AN ESSAY UPON THE PROBABLE METHODS Of making a People Gainers IN THE Ballance of Trade Treating of these Heads viz. Of the People of England Of the Land of England and its Product Of our Payments to the Publick and in what manner the Ballance of Trade may be thereby affected That a Country cannot increase in Wealth and Power but by private Men doing their Duty to the Publick and but by a steady Course of Honesty and Wisdom in such as are trusted with the Administration of Affairs By the Author of The Essay on Ways and Means Inter quae L. Piso ambitum fori corrupta judicia saevitiam oratorum accusationes minitantium increpans abire se cedere urbe victurum in aliquo abdito longinquo rure testabatur Simul Curiam relinquebat Tacit. lib. 2. Annal. LONDON Printed for James Knapton at the Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard 1699. INDEX SECT I. The probable Methods of Making a People Gainers in the Balance of Trade THE Author's Reasons for Writing upon this Subject with his Reply to the Pamphlets against his late Discourses on the Revenues and Trade of England Page 1 to p. 4. The difference between Writing and Speaking p. 5. The Author's Design in Writing p. 6. What should be the Study of those who would understand the Body-Politick of a Nation p. 8. The Author's Hypothesis upon the Ballance of Trade p. 9. We have been heretofore large Gainers by Trade p. 10. The Scope of this Essay p. 11. How the ill Effects and Consequences of the late War are yet to be remedied and prevented p. 12. The Natural or Artificial Product of a Country is the Spring and Original of Trade Ib. To find out the Result of the Peoples Labour and Industry we must consider the Number and Quality of the People according to their several Ranks or Classes together with the Quantity Quality and Product of the Land p. 13 14. SECT II. Of the People of England MR. King's Method in forming his Schemes about the Numbers of the People Page 15. Of the Original and Increase of the People of England from time to time with a Scheme thereof p. 16 to 18. The difference at this time between the Neat Annual Increase of the People and the general Increase by Procreation p. 19. The general Increase by Procreation proportion'd between the Country the great Towns and London p. 20. London takes up one half of the Kingdoms Neat Increase Ib. The Proportions of Marriages Births and Burials between the Country the Towns and London with a Scheme thereof p. 20 21. The Prolifickness of London compared with the Country p. 21. Reasons why the Marriages in London produce fewer Children then the Country Marriages Ib. The Proportions of the People in relation to Males and Females and other Distinctions with a Scheme thereof p. 22. Of the number of Communicants Fighting Men Batchelors and Maidens Ib. The Ages of the People according to their several Distinctions with a Scheme thereof p. 23. A general Scheme of the Income and Expence of the several Families of England Anno. 1688 Ib. The Number of the People is not pretended to be laid down but by way of Hypothesis p. 24. The Increase and Decrease of the People should be carefully observed Ib. Countries are more or less Populous as Liberty and Property are well or ill secured p. 25. Of the Increase of the People of Rome Ib. Considerations upon an Act of general Naturalization p. 27. Reflections upon the Number of Foreigners in London p. 28. The Danger of Foreign Troops with an Instance of it in Carthage p. 29 30. Large Armies Dispeople a Country p. 31. Of Encouraging Marriages p. 32. The Duties on Marrages and Births hinder Propagation p. 33. The Annual Marriages of the Kingdom are too few in proportion to the gross Number of the People p. 34. A large Proportion of adult Females remain unmarried p. 35. The near proportion between Males and Females is an Argument against Polygamy ib. The easie Composition for Bastard-Children hinders Marriages ib. England may be rendred one of the Strongest Nations in Europe p. 36 What it is that makes a Country powerful ib. Comparison between England and Holland p. 37 We may best check the immoderate growth of any Neighbouring Nation by making our selves powerful at Home p. 38 c. Reflections on the War between the Carthaginians and Romans Ib. Some Observations upon Mr. King's general Scheme of the Ranks Degrees Qualifications and Employments of the People p. 41 In Taxes the Nobility and Gentry bear but a small Proportion to the whole Body of the People Ib. All Duties upon the Consumption of a large Produce fall most upon the common sort p. 42 Excises upon our Home Consumption are not proper in times of Peace ib. High Customs and High Excises together are incompatible p. 43 The Proportion between the People and Families which subsist of themselves and such as have principally their Subsistance from others p. 43. 44 50 Duties upon the Home Consumption fall heaviest upon the lower rank consequentially tho' not directly p. 44. 45 48 High Excises in times of Peace are destructive to our Wealth unless the Dutch Parsimony could be introduced amongst Us and will fall most heavily upon our Woollen Manufactures p. 45. 46 Of the Bulk of our Woollen Exports p. 47 The Bodies of Men are the most valuable Treasure of a Country p. 50 A Country may be Populous but Poor if their Numbers be not well Employed p. 51 Who they be that are a Burthen to the Publick ib. Of Cottagers and Paupers p. 52 Of the Releif of the Poor and who they are that swell the Poors Rates with the Advantages of Employing the Poor p. 53. 54. Of the Laws relating to the Poor p. 55 A Scheme for setting the Poor to Work and providing for impotent Poor by a general Incorporation of Snbscribers to a stock of 300,000 l. for 21 Years p. 57 Charities to the Poor in the Streets and at Doors computed at 300,000 l. per ann over and above the Poors Rates p. 65 Of Relieving and Releasing Prisoners for Debt p. 69 SECT III. Of the Land of England and its Product MR. King's Scheme of the several sorts of Land in England with the Quantities and Value Page 70 His Scheme of the Produce of the Arable Land p. 71 The neat Value of the Produce of the Arable Land p. 72 The Value and Produce of the rest of the Land p. 73 74 His Estimate of the live stock of the Nation p. 75 76 Observations upon the preceding Schemes p. 76. The general Rental of England is increased since the Year 1600. from 6 Million to 14 Millions p. 77 England has now 7 ¼ Acres per Head but is capable of maintaining double its present Number p. 78 It may be dangerous for some Countries to be very Populous but not for England p. 79 Countries not overstockt may suffer greatly for want of Corn
For Anno 1693. Granted for the War 3,471,482 16 01 For Anno 1694. Granted for the War 5,030,581 09 09 For Anno 1695. Granted for the War 4,883,120 00 06 For Anno 1696. Granted for the War and to make good some Deficiences and to make good the Clipp'd Mony and for the Civil List and French Protestants 7,961,469 00 00 For Anno 1697. There was Granted for the War and to make good the Deficiences of former Funds and for the Civil List and French Protestants 11,887,160 00 9¼ Carry over 45,746,182 00 5 ¼  l. s. d. Brought over 45,746,182 00 05¼ For Anno 1698. There were Funds given amounting to about 4,500,000 00 00 Ordinary Revenue of the Crown reckon'd at a Million per Annum by a Medium during these ten Years might produce in the whole about 10,000,000 00 00  In all 60,246,182 00 5¼   l. s. d. Brought over 60,246,182 00 5¼ But in these Articles several Sums are twice reckon'd as for Example where one Fund was taken away and another given in its place and where Funds have been granted to supply the Deficiencies of other Funds for which Articles there may be deducted about 7,000,000 l. 12,000,000 00 00 And the ordinary Crown-Revenue might be charged during that time towards the War with about 5,000,000 l. So that there has been actually granted but about 48,246,182 00 5¼ 'T is not pretended That the foregoing Accounts are exact to a Tittle but according to the best Information we are able to procure they are as near the Truth as is requisite in our present Argument Having shown what has been granted in Fonds we shall now show what was intended by the Parliament and for five Years very little more demanded for the Fleet and Army  l. s. d. For Anno 1689 3,295,628 04 05 For Anno 1690 4,010,760 06 07 For Anno 1691 4,172,393 09 07½ For Anno 1692 3,629,439 12 03 For Anno 1693 4,117,080 09 06 For Anno 1694 5,030,581 09 09 For Anno 1695 4,883,120 00 06 For Anno 1696 5,024,854 04 11 For Anno 1697 4,880,078 19 11 For Anno 1698 1,300,000 00 00  40,343,936 17 05 ½ Note That from Anno 1693 inclusive to Anno 1697 inclusive the difference between what was demanded by the Ministers and granted by the Parliament for the Fleet and Army during those Five Years amounted in the whole time but to 1,465,623 l. 19 s. 9½ d. Suppose the Expence of the Civil List from 1689 inclusive to 1698 inclusive to have been one Year with another 600,000 l. per Annum  l. s. d. The Expence of the Civil List then in ten Years may have been 6,000,000 00 00 Towards which the ordinary Revenue of the Crown besides what it was charged with to the War may have yielded about 5,000,000 00 00 But in 1696 and in 1697 there was granted by the Parliament for the Civil List per Annum 500,000 l. in the whole 1,000,000 00 00 So that in this Computation the Expence of the Civil List is to be reckon'd at but 5,000,000 00 00 And the Accounts of England may run thus  l. s. d. Actually granted 48,246,182 00 05¼ Expence of the War l. s. d. 45,343,936 17 05½ 40,343,936 17 05½ Expence of the Civil List 5,000,000 00 00 Remains 2,902,245 02 11¾ So that except in the Article of Interest Mony and except in the Article of 1,465,623 l. 19 s. 09½ d. in which the Demands of the Ministers for the State of the War exceeded what was granted by the Parliament the Expences of the Government seem to have been fully supply'd and that there remains an over-Ballance of 2,902,245 l. to be accounted for Now as to Interest-Mony for the 5,000,000 l. with which the Crown-Revenue may have been charg'd towards the War those Fonds most of 'em have and will answer the Principal and all the Interest allow'd by Parliament And other Interest which several Fonds fell short of satisfying has been in a great measure made good by the Supply of 7,000,000 l. granted to answer Deficiencies And as to the State of the War having exceeded what was granted in ballancing the general Accompt this Article ought to be considered if during the whole War the Muster-Rolls have been full and if all along we have had our Complement of Ships and Seamen according to that State of the War which was every Year laid before the Parliament But upon the whole Matter considering what has been granted and what may probably have been expended there seems good Reason to think that the Publick of England if all Accompts were narrowly inspected cannot be much in Arrear either to the Fleet Army or to the Civil List So that if there shall remain any great Arrear in all likelihood it must chiefly arise from exorbitant Premiums unwarrantable Interest and other ways of laying out Mony hurtful to the King and distructive to the People The rough Draught of our general Accompts here given which is as perfect as a By-stander only could procure may perhaps afford some little Help to such as will think of these Affairs and this rude Model may contribute towards the forming of a better Scheme The Forty eight Millions granted as we have said by Parliament for the several Years from 1689 to 1698 inclusive have not been actually levied To state exactly how much of it has been already rais'd and what proportion of it remains secured by remote Fonds is not to be done without greater Helps than the Writer of these Papers can come at But so far we know and may affirm safely that a great part of the Product of Land our Trade and Manufactures remain still mortgaged for upwards of twenty Millions Two of the Nine Pences on Beer and Ale are to be esteemed as a Perpetuity the third Nine Pence is engaged for a long Term of Time the first Duty upon Salt can be look'd upon no better than as a perpetual Fond the new Customs continued Acts and Joint-Stocks the Duty on Marriages Births c. the first Duty on Stamp'd paper the Duty on Windows half the Duty on Glass-Ware the new Duties on Whale-Fins and Scotch Linnen are continued to the First of August 1706. The last Duties upon Salt and Stamp'd Paper are Perpetuities there is a further Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage granted from the last of January 1699. for His Majesty's Life-time and the Impositions upon Malt Leather and Paper are not expired To imagine we can buy off and redeem in any moderate time all these Perpetuities or long Fonds is a vain Hope but this may be laid down for a certain Truth That England will never flourish in Trade and Manufactures till the greatest Part of 'em are clear'd and till our Affairs are brought to such a Posture that we may not pay to the Government either for the Support of the Crown or on Accompt of Fonds where the Principal is sunk above 2,300,000 l. per Annum or about a twentieth part
and Bills of Mortality Souls The other Cities and great Towns Souls The Villages and Hamlets Souls Husbands and Wives 37 per Cent. 196,100 36 per Cent. 313,200 34 per Cent. 1,394,000 Widowers 2 per Cent. 10,600 2 per Cent. 17,400 1 ½ per Cent. 61,500 Widows 7 per Cent. 37,100 6 per Cent. 52,200 4 ½ per Cent. 184,500 Children 33 per Cent. 174,900 40 per Cent. 348,000 47 per Cent. 1,927,000 Servants 13 per Cent. 68,900 11 per Cent. 95,700 10 per Cent. 410,000 Sojourners 8 per Cent. 42,400 5 per Cent. 43,500 3 per Cent. 123,000  100 530,000 100 870,000 100 4,100,000 He further observes supposing the People to be 5,500,000 that the yearly Births of the Kingdom may be 190,000 and that the several Ages of the People may be as follows  In all Males Females Those under 1 year old 170,000 88,500 81,500 Those under 5 years old 820,000 413,300 406,700 Those under 10 years old 1,520,000 762,900 757,100 Those under 16 years old 2,240,000 1,122,000 1,118,000 Those above 16 years old 3,260,000 1,578,000 1,682,000 Those above 21 years old 2,700,000 1,300,000 1,400,000 Those above 25 years old 2,400,000 1,152,000 1,248,000 Those above 60 years old 600,000 270,000 330,000 Those under 16 years old 2,240,000   Those above 16 years old 3,260,000   Total of the People 5,500,000   Place this Scheme p. 22. Scheme C.  At a Medium  years The Husbands are aged 43 years apiece which at 17¼ per Cent. makes 742 The Wives 40 years apiece 17¼ 690 The Widowers 56 years apiece 1½ 84 The Widows 60 years apiece 4½ 270 The Children 12 years apiece 45 540 The Servants 27 years apiece 10½ 284 The Sojourners 35 years apiece 4 140 At a Medium 271 100 2750 Place this Scheme p. 23. Scheme D. A Scheme of the Income and Expence of the several Families of England Calculated for the Year 1688. Number of Families RANKS DEGREES TITLES and QUALIFICATIONS Heads per Family Number of Persons Yearly Income per Family Yearly Income in general Yearly Income per Head Yearly Expence per Head Yearly Increase per Head Yearly Increase in general     l. s. l. l. s. d. l. s. d. l. s. d. l. 160 Temporal Lords 40 6,400 3,200  512,000 80 0  70 0  10 0  64,000 26 Spiritual Lords 20 520 1,300  33,800 65 0  45 0  20 0  10,400 800 Baronets 16 12,800 880  704,000 55 0  49 0  6 0  76,800 600 Knights 13 7,800 650  390,000 50 0  45 0  5 0  39,000 3,000 Esquires 10 30,000 450  1,200,000 45 0  41 0  4 0  120,000 12,000 Gentlemen 8 96,000 280  2,880,000 35 0  32 0  3 0  288,000 5,000 Persons in greater Offices and Places 8 40,000 240  1,200,000 30 0  26 0  4 0  160,000 5,000 Persons in lesser Offices and Places 6 30,000 120  600,000 20 0  17 0  3 0  90,000 2,000 Eminent Merchants and Traders by Sea 8 16,000 400  800,000 50 0  37 0  13 0  208,000 8,000 Lesser Merchants and Traders by Sea 6 48,000 198  1,600,000 33 0  27 0  6 0  288,000 10,000 Persons in the Law 7 70,000 154  1,540,000 22 0  18 0  4 0  280,000 2,000 Eminent Clergy-men 6 12,000 72  144,000 12 0  10 0  2 0  24,000 8,000 Lesser Clergy-men 5 40,000 50  400,000 10 0  9 4  0 16  32,000 40,000 Freeholders of the better sort 7 280,000 91  3,640,000 13 0  11 15  1 5  350,000 120,000 Freeholders of the lesser sort 5½ 660,000 55  6,600,000 10 0  9 10  0 10  330,000 150,000 Farmers 5 750,000 42 10 6,375,000 8 10  8 5  0 5  187,500 15,000 Persons in Liberal Arts and Sciences 5 75,000 60  900,000 12 0  11 0  1 0  75,000 50,000 Shopkeepers and Tradesmen 4 ½ 225,000 45  2,250,000 10 0  9 0  1 0  225,000 60,000 Artizans and Handicrafts 4 240,000 38  2,280,000 9 10  9 0  0 10  120,000 5,000 Naval Officers 4 20,000 80  400,000 20 0  18 0  2 0  40,000 4,000 Military Officers 4 16,000 60  240,000 15 0  14 0  1 0  16,000 500,586  5⅓ 2,675,520 68 18 34,488,800 12 18  11 15 4 1 2 8 3,023,700         Decrease Decrease 50,000 Common Seamen 3 150,000 20  1,000,000 7 0  7 10  0 10  75,000 364,000 Labouring People and Out Servants 3 ½ 1,275,000 15  5,460,000 4 10  4 12  0 2  127,500 400,000 Cottagers and Paupers 3 ¼ 1,300,000 6 10 2,000,000 2 0  2 5  0 5  325,000 35,000 Common Soldiers 2 70,000 14  490,000 7 0  7 10  0 10  35,000 849,000  3 ¼ 2,795,000 10 10 8,950,000 3 5  3 9  0 4  562,500  Vagrants as Gipsies Thieves Beggars c.  30,000   60,000 2 0  4 0  2 0  60,000    So the general Accompt is     500,586 Increasing the Wealth of the Kingdom 5 ⅓ 2,675,520 68 18 34,488,800 12 18  11 15 4 1 2 8 3,023,700 849,000 Decreasing the Wealth of the Kingdom 3 ¼ 2,825,000 10 10 9,010,000 3 3  3 7 6 0 4 6 622,500 1,349,586 Neat Totals 4 1⅓ 5,500,520 32 5 43,491,800 7 18  7 9 3 0 8 9 2,401,200 Place this Scheme p. 23. Whereof those under 25 Years are 26 ½ per Cent. And those above 25 Years are 2 per Cent. That the Males and Females in the Kingdom in General are aged one with another 27 Years and a half That in the Kingdom in General there is near as many People living under 20 Years of Age as there is above twenty whereof half of the Males is under 19 and one half of the Females is under 21 Years That the Ages of the People according to their several Distinctions are as follows viz. Vide Scheme C. Having thus stated the Numbers of the People he gives a Scheme of the Income and Expence of the several Families of England Calculated for the Year 1688. Vide Scheme D. Mr. King's Modesty has been so far over-rul'd as to suffer us to Communicate these his Excellent Computations which we can the more safely commend having examin'd them very carefully try'd them by some little Operations of our own upon the same Subject and compar'd them with the Schemes of other Persons who take Pleasure in the like Studies What he says concerning the Number of the People to be 5,500,000 is no positive Assertion nor shall we pretend any where to determin in that
Princes Safety to their own Vanity or Ambition ib 4. When they prefer keeping up their Interest to all other Considerations whatsoever ib. 5. When they think to subsist more by the Strength of their own Faction than by their Princes Favour p. 298 6. When to get themselves well thought on they care not what Opinion the People have of the Government ib. 7. When they consult more their own Ease than the publick Good ib. 8. When their own Safety is their principal Object p. 299 What is to be done when such Persons are on the Stage of Business ib. Our being still a free People is owing to the Power our Ancestors exerted of Impeaching the Criminal great Ones p 300 The High Crimes of wicked Ministers must be attackt with Addresses and Impeachments p. 301 Statesmen should take great Care how they contract publick Hatred p. 302. Good Kings have the Hearts and Affections of their Subjects ib. What will be the Lot of honest and wise Ministers p. 303 Richlieu was a good Minister for the French King but not for France p. 304 Wise Statesmen whose Innocence is their Guard are not apprehensive of Impeachments p. 305. Impeachments are not to be used on every slight occasion ib. It is the sublimest Wisdom not to be angry with Persons but to mend Things p. 306 The Publick Affairs are to be mended by determining What Councils have been against Law what Advices have Impoverish'd the Crown and Kingdom and what Practices have wasted the Nation 's Treasure p. 307. How bad Statesmen when accus'd will endeavour to cover their Faults ib. A Recapitulation of the whole Matter p. 308. Where Things are well administred that Country will always increase in Wealth and Power ib. The Venetians have been preserved for 13 Centuries by the Goodness of their Constitution p. 309 The ill Effects of Matters being in a tottering Condition and the good Effects of Stability prudent Conduct and just Administration ib. Uncorruptness in the Law and Courts of Judicature may help to recover the sickly parts of a Constitution p. 310 Some Advices of Card. Richlieu to Lewis 13. of France p. 312. THIS Book being Printed in haste these Errors have escaped the Correction of the Press which the Reader is desired to mend with his Pen. ERRATA PAge 43 Line 18 dele to 46. l. 6. dele to 46. l. 8. r. it is more 53. l. 12. r. Employment 58. l. 5. r. are very 63. l. 7 dele by 69. l. 13. r. not at all 69 l. 18. r. manner 75. l. 3. r. breed 77. l. 25. r. Millions 88. l. 16. r. Commercial 147. l. 19. r. two and three fourths 156. l. 30. r. 1688 173. l. 6. r. a Revenue 175. l. 16. dele of 193. l. 14. r. the 196. l. 3. r. Corruption 205. l. 27. r. buisy 205. l. 27. r. pretend 210. l. 27. r. Distribution 210. l. 28. dele of 218. l. 27. r. that 259. l. 27. r. Segne 262. l. 1. r. Lamia 268. l 14. r. any 268. l. 15. r. the 280. l. 30. r. Understanding 289. l. 1 2. r Stoicks 289. l. 9. Cincinnatus 289. l. 26. r. Elect 293. l. 2. r. Dominion 298. l. 14. r. Government 298. l. 30. r. Contentment 304. l. 4. r. Ballance In Sheet O N o. Page for 300 read 200 c. Books Printed for James Knapton at the Crown in St. Paul's Church-Yard Discourses on the Publick Revenues and on the Trade of England In Two Parts viz. I. Of the Use of Political Arithmetick in all Considerations about the Revenues and Trade II. On Credit and the Means and Methods by which it may be restored III. On the Management of the Kings Revenues IV. Whither to Farm the Revenues may not in this Juncture be most for the Publick Service V. On the Publick Debts and Engagements By the Author of The Essay on Ways and Means Part I. As also the Second Part. By the same Author Capt. Dampier's Voyages Vol. II. in Three Parts First the Supplement of his Voyage round the World being that part that relates to Tonquin Achin Malacca and other Places in the East-Indies Second his Voyage to the Bay of Campeachy in the West-Indies Third his Observations about the Winds and Weather in all parts of the Ocean between the Tropicks with a General Index to both Volumes Octavo Illustrated with particular Maps As also the First Part. And all sorts of Plays AN ESSAY UPON THE PROBABLE METHODS Of making a People Gainers IN THE Ballance of Trade SECT I. THE Writer of these Papers stands in a manner engag'd to say something upon this Subject having in his Discourses publish'd last Year promis'd to handle several Points concerning the Ballance of Trade to which Design he was principally induc'd by the perusal of some Calculations then communicated to him by Gregory King Esq Lancaster Herald The Essay upon Ways and Means and the Discourses lately set forth On the Revenues and On the Trade of England did meet with so good a Reception from the best sort of Men that he finds himself encourag'd once more to offer to the Publick his Observations of the like Nature from which if any thing can be gather'd that may promote or that will hereafter tend to the Welfare and Prosperity of his Country he shall think his Labours well rewarded 'T is true his Computations were attacked sometime after they were publish'd by two Pamphlets but so impotently that he thinks he cannot do himself greater Right than to desire that all People who give themselves the trouble to read his Writings would likewise be pleas'd to peruse Mr. P. R. y's Observations and Mr. T. E. d's Remarks upon the said Books And he doubts not but that any Impartial Reader by comparing the Schemes together and by duly weighing the Arguments of both sides will think these Answerers have rather strengthen'd and confirm'd than shaken his Foundations 'T is an easie matter to pick out of any Book here and there something to Cavil at which is the common Method taken by the little Scriblers of the Town of Answering as they call it a Writer but all Judicious Men know that an able Author proceeds quite another way and if his Adversary has advanc'd a wrong Proposition or a false Hypothesis he sets up something in the room of what he would pull down he offers another Proposition or Hypothesis which shall visibly be truer wiser and better founded All other arguing especially where any new Matter has been advanc'd being but wretched Sophistry that carries with it no Conviction What has been here said is all the Reply the Writer of these Papers designs to make to the two foremention'd Pamphlets and their Authors who whatever they may be good for else have shown by their Works that Figures and Calculations about the King's Revenue are very little their Province He thought it might be of use in the heat of a War that had then the appearance of lasting a great while to propose Ways and Means by
which Taxes might be laid more equally and by consequence more lightly upon the People And when the Peace was concluded he believ'd he might do his Country Service to treat of the Publick Revenues and of the Trade of England the quiet Times which the King's Valour and Wisdom had newly procur'd seeming most seasonable to propose some kind of Remedy for those Disorders in the Administration which a War of such length had undoubtedly occasion'd In the Tracts therefore which he publish'd last Year he handled Credit The King's Revenues The Publick Debts and Engagements and in the second Volume several Points relating to Trade thereby to give some View what Improvements this Nation was capable of under a careful and steady Management And having deeply imprinted in his Mind the Notion that all our Thoughts Endeavours and Designments should tend to the Good and Welfare of our Country and being convinc'd that even where Abilities are wanting the very Intentions are commendable and virtuous he is resolv'd to continue his Studies upon the same Subject and to look yet farther into the Condition and Posture of this Kingdom He is now indeed call'd up to a Station wherein he has the opportunity of delivering his Thoughts concerning the Business of England another way than by his Pen but 't is many Years since he had the Honour to sit in Parliament and he doubts very much whether he shall be able to arrive at any degree of expressing himself readily and well without which the best and most usefull Matter loses all its Energy and Effect before a great Assembly Writing and Speaking are Talents very different a tolerable Stile may be attain'd to by great Application and Diligence but Elocution is a Gift and if employ'd to honest Uses one of the greatest Bounties Nature can bestow upon a Man He who has not the Seeds of it within him shall never come at it by Art or Labour and which perhaps is not vulgarly observ'd Writing much extinguishes the Faculty of Talking well off hand in some Persons who would otherwise have a competent Share thereof for if the Writer be of any Form he accustoms himself to a Correctness and a Choice of Words And this Nicety and Care beget a diffidency in him which is altogether inconsistent with the Happiness of Speaking well in Publick Such therefore as fear they cannot deliver their Thoughts well and clearly another way must commit them to Writing in order to make whatever Qualities they have of Service to their Country The Matters we have hitherto handled have been in a manner intirely new and such wherein very little Help could be had from Books and it being the Interest of some Persons of no small Power in the Management of Affairs that many Truths important for England to be known should rather be conceal'd if possible in the Center of the Earth than laid open the Aids and Lights which might be gather'd from the publick Accompts and Offices have been industriously with-held from all who are not servile Applauders of their wild and distructive Conduct however he will proceed on with his Work notwithstanding the potent Malice of such Men utterly indifferent how much his Inquiries offend them provided they yield any Benefit to the King and Kingdom His Aim always has been and ever shall be to shew how the Wealth and Strength of England is to be secur'd and improv'd to set the Matters thereunto conducing in a true Light to instill into the Minds of young Gentlemen a desire of looking into the Revenues and Trade of the Nation that having therein an insight themselves they may not be in some future Reign insnar'd by the wicked Arts of false and rapacious Ministers who will be ever craving for large Supplies but careless how they wast the publick Treasure who will be always coveting new Fonds which they will lay by as so much Lumber of the State when they have borrow'd all they can upon 'em not minding how any new Branch is manag'd who will be for shearing the Sheep as many times as they can every Year without any care of the Flock or how the Fleece shall grow again and who will be for pulling down the Common-wealth so they may build up their own Fortunes It shall not be here argu'd whither the Skill of Phisick be now brought to Perfection or whether it is yet capable of further Improvements but this may be safely pronounc'd That the Knowledge of the Sinews Muscles Arteries and Veins with the late discovery of the Circulation of the Blood and all the Parts of Anatomy conduce very much to render this dark Science more plain and certain In the same manner such as would understand the Body-Politick its true Constitution its State of Health its Growth or Decay its Strength or Weakness and how to apply Remedies to the various Distempers to which it is incident must study and look narrowly into all the distinct parts of the Common-wealth its Trade the Current Mony which is its flowing Blood the Arts Labour and Manufactures and the number of its People with many other things which altogether are the Members of which the great Body is compos'd From these Topicks to reason upon Matters of Government has been the Method we have hitherto taken and which we shall persue in the following Tract and the way we go of arguing and concluding upon things by Figures being in a manner new and made use of but by two or three before us and that too but very superficially 't is hop'd Grains of Allowance will be made and that we shall be look'd npon as Beginners of an Art not yet Polish'd and which Time may bring to more Perfection In all Arts and Sciences the first Inventions have been rude and unskilfull Very antiently the Aegyptains knew something of Geometry and the Assyrians of Astronomy but as well these as all other parts of Knowledge were but a shapeless Body till brought into some Form by the artfull Hands of Pherecides Thales Anaximander and Pythagoras and yet Philosophy had neither Strength nor Beauty till it was further improv'd in the three successive Schools of Socrates Plato and Aristotle What has been here said of sublimer Things holds as well in Speculations of an inferiour Nature and in Arts meerly Mechanical whose first Principles and Rudiments must be imperfect But if this our manner of Inquiring into Matters that relate to Polity and Government be found any ways Instructive and Beneficial to the Publick we hope hereafter to be follow'd by abler Hands who shall finish what we are but beginning We have formerly said That to find out the true Ballance of Trade in order to adapt thereunto our Laws and Form of Living would bring as much Wealth to this Country as is requisite to render a Nation safe and happy That an exact Ballance between Vs and every distinct Place perhaps cannot by any humane Skill be attain'd to and that it is not certain whether a Scrutiny so
very Nice would be of any Vse But that without doubt a general State of this Matter form'd upon strict Enquiry with Deliberation and Skill and such a one as would carry with it a Demonstration of being somewhat near the Truth must be a great Help to the Rulers and Ministers of a Country and a good Guide in many important Councils That we have been heretofore large Gainers by Trade is manifest from the expensive War we were able to carry on for so many Years and tho' to find out in what Particulars we got or lost may be very difficult yet to give some general View of the matter may not be impossible And we shall endeavour to shew from whence such may take their Rise who would have some Prospect of a thing so vast and that seems at such a distance And albeit to know the Quantum of our yearly Gains may not perhaps so much import the State yet to be watchful that we do not lose wast and impair from time to time must certainly be the concern of every one who loves his Country and as it behoves private Men frequently to Ballance their Accompts and to see how their Condition stands so without doubt it is a Duty incumbent upon those who are in Power very often to contemplate the Posture of the Nation in order to this that growing Mischiefs may have a sudden Cure As the Wealth of all kinds stor'd up in this Kingdom was of late our chief Support so what we are hereafter to get must defend us against the Accidents at home and abroad to which all Governments are liable and upon this Account the Motions of Trade ought to be observ'd with a strict and careful Eye And we owe it to our Country to communicate what we think may conduce to make it flourish and the Men in Power should encourage such Attempts at least they should not oppress nor contrive their Ruin who employ their whole time and impair their own Health in studying to promote the Common Good But they who Act upon a Principle are not easily dishearten'd In this Essay we shall set forth some probable Methods of making a Nation Gainers in the Ballance of Trade And we shall close the Discourse with endeavouring to show That this Ballance is not to be put of our Side by which we mean that a Country cannot increase in Wealth and Power but by private Men doing their Duty to the Publick and but by a steady Course of Honesty Care and Wisdom in such as are trusted with the Administration The Wounds of the late War have drein'd us of so much Blood and our Foreign Commerce has met with such a Ruffle and Interruption in all Parts of the World and our Neighbours grow so fast upon us some in Wealth and others in Shipping and the Skill of Trade that Poverty must grow upon us apace our Naval Strength must decrease and we must utterly lose the Dominion of the Sea unless the Legislative Authority exert it self with Vigor and interpose betimes to prevent our impending Ruin We have said formerly That Gold and Silver are indeed the Measure of Trade but that the Spring and Original of it in all Nations is the Natural or Artificial Product of the Country that is to say what their Land or what their Labour and Industry produces There is no Man that can reasonably dispute this Position and if granted it follows from thence That to know rightly how the Ballance of Trade stands with any Nation a due Inspection must be made into their Natural or Artificial Product But this Natural or Artificial Product being most of it the Result of the Peoples Labour and Industry we shall be still in the dark as to all Inquiries of this kind without maturely considering the Numbers of the People In these sort of Speculations not only the Quantity but Quality of the Inhabitants must be duly ponder'd they must be divided into their several Ranks and Classes It must be distinguish'd who by their Arts Labour or Industry are increasing and who by their Expence Poverty or Sloth are decreasing the Kingdom 's Wealth Of these Sub-divisions are likewise to be made of what Numbers are employ'd in the Church in War in the Fleets Mercantile and Warlike in the Law in Offices in Merchandize in Shop-keeping and Trades in Handicrafts and who both of the higher and lower Degree are Persons living upon their Estates who are Freeholders Farmers Labouring People Servants Cottagers Alms-People and Vagrants The People being thus distributed into their proper Ranks we are likewise to inquire into the Quality of the Land they are to cultivate and improve in order to that Natural or Artificial Product which is the Medium whereby a Superlucration of Wealth is to be gotten We should examin what Proportion of it is Arable Pasture and Meadow Woods and Coppices Forests Parks and Common Heaths Moors Mountains and barren Land Houses and Homesteads c. Rivers Lakes Meers Roads Ways and wast Land The Land is to yield the Product which Product is to yield the Wealth so that we should inquire how this Product stands in every particular but more especially in the principal constituent Parts of England's Strength namely Wooll Corn and our Mines for 't is by the well ordering and wise disposition of these Branches of our Wealth that we are to be Gainers in the Ballance of Trade We shall therefore handle distinctly these Heads viz. the People the Land and its Product and shall endeavour to lay down several Matters from whence peradventure with good Grounds of Probability some Conclusions may be made in relation to our present Subject and because Taxes influence very much in the Ballance of Trade as will be shown hereafter we shall likewise say something concerning our Payments to the Publick SECT II. OF THE People of England THE Writer of these Papers has seen the before-mentioned Mr. King 's Natural and Political Observations and Conclusions upon the State and Condition of England in Manuscript The Calculations therein contain'd are very accurate and more perhaps to be rely'd upon than any thing that has been ever done of the like kind This Skilful and Laborious Gentleman has taken the right Course to form his several Schemes about the Numbers of the People for besides many different Ways of working he has very carefully inspected the Poll-Books and the Distinctions made by those Acts and the Produce in Mony of the respective Polls going every where by reasonable and discreet Mediums Besides which Pains he has made Observations of the very Facts in particular Towns and Places from which he has been able to judge and conclude more safely of others so that he seems to have look'd further into this Mystery than any other Person With his Permission we shall offer to the Publick such of his Computations as may be of use and enlighten in the Matter before us He lays down That if the first Peopling of England was
such parts as are found useful and to add such other Restrictions Penalties and Provisions as may effectualy attain the End of this great Work The Laws hereunto relating are numerous but the Judgment and Opinions given upon them are so various and contradictory and differ so in sundry places as to be inconsistent with any one general Scheme of Management Tenthly That proper Persons be appointed in every County to determine all Matters and Differences which may arise between the Corporation and the respective Parishes To prevent any ill Usage Neglect or Cruelty it will be necessary to make Provision that the Poor may tender their Complaints to Officers of the Parish and that those Officers having examin'd the same and not finding Redress may apply to Persons to be appointed in each County and each City for that purpose who may be call'd Supervisors of the Poor and may have Allowance made them for their Trouble and their Business may be to examine the Truth of such Complaints and in case either the Parish or Corporation judge themselves agriev'd by the Determination of the said Supervisors Provision may be made that an Appeal lie to the Quarter Sessions Eleventhly That the Corporation be oblig'd to provide for all publick Beggars and to put the Laws in Execution against publick Beggars and idle vagrant Persons Such of the publick Beggars as can work must be employ'd the rest to be maintain'd as impotent Poor but the Laws to be severely put in Execution against those who shall ask any publick Alms. THis Proposal which in most parts of it seems to be very maturely weigh'd may be a Foundation for those to build upon who have a publick Spirit large enough to embrace such a noble Undertaking But the common Obstruction to any thing of this Nature is a malignant Temper in some who will not let a publick Work go on if private Persons are to be Gainers by it When they are to get themselves they abandon all Sense of Virtue but are cloath'd in her whitest Robe when they smell Profit coming to another masking themselves with a false Zeal to the Common-wealth where their own Turn is not to be serv'd It were better indeed that Men would serve their Country for the Praise and Honour that follow good Actions but this is not to be expected in a Nation at least leaning towards Corruption and in such an Age 't is as much as we can hope for if the Prospect of some honest Gain invites People to do the Publick faithful Service For which Reason in any Undertaking where it can be made apparent that a great Benefit will accrue to the Common-wealth in general we ought not to have an evil Eye upon what fair Advantages particular Men may thereby expect to Reap still taking care to keep their Appetite of getting within moderate Bounds laying all just and reasonable Restraints upon it and making due Provision that they may not wrong or oppress their Fellow Subjects 'T is not to be deny'd but that if fewer Hands were suffer'd to remain idle and if the Poor had full Employment it would greatly tend to the Common Welfare and contribute much towards adding every Year to the general Stock of England Among the Methods that we have here propos'd of Employing the Poor and making the whole Body of the People useful to the Publick We think it our Duty to mind those who consider the Common Welfare of looking with a compassionate Eye into the Prisons of this Kingdom where many Thousands consume their Time in Vice and Idleness wasting the Remainder of their Fortunes or lavishing the Substance of their Creditors eating Bread and doing no Work which is contrary to good Order and pernicious to the Common-wealth We cannot therefore but recommend the Thoughts of some good Bill that may effectually put an end to this Mischief so scandalous in a Trading Country which should let no Hands remain useless 'T is not all difficult to contrive such a Bill as may Relieve and Release the Debtor and yet preserve to his Creditors all their fair just and honest Rights and Interest And having in this Matter endeavour'd to show that to preserve and increase the People and to make their Numbers useful are Methods conducing to make us Gainers in the Ballance of Trade we shall proceed to handle the second Head SECT III. Of the Land of England and its Product IN treating of this Matter we shall again produce one of Mr. King's Schemes which are all of them so accurately done that we may venture to say they are not to be contraverted in any Point so material as to destroy the Foundation of those Reasonings which the Writer of these Papers or any other Person shall form upon them He computes that England and Wales contain 39 Millions of Acres according to the following Scheme Vide Scheme E. Scheme E.  Acres Value per Acre Rent   l. s. d. l. Arable Land 9,000,000 0 5 6 2,480,000 Pasture and Meadow 12,000,000 0 8 8 5,200,000 Woods and Coppices 3,000,000 0 5 0 750,000 Forests Parks and Commons 3,000,000 0 3 8 570,000 Heaths Moors Mountains and barren Land 10,000,000 0 1 0 500,000 Houses and Homesteads Gardens and Orchards Churches and Church-yards 1,000,000 The Land 450,000 The Buildings 2,000,000 Rivers Lakes Meers and Ponds 500,000 0 2 0 50,000 Roads Ways and wast Land 500,000 0 0 0  In all 39,000,000 about 6 2 12,000,000  True Yearly Value Value as rated to the 4s Tax Produce of the 4s Tax  l. l. l. So the yearly Rents or Value of the Land is 10,000,000 6,500,000 1,300,000 The Houses and Buildings 2,000,000 1,500,000 300,000 All other Hereditaments 1,000,000 500,000 100,000 Personal Estates such as have been reach'd in the 4 s. Aids 1,000,000 550,000 100,000 In all 14,000,000 9,050,000 1,800,000 So that whereas the Tax of 4 s. per Pound one Aid with another has produc'd but 1,800,000 It should produce if duly Assess'd 2,800,000 Place this Scheme p. 70. SCHEME F. The Produce of the Arable Land he thus Estimates in a Year of moderate Plenty  Bushels per Bushel Value   s. d.  Wheat 14,000,000 at 3 6 2,450,000 Rye 10,000,000 at 2 6 1,250,000 Barly 27,000,000 at 2 0 2,700,000 Oats 16,000,000 at 1 6 1,200,000 Pease 7,000,000 at 2 6 857,000 Beans 4,000,000 at 2 6 500,000 Vetches 1,000,000 at 2 0 100,000 In all 79,000,000 at 2 3 4 7 5 9 9,075,000 This is only the Neat Produce exclusive of the Seed Corn which in some sorts of Grain being near 1 5 of the Produce and in others 1 8 may in general be reckon'd about 11 Millions of Bushels more which makes the whole Produce to be 90 Millions of Bushels which at 2 s. 3 4 7 5 9 d. per Bushel in Common is about 10,338,600 l. Note That this Value is what the same is worth upon the Spot where the Corn grew but this Value is increas'd by the Carriage to the
no such a Measure would be right for England is humbly submitted to better Judgments Mr. King computes the Value of the Horses yearly bred to be about 250,000 l. This Estimate seems not to be out of the way and from it we shall observe that by good Laws and a due Care in their Execution and by Encouragement from the great Ones above it might peradventure be brought about to double our yearly Breed and if this could be compass'd and if great Numbers of them should be sold in Foreign Markets provided it be deem'd safe for the State 't would be a new Addition to our National Stock and be just so much put into the Scale yet more to incline of our side the general Ballance Our Mines are another Product of the Earth and undoubtedly capable of great Improvements we ought to respect them as the Parents of all our Trade and which made us known to the first Merchants of the World the Phoenicians We have Tin Lead Copper Calamy Iron Coal Culm Allom Copperas with other sort of Minerals and what is in this manner dug out of the Earth cannot be a less Article than about 7 or 800,000 l. per Annum in the whole Rental of the Kingdom They who work these Mines and deal in these Materials know best what Laws and Constitutions they want to make their Business more easie at Home and to give their Commodities a freer Vent Abroad but if they need any Help from the Legislative Power most certainly they ought to have it since their Stock and Labour turn so much to the Common Good for whatever their Product yields in Foreign Markets is clear National Profit There are lately publish'd some extraordinary Accompts of the Mines in Cardiganshire where 't is said there are Eight large Veins of Silver Lead and Copper Oar lying near together in one Mountain nigh a Navigable River and a good Port. 'T is alledg'd That these Mines with a large Stock in a few Years may be advanc'd to a clear Profit of 170,000 l. per Annum This Computation does not seem at all extravagant to those who have look'd into the Accompts of what Mines produce in other Countries provided the Oar be good the Vein like to last and large ones seldom fail and provided there be no invincible Impediment from Nature to their Working they have stood still several Years for want of a good Agreement among the Adventurers 'T is said Sir H. M. has put 'em in a way of being wrought but if his Expedient should not succeed and if new Differences should arise the Legislative Authority may very well and justly interpose even to compel the Partners to some Agreement whereby the Work may be carry'd on for 't is a Justice due to the Publick at no time to suffer a few Stock-Jobbing Citizens to stand in the way of any National Advantage the Fraud and Corruption of which sort of Men have hurt England in more than one Particular If these Mines come but any thing near the Value Mr. William Waller has put upon them and with Reasons very probable they are a fit Object of the States Care and upon Inspection into their true Worth if private Purses cannot raise a Stock sufficient to set 'em going it were better done upon some publick Fond to be repaid out of the Profits than to lose what is represented as so immense a Treasure But should it prove less 't is not to be neglected for Nations like private Men who will thrive must look into small Things as well as great and for this we have the Examples of France and Holland whose Ministers examine into the minutest Matters where the Publick may possibly Reap any Advantage and 't is a very commendable piece of Wisdom were it but for this single Reason That to do so constantly begets a Habit of Care and Diligence in things of higher Importance The Fishery should be here treated of as being the Product of the Peoples Labour but this Point we have elsewhere handled However it falls naturally into our present Subject to observe That to recover the Fishery and to bring us to the Height and Perfection our Coast and Situation are capable of would increase the Numbers of our People for Men always multiply where they have Conveniences of Living It would find Employment for the Poor It would raise Rents and give a higher Value to all that Land produces It would set us right in several Nations where we are believ'd to deal at Loss and particularly in those Places where our Exportations bear no Proportion at least in Bulk with our Importations which might be supply'd by Fish We cannot therefore but earnestly recommend the serious Thoughts of this Matter and by what Methods it may be retriev'd to all such as love their Country and who wish to see us every Year more and more Gainers in the Ballance of Trade Having touch'd upon these Heads we shall proceed to say something of Wooll which is a main Article in the Produce of Land Mr. King computes the Value of the Wooll shorn to be about 2,000,000 l. per Annum And in the Discourses upon the Revenue and Trade we compute by a General Medium That the Material is improv'd one with another four-fold in the Workmanship so that the Value of the Woollen Manufacture made here may amount to 8,000,000 l. per Annum Perhaps neither of us are much out of the way in these two Calculations but suppose us a little under or over the Mark all People will agree with us That this Branch of our Product is very large and of the highest Importance The Writer of these Papers has an Accompt from a Person upon whose Judgment and Experience in these Matters there is great Reason to rely That our Exports of all kinds in the Woollen Manufacture amount to above two Millions per Annum which is so large a Part of our General Exportation that it must maim the whole Body of our Trade to receive any Hurt in so principal a Member Whatever Goods we make up of Foreign Materials and sell in the Markets abroad all above the Cost of the Materials is clear Gain to England in the same manner all our clear Returns from the Plantations which we Export are Neat Profit But where the Materials and Manufactures too are both our own as in this instance of the Woollen Goods two Millions carry'd out when the general Ballance of Trade is consider'd must be esteem'd as two Millions gain'd to the Kingdom for the Return of this Exportation supplies our Consumption of Foreign Goods which would otherwise be bought with Mony with some Overplus which Overplus is what must incline the Scale to turn of our side Some People have been apt to fear that we sink in the Woollen Manufacture because the Accompts of the fine Draparies exported have been heretofore larger than of late Years but such do not contemplate that tho' the Old may have
of time 't is possible that in the Management of their Product and Foreign Traffick they may come to interfere with and bring Prejudice to their Mother-Nation And remote Fears being allowable where the whole Safety of a State is concern'd they should not wonder to see England so much alarm'd at the Progress they make in the Woollen Manufacture As has been said before 'T is so great a Part of our Exportation that any considerable Failure and Interruption therein must set the Ballance of Trade against us with a Witness it falls therefore naturally into our present Subject to say something of this Matter Last Session of Parliament a Bill pass'd the House of Commons and was committed in the House of Lords For Prohibiting the Exportation of the Woollen Manufactures of Ireland to Foreign Parts This Point has of late been much debated and the general Subject of Men's Discourses The Writer of these Papers was then inclin'd to the milder Side being indeed in his Judgment against Prohibitions because most of such as are come within his Observation seem to have been push'd on without Doors rather for private Ends and to serve some particular Turn than calculated to produce any publick Benefit But having now more maturely consider'd this nice Controversie he begins to lean to their Opinion who think such a Bill necessary and more especially if the Promoters of it can make out the Suggestions upon which it was founded Where the Common-wealth is truly concern'd and where her Safety is in Question they have very narrow Minds who let their Compassion be too much extended to private Objects Our chief Tenderness should be towards her and rough Examples in the infancy of a Mischief are rather merciful than cruel because fewer People suffer then than would otherwise do if the Evil were permitted to take deeper Root If their Manufactures interfere with ours so as to hurt England it must be undoubtedly adviseable to intercept their Growth by some effectual Law betimes before such an Error in Government grow too big for our Correction before too many Families have turn'd their Stock that way before they have increas'd their Stock of Sheep or bred up too great a number of Artists all which Circumstances would make their Case yet harder for we should preserve our selves with as little Hurt to them as possible But it seems some People make a doubt whither or no we have Power thus to intermeddle in their Matters questioning whether Laws made here are binding upon them till they have receiv'd a Sanction in their own Parliament And Mr. Molyneux counts it a very extravagant Notion that has not the least Colour from Reason or Record to term them a Colony from England But we must beg leave to differ with him in Opinion For we take them so far to be a Colony in the Sense by the Interpretation both of Law and Reason as renders them still dependant upon their Mother-Kingdom Nor is this at all impugn'd by the Concessions made to the ancient Irish by Henry the 2d King John and Henry the 3d but to set this in a better Light the Posture of Ireland in those Times must be consider'd The first Adventurers that went over thither namely Richard the Son of Strongbow and Robert Fitz-Stephen who stipulated under certain Conditions to assist Dermot Fitz-Murchard had not a strength sufficient to reduce the Country and little was done towards it of any Consequence till the Expedition of Henry the 2d Anno 1172. with a Royal Army to whom the Clergy Nobility Gentry and People made an absolute Surrender of the Kingdom and by the description Historians give of it it seems to have been that sort of Yielding which the Romans call'd Deditio which was se dare in Manus Potestatem Arbitrium And their giving themselves up to Henry the 2d without a Battel or Blood-shed gave him yet a stronger Title because the Act was less constrain'd and more flowing from the Will 'T is true so wild and numerous a People were not to be kept in Order by a handful of new Inhabitants the King therefore gave them a Constitution by which they were to govern themselves as a free Country under him their Lord. After this the Dominion thereof was settled upon John his Youngest Son and two and twenty Years after in him re-united to the Crown of England From King John Henry the 3d and their Successors the ancient Irish and the first Adventurers of whom many as Mr. Spencer has observ'd have taken the Names Manners and Humours of the Natives derive several Franchises and Immunities and among the rest to hold a Parliament The Story of those Times is it self dark but the Reason of their Councils is yet darker From Mathew Paris and Giraldus Cambrensis it appears That these Concessions were made to the Body of the Old Irish tho' but few in Practice submitted to them for to use Mr. Spencer's own Words To whom did King Henry the 2 d impose those Laws Not to the Irish for the most of them fled from his Power into Desarts and Mountains leaving the wide Country to the Conquerour who in their stead eftsoons plac'd English Men who possess'd all their Lands and did quite shut out the Irish or the most part of them And to those new Inhabitants and Colonies he gave his Laws to wit the same Laws under which they were born and bred the which it was no difficulty to place among them being formerly well inur'd thereunto unto whom afterwards there repair'd divers of the Poor distress'd People of the Irish for Succour and Relief of whom such as they thought fit for Labour and industriously dispos'd as the most part of their baser sort are they receiv'd unto them as their Vassals but scarcely vouchsaf'd to impart unto them the benefit of those Laws under which themselves liv'd but every One made his Will and Commandment a Law unto his own Vassal Thus was not the Law of England ever properly apply'd unto the Irish Nation as by a purpos'd Plot of Government but as they could insinuate and steal themselves under the same by their humble Carriage and Submission But after this during the Wars between the House of York and Lancaster they shook off both the Rule and Laws of England repossessing their ancient Seats driving us by degrees to that which was properly call'd the English Pale In truth it does not appear That they embrac'd our Form of Government for a great while So that the Models of it given heretofore from hence seem chiefly to have been intended for the better Rule of our own People not but they were likewise meant as a Benefit to the Irish if they would be contented to become a more civiliz'd Nation If their ancient Parliament Rolls were extant it would more plainly appear what use they made of their Constitution and thereby it would be seen whither or no both their House of Lords and Commons did not chiefly consist of the
and Scions from the great Trunk of the Republick had all of 'em the Face of Formal Governments they had Magistracies and Councils Power of Life and Death and to raise Mony for their Common Safety and to make Laws for their better Rule but this is no Argument that they had all the Parts of Sovereign Empire 'T is true the Inhabitants of Ireland from ancient Concessions have a Priviviledge perhaps above the Roman Colonies namely to Tax themselves by their own Suffrages within their own Limits but this is no more than what is claim'd by several Provinces of France which nevertheless account themselves subordinate to the Sovereign Power of the whole State There is a part of Empire not communicable and which must reside Sovereignly somewhere for there would be such a perpetual clashing of Power and Jurisdictions as were inconsistant with the very Being of Communities unless this last Resort were somewhere lodg'd Now this Incommunicable Power we take to be the Supream Judgment of what is best and most expedient for the whole and in all Reason of Government this ought to be there trusted and lodged from whence Protection is expected That Ireland should judge of what is best for it self is just and fair but in Determinations that are to reach the whole as namely what is most expedient for England and Ireland both there without all doubt the Supream Judgment ought to rest in the King Lords and Commons of England by whose Arms and Treasure Ireland ever was and must always be defended Nor is this any claiming the same Empire over Scotland as Mr. Molyneux would suggest for there is no Parity of Reason in the Cases Scotland to England as Aragon to Spain is a distinct State governing it self by different Laws tho' under the same Prince and is truly but a Kingdom Confederated with the Realm of England tho' subject to our King The Land thereof was not acquir'd to the present Inhabitants by the Arms of England protect them we do as the Strongest Allies always are to defend the Weaker but this puts 'em not in the Degree of Subordination we are treating of They are not our Discendants and they are but Politically our Brethren whereas the English-Irish who are now chief Lords of that Soil are naturally our Offspring Their Inferior Rule and Jurisdictions are not disputed but that Super-eminent Dominion and supream and uncontrollable Regiment over themselves which they pretend to is neither safe for England to grant nor for them to ask Such a Power would be dangerous because by some Accident it may come to be so exercis'd as to be their and our Ruin We have had bad Kings and those Kings have had evil Counsellors Suppose us then in some future Age under such Circumstances as to have a Prince and his Council so angry with the People as to desire their Destruction which was our Case once with King John who would have sold us to the Moors to wreak his own Discontents And suppose this Prince willing to set up Ireland in opposition to this Kingdom may not a Prince so dispos'd give the Royal Assent to Laws in Ireland that would utterly destroy England And what Remedy would Poining's Act be in such a Juncture In a Case like this what way have the People of England to preserve themselves but to represent their Grievance to the Prince Who when he sees the Error of his Council may be induc'd to join in some Supream Exercise of the Legislature here coercive and such as may keep Ireland in the degree of Subordination that seems requisite to the well-being of both Nations Suppose a Prince bent to hurt England should give his Assent to a Law there That the Irish may transport all their Wool to Foreign Countries would not this as they say cut the Turf from under our Feet and at one blow in a manner ruin all our Woollen Manufactures There are many other Instances in which if they were indulg'd the greatest part of our Traffick would be carry'd to their Ports In Matters of Trade even the best of Kings may be surpris'd of which we have a late Example and the ill Consequences the Scotch Act will probably have ought to make us very watchful over what our Neighbours do especially where they depend upon us That the greatest part of the present Inhabitants of Ireland chiefly those who claim the Land-Property are a Colony from England has been here peradventure sufficiently made out and we take it to be their best Hold to be always so accompted because it gives them a lasting Title to be protected and defended by us And if they are a Colony it would be a strange Defect in our Constitution if we wanted any of the Powers requisite to pursue the Ends of Government of which the Principal is to take care that no one part of the People be permitted to hurt the other but if the Legislature of England cannot in Important Matters restrain that of Ireland Ireland is at least in a Capacity to ruin England which would make our Form of Government at one and the same time Ridiculous and Dangerous But to be thus out of our Jurisdiction would in the Conclusion be as fatal to them as to us for tho' they should grow Rich at our Expence and tho' a large part of our Trade were diverted thither they would not yet be able to subsist alone and by themselves And if we by Loss of our Trade become weaken'd how can we give them that Assistance which from time to time they have always wanted So that this division of Strength would be destructive to both Countries It must therefore be their Interest as well as Ours That the Supream Power and the chief Wealth should be ever preserv'd to Center here in the Seat of Empire Upon the whole Matter it seems the Right of England and as well for the Benefit of Ireland its best and noblest Colony that the Legislative Authority here should upon all Emergencies make such Regulations and Restrictions relating to Trade especially as shall be thought for the Weal-Publick of both Countries And having premis'd these Things we shall proceed to handle more closely the Subject of our Question namely Whither it is necessary to Prohibit by Law the Exportation of Woollen Manufacture from Ireland to Foreign Parts To put an early Stop to their turning their Stock and Industry this way appears requisite for many Reasons First Ireland contains near a half as much Territory as England and the Soil being of the same Nature may be brought to produce near a half as much Wool as England yields and this Material being the Basis upon which our Trade is built they who can come near us in it will come just so near us in our Trade abroad Secondly Countries thinly Peopled can sooner improve in the Breed of Cattle than any other way because 't is a Work which a few Hands may manage Thirdly Where there is Plenty of a
of that variety of new Excises and high Customs which hurt Foreign Traffick and interrupt us in our Domestick Business and which are more especially a heavy Weight upon the Woollen Manufacture Even in a Common-wealth 't is dangerous for one part of the People to be very much indebted to the other and in Rome it was the occasion of great Seditions When the State has borrow'd large Sums and issued out Securities by Tallies upon different Fonds 't is commonly said the Publick is so and so indebted but in truth the Case is otherwise and more properly speaking these sort of Fonds divide a Country into two Ranks of Men of which one are Creditors and the other Debtors and this Distinction does without doubt belong to all Nations where the People pay Taxes to one another as it now happens to be our Case in England The Creditors are the Bank such as deal with the Publick for Stores Lenders of all kinds besides a great many Foreigners whose Mony is lent to the State in English Names The Debtors are the Landed Men the 5th or 6th part of whose Rents are pawn'd for the Publick Service from Year to Year by Aids and Land-Fonds All Merchants likewise who pay Customs and all Shop-keepers and Retailers are according to our Distinction to be accompted Debtors Thus almost all England may not be improperly divided into Debtors and Creditors nor in a long and expensive War was this wholly to be avoided but without doubt it cannot be wise nor safe to let this Distinction long continue for tho' such as Receive may like their Condition and think themselves at Ease yet such as are to Pay cannot be so well contented 'T is true some modern Politicians have run upon another Notion and several Persons have thought that the more Fonds are erected the more People are engaged to preserve the present Government This Policy indeed of theirs would hold good if they could make out That the Lenders are stronger and more in number than such as are concern'd in Payments to the Publick But it rather seems to hold in Sense and Reason That the Throne of that Prince in a Free Nation must be the most firmly established whose Affairs permit him to ask the fewest Taxes from his People France was once upon a right foot in relation to its Liberties and they who peruse their History with Care will find That Arbitrary Power did not so much bring in high Taxes as high Taxes introduced Arbitrary Power for when that Golden Idol of an Immense Revenue was once set up all the Nation bowed to it In the Second and Third Sections we have shown That the probable Methods to make a Country Gainers in the Ballance of Trade are to take Care of Increasing and Employing the People and to Improve Land and its Product In this Fourth Section we have set forth how this Ballance may be affected by our Payments to the Publick And in the last Discourse we shall endeavour to show That the Wealth and Prosperity of a State depend chiefly upon a wise steady and honest Administration SECT V. That a Country cannot Increase in Wealth and Power but by Private Men doing their Duty to the Public and but by a steady Course of Honesty and Wisdom in such as are trusted with the Administration of Affairs AT Romae ruere in Servitium Consules Patres Eques quanto quis illustrior tanto magis falsi ac festinantes But at Rome they all ran headlong into Slavery the Consuls the Senate the Gentry and the nobler the person was tho more false and the greater haste he made This was the Condition of Rome when Tiberius assum'd the Empire but God forbid it should be ever the Case of England for our Constitution will be entirely lost when such a Corruption happens we may indeed preserve the Name of Liberty and some of its outward Forms but no more than what will help to keep our Chains the faster on Tyrannies have been often subverted where the Princes govern meerly by their own Will without giving to their Subjects the least appearance of being free but those absolute Monarchies are hardly to be shaken and that Servitude is lasting where the People are left to make their own Fetters It is a matter of great wonder that from the Time of Augustus downwards the Romans who were seldom without Brave and Virtuous Men should never make One Attempt to restore the Commonwealth and to shake off that Power which some of the Emperors exercis'd with such exorbitance but in all likelyhood it proceeded from this that the Souldiers and Common People without whom no great Revolution can be made believ'd themselves still free because in show the Commonwealth had the same Form as in elder times there was a Senate Consuls Tribunes and an appearance of all the Antient Magistracies tho nothing remain'd of the antient Liberty But this the Common People did not feel for the Cruelty and Fraud of Tiberius the Madness of Caligula the Stupidity of Claudius the Riots and Lust of Nero the Gluttony and Sordid Mind of Vitellius the Vanities of Otho and the Enormous Vices of Domitian did little hurt to the Inferiour Rank of Men who all the while had Panem Circences which was all they desir'd but the Mischiefs these Monstrous Princes brought upon the World fell chiefly upon Nobler Heads who yet could not rescue their Country so much were the Common People lull'd asleep with the Opinion they entertain'd that the Laws still govern'd because they saw every year Consuls and a Senate but this Senate being corrupted made the Tyranny boundless and safe For the People could never be induc'd to oppose that Power which still bore some Resemblance to their Antient Form of Government In the same manner if in future Ages our Parliaments should be debauch'd in Principles and become willing to be the Instruments of a Prince's Will and to act as he directs them Arbitrary Power would be here settled upon a lasting Foot for the Common People would never join with any who would attempt to redeem their Country because they will be deceiv'd by Names and Forms and think the Laws govern'd and that they are free if the outward show of the Constitution is still preserv'd When Cotruption has seiz'd upon the Representatives of a People 't is like a Cronical Disease hardly to be rooted out When Servile Compliance and Flattery come to predominate things proceed from bad to worse till at last the Government is quite dissolv'd Absolute Monarchies are in danger of great Convulsions when one Man their Prince happens to be weak or wicked but Commonwealths or mix'd Constitutions are safe till the Chief Part of the Leading Men are debauch'd in Principles However Monarchy has this Advantage that the one Man their Prince is mortal and if bad he may be succeeded by a better but a people thoroughly corrupted never returns to right Reason And we see that the depravity of Manners which
began in Rome presently after the second Punic War among the Nobility and Gentry became every year worse and worse till at last Caesar destroyed the Commonwealth And after his time under the succeeding Emperors every Senate grew more abject and complying than the other till in Process of Time the old Roman Spirit was utterly extinguish'd and then that Empire by degrees became a Prey to Barbarous Nations If all parts of the State do not with their utmost power promote the Publick Good if the Prince has other Aims than the safety and welfare of his Country if such as represent the People do not preserve their Courage and Integrity If the Nations Treasure is wasted If Ministers are allow'd to undermine the Constitution with Impunity If Judges are suffer'd to pervert Justice and wrest the Law then is a mixt Government the greatest Tyranny in the world it is Tyranny establish'd by a Law 't is authoris'd by Consent and such a People are bound with Fetters of their own making A Tyranny that governs by the Sword has few Friends but Men of the Sword But a Legal Tyranny where the People are only call'd to confirm Iniquity with their own Voices has of its Side the Rich the Fearful the Lazy those that know the Law and get by it Ambitious Churchmen and all those whose Livelihood depends upon the quiet Posture of Affairs Aud the Persons here discrib'd compose the Influencing Part of most Nations So that such a Tyranny is hardly to be shaken off Men may be said to be inslav'd by Law or their own Consent under Corrupt or degenerate Republicks such as was the Roman Commonwealth from the time of Cinna till the Attempts of Caesar and under degenerate mix'd Governments such as Rome was while the Emperors made a show of Ruling by Law but with an aw'd and corrupted Senate To which Form of Government England was almost reduc'd till the King came over to put our Liberties upon a better Foot But what has been may be and tho we are safe during his Reign yet in after Ages bad and designing Ministers may think their Conduct is no way to be maintain'd but by the Sword and that they cannot securely prey upon the Commonwealth till they have made their Master absolute upon which Score in these Inquiries concerning the Methods whereby England may be a Gainer in the General Ballance of Trade we think it needful to lay down That all that Wealth and Power which must defend this State upon any Emergencies or Invasions from abroad depends upon our preserving inviolate the antient Constitution of this Kingdom Men do as industriously contrive Fallacies to deceive themselves when they have a Mind to be deceiv'd as they study Frauds whereby to deceive Others And if it leads to their Ends and gratifies their present Ambition they care not what they do thinking it time enough to serve the Public when they have serv'd themselves and in this view very many betray their Trusts Comply Give up the Peoples Rights and let Fundamentals be invaded flattering themselves that when they are grown as great as they desire to be 't will be then time enough to make a stand and redeem the Commonweulth The same Notion led Pompey to joyn with those who intended to Subvert the Roman Liberties But he found them too strong and himself too weak when he desir'd to save his Country In the same manner if there be any in this Nation who desire to build their Fortunes upon the Publick Ruin they ought to consider that their great Estates high Honours and Preferments will avail 'em little when the Subversion of Liberty has weaken'd and impoverish'd us so as to make way for the bringing in of Foreign Power It imports all Degrees of Men in their several Posts to endeavour at the Preserving that Form of Government under which we have prosper'd for near seven hundred Years It happens seldom that any Country is totally subdu'd by Foreign Force and Civil War is indeed a raging Fever but it goes away of itself when the Humours that fed it are spent and is often no more than the Sign of a Health too florid and the Effects only of too much Blood in the Body Politick But ill Conduct in a State long continued wastes it by slow and certain degrees and at last brings an incurable Consumption upon all its Parts and Members If the Affairs of this Kingdom should ever happen to be ill conducted which we hope is a Remote Fear the Legislative Power must then interpose with its Authority and the united Wisdom of the Nation must rescue Us out of weak and polluted hands for such a Ministry is a surer Engine to destroy a State than any its Enemies can bring against it 'T is true such as would correct Errors and watch that no Invasion may be made on Liberty have been heretofore call'd a Faction by the Persons in Power but 't is not properly their Name and ought to be given to another sort of Men. 'T is wrong to call them the Faction who by all dutiful and modest Ways promote the Cause of Liberty as the true means to endear a Prince to his Subjects and to lay upon them a stronger tye and obligation to preserve his Government For a People will certainly best love and defend that Prince by whom the greatest Immunities and most good Laws have been granted They cannot properly be term'd the Faction who desire a War should be manag'd upon such a Foot of Expence as the Nation is able to bear Who would have the Publick Treasure not wasted the Prince not deceiv'd in his Grants and Bargains who would have the Ministry watchful and Industrious and who when they complain are angry with Things and not with Persons The Name of Faction does more truly belong to them who tho the Body Politick has all the Signs of Death upon it yet say all is well that the Riches of the Nation are not to be exhausted that there is no misgovernment in all its Business that it feels no decay and that its OEconomy is perfect and who all the while are as arrogant and assuming as if they had sav'd that very People whom their Folly and mad Conduct has in a manner ruin'd They may be rather term'd the Faction who were good Patriots out of the Court but are better Courtiers in it and who pretended to fear excess of Power while it was not communicated to them but never think the Monarchy can be high enough advanc'd when they are in the Administration In Nations where for a long time Matters have not been plac'd upon a Foot of Honesty their great Assemblies consist commonly of two Parties in both of which Sides there are many who have the same right Intentions to the Public and many who in all their Councils consult only their private Interest Of one side some out of Principle love their Country and are jealous of its Liberties and yet at the same time
That Diversion gave our Neighbour Kingdom opportunity to take Breath and time to recover from the Fright and Amazement which so potent a League had brought upon them The Troops who perish'd so miserably at Dundalk and elsewhere would have been a great Addition to the Confederate Force The Vigor that actuates the Minds of men in their first Proceedings should have been carry'd against France and not have been let to consume itself and slacken within our own Dominions If by good Conduct the Affairs of Ireland had been betimes appeas'd the Power of these three Nations had been united and we might have enter'd the Lists with our Strength intire and a Treasure unwasted which probably would have wrought such Effects and begot such a Terror as might have produc'd long ago as sound and honourable a Peace as we enjoy at present after the Expence of so much Blood and Money This War stood England in 4,128,672 l. 5 s. 3 d. ¼ and both Nations in 4,515,693 l. 0 s. 8 d. ¾ but if we come to reckon the Burnings Waste and Depredation and the irreparable Loss of Men English and Irish by Sickness and in Battel and the Irish damage redounding to us at last it may be safely affirm'd that we are the worse for that War by at least 7 Millions However that fatal Neglect did divert from the War against France above four Millions and did engage in Civil Broils those Arms which were so needful in the beginning to make a strong Impression upon our Enemies abroad But a certain Party of Men were too busy themselves at home for to mind the Nations Foreign Concerns They were dividing the spoil here They were hunting after Places and sharing among one another the Dignities and Offices of the State which took up all their time and employ'd all their Care Besides such an early Coalition and Union of the whole strength of the three Kingdoms might have terrified France too soon and taken away their Hopes of a succeeding War which is the Crop and Harvest of designing Ministers the Field in which they fatten and a Spend-thrift to whom they are Stewards without Accompt If not minding the Affairs of Ireland did hinder the Peace so long then we owe to that fatal Council the Beginning of the Debt which now presses so hard upon us for without the Colour of such a War those immense Summs could not have been consum'd which for these last five Years have been levy'd in this Kingdom When King James went away we were reduc'd to what Mr Hobbes calls the State of Nature the Original Contract being dissolv'd and the Ligaments broken which held us before together The Nation was then a Blank apt to receive any Impression The old Building was pull'd down and the Faults in it before might have been corrected if the Architects had been skilful and such Lovers of their Country as they pretended to be Never men had such an Opportunity of doing Good as they who had the chiefest hand in making the Revolution They had a Prince willing to consent to whatever might set us upon a right Foot if they had met his design of Landing here with equal Virtues The Gentry and People were at that time newly awaken'd from the Lethargy in which they had been for many Years They saw how narrowly Religion and their Liberties had escap'd Their Fears had made 'em Wise and Sober Their Eyes were universally open'd And they were wrought up to a Temper which seldom happens in a whole Nation of being capable to receive good and honest Councils It was in their Power for ever to have banish'd Flattery and Corruption from the Court and from another Place where those Vices are yet more hurtful and when they had chang'd Persons if they had taken Care at the same Instant to mend Things they had wrought a general Reformation in our Manners It was in their Hands to have given us a Sound Constitution They had before 'em the Errors of preceeding Reigns by which they might have corrected their Model They should have enter'd upon a strict OEconomy neither plundering for themselves nor suffering Others to grow Rich at the Public Cost They should have been as careful in the State as their Master was active in the Field they should have begg'd less and done more They should have avoided Bribery than which nothing could be more unseemly in Reformers of a State and which was certain to keep out the best and let the worst Men into all their Business They ought to have known that a new Settlement was to be maintain'd by severer Rules and Methods than perhaps are necessary in a Court where the Prince is born in Purple And lastly They should have made this Reflection That more than ordinary Virtue of all kinds was needful to answer the Peoples Expectations and that more than common Wisdom was requisite to maintain and justifie so great a Change The worst and most unhappy Kings that ever were would have rul'd better had it not been for the wrong Suggestion and wicked Incitements of the Flatterers about 'em But those Pests and Poisons of a Court are yet more to blame when things suceeed not well with Wise and Virtuous Princes That Declaration which the King sent to England before he came over was the Pole Star by which our State Pilots were to steer their Course 'T was well known that to keep the same Parliament sitting so many Years was what had chiefly debauch'd the Gentry of this Kingdom it was therefore expected that in the Act for declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject some Provision should have been made against thta Evil for the future Several Ministers who betray'd their King and Country have gone on to the last with Impunity by keeping Parliaments quite off but more have found a Shelter for their Crimes in Houses which they have long held together and of which they have had the handling for many a Sessions Could Men pretend to be Patriots and not take Care of securing that Post Could our Freedoms be any way certainly lost but by laying aside the use of Parliaments as was design'd in the Reign of King Charles the First or by keeping them so long sitting till a Majority of Members should be under Engagements with the Court as had almost happen'd in the Reign of King Charles the Second Were we not both times upon the very brink of ruin and in hazard of being no more a free People Did it not therefore import that Party which had heretofore made such high Professions for Liberty to provide that England might be no more threatned with the same danger Should not this have been a main Article in our Contract with their Majesties upon their Accession to the Throne who readily consented to all things that might make us safe and happy The King having promis'd in his Declaration To do all things which the two Houses of Parliament should find necessary for the Peace Honour and
Rash Councils unquiet Spirits and insolent Behaviour of some of their Opponents But with those who might Act of this Side upon a Principle there joyn'd a great many who had no good Intentions to the Publick who were for enlarging the Prince's Power in order to augment their own who were for Robbing the People that they might share in the Plunder who would have set the King above all the Laws that they might be never accountable to a Parliament for their Proceedings and who pretending a great Zeal for the Church were all the while making way for Popery thus upon Different Motives considerable Numbers were listed of this Side and the Good and the Bad mingled together compos'd what was call'd the Tory Party But Humane Affairs are subject to such odd Turns that in the next Reign many of both these Parties travers'd their Ground and mutually pass'd into that Camp which some of their Enemies had deserted Not a few of the Whigs enter'd into the worst of King James's Measures and Councils And the Eyes of those who had been reckon'd Tories were in a manner universally open'd and they began to see the Errors they had been committing so many Years insomuch that they were as eager as any Others to promote the Revolution So that the Soundest Part of these Clashing Factions shook Hands together and join'd in that Rescue of our Liberties which could never have been brought about but by the Concurrent Endeavour of both Parties Both sides had their Faults and of both sides bad Men were listed and of each side there were many who all along acted upon the Principles of Honesty and Virtue and who aim'd at the Common Good tho as to the Way to it in their turns each side might be now and then mistaken It must indeed be granted that the Whigs saw the Diseases that were growing upon the Body Politick before the Tories But when the Distemper began to rage the Tories were not behind hand in seeking out the Proper Remedy But tho such as the Common People then call'd Tories joyn'd in the Revolution and had without doubt the greatest Hand in it having on their Side Men of Fortunes Power and Figure and the main Body of the Church which will always be found the strongest Interest in England yet it must be confess'd that the Change was made upon the old Whig Principles of making Parliaments awful to the Ministers and of keeping the Regal Authority within the Limits of the Law for what this Nation then did was directly Opposite to the Church or Tory Maxims but when Princes quit the old Rules of right Government their Subjects will be apt to forget the old Rules prescrib'd for their Obedience 'T is hop'd these Names of Distinction are now quite abolish'd and forgotten But the Faction of Guelfs and Ghibelins after having slept for some time reviv'd again and continu'd upward of two hundred years even when the Derivation of the Words was no more remember'd And the Parties lasted so long because the same Principles upon which they had first differ'd remain'd still deeply imprinted in their Minds and afforded continual Matter for new Dissention In the same Manner perhaps some time hence the Names of Whig and Tory may be again renew'd here to disturb this Nations Peace And if this should happen we must implore the Whigs not to forget their old Principles and antient Maxims The Tories by taking Arms to defend their Civil Rights and by joining to Depose that Prince by whom those Rights were violated have in the most Public Manner in the World renounced their Doctrine of Jus Divinum Passive Obedience and Non-Resistance But if the Whigs should hereafter take their Stations if they should go upon that Ground which the Tories have quitted if they should enter upon just such Measures if they should pursue the same Councils if they should suffer themselves to be imbid'd with Tory Notions our Constitution must be intirely lost For they may undermine it without Suspition who will be Jealous of those who have been Preaching up Liberty and accusing Arbitrary Ministers for thirty Years who will suspect such profest Patriots They may change the Form of our Government and have the People of their side who can have no Jealousy of them for the Whigs are the Favourites of the People as having so often preserv'd England No Person could be Popular enough in Rome to think of Subverting its Constitution in the Purity of the Commonwealth but Manlius who had sav'd the Capitol It will hardly be surmis'd that they can mean to inslave us who by their Speeches Actions and Writings for many Years seemed rather inclin'd to a Republic than to Despotick Government But if they should come to change their Minds if They should throw off their former Principles we shall be undone by the very Men whom we thought our surest Friends If old Whigs should hunt after Places as much as ever the Tories did and if like them upon Preferment they should become quite new Men in Voting Thinking and Speaking in a Moment making a sudden Turn from the whole Course of their former Lives If old Whigs as the Tories did should ever take Bribes and Pensions to betray their Trust If they should do any thing to break into the Habeas Corpus Act which is the Chief Guardian of our Liberberties If they should oppose any good Act for the frequent sitting of Parliaments which want in the Constitution produc'd all our former Miseries If they should openly oppose any reasonable Provision for Tyrals in Treason the want of which has lost many a Noble Life and for which heretofore they had so loudly called If as the Tories did they should send their Emissaries about to influence or corrupt Elections If old Whigs to whom Meum and Tuum was once so sacred should come to ruin a Society of Trading Men and at one blow destroy many hundred Families but God forbid English-men should ever have such a Thought If old Whigs shall perswade any Future Prince to Closet Members as was done in the preceeding Reigns If by their Power they should get Men turn'd out of Employment for pursuing the Dictates of their Conscience and Understanding If like the Ministers heretofore complain'd of They should have a Band of Pensioners ready to give up any Right to grant any Summ and to excuse nay even to vote thair Pay-master Thanks for any Male Administration If the Old Whigs should restore to Men the same dishonest Interest they had heretofore If they should consume us in their Ministerial and sell us in their Legislative Capacity If they should desire to have things governed rather by Tricks and little Arts than according to the Direction of the Laws or the Bent of the People If they who upon the Virtuous Principle of keeping England a free Country in former times oppos'd all Excises should be brought to create so many new Offices and Officers as may influence Elections round the Kingdom If
they who heretofore thought the best way to preserve their Civil Rights was to keep the Purse and to have always something to give should be for settling such an immense Revenue on the Crown as may make Parliaments unnecessary If they who were so careful in King Charles's Reign not to burthen the Nation with Taxes should give away the Peoples Wealth as if England were a Mine of Treasure never to be exhausted If they who have ever asserted that all Rents and Payments to the Crown were the Kingdoms Revenues and not Alienable but by Authority of Parliament should in a short space of Time come to Alienate all the Crown Land and to leave the King hardly a Turf of Ground either in England or Ireland If they who formerly thought it sufficient Matter of Impeachment for a Lord Treasurer or any Other intrusted by the King to pass large Grants from the Crown to Themselves should give to their Creatures and share among one another in a few years of Crown Lands near to the Value of two Millions If the very Men who have Asserted and Claim'd it to be their true antient and indubitable Right and that it ought to be esteem'd allow'd adjudg'd and deemed That the Raising or keeping a Standing Army within the Kingdom in time of Peace unless it be with the Consent of Parliament is against Law If they who once believ'd this Eagle in the Air frighted all Motions towards Liberty If they who heretofore thought Armies in time of Peace and our Freedoms inconsistent If the same Men should throw off a Whig Principle so fundamental If they should become the open Advocates for standing Forces and even submit to Troops compos'd of Fâ—reigners If in this manner the Old Whigs whose Foresight and Courage has hitherto preserv'd England should quite change their Minds and go thus retrograde from all their former Speeches Actions and Councils If they should thus come to cloath themselves with the Foul Ridiculous and Detested Garments of the Tories and give into the worst of their Measures And if all that has been here discours'd should happen then would the Constitution of this Country be utterly subverted For Men finding themselves thus forsaken by the Antient Friends to Liberty would believe they were bought and sold They would imagine that there was no such thing as Virtue and Honesty remaining in the Kingdom They would think all Pretensions to the Public Good to be nothing but Designs of Ambitious Persons to lift themselves up to high Honours upon the Shoulders of the People And when Nations have before their Eyes an Arm'd Power to Fear and none in whom they can put any Trust they seldom fail of submitting to the Yoak Free States yield to Slavery when the Men best esteem'd and most in Vogue are generally thought to be corrupted This was the Condition of Rome under Augustus as Tacitus finely describes it Vbi Militem donis Populum Annona Cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit insurgere paullatim Munia Senatus Magistratuum legum in se trahere nullo adversante cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent Ceteri Nobilium quanto quis servitio promptior opibus ac Honoribus extollerentur ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta praesentia quam vetera ac periculosa mallent neque Provinciae illum Statum rerum abnuebant suspecto Senatus populique imperio ob certamina potentium avaritiam magistratuum invalido legum auxilio quae vi ambitu postremo pecunia turbabantur When the best and noblest Spirits were all extinct and when 't was seen that the Remainder were contented with Wealth Titles and Preferments the Price of their Submission the Romansthought it their safest Course to commit all to the Care and Wisdom of a Single Person In the same manner If in times to come it should happen that our Nobility and Gentry should be more sollicitous to get a small Employment than to keep a great Estate If the Persons of Note and Figure shou'd be sway'd by their private Interest without any Regard to the Public Good If it should be visible to the Counties and Burroughs that Men covet to be chosen not for their Country's Service but in order to serve themselves If it should grow apparent that neither Side is at bottom better principled than the Other that Court and Country Party Whigs and Church-men are nothing but the Factions of Those who Have and Those who desire Preferment If in this manner the whole Mass of Blood in the Body Politick should be corrupted the Nation will throw off that Reverence to Parliaments which has hitherto preserv'd our Liberties and like the Neighbouring Countries either terrify'd or allur'd they will by degrees submit to unlimited Monarchy And so we shall lose one of the best Constitutions that was ever set afoot for the well Governing a People Handling as we do the Methods whereby a Nation may Increase in Wealth and Power we thought it necessary to describe those Parties and Factions which probably hereafter may come to influence in its Councils And this has been done in order to incite Good Men to watch over their Growth and Progress and such Good Men chiefly as design to engage on neither Side but to bend all their Care that no Side may be able to hurt the Commonwealth And if it should be ask'd Why the Care of Liberty and preserving our Civil Rights should be so much recommended in a Paper relating to Trade We answer that herein we follow Machiavel who says That when a Free State degenerates into a Tyranny the least Mischief that it can expect is to make no farther Advancement in its Empire and no farther Increase either in Riches or Power but for the most part it goes backward and declines This deep Statesman has a saying in another Place well worthy of eternal Remembrance That the Prince who aims at Glory and Reputation in the World should desire a Government where the Manners of his Subjects are corrupted and depraved not to Subvert and destroy it like Caesar but to rectifie and restore it like Romulus than which the Heavens cannot confer nor Man propose to himself greater Honor. It may be objected that in France where all Thoughts of Liberty are extinguish'd Trade and Riches have of late Years very much increas'd But this admits of an easy Answer An absolute Prince with great Abilities and Virtues by Care and Wisdom may make his Country flourish for a time However if his Successors are weak or wicked all shall be soon unravell'd and go backward and Poverty shall soon invade the same People which before began to thrive for to make a Nation very Rich and Powerful there must be a long Succession of good Princes which seldom happens or a long Succession of good Laws and good Government which may be always had in Countreys that preserve their Freedom And without doubt 't is on this Accompt that Machiavel has asserted That no
Derelict Et primi Occupantis We do not observe it has been so order'd in that Kingdom that both the Body of the People and the Public too are Poor at one and the same Instant their Ministers have not suffer'd the Commonwealth to be consum'd by Usurious Contracts with the Common Lenders and by their Care and Wisdom they have obtain'd such Credit even under a Despotick Power that they have not been forc'd all along to pay above 7 per Cent. Interest for Money lent the King whereas 40 per Cent. has been paid for mighty Sums in one Free Government so that upon the whole Matter 't is evident enough that this Devouring Monster War is to be fed where the Men of Business are Honest Foreseeing and Frugal for the State Mix'd Governments among many other Excellencies have this Advantage that a good Administration may be obtain'd by any one part of the Constitution that will set it self strongly to so good a Work Kings can at all times set things right if the Business of their Wars do not compel 'em to be often Absent Either of the Houses when they have set themselves to inquire into and correct Disorders have been terrible to the most Bold Subtile and most Powerful Statesmen that ever went about to undo a People or to mislead a Prince If in any future Reign the Treasure of this Kingdom should be mis-manag'd and profusely wasted and if Debts hardly to be waded through should be contracted the Representatives of the People may by looking strictly into all these Matters perhaps immediately lessen the publick Engagements at least they may put some Stop to the farther Progress of the Mischief In such a Juncture good Men will think it their Duty to see whether this Debt is not to be lessen'd by reviewing former Accompts they will examine whether the Sums already granted were not sufficient to pay off all the Forces we have had at Land and Sea They will inquire from whence such a high Article of Arrears proceeds They will see how so many Fonds come to be Deficient and whether such Deficiencies have not been occasion'd by some ill Conduct in those who have manag'd the respective Branches They will inform themselves which way the many Millions are gone which the People have paid They will desire to know what Necessities could compel the Men of Business to give such large Premiums and high Interest and whether the Promoters of a Council so pernicious did not lend their own Money and whether they have not been Parties deeply concern'd themselves in all usurious Contracts They will inquire upon what Consideration and for what Services immoderate Grants of Lands and Money have been made and they will do it the more strictly if when such Grants were pass'd it should happen that the Nation was indebted and paid heavy Taxes The Representatives of the People can look into all these things and no Doubt it is a Duty which they owe their Countrey that has trusted 'em with so unlimited a disposal of their Fortunes To prevent Mismanagement in the Revenue of this Kingdom it seems necessary that a Law should be made to put the Lords of the Treasury under such an Oath as the Lord High Treasurer of England takes for it appears an Absurdity in our Government that the meanest Officer concern'd in the King's Revenue should be sworn to a true and faithful Discharge of his Trust and that the Treasury who are trusted with the whole whose Authority is so boundless and who have it so much in their Power to hurt the Nation should be under no Oath at all Some Objections there are against this but he who considers 'em well will find 'em of no weight and that those Necessities which have broken into and over-rul'd the Ancient Course of the Exchequer might have been avoided by Care and Conduct If in future Times England should have any Grounds to doubt that the Treasure of the Public has been Imbezzel'd if prodigious Fortunes rais'd in ten Years by obscure Men who have had no Dealings but with the Court should Minister Occasion of Suspition if Resumptions should be thought fit we mean in Cases where Persons of no Merit have been inrich'd with the Kingdom 's Spoils if it should be thought reasonable to see whether any thing is to be sav'd in an immense Debt out of the unwarrantable Gains which the Lenders have made if it should be judg'd expedient to inquire into any Male-Administration in those through whose Hands the Revenue passes if it should be deem'd necessary Thrift to look into all Pensions if it should be thought reasonable fairly and impartially to state the Accompt of so many Millions given and expended so great and difficult a Work as a Strict Inquiry into all these Matters will prove cannot be enter'd upon and brought to a good Conclusion but by the united Wisdom of the Nation No other Power can face that Strong League which will be made between Fellow Criminals to save one another Ordinary Remedies prevail but little against stubborn and inveterate Diseases If therefore our Affairs should be ever in disorder the Legislative Authority can bring the most effectual Helps to set us right And in such a Case peradventure it may be thought advisable to promote a Bill That such sort of Abuses as have been here described and all other Male-administration of the like kind may be inquir'd into by Committees of both Houses to sit in the Interval of Parliament with all requisite Powers without Salaries and to be chosen by Ballot And supposing past Errors to be too big for Correction yet so Awfull an Authority and the fear that it will from time to time be renew'd may for the future be some Check to the growing Corruptions of the Age. All the Premises consider'd we submit it to better Judgments whether it is not the Duty of such as represent their Country To look narrowly into the Income and Expence of the Kingdom and to examin which way immense Debts have been contracted and how that Money has been dispos'd of which the Nation has already granted Sixthly That They should hold a Strong Hand over the Men of Business calling those to an Account who either through Folly or upon some wicked Design pursue destructive Measures Helvidius Priscus after the Example of his Father-in-law Petus Thrasea in the Philosophy he made use of to fit himself for the Service of his Common-wealth follow'd the Opinion of the Stoick who plac'd all Good and Evil in Honesty or Dishonesty accounting the Gifts of Fortune such as high Birth Power and Wealth to be but things indifferent towards the constituting of Happiness which they define to be internal only in the Mind But tho' Aristides Socrates Phocion Publicola Cinciunatus Attilius Regulus and many others have been great Men under a constant and willing Poverty yet without doubt Nobility and Riches help good Spirits on of their way and set 'em forward He that is high