off so clearly with those evaâ—â—ns which he had put upon the Articles in charge against him or with those touches on the by which are given to the Defendant in the Doctors Answer supposing that the Paper exemplified in the Pamphlet never before publisht as the Authour tels us contain the substance and effect of that which he delivered to the King for his justification as indeed it doth not For the truth is that this Paper was digested by D. Prideaux as soon as he returned to Oxon coppied out and disperst abroad by some of his own party and perswasions to keep up the credit of the cause And though at first it carried the same Title which the Pamphlet gives it viz. The Answer of D. Prideaux to the Information given in against him by D. Heylin yet afterwards upon a melius inquirendum he was otherwise perswaded of it and commonly imputed it to one of Trinity Colledge whom he conceived to have no good affections to him And here I might conclude this point touching the traducing and disturbing of D. Prideaux did I not finde that by the unseasonable publishing of that Antiquated and forgotten Paper the Respondent had not been disturbed and traduced in a far courser manner then he was the Doctor had those passions and infirmities which are incident to other men of lesse ability and having twice before exposed the Respondent to some disadvantages in the point of same and reputation he was the more easily inclined to pursue his blow and render him obnoxious as much as possibly he could to the publike censure The story whereof I shall lay down upon this occasion and hope that I may safely do it without the imputation of affecting the fresh credit of coping with the deceased or purposing any wrong at all unto the reverend name and living fame of that Learned man Proximas egomâ—t sum mihiâ— as the Proverb hath it my own credit is more dear to me then another mans And where I may defend my self with truth and honesty I have no reason to betray both my name and fame by a guilty silence Know then that on tht 24. day of April Anno 1627. I answered in the Divinity Schools at Oxon upon these two Questions viz. An Ecclesia unquam fâ—erit invisibilis And 2. An Ecclesia possit errare Both which I determined in the Negative And in the stating of the first I fell upon a different way from that of D. Prideaux in his Lecture de visibilitate Ecclesiae and other Tractates of and about that time in which the visibility of the Protestant Church and consequently of the renowned Church of England was no otherwise proved then by looking for it into the scattered conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy the Waldenses in France the Wicklifists in England the Hâ—ssites in Bohemia which manner of proceeding not being liked by the Respondent as that which utterly discontinued that succession in the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy which the Church of England claimeth from the very Apostles he rather chose to look for a continual visible Church in Asia Aethiopia Greece Italy yea and Rome it self as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Popes thereof And for the proof whereof he shewed First That the Church of England received no succession of doctrine or government from any of the scattered Conventicles before remembred Secondly That the Wicklifsists together which the rest before remembred held many Heterodoxes in Religion as different from the established doctrine of the Church of England as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome And thirdly That the Learned Writers of that Church Bellarmine himself amongst them have stood up as cordially and stoutly in maintenance of some fundamental Points of the Christian Faith against the Socinians Anabaptists Anti-Trinitarians and other Hereticks of these last ages as any of the Divines and other learned men of the Protestant Churches Which point I closed with these words viz. Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino â—ic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis and this so much displeased the Doctor that as soon as the Respondent had ended his determination he fell most heavily upon him calling him by the odious names of Papicola Bellarminianus Pontificius and I wot not what and bitterly complaining to the younger part of his Audients to whom he made the greatest part of his addresses of the unprofitable pains he had took amongst them if Bellarmine whom he laboured to decry for so many years should now be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus The like he also did tantaene animis caelestibus irae at another time when the Respondent changed his Copy and acted the part of the Prior Opponent loding the poor young man with so many reproaches that he was branded for a Papist before he understood what Popery was And because this report should not get footing in the Court before him in his first Sermon preached before the King which was in November next following on the words Ioh 4. viz Our Fathers worshiped on this mountain he so declared himself against some errours and corruptions in the Church of Rome that he shewed him to be far enough from any inclinations to the Romish Religion as afterwards in the Year 1638. when that clamour was revived again he gave such satisfaction in his third and fourth Sermon upon the Parable of the Tares that some of the Court who before had been otherwise perswaded of him did not stick to say That he had done more towards the subversion of Popery in those two Sermons then D. Pâ—ideaux had done in all the Sermons which he had ever preached in his life But to proceed the Respondent leaving Oxon within few years after the heat of these reproaches began to cool 〈◊〉 he had reason to conceive that the Doctors 〈◊〉 might in so long a tract of time as from 1627. to 16 〈…〉 cooled also but it happened otherwise For the 〈…〉 being to answer for his degree of Doctor in the 〈…〉 insisted then on the Authority of the Church 〈…〉 he had done on the infallibilâ—ty and visibility of it His Questions these viz. An Eccleâ—ia habeat authoritatem in determinandis â—idei controversâ—â—s 2. Interpretandi Scripturas 3. Discernendi ritus ceremonias All which he held in the Affirmative according to the plain and positive doctrine of the Church of England in the 20. Article which runs thus interminis viz habet Ecclesiae ritas sive ceremonias statuendiâ—us in â—idei controversâ—â—s authoritatem c. but the Doctor was as little pleased with these Questions and the Respondent stating of them as he was with the former And therefore to create to the Respondent the greater odium he openly declared that the Respondent had falsified the publike Doctrine of the Church and charged the Article with that sentence viz. Habet Ecclesia ritus sive Ceremonias c. which
the conditions of those times did afford unto him he addeth that Fol. 129. We must attribute the main to Divine Providâ—â—ce blessing the Gospel A name too high to be bestowed upon the Fancies of a private Man many of whose Opinions were so far from truth so contrary to peace and civil Order so inconsistent with the Government of the Church of Christ as make them utterly unworthy to be look'd on as a part of the Gospel Or if the Doctrines of Wickliffe must be call'd the Gospel what shall become of the Religion then establisht in the Reâ—lâ— of England and in most other parts of the Western woâ—ld Were all but Wickliffes Followers relaps'd to 〈◊〉 were they turn'd Jews or had embrac'd 〈◊〉 of Mahomet If none of these and that they 〈…〉 in the faith of Christ delive ed to them in the Gospels of the four Evangelists and other Apostolical Writers Wickliffes new Doctrines could not challenge the name of Gospel nor ought it to be given to him by the pen of any But such is the humor of some men as to call every separation from the Church of Rome by the name of Gospel the greater the separation is the more pure the Gospel No name but that of Evangelici would content the Germans when they first separated from that Church and reformed their own and Harry Nichols when he separated from the German Churches and became the Father of the Familists bestows the name of Evangelium Regni on his Dreams and Dotages Gospels of this kinde we have had and may have too many quot Capita tot fides as many Gospels in a manner as Sects and Sectaries if this world go on Now as Wickliffes Doctrines are advanc'd to the name of Gospel so his Followers whatsoever they were must be called Gods servants the Bishops being said fol. 151. to be busie in persecuting Gods servants and for what crime soever they were brought to punishment it must be thought they suffered only for the Gospel and the service of God A pregnant evidence whereof we have in the story of Sir Iohn Oldcastle accused in the time of King Harry the fifth for a Design to kill the King and his Brethren actually in Arms against that King in the heâ—â— of 20000 men attainted for the same in open Parliament and condemn'd to die and executed in St. Giles his Fields accordingly as both Sir Roger Acton his principal Counsellor and 37 of his Accomplices had been before For this we have not only the Authority of our common Chronicles Walsingham Stow and many others but the Records of the Tower and Acts of Parliament as is confessed by our Author fol. 168. Yet coming out of Wickliffes Schools and the chief Scholar questionless which was train'd up in them he must be Registred for a Martyr in Fox his Calender And though our Author dares not quit him as he says himself yet such is his tenderness and respect to Wickliffes Gospel that he is loath to load his Memory with causless Crimes fol. 167. taxeth the Clergie of that time for their hatred to him discrediteth the relation of T. Walsingham and all later Authors who are affirm'd to follow him as the Flock their Belweather and finally leaves it as a special verdict to the last day of the Revelation of the righteous Iudgements of God From the Scholar pass we to the Master of whom it is reported in a late Popish Pamphlet that he made a recantation of his Errors and liv'd and dyed confoâ—mable to the Church of Rome This I behold as a notorious falshood an imposture of the Romish party though the argument used by our Authoâ— be not of strength sufficient to inforce me to it If saith he Wickliffe was sufficiently reconcil'd to the Roman faith why was not Rome sufficiently reconciled to him Vsing such cruelty to him many years after his death fol. 171. But this say I is no reason of no force at all Wickliffe might possibly be reconcil'd to the Church of Rome and yet the Minâ—sters of that Church to strike a terror into others might execute that vengeance on him after his decease which they had neither power nor opportunity to do when he was alive Quam vivo iracundiam debuerant in corpus mortâ—i contulerunt And hereof we have a fair example in Marcus Antonius de Dominis Archbishop of Spalato who coming into England 1616. did manifestly oppose the Doctrines of the Church of Rome in some learned Volumes But being cunningly wrought on by some Emâ—ssaries of the Romish party in the year 1622. he went baâ—k to Rome was reconcil'd to that Church and writ the e most reproachfully of the Church of England which notwithstanding he was kept prisoner all the rest of his life and his body burnt to ashes after his decease So then it is no such new matter for a dissenting Christian such as Wickliffe and de Dominis were though branded by the nâ—me of Hereticks to be admitted to a reconciliation with the Church of Rome and yet that Church to carry a revengeful minde towards them when occasion serves And all this while we have expected that our Author would have given us a brief summary of Wickliffes Doctrines that by seeing the Piety and Orthodoxie of his Opinions we might have thought more reverently both of him and his Followers But therein our expectation must remain unsatisfied our Author thinking it more agreeable to his Design to hold the Reader in suspense and conceal this from him dealing herein as the old Germans did with those of other Nations who came to wait upon Valeda a great Queen amongst them not suffering any to have a sight of her to keep them in a greater admiration of her parts and Person Arcebantur aspectu quò plus venerationis inesset as it is in Tacitus The wheat of Wickliffe was so soul so full of chaffe and intermingled with so many and such dangerous Tares that to expose it to the view were to mar the market And therefore our Author having formerly honored his Opinions by the name of Gospel and his followers with the Title of Gods servants as before was noted had reason not to shew them all at once in a lump together that we might think them better and more Orthodox then indeed they were But the best is to save us the trouble of consulting Harpsfield and others who have written of them our Author hath given them us at last on another occasion Lib. 5. fol. 208. many of which the Reader may peruse in these Ammadversions Numb 113. Thus having laid together so much of this present Book as relates to Wickliffe and his followers I must behold the rest in fragments as they lye before me Fol. 152. He lies buried in the South Isle of St. Peters Westminster and since hath got the company of Spencer and Drayton Not Draytons company I am sure whose body was not buryed in the South-Isle of that Church but under the North wall
read and compared with the Statute he had not needed to have made this Qâ—ere about the true intent and meaning of the Kings Injunction Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others assembled by the King at his Castle at Windfor and when by them compleated set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give Authority thereunto being also recommended unto every Bishop by especiall Letters from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should dâ—prave or neglect the use thereof Our Author here mistakes himself and confounds the business making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and a particular form of Administration For the better understanding whereof he may please to know that in the first Parliament of this King there past a Statute Entituled An Act against such as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar and for the receipt thereof in both kindes Upon the coming out whereof the King being no lesse desirous as Fox relates it to have the form of Administration of the Sacrament reduced to the right Rule of the Scriptures and first use of the Primitive Church then he was to establish the same by Authority of his own Regal Lawes appointed certâ—in of the most grave and learned Bishop and others of his Realm to assemble together at his Castle of Windsor there to argue and intreat of this matter and conclude upon and set forth one perfect and uniform Order accoâ—ding to the Rule and use aforesaid which Book was printed and set out March 8. 1548. which is 1547. according to the accompt of the Church of England with a Proclamation of the Kings befoâ—e as by the Book it self appeaâ—â—â— But this Book thus set out and publisht contained nothing but a Form and Order of Adminisâ—ing the Holy Communion under both kinds in pursuâ—nce of the Statute before mentioned and served but as a preamble to the following Liturgy a Bâ—eâ— fast as it were to the Feast insuing The Liturgy came not out till near two years after confirmed in Parliament Anno 2. 3. Edw. 6. cap. 1. and in that Parliament cryed up as made by the immediate aide and inspiration of the holy Ghost Which notwithâ—â—anding some exceptions being taken at it as our Author notes by Calvin abâ—oâ—d and some Zealots at home the Book was brought under a Review much altered in all the parts and offiâ—es of it but whethâ—r â—nto the better or unto the worse let some others judge Fol. 404. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field to shift for himself Indeed he had higher things in his head then to attend such trifles A man may easily discern a Cat by her claw and we may finde as easily by the scratches of our Authoâ—s pen to what party in the Church he stands most inclined He had before declared for the Dominicans and Rigid Calvinists in some points of Doctâ—ine and now declares himself for the Non-Conformists in point of Ceremony He had not else called the Episcopal Ornaments particularly the Rochet Chimere and Square-cap by the name of trifles such trifles as were not worth the contending for if Resâ—lute Ridley had been pleased to dispense therein The truth is that Hoopers opposition in this particulaâ— gave the first ground to those Combustions in the Church which after followed Calvin extremely stickling for him and writing to his party here to assist him in it And this I take to be the reason why our Author is so favourable in his censure of him fol. 402. and puts such Answers in the mouthes of the Non-Conformist fol. 404. as I can hardly think were so well hammered and accommodated in those early dayes Such as seem rather fitted for the temper and acumen of the present times after a long debating of all particulars and a strict search into all the niceties of the Controversie then to the first beginnings and unpremeditated Agitatious of a new-born Quarrel Fol. 406. Yet this work met afterwards with some Frowns even in the faces of great Clergy-men c. because they concoived these singing Psalms erected in Corrivality and opposition to the reading Psalms which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches And thoâ—e great Church-men â—ad good reâ—son for what they did wisely foreseeing that the singing of those Psalms so translated in Rythme and Meeter would work some alteration in the executing of the publique Liturgy For though it be exprest in the Title of those singing Psalms that they were set forth and allowed to be sung in all Churches before and after morning and eveniâ—g Prayer and also before and after Sermons yet this allowance seems rather to have been a Connivence then an approbation no such allowance being â—ny wheâ—e found by such as have been most industrious and concerned in the search thereof Secondly whereas â—t was intended that the said Psalms should be only 〈◊〉 before and after morning and evening Prayer and also before and after Sermons which shews they were not to be intermingled in the publique Liturgy in very little time they pâ—evailed so far in most Parish Churches as to thrust the Te Deum the Benedictus the Magnificat and the Nunc dimittis quite out of the Church And thirdly by the practices and endevours of the Puritan party they came to be esteemed the most divine part of Gods publique service the reading Psalms together with the first and second Lessons being heard in many places with a covered head but all men â—itting bare-headed when the Psalm is sung And to that end the Parish Clerk must be taught when he names the Psalm to call upon the people to sing it to the praise and glory of God no such preparatory Exhortation being used at the naming of the Chapters of the dayly Psalms But whereas our Author seems to intimate that the Reading Psalms were formerly sung only in Cathâ—dral Churches he is exceedingly mistaken both in the Rubriâ—ks of the Church and the practice too the Rubricks lâ—â—ving them indifferently to be said or sung according as the Congregation was fitted for it the practice in some Parish Churches within the time of my memory being for it also And this our Author as I think cannot chuse but know if he be but as well studied in the Rules of the Church as in some Popish Legends and old ends of Poetry Fol. 407. Let Adonijah and this Lords example deterr Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns lest in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction I see little reason for this Rule lesse for his examples For first Abishag the Shunamite whom Adonijah desâ—red to have to wife was â—ever marryed unto David and therefore cannot properly be called his Widow And secondly Queen
Katheriâ—e Parr the Widow of King Henry the eighth and wife unto Sir Thomas Seimor the Lord here mentioned is generally charactered for a Lady of so meek a nature as not to contribute any thing towards his destruction Had the Dutchesse of Somerset been lesse impetious then she was or possest but of one half of that aequanimity which carryed Queen Katherine off in all times of her troubles this Lord might have lived happily in the armes of his Lady and gone in peace unto the grave We finde the like match to have been made between another Katherine the Widow of another Henry and Owen Tudor a private Gentleman of Wales prosperous and comfortable to them both though Owen was inferior to Sir Thomas Seimor both in Birth and Quality and Katherine of Valois Daughter to Charles the sixth of France far more superiour in her bloud to Queen Katherine Parr The like may be said also of the marriage of Adeliza Daughter of Geofry Earl of Lâ—vain and Duke of Brabant and Widow to King Henry the first marryed to William de Albeney a noble Gentleman to whom she brought the Castle and Honour of Arundel conâ—erred upon her by the King her former Husband continuing in the possession of their posterity though in severall Families to this very day derived by the Heirs general from this House of Albeney to that of the Fitz-â—lans and from them to the Howards the now Earls thereof Many more examples of which kinde foâ—tunate and succesful to each party might be easily â—ound were it worth the while Fol. 421. This barren Convocation is entituled the Parent of those Articles of Religion forty two in number which are printed with this Preface Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi c. Our Author here is guilty of a greater crime then that of Scandalum Magnatum making King Edward the sixth of pious memory no better then an impious and leud Impostor For if the Convocation of this year were barren as he saith it was it could neither be the Parent of those Articles nor of the short Catechisme which was Printed with them countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents preâ—ixt before it For First the Title to the Articles runneth thus at large viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi Anno 1552 inter Episcopos alios eruditos viros convenerat ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum Regia Authoritate in lucem editi Which title none durst have adventured to set before them had they not really been the products of that Convocation Secondly the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergy but that he might trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion which is the only Argument our Author bringeth against those Articles This Convocation being holden in the sixth year of his Reign when most of the Episcopal Sees and Parochial Churches were filled with men agâ—eeâ—ble to his desiâ—es and generally conformâ—ble to the form of worship theâ— by Law established Thiâ—dly the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth retained these Articles and no otheâ— as the publick tendries of the Church in poinâ—s of Doctrine which ceâ—tainly she had not done had they been reâ—ommended to her by a lesse Authoâ—ity then a Convocation Fourthly and lasâ—ly we have the testimony of our Author against himself who telling us of the Catechisme above mentioned that it was of the sanâ—e extraction with the Book of Articles addes afteâ—wards that being first composed by a single person it was perusâ—d and allowed by the Bishops and other learned men understand it the Convocation and by Royall Authority commended to all Subjecâ— and câ—mmanâ—ed to all School-masters to teach it their Scholars So that this Catechism being allowed by the Bishops and other learned men in the Convocation and the Articles being said to be of the same extraction it must needs follow thereupon that these Articles had no other Parent then this Convocation The truth is that the Records of Convocation during this Kings whole Reign and the first years of Queen Mary are very imperfect and defective most of them lost and amongst others those of this present year and yet one might conclude as strongly that my Mother died childless because my Christning is not to be found in the Parish Register as that the Convocation of this year was barren because the Acts and Articles of it are not entred in the Journal Book The Eighth Book OR The Reign of Queen MARY WE next proceed unto the short but troublesome Reign of Queen Mary in which the first thing 〈◊〉 occurs is â—ol 1. But the Commons of England who for many yeâ—â—s together had conn'd Loyalty by-heart out of the Staâ—â—â—e of the succession were so perfect in their Lesson that they would not be put out of it by this new started design In which I am to note these things first that he makes the Loyalty of the Commons of England not to depend upon the primogeniture of their Princes but on the Statute of Succession and then the object of that Loyalty must not be the King but the Act of Parliament by which they were directed to the knowledge of the next successor and then it must needs be in the power of Parliaments to dispose of the Kingdom as they pleas'd the Peoples Loyalty being tyed to such dispositions Secondly that the Statutes of Succession had been so many and so contrary to one another that the common people could not readily tell which to trust to and for the last it related to the Kings last Will and Testament so lately made and known unto so few of the Commons that they had neither opportunity to see it nor time to con the same by heart Nor thirdly were the Commons so perfect in this lesson of Loyalty or had so fixt it in their hearts but that they were willing to forget it within little time and take out such new lessons of disobedience and disloyalty as Wiat and his Partizans did preach unto them And finally they had not so well conn'd this lesson of Loyalty in our Authors own judgement but that some strong pretender might have taught them a new Art of Oblivion it being no improbable thing as himself confesseth to have heard of a King Henry the ninth if Henry Fitz-Roy the Duke of Somerset and Richmond had liv'd so long as to the death of King Edward the sixth Fol. 11. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation In vain did he plead the priviledge of the place commonly reputed a part of Parliament I cannot finde that the Convocation at this time nor many years before this time was commonly reputed as a part of the Parliament That antiently it had been so I shall easily grant there being a clause in every letter of Summons by which the Bishops were required to attend in
England France and Ireland and proclaimed that day to be crowned consecrated and anointed unto whom he demanded whether they would obey and serve or not By whom it was again with a loud cry answered God save the King and ever live his Majesty The same we have in substance but in sewer words in the Coâ—onation of King Iames where it is said that The King was shewed to the people and that they were required to make acknowledgement of theâ—â— allâ—giance to his Majesty by the Archbishop which they did by acclamations Assuredly the difference is exceeding vaâ—t betwixt obeying and consenting betwixt the peoples acknowledging their allegiance and promising to obey and serve theiâ— lawful Soveraign and giving their consent to his Coronation as if it could not be peâ—formed without such consent Nor had the late Archbishop been repâ—oacht so generally by the common people and that reproach publisht in several Pamphleâ—s for altering the Kings Oath at his Coronation to the infringing of the Libeâ—â—ies and diminution of the Rights of the English Subjecâ—s had he done them such a notable pieâ—e of service as freeing them from all promises to obey and â—erve and making the Kings Coronation to depend on their consent For Bishop Laud being one of that Committee which was appointed by the King to review the form and oâ—der of the Coronation to the end it might be fitted to some Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England which had not been observ'd befoâ—e must bear the greatest blame in this alteration if any such alteration had been made as our Author speaks of because he was the principal man whom the King reâ—â—ed on in that business But our Author tels us in his Preface that this last Book with divers of the rest were written by him when the Monarchy was turn'd into a State and I dare believe him He had not elâ—e so punctually conform'd his language to the new State-doctrine by which the mâ—king and conâ—equently the unmaking of Kings is wholly veâ—ted in â—he people according to that Maxim of Buchannan â—opulo jus est imperium cui velit deferat then which â—here is not a more pestilent and seditious passage â—n his whole Book De jure Regni apud Scotos though â—here be nothing else but Treason and Sedition â—n it Fol. 123. Then as many Earls and Barons as could â—onveniently stand about the Throne did lay their hands â—n the Crown on his Majesties head protesting to spend their blouds to maintain it to him and his lawful Heâ—rs A promise faithfully performed by many of them some losing their lives for him in the open field others exhausting their Estates in defence of his many more venturing their whole fortunes by adhering to him to a conâ—â—scation a Catalogue of which laâ—t we may finde subscribed to a Letter sent from the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled in Oxford to those at Westminster Anno 1643. And by that Catalogue we may also see what and who they were who so ignobly brake faith with him all those whose names we finde not in that sâ—bscription or presently superadded to it being to be reckoned amongst those who in stead of spending their bloud to maintain the Crown to him and to his lawful successors concurred with them either in opere or in 〈◊〉 who despoiled him of it And to say truth they were rewarded as they had deserved the first thing which was done by the House of Commons after the King by their means had been brought to the fatal Block being to tuâ—ne them out of power to dissolve their House and annul their priviledges reducing them to the same condition with the reâ—t of the Subjects Fol. 127. And it had not been amiss if such who would be accounted his friends and admirers had followed him in the footsteps of his Moderation content with the enjoying without the enjoyning their private practises and opinions 〈◊〉 others This comes in as an inference only on a formeâ— passage in which it is said of Bishop Andrews that in Whâ—â— place soever he came he never pressed any other Ceremonieâ— upon them then such as he found to be used there before 〈◊〉 coming though otherwise condemned by some â—omany superstitious Ceremonies and superâ—luous Ornaments in his private Chappel How true this is I am not able to affiâ—m lesse able if it should be true to commend it in him It is not certainly the office of a carefull Bishop only to leave things as he found them but to reduce them if amiss to those Rules and Canons from which by the forwardness of some to innovate and the connivence of others at the innovations they had been suffered to decline And for the inference it self it is intended chiefly for the late Arch-bishop of Canterbury against whom he had a fling before in the fourth Book of this History not noted there because reserved to another place of which more hereafter Condemned here for his want of moderation in enjoyning his private practises and opinions on other men But 〈◊〉 our Author had done well to have spared the man who hath already reckoned for all his errors both with God and the world And secondly it had been betteâ— if he had told us what those private practises and opinions were which the Archbishop with such want of moderation did enjoyne on others For it is possible enough that the opinions which he speaks of might be the publick Doctrines of the Church of England maintained by him in opposition to those private opinions which the Calvinian pâ—rty had intended to obtrude upon her A thing complained of by Spalato who well observed that many of the opinions both of Luther and Calvin were received amongst us as part of the Doctrine and Confession of the Church of England which â—therwise he acknowleâ—ged to be capable of an Oxthoâ—x sense Praeter Anglicanam Confessionem â—uam mihi ut modestam praedicabant multa 〈◊〉 Lutheri Calvini dogmata obtinuisse â—he there objects And it is possible enough â—â—at the practises which he speaks of were not private either but a reviver of those ancient and publick â—ages which the Canons of the Church enjoyned â—nd by the remisness of the late Government had been â—iscontinued He that reads the Gag and the Appello â—aesarem of Bishop Montague cannot but see that those â—â—inions which our Author condemned for private were â—he true Doctrine of this Church professed and held forth â—n the Book of Articles the Homilies and the Common-Prayer-Book But for a justification of the Praâ—â—ises the private practises he speaks of I shall direct â—im to an Author of more credit with him Which â—â—thor first tels us of the Bishops generally That being of late years either careless or indulgent they had not required within their Dioceses that strict obedience to Ecclesiastical Constitutions which the Law expected upon which the Liturgy began totally to be laid aside and in conformity the uniform practise of â—he Church He
be true or false I am not able to sâ—y but being generally believ'd I have set it down also Bâ—t my other story is more serious intended for the satisfaction of our Author and the Reader both It was in Nobember Anno 1639. that I receiv'd a message from the Lord Archbishop to attend him the next day at two of the clock in the afternoon The Key being tuâ—n'd which opened the way into his Study I found him sitting in a chair holding a paper in both hands and his eyes so fixt upon that paper that he observ'd me not at my coming in Finding him in that posture I thought it fit and manners to retire again But the noise I made by my retreat bringing him back unto himself he recall'd me again and told me after some short pawse that he well remembred that he had sent for me but could not tell for his life what it was about After which he was pleas'd to say noâ— without tears standing in his eyes that he had then newly receiv'd a letter acquainting him with a Revolt of a Person of some Quality in North-Wales to the Church of Rome that he knew that the increase of Popery by such frequent Revolâ—s would be imputed unto him and his Brethren the Bishops who were all leâ—st guilty of the same that for his part he had done his utmost so far forth as it might consist with the Rules of Prudence and the Pâ—eservation of the Church to suppress that party and to bring the chief sticklers in it to condign punishment to the truth whereof lifting up his wet eyes to Heaven he took God to witness conjuring me as I would answer it to God at the day of Judgement that if ever I came to any of those places which he and his Brethren by reason of their great age were not like to hold long I would imploy all such abilities as God had given me in suppressing that party who by their open undeâ—takings and secret practices were like to be the ruinâ— of this flourishing Church After some words of mine upon that occasion I found some argument to divert him from those sad remembrances and having brought him to some reasonable composedness I took leave for the present and some two or three dayes after waiting on him again he then told me the reason of his sending for me the time before And this I deliver for a truth on the faith of a Christian which I hope will over-ballance any Evidence which hath been brought to prove such Popish inclinations as he stands generally charg'd with in our Authors History Fol. 217. However most apparent it is by many passages in his life that he endeavoured to take up many controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome And this indeed is Novum Crimen that is to say a crime of a new stamp never coyn'd before I thought that when our Saviour said Beati Pacifici it had been sufficient warâ—ant unto any man to endevour Peace to build up the breacheâ— in the Church and to make Ierusalem like a City which is at Vnity in it self especially where it may be done not only salva charitare without breach of charity but salvâ fide too without wrong to the faith The greatest part of the Controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome not being in the Fundamentals oâ— in any Essential Points in the Christian Religion I cannot otherwise look upon it but as a most Christian pious work to endeavour an atonement in the Sâ—perstructures But hereof our Author seems to doubt first whether 〈◊〉 endeavours to agree and compose the differences be lawâ—ul or not and secondly whether they be possible As for the lawfulness thereof I could never see any reason produc'd against it nor so much as any question made of it till I found it here against the possibility thereof it hath been objected that such and so great is the pride of the Church of Rome that they will condescend to nothing And therefore if any such composition or agreement be made it must not be by their meeting us but our going to them But as our Author sayes that many of the Archbishops equals adjudg'd that design of his to be impossible so I may say without making any such odious Comparisons that many of our Authors betters have thought otherwise of it It was the petulancy of the Puritans on the one side and the pragmaticalness of the Iesuits on the other side which made the breach wider then it was at the first and had those hot spirits on both sides been charm'd a while moderate men might possibly have agreed on such equal terms as would have said a sure Foundation for the Peace of Christendom Now that all those in the Church of Rome are not so stiffly wedded to their own opinions as our Author makes them appears first by the testimony of the Archbishop of Spalato declaring in the High Commission a little before his going hence that he acknowledged the Articles of this Church to be true or profitable at the least and none of them Heretical It appears secondly by a Tractate of Franciscus de Sancta Clara as he calls himself in which he putteth such a gloss upon the nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England as rendreth them not inconsistent with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome And if without prejudice to the truth the Controversies might have been compos'd it is most probable that other Protestant Churches would have sued by their Agents to be included in the Peace if not the Church of England had lost nothing by it as being hated by the Calvinists and not lov'd by the Lutherans But our Author will not here desist so soon hath he forgotten his own rule made in the case of Mr. Love and therefore mustereth up his faults viz. 1. Passion though an human frailty 2. His severity to his predecessor easing him before his time and against his will of his Iurisdiction 3. His over-medling in State-matters 4. His imposing of the Scottish Liturgy Of all which we have spoke so much upon other occasions that is to say num 246. 251. 289. 259. and therefore do not count it necessary to adde any thing here And so I leave him to his rest in the Bosom of Abraham in the land of thâ— Living From the Archbishop of Canterbury I should proceed to Dr. Williams Archbishop of York but that I must first remove a Block which lies in my way Our Author having told us of the making and printing the Directory is not content to let us see the cold entertainment which it found when it came abroad but letâ— us see it in such terms as we did not look for Fol. 222. Such saith he was call it constancy or obstinacy love or doating of the generality of the Nation on the Common Prayer that the Parliament found it fit yea necessary to back their former Ordinance with a second Assuredly the generality of the people of
Design 'T is 〈◊〉 the stomack of the Scots were sharp set still crying Give give but never satisfied King Iames as bounâ—â—ful and open handed towards them as they could desire But neitheâ— were they to impudent as to crave nor the King to impotent as to give a whole Bishopâ—ick 〈◊〉 onâ—e especially so rich a Bishoprick as this of Durham But the truth is that George Hume Earl of Dunbar Lord Treasurer of Scotland and highly favour'd by the King having procur'd a grant of all the batable grounds as they then called them upon the Borders of both Kingdoms began to cast his eye upon Norham-Castle and the Lands about it belonging to the See of Durham conceiving it a fit place to command the rest But being a well principled man and a great Minister of that Kings in restoring the Episcopal Government to the Church of Scotland he acquainted Bishop Bancroft with his desires who knowing what great use might be made of him for the good of this Church and being sure enough of the consent of Dr. Matthews then Bishop of Durham he thus ordered the business Whereas the Revenue of Norham-Castle and the lands adjoyning were valued at one hundred twenty pounds per annum in the Bishops Rental it was agreed that the Earl should procure of the King an abatement of sixscore pounds yearly out of the annual pension of a thousand pound which had been said upon that Bishoprick by Queen Elizabeth as before is said Secondly that he should obtain from the King for the said Dr. Matthews and his Successors a restitution of his House in the Strand called Durham-House with the Gardens Stables and Tenements thereto appertaining which had been alienated from that Bishoprick ever since the dissolving of it by King Edward the sixth Thirdly that in consideration hereof Bishop Matthews should make a grant of Norham-Castle and the Countrey adjoyning in Feefarm to the King by him immediately to be convey'd to the Earl of Dunbar And fourthly that his own 〈◊〉 being thus serv'd the said Earl should joyn with Bishop Bancroft and his friends for obtaining from the King an Act of Parliament whereby both he and his successors should be made uncapable of any the like Grants and Alienations for the time to come which as it was the 〈◊〉 Markeâ— that ever Toby Matthews was at so was it the best bargain which was ever driven for the Church of England so â—ar from swallowing up that Bishoprick that it was the only means to save that and preserve the rest And yet perhaps the credible information which our Author speaks of might not relate unto the Bisâ—oprick but the Deaâ—ry of Durham bestowed by that King being then not well studied in the Composition of the Church of England on Sir Adam Newton a Courtier prevalent enough as having been Tutor to Prince Henry the Kings eldest Son And possible it is that the Scots might have kept it in their hands from one generation to another if Dr. Hunt not otherwise to be remembred had not bought him out of it and put himself into the place Fol. 59. And as about this time some perchance overvaluâ—d the Geneva Notes out of that especial love they bare to the Authors and place whence it proceeded so on the other side some without cause did slight or rather without charity did slander the same â— I trow our Author will not take upon him to condemn all those who approve not of the Genevian Notes upon the Bible or to appear an Advocate for them though he tells us not many lines before that they were printed thirty times over with the general liking of the people I hope he will not do the first for King Iames his sake who in the Conference at Hampton-Court did first declare that of all the Translations of the Bible into the English Tongue that of Geneva was the worst and secondly that the Notes upon it were partial untrue seditious and savouring too much of dangerous and traiterous conceits For pâ—oof whereof his Majesty instanced in two places the one on Exod. 1. vers 19. where disobedience to Kings is allowed of the other in â— Chron. 8. 15 16. where Asa is taxed for deposing his Mothâ—r only and not killing her A Note wheâ—eof the Scottish Presbyterians made special use not only deposing Mary their lawful Queen from the Regal Thâ—one but prosecuting â—er openly and under hand till they had took away her life These instances our Author in his Summary of that Conference hath passed over in silence as loath to have such blemishes appear in the Genevians or their Annotations And I hope also that he will not advocate for the rest For let him tell me what he thinks of that on the second of St. Matthews Gospel v. 12. viz Promise ought not to be kept where Gods honour and preaching of his truth is hindered or else it ought not to be broken What a wide gap think we doth this open to the breach of all Promises Oaths Covenants Contracts and Agreements not only betwixt man and man but between Kings and their Subjects Whâ—t Rebel ever took up Arms without some pretences of that nature What Tumults and Rebellions have been rais'd in all parts of Christendom in England Scotland Ireland France the Netherlands Germany and indeed where not under colour that Gods honour and the preaching of the truth is hindered If this once pass for good sound Doctrine neither the King nor any of his good Subjects in what Realm â—oever can live in safety Gods Honour and the preaching 〈◊〉 his Truth are two such pretences as will make void all Laws elude all Oathes and thrust our all Covenants and Agreements be they what they will Neâ—â— I would have our Author tell me what he thinks of this Note on the ninth of the Revelation ver 3. where the 〈◊〉 which came out of the smoak are said to be 〈◊〉 teachers Hereticks and worldly subtil â—relates with 〈◊〉 Fâ—iers Cardinals Patriarchs Archbishops Bishops 〈◊〉 Batchelors and Masters Does not this note 〈◊〉 fasten the name of Locusts on all the Cleâ—â—y of 〈◊〉 Realm that is to say Archbishops Bishops and all 〈◊〉 as are graduated in the University by the name of Doctors Batchelors and Masters And doth it not as plainly yoak them with Fâ—iers Monkâ— and Cardinals pâ—incipal instruments in all times to advance the Popecom I know the words which follow after are alleadged by some to take off the envy of this Note viz. who forsake Christ to maintain false doctrines But the enumeration of so many particulars makes not the Note the lets invidious the said explication notwithstanding because the Note had been as perfect and significant had it gone thus in generals only that is to say by Locusts here are meant false Teachers Hereticks and other worldly subtil men that seduced the people perswading them to foâ—sake Christ to maintain false Doctrine But the Genevians who account Archbishops and Bishops to be limbs of the Pope
in this caâ—e came before by whose continual importunity and 〈◊〉 the breach of the Treaties followed after The King lov'd peace â—oo well to lay aside the Treaties and engage in War before he was desperate of success any other way then by that of the Sword and was assur'd both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it And therefore ouâ— Author should have said that the King not only called together his great Councel but broke off the Treaty and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron as neither doth consist with reason not the truth of story ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Eleventh Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of King Charles THis Book concludes our Authors History and my Animadverâ—â—ons And 〈◊〉 the end be 〈◊〉 unto the beginning it is like to 〈…〉 enough our Author stumbling at the Threshold 〈◊〉 â—moâ—gst superstitious people hath been 〈…〉 presage Having placed King Charles upon 〈…〉 he goes on to tell us that Fol. 117. On the fourtâ—enth 〈…〉 James his Funerals were 〈…〉 Collegiat Church at 〈…〉 but the fourth saith the 〈…〉 Reign of King Charls and 〈…〉 was on the 〈…〉 â—â—venth of May on which those solemn Obsequies were 〈…〉 Westminster Of which if he will not take my word seâ— him consult the Pamphleâ— called the 〈…〉 â—ol 6. and he shall be satisfied Our 〈…〉 muâ—â— keep time better or else we shall neveâ— know how the day goes with him Fol. 119. As for Dr. Preâ—â—on c. His party would 〈◊〉 us that he might have chose his own Mitre And 〈…〉 his party would perswade us That he had not only large parts of suâ—â—icient receipt to manage the broad 〈…〉 but that the Seal was proffered to him fol. 131. But we are not bound to believe all which is said by that party who look'd vpon the man with such a reverence as came near Idolaâ—â—y His Principles and engagements were too well known by those which governed Affairs to ventâ—â—e him â—nto any such great trust in Church or State and his activity so suspected that he would not have been long suffered to continue Preacher at Lincolns Inn. As for his intimacy with the Duke too violent to be long lasting it proceeded not from any good â—pinion which the Duke had of him but that he found how instrumental he might be to manage that prevailâ—â—g party to the Kings advantage But when it was 〈◊〉 that he had more of the Serpent in him then of the 〈◊〉 and that he was not tractable in steering the 〈◊〉 of his own Party by the Court Compass he was discountenanc'd and â—aid by as not worth the keeping He seemed the Court Mâ—reor for a while 〈◊〉 to a sâ—dden height of expectation and having 〈◊〉 and blaz'd a 〈◊〉 went out again and was as suddâ—â—nly â—oâ—gotten â—ol 119. Next day the King coming from Canterbury 〈…〉 with all solemnity she was 〈…〉 in London where a Chappel 〈…〉 her Devâ—tionâ— with a Covent 〈…〉 to the Articles of her 〈…〉 how â—ame he to be suffered to be present at 〈◊〉 in the capacity of Lord Keeper For that he did so is affirmed by our Author saying That the King took a Sâ—role of Parchment out of his bosom and gave it to the Lâ—rd 〈…〉 who read it to the Commons four sevâ—raâ— times East-West North and South fol. 123. Thirdly the Lord Keeper who read that Scrole was not the 〈◊〉 Keeper Williams but the Lord Keeper Coventry 〈◊〉 Seal being taken from the Bishop of Lincoln and 〈◊〉 to the custoâ—y of Sir Thomas Coventry in October before And therefore fourthly our Author is much ouâ— in placing both the Coronation and the following Parliament befoâ—e the change of the Lord Keeper and sending Sir Iohn Suckling to feâ—ch that Seal at the end of a Parliâ—ment in the Spring which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas Term. But as our Author was willing to keep the Bishop of Lincoln in the Deaâ—â—y of Westminster for no less then five or six years after it was confer'd on another so is he as desirous to continue him Lord Keeper for as many months after the Seal had been entrusted to another hand Fol. 122. The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshal of 〈◊〉 and the Duke of Buckingham as Lord High Constâ—ble of England for that day went before his Majesty in that great Solemnity In this passage and the next that follows ouâ— Author shews himself as bad an Herald in marshalling a Royal shew as in stating the true time of the câ—eation of a Noble Peer Here in this place he plaâ—eth the Earl Marshal before the Constable whereas by the 〈◊〉 31 H. 8. c. 10. the Constable is to have 〈◊〉 before the Marshal Not want there Precedents to shew that the Lord High-Constable did many times direct his Mâ—ndats to the Earl Marshal as one of the Miniâ—â—ers of his Court willing and requiring him to perform such and such services as in the said Precepts were expâ—essed In the next place we are informed that Ibid. That the Kings Train being six yards long of Purple Velvet was held up by the Lord Compton and the Lord Viscount Dorcester That the Lord Compton was one of them which held up the Kings Train I shall easily grant he being then Master of the Robes and thereby châ—llenging a right to peâ—foâ—m this service But that the Lord Viscount Dorcester was the other of them I shall never grant there being no such Viscount at the time of the Coronation I cannot 〈◊〉 but that Sir Dâ—dley Carleton might be one of those which held up the Train though I am not sure of it But sure I am that Sir Dudley Carleton was not made Baron of Imber-Court till towards the latter end of the following Parliament of An. 1626 nor created Viscount Dorcester until some years after Fol. 122. The Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North South asking their mindes four several times if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful â—overaign This is a piece of new State-doctrine never known before that the Coronation of the King and consequently his Succession to the Crown of England should depend on the consent of the Lords and Commons who were then assembled the Coronation not proceeding as he after â—elleth us till their consent was given four times by â—cclamations And this I call a piece of new state-State-doctrine never known before because I finde the contrary in the Coronation of our former Kings For in the form and manner of the Coronation of King Edward 6. described in the Catalogue of Honor â—et â—orth by Tho. Mills of Canterbury Anno 1610. we finde it thus The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair â—nto the four sides of the Stage was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared unto the people standing round about both by Gods and mans Laws to be the right and lawâ—ul King of