said at first that the only help for these our Provinces consists in having here a Prince of their own to govern them I confess I cannot see who can be fitter for that purpose then the Duke of Alanson The Dukes of Burgony descended as it is well known to all from the Royal bloud of France then since Fortune presents us again with a new Prince of the same bloud wherefore should not we greedily imbrace the occasion of receiving him would not the very Government be by this means rather continued then any other of a different Form instituted How great a part of our Provinces do yet retain the French tongue and the Customs more then the tongue Are not all the confines of the Walloons and half the Province of Flanders it self called more by the word Gallican then Flemican so as in respect of the conformity of nature 't is clearly seen that the French are much more conformable to us then the English who had never any dominion over us That France is now in great turmoyls cannot be denyed but what better remedy then this can be found out to rid her of them to wit by drawing Alanson himself out of her and with him so many others who at the present do molest that Kingdom In which case it is not to be doubted but that the Duke will abound sufficiently in Forces and that the King his brother will largely maintain them in so just a Cause Every one may clearly see how much better these of France will be then those we should receive from England France doth over-abound with people every where especially in gallant Cavalry The coming from thence into this our Country can receive no impediment neither by the seas nor wind since both their confines by land joyn together And how opportune for us ought their neighbourhood now to be thought since almost the whole Walloon Provinces being re-united to the King of Spain the French Forces will prove very commodious on that side to force that Country to return to their former Union with our other Provinces and to joyn with us in chusing the Duke of Alanson for our Prince For what concerns all the other rubs me thinks they may be easily removed As for the Kings having no children his age is such as may certainly promise enough The mean while the Duke his brother will likewise marry and have sons of his own to succeed him but say that the Duke were to succeed unto the Crown wherefore may not we in such accse oblige
should receive a full pardon from the King That the Citizens should return to the true obedience of the Church and King That those who would not live after the Catholick profession might enjoy their goods any where out of the Country That the souldiers should be suffered to march out with theirs Arms bagage and Colours flying That the City should pay 20000 pound to keep from being sackt And that the Princess of Espenoy might be suffered to go freely whether she pleased with all her wealth goods substance and family Thus was Tornay yielded and the Princess at her coming forth was received with such applause in the Kings Camp as it might be judged she came forth not as Conquered but as Conqueress The news this mean while continued that the Duke of Alanson would be quickly in Flanders and that without returning to France he would come directly from England and land in Zealand The Archduke Mathias had till this time kept in the Low-Countries and agita ted with many hopes could never fix upon any From the beginning he could not be Governour there by the Kings approbation He had enjoy'd nothing but likelyhoods in the Rebels Government and nothing but the Title in the management of the Militia yet he thought he merited by suffering Wherefore discovering the Rebels resolution of changing Prince he flattered himself mainly upon that occasion with new and ardent hopes He omitted not to make those things be suggested which might make most for his advantage and particularly his Austrian bloud of Germany which for so many years and with such satisfaction to the people had Governed Flanders But being but little listned unto and less considered and afterwards excluded out of all he was fain to be content and to return to his friends and former condition in Germany VVhen therefore it was noised that Alanson was in England and that he would be speedily in Flanders Mathias tarryed no longer but going by Cullen past over the Rhine and returned to his usual abode in the Emperours Court This year ended with his departure and with the Signior d' Altapenna's indeavour to surprise Bergen ap Zome which Town he was very near surprising for he and his men had already won one Gate and were begun to get more inward when the Garison betaking themselves to their Arms and the people flocking from all parts the Royalists were forced to go out many of them being slain and many wounded In the beginning of the year 1582. certain news was brought to Flanders at last that the Duke of Alanson was departed from England with intention of landing in Zealand After having been entertained many days with much feasting and honourable treatment he went from London and within three days came to Flushing The Queen made him be attended with a great Fleet of her ships which were commanded by Charls Howard Lord Admiral of England and would have him waited upon by divers of the chiefest Lords of her Kingdom amongst which was the Earl of Lester who was then in great Authority and favour with her When Alanson was come to Flushing he was received by Orange Espenoy and a great many other personages of quality who were come thither to that purpose They brought him from thence to Midleburg where staying a few days he came to Antwerp attended by above 50 Flemish ships gloriously trimed he landed upon the banks of Scheld near the Citadel and was met with an incredible applause and concourse of people After the wonted ceremonies of interchangeable oaths he entred on horseback into the City which was every where set out with triumphant Arches and other publick demonstrations of joy for his arrival Alanson being thus brought into his new Principality it was not long ere he began to know that hardly was the appearances or shadow thereof left unto him On the other side the Flemish began quickly to comprehend that he had brought with him nothing but the outside of vain hopes and of spetious titles He could not obtain any Forces of consequence from the King his brother and from the Queen of England such and so many only as by his means the Dominion of those Countries might rather be taken from the King of Spain then enjoyed by himself Wherefore the heat of that first welcome quickly cooled and the Inhabitants of Antwerp began to take some distaste at the Duke in point of Religion The Hereticks were already so prevalent there as but very little share of exercise remained for the Catholicks who had recourse unto the Duke to remedy the oppression which they received On the contrary the others endeavoured by all means to continue their advantages and though some satisfaction was at last given to the Catholicks yet were not they therewithall quieted nor did the Hereticks on their sides seem to be satisfied But an untoward accident which happened not long after had likely to have given him an â—ll favoured welcome and to have indangered his life Which was this A young Spaniard of mean birth in Biscay having resolved to kill Orange and taking bothtime and place fitting for his purpose in Orange his own hous discharg'd a musket in his face and wounded him so as at the first he was thought to be dead The noise being heard many hasted thither and astonished at the spectacle without further adoe slew the offender The news of this flew suddenly from the house to the Piazza and from the Piazza to every least corner of the City Nor is it to be said what a commotion it caused amongst the people Every one ran with anxiety from one place to another to know the truth thereof and lamenting one another and as if not only the Father of the Country but even the Father of every particular Family had been slain they bewailed the privat and publick misfortune which they thought had befaln them In this agitation it was whispered that the French had been the authors of this misdeed that they might rid their hands of Orange and thereby make the Duke of Alansons Authority the more free The baser sort of people turning their commisseration into fury ran headlong to Alansons house intending to kill all the French that they should find there and peradventure not to spare his own person In this interim the first fear was seised in Orange his house for the wound being searched was found not to be mortal the bullet had only past through both his cheeks beaten out some of his teeth and occasioned the loss of much bloud which for a while hindred his speech But when he knew it was a Spaniard who had shot him and heard what danger the French were in and even Alanson himself he writ some Tickets with him own hand and sent abroad divers in his own name who cleared the business and freed the multitude of their suspitions When all tumults were ceased they fell to search into the fact that they might make the juster resentment The most common opinion was
best Councellor and whose advantages are infallible to those that can discern and make use of them The Queen inclined to this opinion And because Antwerp was already in very great danger she gave order for the immediate sending over of 3000 Foot into Zealand to facilitate the relief of that City And the Flemish resolved to put Ostend for the present into her hands But this was not performed because the Aid came not time enough Wherefore they past on to the chief Negotiation and these following Capitulations were agreed upon between the Parties interessed That the Queen of England should be obliged to assist the States of the United Provinces with 5000 Foot and 1000 Horse all of them to be paid by her and that she should send a Commander in chief over with them who should have the Government of their Forces and the chief Command over all their Souldiers That to secure the repayment of the monies which the Queen should spend the States should put Flushing and the Ramekins into her hands in Zealand and the Bril in Holland and leave the same Artillery and ammunition of war in them which was at the present That when the war should be ended and the monies repaid the Queen should be bound to restore the same Towns in the same condition as they were now assigned over unto her That the United Provinces should not make peace with the King of Spain nor league with any other Princes without the Queens consent neither should the Queen come to any particular treaty with the King of Spain without the knowledge and approbation of the Vnited Provinces That to boot with the Queens General Governour two other of her State-Ministers might intervene at all the Councels and negotiations of the Vnited Provinces That in the default of any Governour of Province or Town the States should name two or three personages of which one should be chosen by her General Governour with the participation of the Provinces Councel of State That in case war were to be made by Sea for the common service the States should concur thereunto with equal Forces to those that the Queen should therein imploy and that her Admiral should have the chief Command over them all That the General Governour and the other of the Queens Officers should swear obedience not only to her but to the States also That all of them should inviolably maintain the wonted Priviledges of the Country and that there should be no the least alteration of Government made in those Towns whereinto there should any English garrisons be put and that such Garrisons should be suffered to live for matter of Religion according to the manner of England These were the most essential Articles Which being agreed upon sudden order was given for the putting of them in execution The Queen declared the Earl of Leicester for supreme Head of her Forces of whom mention is made in other parts of this our History and many of the Nobility of England prepared to go along with him That year in this interim ended and the year 1586 insued In the begining whereof Leicester being imbarked with all his people arrived at the Hague in Holland about the first week of February where he was received with all the expressions of Honour and joy that the States could make The Places which were assigned over unto him were of very great importance Flushing and the Ramechins were the chief Key of Zealand and the Bril was likewise a Port-Town of very great concernment in Holland The Garrisons being placed according to agreement the States did so very much intreat Leicester that to boot with the chief Command of their Forces he would likewise accept of the general Government of their whole Country as he inclined to yield thereunto At which the Queen seemed to be displeased and sorthwith sent an Express to complain thereof But the States renewing the same intreaties to her she did not any further repugn it thinking perhaps that she had already so highly offended the King of Spain as he would be but little pacified though she should forbear this second irritation Besides to say truth 't was hardly to be believed but that this declaration of the States had been secretly made known unto the Queen and that Leicester would not have accepted of it without her tacit consent But howsoever it was Leicester accepted of the Administration He distributed his own men and those of the Provinces where it was most needfull and prepared to impede the progress of the Kings Forces as much as might be and to doe all that he could expect was to be done by his men Fernese through the acquisition of so many chief Cities and particularly that of Antwerp did verily believe to put an end to the troubles of Flanders either by some way of fair Agreement or by absolute Conquest Wherefore he was wonderfully moved to see this Victory which he had so assuredly fancied unto himself either by the one way or the other taken from him by this English succour and the King thought himself thereby so highly offended as he did not long delay the resenting of it as you sâ—all shortly hear But though the Enemy had received such a succour yet Fernese did not doubt but that as his Forces were far the greater so likewise should his successes be He therefore resolved as soon as the winter should be over to march with his Army into the field The Enemy though they had lost Mastrick were yet masters of two Towns of great concernment in that lower side of the Mause the one was Graves which belongs to Brabant and the other Venlo in Ghelderland It made very much for Fernese to have all those parts at his devotion to the end that he might the better unite his Forces on both the sides of so important a River and that he might likewise with the less impediment carry them on the other side of the Rhine Wherefore he resolved by all means to make himself master of those two Towns And though the winter were not yet over he resolved to send Count Mansfield to straiten Graves at a distance and gave him such men as were requisite for that purpose He gave order likewise for the besieging of Venlo after the same manner And being much prest thereunto by the Archbishop of Colen he likewise sent the Signor d'Altapenna Governour of Ghelderland to make the like preparation against the Town of Nuys where the Enemy had still fortified themselves more and more and still more prejudiced the adjacent parts by their continual excursions When Mansfield was come before Graves be planted two Forts upon the two banks of the Mause that he might have the freer passage over the river and he raised some others more within land towards where the Town stood The River did very much help the fortifying of the Town on the River side and on the Land side the Enemy had likewise very well bastion'd the walls The Souldiers that
the Provinces of Flanders were under the Government thereof Nor was this a bare Union between Prince and Prince but it extended from Nation to Nation and almost from private man to private man so great were the considerations both of neighbourhood Traffick and the conformity of Government and of all other Interests to make both peoples as it were but one and the same Every concern being then so united between the Flemish and the English how could I abandon those and not abandon these Nothing is more just then to defend the oppressed nothing more becoming a regal condition then to take such into protection And if the most remote people may merit such a favour how much more may our neighbours desrve it and those between whom and us there is so near a conjunction Nor ought the Flemish to be ere a whit less assisted by me out of justice then out of conveniency You see whether the vastness of the Spanish Empire is arrived And how much more this Kingdom in particular is now indangered by the addition of the Crown of Portugal thereunto The designe of oppressing Flanders is apparently seen to the end that such Forces both by land and by sea may be planted there as may serve to make Spain impose what Laws it shall please both upon the North and West In this case England and Ireland being incompassed therewith why may we not fear that they may suffer the like evils as Flanders should have done So as by my succouring of those Provinces I pretend to have at the same time secured my own Dominions Here it is that the King of Spains shoe wrings him and hence it is that he accounts that an injury which I have done in mine own necessary defence And could I appear more moderate then in refusing the Soveraignty which the United Provinces did so freely and unanimously offer me And yet how justly may I complain of so many injuries done to me by him What hath he not endeavoured to make Ireland rebel against me What are his continual machinations to the same purpose with the Catholicks in England and what doth he not in all other parts in hatred to my Kingdoms and to my person It may then be safely concluded that he now makes open war up on me not out of any true reason but out of a false pretence and that his true end is to in vade this my Kingdom and to endeavour by all the power he hath to get the Dominion of it I therefore summon and exhort you my faithfull Subjects to the defence thereof to the defence I say of a Kingdom which is more yours then mine I being more yours then mine own The marriage from whence I derive was established by Parliament by the Authority of Parliament was I brought to the succession of the Crown which I wear The Religion which I follow is imbraced by the Parliament I have acknowledged the Parliament to be my Father and as I may say have taken the Parliament for my Husband For I have forborn marriage to avoid bringing of a foreign Prince hither who by new Customs and imperious demeanours might trouble not so much my own quiet as the common happiness of the Kingdom By the miseries of Flanders it may be comprehended what those of England would be if the Spaniards should enter here We should soon see new Tribunals of Inquisition new yokes of Citadels new Laws new burthens new Customs horror cruelty and violence every where I know you would not willingly fall into this condition and that to keep from doing so you will of your selves do all that lies in your power This consists chiefly in providing such subsidies as so great an occurrency requires Wherefore I beseech you to give them so as that the preparations on our side may justly counterpoise those which the enemy doth by so many ways order on his behalf For what remains every one knows what advantage the assaulted hath over those that do assail We shall particularly have the advantage very much by defending a Kingdom to which the sea serves for a Bulwark on all sides With our Forces those of our Confederates in Flanders will joyn and all the Northern parts will unite themselves with us when they shall see this new designe of the Spaniards to invade England after having endeavoured so cruelly to oppress Flanders I the mean while who may term my self no less your servant then your Queen will perform what it becomes me to do and though a woman rest confident you shall find a manly spirit in me And that I will cheerfully incounter death if it shall be requisite so to end my life upon so worthy an occasion The Queen was indued with a very great wit and with almost all sorts of learning which she had particularly studied in her younger years And by reason of her then great age and the opinion which was had of her singular gift of Government she was generally no less reverenced then beloved by her Subjects Wherefore it is not to be exprest what affection her Parliament shewed towards her and what indignation against the King of Spain in their answer She was assured by both the Houses that in her service and the service of the Kingdom they would spend both their fortunes and their lives and that they would be as ready to give Subsidies as she had been in desiring them To this their disposition of will the universal diligence of effects did soon correspond Exact Guards were forthwith put into all the Ports of the Kingdom Many men were raised for the Fleet by sea and to make two Armies also on land The one under the Earl of Leicester who was sent for back into England by the Queen and the other under the Lord Hunsdon who was likewise very much esteemed of in the Military profession Leicester was chiefly to defend the banks of the Thames which runs through London and to keep the Spanish Fleet from entring thereinto And Hunsdon with his Army which was the greater was to keep more within land and to guard the City of London and the person of the Queen All this while the aforesaid Treaty of agreement in Flanders was continued by their Commissioners between the King and Queen But this Treaty suddenly vanisht For the Spanish Fleet being ready to put to Sea and such preparations as were needfull being likewise made in Flanders the King would no longer defer the execution of his design The Fleet consisted as it was generally reported of 160 Sail of Ships most of them Men of War the rest were for Carriage They were almost all of them Galleouns except some Galleasses and Gallies which were to be rowed upon any occasion The Galleouns were like so many Castles in the Sea they had high Towers in their Fore and Hinder-Deck their Masts were of an unmeasureable greatness their bodies were of a vast bulk and the very least of them bore no less then 50 great Guns 22000 Foot and
be brought by small boats into la Fera. This design required great secresie wherefore Basti having very secretly acquainted Osorio Governor of the Town therewithall and suddenly assembled the 800 Horse together upon some other pretence came with such speed so near the Town as he might easily effect the Succor The Agreement made between him and Osorio was that Basti should come at a certain prefixt time to a part where the Marish was most watry and that Osorio should send all the Boats he could get to receive the Corn to bring it to the Town And just so it fell out to Basti's unspeakable praise and honor he having been continually on Hors-back for little lesse than Forty hours and having known so well to choose his time to deceive his own men first and then the Enemy much better and how to return without the loss of so much as one man nay more having defeated some of the Enemies horse which would have opposed him as he returned This small succour gave some hopes that a greater might ensue but the former oppositions still arising and it being known that the King did still more and more fortifie his quarters and that his Forces grew still greater the Cardinal began to incline to the making of some important diversion and hereupon they gave their opinions in the Councel of war Some were for besieging Peronne others St. Quintain and others other Towns thereabouts The Camp-master General Ronye was very well acquainted with every corner and every pass of the Province by reason of his being so long thereabouts in the time of the League he was more averse to the succour then any other and advised more to the diversion and willing to speak his minde clearly therein to the Cardinal but with such secresie as so jealous an affair required He took an occasion to speak thus unto him in his Chamber when but some few were with him It is now agitated most excellent Prince whether it be better to succour la Fera by all our Forces or to endeavour such a diversion as the King of France may be thereby more damnified then he shall be advantaged though he doth not raise his siege enough hath been already said touching the difficulties of the siege which truly are so great as there is no hopes of overcoming them Let la Fera then be lost provided that in lieu thereof we get another Town which may recompence the loss thereof with advantage I must confess the keeping of la Fera and other Towns in Picardy was of some concernment during the League and Civil wars of France but now that there is no sign of League left nor of civil commotions and that la Fera is surrounded with so many Towns towards the Frontiers of Flanders what considerable advantage will it be to the King if be do chance to get it Nay how great will his trouble and expence be to keep it Let the King continue then at that siege and let us betake our selves to a diversion but as I have already said let it then be such a one as the acquisition which shall thereby be made may much exceed the loss which may be apprehended by the other I shall not propound Peronne St. Quintain nor any of those other Towns wherewith la Fera is surrounded unto your Highness every one of which may be thought equal or rather inferior to this I shall advise you to another of so much greater concernment as it may of it self alone weigh against all those put together I mean Callis Callis a Sea Port the Key to the English Channel from whence passage may be had in a few hours into that Island and in a few more into Holland and Zealand Callis where succour may so commodiously be received by Sea from Spain and which certainly will be the sharpest Thorne at the present in the sides of France which fears nothing less there abouts then to see Callis besieged The Commander there is a very weak man the Garrison at the present is as weak and you shall find all other provisions for defence of equal weakness This is the diversion which I propound in enterprises of this nature in the first place great secresie is requisite in the resolving thereupon and then speed in putting it in execution Your Highaess must therefore possess your self of all the Avenues about Callis before the Enemy get any inkling of it otherwise succours will be soon sent thither both by Sea and Land and so the undertaking will be defeated before it be begun when on the contrary if the Avenues be speedily secured either my military experience deceives me or our Arms and your Ensignes shall in a few dayes be seen to enter there The Cardinal seemed to be mightily pleased with the propounded diversion which was fully approved of by the rest that vvere vvith him vvho vvere the chief commanders of the Flanders Forces They then fell to treat of putting it into execution and the Cardinal chose Ronye to be the guider thereof vvho was the first adviser but for the better concealing it they gave out that they vvere resolved to relive la Fera or attempt some diversion thereabouts To this purpose Valentiennes vvas chosen for their Randezvous one of the neerest Cities upon that Frontier and after having made great store of victuals be brought thither the Army began to march vvhich vvas one of the most flourishing ones that had of a long time been seen in Flanders It consisted of 5000 Spaniards 1500 Italians 1000 Burgonians 1000 Irish 2500 Germans and 6000 Walloons all these vvere very choice Foot and to these vvere added 3500 Horse the Train-bands of Flanders being numbred thereinto vvhich did serve upon that occasion The Cardinal vvas in Valentiennes about the beginning of April and had with him the greatest part of his Army and ordered divers marches the more to confound the King of France and to keep his true design unknovvn to him From hence he sent Ronye vvith great celerity and secresie tovvards Callis vvith the Camp-masters Lewis di Vilasco Alonsa di Mendosa la Barlotta and the Count Buckquoy The tvvo first Spaniards vvith their Brigadoes and the other tvvo Walloons vvith their Brigadoes also and these Foot vvere accompanied by 400 Horse Callis lies upon the very brink of the Channel vvhich divides France from England and in that very point of Land vvhere the two Kingdoms are nearest one another This vvas the last place from vvhence the English vvere driven after they had so long possest Normandy together vvith so many other provinces of France and as the repurchase thereof made by the French vvas thought a great concernment so did they ever after studiously endeavour to keep it But the Kingdom falling into civil discord Callis vvas no happier then vvere the other Tovvns vvhich being all of them almost in private mens hands for their ovvn ends could not be so vvell kept as the service of the Kingdom and Crovvn
Treaty of accommodation in the Affairs of Flanders Which it may be believed she was chiefly perswaded unto thereby to try whether she could avoid the Tempest of Arms which the King of Spain already threatned her withall She thought the King of Denmark might be a fitting Instrument for this purpose wherefore she turned her self to him Nor was he backward therein but readily imbracing it sent John Ronsovio forthwith to Brussels who was well received by the Duke of Parma and was afterwards well approved of by the King of Spain The Schools from whence the negotiations of Princes proceed are always full of deep mysteries And though it be desired their hidden and reserv'd ends either cannot or ought not to be penitrated into It was notwithstanding conjectured that the Queen and King desired interchangeably to delude one another in this kind of negotiation so as those provisions which were making on both sides might be a little slackned The United Provinces seemed most averse to this kind of negotiation For their answer to Leicester who had sundry times made several proposals to them about it was resolutely this That they would never return again under the King of Spains obedience and that though the Queen should abandon them they would not notwithstanding desist from doing what they could in their own defence even till the last gasp But whatsoever should come of it or what ever the end of this Treaty might be the King and Queen resolved to set it on foot and chosing Burborg a little Town between Dunkirk and Gravelin for the place they sent some perticular Commissioners thither to that end In the Kings name there did intervene Count Aremberg Knight of the golden Fleece Mousieur de Campigni Lord Treasurer and John Richardotto President of the Councel of Artois And for the Queen the Earl of Darby Knight of the Garter and two others of her privy Councel whilst arms were handled in Flanders in one part and this Treaty was in hand in another many frequent consultations had been had and were yet had in Spain touching in what manner the King should rescent the injuries done unto him by the Queen of England The King had been provoked long before this by the Queen of England by her continual fomenting the troubles of Flanders yet he thought he might dissemble the offence because she dissembled the injuries But the King was so moved at this last action wherein she had by so many helps so openly revived the rebellion of Flanders when it was almost extinguished as he thought he could no longer forbear shewing how ill he took it by declaring open war against her Yet openly to make war upon England was of great consequence to the affairs of Spain so as the King before he would resolve thereupon would have it very well disputed by his ablest ministers of State Alvaro di Bassano Marquess of Sancta Croce a Personage very much cryed up for Naval Militia was one of those that perswaded him most to this enterprise he bore a great command at this time over the Kings Fleets in the Ocean and by reason of his imploymenr hoped it would fall to his share to be the prime man in this famous expedition Wherefore whilst they were treating one day of this business in presence of the King he spoke thus When I consider most mighty Prince the glory and advantage of the proposition in hand and the hopes of seeing it happily effected I confess I cannot forbear exhorting your Majesty with all the power and efficacy I have by all means to lay hold of it your Majesty may chiefly glory in the August Cognomen of most Catholick and that you have much more made it good in your actions then used it in your Title What greater glory can you then desire then in the first place to restore so great and so noble a Kingdom as is England to due obedience to the Church and to the ancient veneration of the Altars And what greater renown then to beat down Heresie there where her most rebellious ensignes are raised up that Island being made as it were an inexpugnable Sanctuary thereof How much hath Piety and Religion flourish'd formerly in that Kingdom How many Catholicks are there yet there And how do they long to see an end of that bitter persecution which they suffer there And to proceed to the advantage of the proposal It is well known that Spain can reap no greater advantage then in being no longer opposed by England From thence are the Indies infested and your Fleets threatned From thence is the Rebellion of Flanders fomented and the manifest usurpation of the Dominion therefore aspired unto And finally From thence proceeds all the greatest damages which the Crown of Spain suffers at this present and from thence will the greatest evils alwaies derive which shall at any time hereafter befall it And for the happy success of the enterprise why should not your Majesty assure your selfe thereof Your Forces at Sea have formerly been most powerful How much more formidable wil they be made now by the addition of Portugal And your resent succession to that Kingdom does plainly denote that God hath been thereby pleased the more to facilitate this enterprise 'T is then to be beleeved that the Spanish Fleet by Sea will be of that Potency as it will not to be withstood by all the maritime Forces of England though assisted by Holland and Zealand The Army by land which the Duke of Parma hath lately increased in Flanders may at the same time correspond with the Fleet which shall come from Spain When the Channel shall be possest by your Fleet the Army may be easily conveyed over into the Island where when it shall be landed and all your Majesties Forces joyned what shall withctand them from entring suddenly into the heart of the Kingdom For it being an Island nature defends it onely by situation no use being made to fortifie it by industry When this shall be once done and England 's fomenting be ceased it is not to be doubted but that the Rebellion in Flanders will soon cease likewise Fire lasts as long as do the materials where with it is fed when those fail the greatest fires go out and end in ashes John Idiaques one of the Kings Officers most imployed in Court at that time appeared in Councel to be of a contrary opinion Idiaques had been for many years Ambassador first at Genua then at Venice and after his return to Court the King had always imployed him in managing the most important affairs of the Crown He spake thus The first thing that is to be taken into consideration most mighty Prince is in my opinion the difficulties of the undertaking which is now in dispute And to speak my mind freely I think them so great as there is but very little hope of good success England as every one knows is so situated hath such Forces such Inhabitants and is governed after so peculiar a
manner as it will be too hard a matter for any Foreign Nation to land there much more hard to keep there when they are landed That Kingdom is inclosed and fortified on all sides by the Sea the Havens there are but few and any Fleet may be easily kept from entring thereinto The English yield not to any Nation of the world for skill in maritime affairs and their maretime Forces together with those that will be added to them by Holland and Zealand may without doubt oppose whatsoever Fleet Spain can set forth at least by way of defence But say that our men were landed in the Kingdom how can we hope to establish them there Usually in the making of Conquests some internal disposition is required and there is a continual necessity of external aids to maintain them There can no safe correspondencie be hoped for from the English it being a Nation which will suffer no other Government then its own And succours from elswhere will be so hard to be effected so expensive and so uncertain as the Forces of Spain which are already so distracted will never be able to supply them Hath not your Majesty experience by your marriage with Queen Mary how much the English doe hate all manner of Foreigners and how contrary all the Laws of the Kingdom are there unto Is not the Rebellion of Flanders sufficient to let out the best blood of Spain without adding thereunto that which you shall suddenly see arise in England Then since there is so little hope of any good success in this affair methinks it were better to let it alone and so to resent the wrongs done unto you by the Queen as fighting with her at her own weapons not to come to open war upon her States If war shall be made and the design not succeed how much more will she oppress the Catholicks of England and of Ireland How will she foment the troubles in Flanders nourishing still her own desire of usurping the government thereof And how much more justly shall she plot all manner of mischief with the Hollanders and Zealanders to the Crown of Spain in the Indies and in all other parts So as by this enterprise no glory or advantage will redound to your Majesty but shame and loss Let your Majesty therefore bend all your might to end the Rebellion of Flanders The Duke of Parma's Army being reinforced by Land and the Provinces of Holland and Zealand being set upon by Sea with the same Forces which would be imployed against England your Majesty may safely believe to see that Rebellion subdued and the Church restored to its former right as also your Royal Crown If in the mean while the Queen of England shall continue to aggravate her offences yet more against your Majesty then may you resent your self against her in open war with more expedition more advantage and more happy success The former success will doubtlesly very much help the other where as on the contrary if the design of assaulting England misgive as it is to be feared it will for my part I fear and I wish my fears may prove false the Rebellion of Flanders will never have an end The Duke of Parma being desired to signifie his mind in this point seemed to incline to this second opinion And howsoever if the business concerning England were to precede he said that some Port or Haven in Zealand was first to be won and this out of two very important reasons The one that upon any occasion the Spanish Fleet might have some safe and near refuge and the other that the Kings Havens in the Province of Flanders might not be hindred by the Hollanders and Zealanders in the Duke of Parma's transporting his Army into England The King staggering between these two opinions was a while in dispute with himself which of them to follow But in fine it appeared that the securing of England did so absolutely draw with it the putting an end to the Rebellion of Flanders as it was resolved in Spain to make all the speed and all the greatest preparations that might be for the execution of this enterprise The King was afterwards the more encouraged herein by the disposition he found in the Pope not only of approving but of favouring the design Sixtus Quintus was then Pope who appeared very zealous in maintaining the universal cause of the Church In the particular of England he considered what had befaln in the time of Pius Quintus by whom he had been made Cardinal When Pope Pius found that the Queen of England grew still more perverse in prosecuting the Catholicks and to doe all ill to Religion both at home and abroad he at last published an Apostolical Bull wherein was contained such punishments against her as the Church in like cases had alwayes wont to inflict But instead of being thereby bettered the Queen grew more cruel and impious Nothing was seen or heard of in that Kingdom but a perpetual irremissible fury against Catholicks some were banisht others imprisoned others deprived of their goods together with their Country and many bereft both of goods and life The Priests were chiefly persecuted and Heresie triumphing over their punishments and to see their Ministery already wholly routed out 't was thought the Queen intended fully to extinguish all the remainder of Catholick Religion and all the footsteps of that Piety which for so many Ages had so exceedingly flourisht there Nor was her hatred towards the Church bounded within her own Dominions it was known how greatly and how continually she fomented the Heretical factions of Germany France and Flanders to nourish troubles there and particularly to beat down the Catholick religion by her means likewise Scotland was greatly subverted and her beheading of the Queen of Scots who had been alwayes very zealous in the Catholick cause was generally detested by all the Catholick Princes of Europe and in particular had caused much horror in the Pope Wherefore joyning this with many other actions whereby the Queen did so cruelly afflict the Church and disturb the publike peace almost every where he considered he was not to let slip the occasion now presented of favouring the King of Spains aforesaid enterprise thereby to advantage the Catholike cause universally over all Europe and particularly in England and Ireland To this purpose he thought it fit to make a Subject of England Cardinal and this was Doctor Allen who was one of the antientest and most qualified Ecclesiasticks both for learning wisdom and goodness of all those of that Nation that were abroad Allen was then at Rome and the Popes intention was to send him into Flanders and then into England in case the design should succeed there to exercise such Ministerial duties as should upon such an occasion be most needfull for the service of the Church and particularly for those Catholicks The Pope being thus minded the King applied himself with all fervencie to the business and to make very