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A12211 A friendly advertisement to the pretended Catholickes of Ireland declaring, for their satisfaction; that both the Kings supremacie, and the faith whereof his Majestie is the defender, are consonant to the doctrine delivered in the holy Scriptures, and writings of the ancient fathers. And consequently, that the lawes and statutes enacted in that behalfe, are dutifully to be observed by all his Majesties subjects within that kingdome. By Christopher Sibthorp, Knight, one of his Maiesties iustices of his court of chiefe place in Ireland. In the end whereof, is added an epistle written to the author, by the Reverend Father in God, Iames Vssher Bishop of Meath: wherein it is further manifested, that the religion anciently professed in Ireland is, for substance, the same with that, which at this day is by publick authoritie established therein. Sibthorp, Christopher, Sir, d. 1632.; Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1622 (1622) STC 22522; ESTC S102408 494,750 610

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letters doe testifie unto this day For all Ilands of ancient right are said to belong to the Church of Rom● by the donation of Constantine who founded and endowed the same But will you see what a goodly title here is in the meane time First the Donation of Constantine hath beene long since discovered to be a notorious forgerie and is rejected by all men of judgement as a senselesse fiction Secondly in the whole context of this forged Donation I finde mention made of Ilands in one place onely where no more power is given to the Church of Rome over them then in generall over the whole Continent by East and by West by North and by South and in particular over Iudaea Graecia Asia Thracia and Aphrica which use not to passe in the account of S. Peters temporall patrimonie Thirdly it doth not appeare that Constantine himselfe had anie interest in the kingdome of Ireland how then could he conferre it upon another Some words there be in an oration of Eumenius the Rhetorician by which peradventure it may be collected that his father Constantius bare some stroke here but that the Iland was ever possessed by the Romanes or accounted a parcell of the Empire cannot be proved by any sufficient testimonie of antiquitie Fourthly the late writers that are of another minde as Pomponius Laetus Cuspinian others do yet affirme withall that in the division of the Empire after Constantines death Ireland was assigned unto Constantinus the eldest sonne which will hardly stand with this donation of the Ilands supposed to be formerly made unto the Bishop of Rome and his successors Pope Adrian therefore and Iohn of Salisbury his so●licitor had need seeke some better warrant for the title of Ireland then the Donation of Constantine Iohn Harding in his Chronicle saith that the Kings of England have right To Ireland also by king Henry le fitz Of Maude doughter of first King Henry That conquered it for their great heresie which in another place he expresseth more at large in this maner The King Henry then conquered all Ireland By Papall dome there of his royaltee The profytes and revenues of the land The domination and the soverayntee For errour which agayn the spiritualtee They held full long and would not been correct Of heresyes with which they were infect Philip Osullevan on the other side doth not only denie that Ireland was infected with any heresie but would also have us beleeve that the Pope never intended to conferre the Lordship of Ireland upon the Kings of England For where it is said in Pope Adrians Bull Let the people of that land receive thee and reverence thee as a Lord the meaning therof is saith this Glozer Let them reverence thee as a Prince worthy of great honour not as Lord of Ireland but as a Deputie appointed for the collecting of the Ecclesiasticall tribute It is true indeed that King Henry the second to the end hee might the more easily obtaine the Popes good will for his entring upon Ireland did voluntarily offer unto him the payment of a yearely pension of one penny out of every house in the countrey which for ought that I can learne was the first Ecclesiasticall tribute that ever came unto the Popes coffers out of Ireland But that King Henry got nothing else by the bargaine but the bare office of collecting the Popes Smoke-silver for so wee called it here when wee payed it is so dull a conceit that I do somewhat wonder how Osullevan himselfe could be such a blockhead as not to discerne the senselesnesse of it What the King sought for and obtained is sufficiently declared by them that writt the historie of his raigne In the yeare of our Lord MCLV. the first Bull was sent unto him by Pope Adrian the summe wherof is thus laid downe in a second Bull directed unto him by Alexander the third the immediat successor of the other Following the stepps of reverend Pope Adrian and attending the fruite of your desire we ratifie and confirme his grant concerning the dominion of the KINGDOME of Ireland conferred upon you reserving unto S. Peter and the holy Church of Rome as in England so in Ireland the yearly pension of one penny out of every house In this sort did Pope Adrian as much as lay in him give Ireland unto King Henry haereditario jure possidendam to be possessed by right of inheritance and withall sent unto him a ring of gold set with a faire Emerauld for his investiture in the right thereof as Iohannes Sarisburiensis who was the principall agent betwixt them both in this businesse doth expressely testifie After this in the yeare MCLXXI the King himselfe came hither in person where the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland received him for their KING and Lord. The King saith Iohn Brampton received letters from every Archbishop and Bishop with their seales hanging upon them in the maner of an Indenture confirming the KINGDOME of Ireland unto him and his heyres and bearing witnesse that they in Ireland had ordayned him and his heyres to be their KINGS and Lords for ever At Waterford saith Roger Hoveden all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots of Ireland came unto the King of England and received him for KING and Lord of Ireland swearing fealtie to him and to his heyres and power to raigne over them for ever and hereof they gave him their Instruments The Kings also and Princes of Ireland by the example of the clergie did in like maner receive Henry King of England for Lord and KING of Ireland and became his men or did him homage and swore fealtie to him and his heyres against all men These things were presently after confirmed in the Nationall Synod held at Casshell the Actes whereof in Giraldus Cambrensis are thus concluded For it is fit and most meet that as Ireland by Gods appointment hath gotten a Lord and a KING from England so also they should from thence receive a better forme of living King Henry also at the same time sent a transcript of the Instruments of all the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland unto Pope Alexander who by his Apostolicall authoritie for so was it in those dayes of darkenesse esteemed to be did confirme the KINGDOME of Ireland unto him and his heyres according to the forme of the Instruments of the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland and made them KINGS thereof for ever The King also obtained further from Pope Alexander that it might be lawfull for him to make which of his sonnes he pleased KING of Ireland and to crowne him accordingly and to subdue the Kings and great ones of that land vvhich would not subject themselves unto him Whereupon in a graund Councell held at Oxford in the yeare of our Lord MCLXXVII before the Bishops and Peeres of the kingdome he constituted his sonne Iohn KING of Ireland according to
Gillebertus and Malachias and Christianus who were the Popes Legates here about 500. yeares agoe This Gillebertus an old acquaintance of Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury in the Prologue of his booke De usu ecclesiastico directed to the whole Clergie of Ireland writeth in this maner At the request yea and at the command of manie of you dearely beloved I indevoured to set downe in writing the canonical custome in saying of Houres and performing the Office of the whole Ecclesiasticall Order not presumptuously but in desire to serve your most godly command to the end that those diverse and schismaticall Orders wherewith in a maner all Ireland is deluded may give place to one Catholick and Romane Office For vvhat may bee said to be more undecent or schismaticall then that the most learned in one order should be made as a private and lay man in another mans Church These beginnings were presently seconded by Malachias in whose life written by Bernard wee reade as followeth The Apostolicall constitutions and the decrees of the holy Fathers but especially the customes of the holy Church of Rome did he establish in all Churches And hence it is that at this day the canonicall Houres are chanted and song therein according to the maner of the whole earth whereas before that this was not done no not in the citie it selfe the poore citie of Ardmagh he meaneth But Malachias had learned song in his youth and shortly after caused singing to be used in his owne Monasterie when as yet aswell in the citie as in the whole Bishoprick they eyther knew not or would not sing Lastly the work was brought to perfection when Christianus Bishop of Lismore as Legate to the Pope was President in the Councell of Casshell wherein a speciall order was taken for the right singing of the Ecclesiasticall Office and a generall act established that all divine offices of holy Church should from thenceforth be handled in all parts of Ireland according as the Church of England did observe them The statutes of which Councell were confirmed by the Regall authority of King Henry the second by whose mandate the Bishops that met therein were assembled in the yeare of our Lord 1172. as Giraldus Cambrensis witnesseth in his historie of the Conquest of Ireland And thus late was it before the Romane use was fully settled in this kingdome The publick Liturgie or service of the Church was of old named the Masse even then also when prayers only were said without the celebration of the holy Communion So the last Masse that S. Colme was ever present at is noted by Adamnanus to have beene vespertinalis Dominicae noctis Missa He dyed the midnight following whence the Lords day tooke his beginning 9º viz. Iunij anno Dom. 597. according to the account of the Romanes which the Scottish and Irish seeme to have begunne from the evening going before and then was that evening Masse said which in all likelyhood differed not from those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned by Leo the Emperour in his Tacticks that is to say from that which wee call Even-song or Evening prayer But the name of the Masse was in those dayes more specially applied to the administration of the Lords Supper and therefore in the same Adamnanus we see that Sacra Eucharistiae ministeria and Missarum solemnia the sacred ministerie of the Eucharist and the solemnities of the Masse are taken for the same thing So likewise in the relation of the passages that concerne the obsequies of Columbanus performed by Gallus and Magnoaldus we finde that Missam celebrare and Missas agere is made to be the same with Divina celebrare mysteria and Salutis hostiam or salutare sacrificium immolare the saying of Masse the same with the celebration of the divine mysteries and the oblation of the healthfull sacrifice for by that terme was the administration of the sacrament of the Lords Supper at that time usually designed For as in our beneficence and communicating unto the necessities of the poore which are sacrifices wherewith God is well pleased we are taught to give both our selves and our almes first unto the Lord and after unto our brethren by the will of God so is it in this ministerie of the blessed Sacrament the service is first presented unto God from which as from a most principall part of the dutie the sacrament it selfe is called the Eucharist because therein we offer a speciall sacrifice of praise thankesgiving alwayes unto God and then communicated unto the use of Gods people in the performance of which part of the service both the minister was said to give and the communicant to receive the sacrifice as well as in respect of the former part they were said to offer the same unto the Lord. For they did not distinguish the Sacrifice from the Sacrament as the Romanists doe now adayes but used the name of Sacrifice indifferently both of that which was offered unto God and of that which was given to and received by the communicant Therefore we read of offering the sacrifice to God as in that speech of Gallus to his scholler Magnoaldus My master Columbanus is accustomed to offer unto the Lord the sacrifice of salvation in brasen vessels Of giving the sacrifice to man as when it is said in one of the ancient Synods of Ireland that a Bishop by his Testament may bequeath a certain proportiō of his goods for a legacie to the Priest that giveth him the sacrifice and of receiving the sacrifice from the hands of the minister as in that sentence of the Synod attributed unto S. Patrick He who deserveth not to receive the sacrifice in his life how can it helpe him after his death and in that glosse of Sedulius upon 1 Cor. 11.33 Tarry one for another that is saith he untill you doe receive the sacrifice Whereby it doth appeare that the sacrifice of the elder times was not like unto the new Masse of the Romanists wherein the Priest doth eate and drinke alone the people being only lookers on but unto our Communion where all that are present at the holy action do eate of the Altar as well as they that serve the Altar Againe they that are communicants in the Romish sacrament receive the Eucharist in one kinde onely the Priest in offering of the sacrifice receiveth the same distinctly both by way of meate and by way of drinke which they tell us is chiefely done for the integritie of the Sacrifice and not of the Sacrament For in the Sacrifice they say the severall elements be consecrated not into Christs whole person as it was borne of the Virgin or now is in heaven but the bread into his body apart as betrayed broken and given for us the wine into his blood apart as shed out of his body for remission of sinnes and dedication of the new Testament which
and to declare the Supremacie of the Emperor then this that the Emperor in ancient time exiled banished imprisoned and otherwise also by his Authoritie punished even some of the Bishops of Rome themselves as well as other Bishops and when the Emperor said moreover thus that If anie did grow tumultuous or unruly Illius statim audacia Ministri Dei hoc est mea executione coercebitur his boldnesse shall forthwith be repressed by the sword or execution of Gods Minister that is of my selfe For as S. Paul saith the Emperor King or Prince or anie of those higher powers that beare the civill sword is Gods Minister and a revenger unto VVrath to him that doth evill whosoever he be Yea such was the demeanour and loyaltie which even Gregory the Great Bishop of Rome performed to the Emperor that when the Emperor had commanded a law to be published which Gregory himselfe misliked yet neverthelesse he obeyed the Emperors commandement as a good subiect unto him Ego quidem iussioni tuae subiectus eandem legem per diversas Terrarum partes transmitti feci I being subiect to your command saith hee have caused the same law to bee transmitted through diverse parts of the earth By which one example of Gregory if there were no more spoken you may perceive that for the space of manie hundred yeares after Christ even unto his time and in his time the Bishops of Rome themselves were subiect to the Emperors and at their commands Which doth yet further appeare by this tha● even Kings of Rome did also sometimes send the Bishops of Rome as their Embassadors as for example King Theodorick sent Iohn Bishop of Rome Embassador to the Emperor Iustinian And King Theodatus about the yeare 537 sent Pope Agapetus as his Embassador likewise to the Emperor about a Treatie of peace But yet together with the Supremacie of Emperors let me shew unto you more fully their Authoritie in Ecclesiasticall things or causes for of their Authoritie in civill or temporall causes there is no question made 8 When the Donatists therefore alledged that Emperors were to meddle onely with civill causes and not with Ecclesiasticall or concerning Gods Religion Optatus held this to be a point of madnesse in Donatus and those his followers Ille solito furore accensus in haec verba prorupit Quid Imperatori cum Ecclesia Donatus inflamed with his accustomed furie or Madnesse saith he brake forth into these words What hath the Emperor to doe with the Church Where you see he calleth it expressely a Madnesse to hold that opinion And this S. Augustine likewise censureth and condemneth accounting it an absurd thing for anie to say thus unto kings Take yee no care in your kingdomes vvho oppugneth the Church and vvho defendeth it vvho is religious and vvho sacrilegious c. For if the King be to regard and punish by civill punishment the offences done against the second Table as disobedience to parents murder theft trespasses wrongs and iniuries done by one man against another is hee not much more to regard and punish by civill punishment the greater offences namely those that be done immediately against God being breaches of the first Table as Atheisme Idolatry false vvorship vvrong rel●gion heresie schisme blasphemy breach of the Sabbath and such like For is there anie comparison or proportion betweene Man and God But to declare this matter yet further by some particulars The Christian Emperors in ancient time made lawes for God and his Religion and caused them to be executed and so dealt in matters Ecclesiasticall as well as civill as beside that which is before spoken is further evident even by the Titles of the Civil law it selfe viz. De summa Trinitate fide Catholica De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs De Episcopis Clericis De Haereticis c. They likewise made Commissioners in Ecclesiasticall causes For when Caecilianus Bishop of Carthage was accused by Donatus and some other of that faction Constantine the Emperor commanded Caecilianus to come to Rome with a certaine number of Bishops that accused him And by his Commission extant in Eusebius authorised and appointed Miltiades the then Bishop of Rome and some others with him for the hearing and ending of that matter These Commissioners condemned Donatus who appealed from their sentence to the Emperor himselfe which Appeale also the Emperor at last received Where beside that you see that this Christian Emperor made Commissioners in this Episcopall and Ecclesiasticall cause observe withall that Miltiades the then Bishop of Rome was one of those Commissioners and therewithall you may note that the Bishops of Rome were then verie cleerely subiect and not superior to the Emperor So that a Christian King or Prince not only may make Commissioners in Ecclesiasticall causes but may also have Appeales made unto him as is here apparant Yea even S. Paul himselfe Appealed not unto Peter which no doubt hee would have done if Peter had then had the Supremacie but unto Caesar. The Councell also of Affrick would allow of no Appeales to the Pope of Rome or beyond the Sea but made a Decree directly against it appointing Presbyters Deacons or other inferior Clerkes if they were grieved with the sentence of their owne Bishop to resort to the next Bishops Quod si ab●ijs provocandum putaverint non provocent nisi ad Affricana Concilia vel ad Primates Provinciarum suarum Ad Transmarina autem qui putaverit appellandum à nullo intra Affricam in Communionem suscipiatur And if they shall think fit to Appeale from them let them not appeale but to Councels within Affrick or to the Primates of their owne Provinces But he that shall thinke it fit to appeale beyond the Sea let him be admitted to the Communion by none within Affrick This Canon which was thus established in the Affrican Councell purposely for the defeating and disanulling of the ambitious courses and claimes of the Bishops of Rome is againe repeated and confirmed in the Milevitane Councell In the time likewise of King VVilliam Rufus Anselmus the Archbishop of Canterbury would have appealed to Rome But not onely the King but the Bishops of England also were therein against him And afterwards in the dayes of Henry the second King of England this Law was made Si quis inventus fuerit c. If anie shall be found bringing letters or a mandate from the Pope c. Let him be apprehended and let Iustice be done upon him vvithout delay as upon a Traytor to the Law and kingdome Againe it is there said Generaliter interdictum est ne quis appellet ad Dominum Papam That it was generally given in charge that none should Appeale to the Pope Moreover the Christian Emperors in ancient time had the authoritie of summoning and calling Councels as for example the first generall Councel of Nice was assembled by Constantine
is he besides that which is before spoken doe but consider what the Abbot Ioachim long sithence told King Richard the first King of England namely that Antichrist was then alreadie borne and had his seat at Rome and was to be advanced in that Apostolicall Sea And he further saith Non nulli sub specie sedis Dei id est● universalis Ecclesiae Facti sunt sed●s Bestiae quae est regnum Antichristi regnantis ubique in membris suis c. Sundrie saith he under pretence of Gods seat that is of the universall Church are become the seat of the Beast vvhich is the Kingdome of Antichrist raigning everie vvhere in his members consisting as he there further saith in the Cleargie men in the Monkes and Monasteries Againe he saith that Rome est in spiritu Babylon Rome is the spirituall Babylon And againe he saith Negotiatores terrae sunt ipsi sacerdotes qui vendunt orationes missas pro Denarijs facientes domum orationis Apothecam Negotiationis The Merchants of the earth be the Priests themselves vvho sell Prayers and Masses for money making the house of Prayer a shop of Merchandize Yea sundrie both Princes and Bishops of Germanie long agon have affirmed and published the Pope to be Antichrist as appeareth in Aventinus But I leave this to be as I said more fully handled afterward In the meane time if anie would know who be the right Catholikes as Papists verie boldly but verie uniustly take upon them that title let him consider these two sentences of Vincentius and conferre and ioyne them together The first is this Id teneamus quod VBIQVE quod SEMPER quod ab OMNIBVS creditum hoc est enim verè proprieque Catholicum Let us uphold that vvhich hath beene beleeved everie vvhere and at all times of all persons for this is rightly and properly Catholicke The second is this where he saith Ille est verus Germanus Catholicus qui quidquid universaliter ANTIQVITVS ecclesiam Catholicam tenuisse cognoverit id solum sibi tenendum creder dumque decernit He is the true and right Catholicke who iudgeth that he is to hold beleeve onely that which he knoweth the Catholicke Church to have formerly held universally in the old time This Vincentius lived above 1200. yeares sithence so that this Antiquitùs this old time whereto he referreth everie man that will be a right Catholicke cannot be intended the age and time wherein himselfe lived much lesse can it he supposed anie of those manie hundreth yeares that came after him and are sithence his time gone and past but it must needs be intended of an old time passed long before the time wherein hee lived and wrote these things which old time therefore which he so called what can it be but the Primitive and Apostolicke times If then yee will prove your selves to bee Catholickes and your Church to bee the Catholike Church by this rule and definition of Catholikes out of Vincentius then must you not take your patterne and proofe from that Councell of Trent nor from the late Councell of Constance nor anie of the times after Vincentius but you must transcend and goe to the times that were in the old Time long before the daies of this Vincentius even to the primitive and Apostolike times which were indeed the best and purest times and from thence must you take the patterne of your Church and Religion For that which alwayes formerly and every vvhere and of all Christians in That Old Time was held and beleeved is the thing that he accounteth and defineth to be Catholicke and such to be Catholickes which hold and beleeve only so much and no more Which faith doctrine and religion of those old Primitive and Apostolicke times was at first delivered by word of mouth by the Apostles but was afterwards as Irenaeus hath before enformed us committed to VVriting that so it might be for ever that The foundation and pillar of our Faith Yea this even Vincentius also himselfe teacheth saying Scripturarum canon sufficit ad omnia satis superque the canon of the Scriptures doth suffice for all matters sufficiently and more then sufficiently that is abundantly and overflowingly By this rule then and definition of a Catholike given so long agon by Vincentius it is evident that not yee but wee are to be held for the right and true Catholikes inasmuch as not yee but wee doe beleeve and hold that faith doctrine and Religion which those old and first Christians universally held in those ancient primitive and Apostolick times and which was afterwards written and is omni-sufficiently conteined in that written word of God the sacred and canonicall Scriptures Yea that and onely that wee hold and beleeve as Vincentius saith right and true Catholikes ought to doe and so doe not you therefore whether yee or wee be the right Catholiks is a verie easie and apparant matter to be decided Aufer Haereticis quae cum Ethnicis sapiunt ut de scripturis solis Quaestiones suas sistant stare non poterunt Take from the Heretickes saith Tertullian those things wherein they savour of Heathen wisedome so as that they bring their Controversies to bee decided onely by the Scriptures and they be not able to stand In which wordes men that will not suffer their Controversies to bee decided onely by the Scriptures may see themselves ranged within the compasse of Hereticks and so termed and entituled by him so farre are they off from being the right and true Catholikes And yet Papists have I grant for some of their errors a kinde of Antiquitie but it is an Antiquitie of a later date and it is not that most ancient Antiquitie which Vincentius and the rest of the ancient Fathers direct you unto and which should be in request For that is the True whatsoever is the first and that which is later or commeth in after the first is the adulterate or corrupted as Tertullian againe expressely affirmeth Yea he saith further Hoc mihi proficit Antiquitas praestructae divinae Literaturae Herein doth Antiquitie availe me if it be builded upon the divine Scripture Wherefore if yee will be good and right Catholikes ye must go and take the patterne and president of your Faith and Religion from those most ancient primitive and Apostolike times as we doe because as Eusebius also out of Egesippus noteth the Church so long as the Apostles lived remayned a pure Virgin for that if any vvent about to corrupt the holy rule vvhich was preached they did it in the Darke and as it vvere underneath the earth But after the death of the Apostles and that generation was past which God vouchsafed to heare the divine wisedome with their own eares the placing of wicked error saith he began to come into the Church For which purpose to shew that corruptiō grew in those after succeeding times Clemēs also alledgeth the proverb
dissented from the Church of Rome in the celebration of Easter and manie other things made no scruple to prefixe this loving respectfull superscription to their letters To our Lords and most deare brethren the Bishops or Abbots throughout all Scotland Laurentius Mellitus and Iustus Bishops the servants of the servants of God For howsoever Ireland at that time received not the same lawes wherewith other nations were governed yet it so flourished in the vigour of Christian doctrine as Abbot Ionas testifieth that it exceeded the faith of all the neighbour nations in that respect was generally had in honour by them It now remaineth that in the last place we should consider the Popes power in disposing the temporall state of this kingdome which either directly or indirectly by hook or by crook this graund Usurper would draw unto himselfe First therefore Cardinall Allen would have us to know that the Sea Apostolick hath an old claime unto the soverainty of the countrey of Ireland and that before the covenants passed betweene king Iohn and the same Sea Which challenges saith hee Princes commonly yeeld not up by what ground so ever they come What Princes use to yeeld or not yeeld I leave to the skanning of those unto whom Princes matters doe belong for the Cardinalls Prince I dare be bold to say that if it be not his use to play fast and loose with other Princes the matter is not now to do whatsoever right he could pretend to the temporall state of Ireland he hath transferred it more then once unto the Kings of England and when the ground of his clayme shall be looked into it will be found so frivolous and so ridiculous that wee need not care three chippes whether he yeeld it up or keep it to himselfe For whatsoever become of his idle challenges the Crowne of England hath otherwise obtained an undoubted right unto the soveraintie of this countrey partly by Conquest prosecuted at first upon occasion of a Sociall warre par●ly by the severall submissions of the chieftaines of the land made afterwards For whereas it is free for all men although they have beene formerly quitt from all subjection to renounce their owne right yet now in these our dayes saith Giraldus Cambrensis in his historie of the Conquest of Ireland all the Princes of Ireland did voluntarily submitt and binde themselves with firme bonds of faith and oath unto Henry the second King of England The like might be said of the generall submissions made in the dayes of King Richard the second and King Henry the eighth to speake nothing of the prescription of diverse hundreds of yeares possession which was the plea that Iephte used to the Ammonites and is indeed the best evidence that the Bishop of Romes owne proctors doe produce for their Masters right to Rome it selfe For the Popes direct dominion over Ireland two titles are brought forth beside those covenants of King Iohn mentioned by Allen which hee that hath anie understanding in our state knoweth to be clearly void and worth nothing The one is taken from a speciall grant supposed to be made by the inhabitants of the countrey at the time of their first conversion unto Christianity the other from a right which the Pope challengeth unto himselfe over all Ilands in generall The former of these was devised of late by an Italian in the raigne of King Henry the eighth the later was found out in the dayes of King Henry the second before whose time not one footsteppe doth appeare in all antiquitie of anie clayme that the Bishop of Rome should make to the dominion of Ireland no not in the Popes owne records which have beene curiously searched by Nicolaus Arragonius and other ministers of his who have purposely written of the particulars of his temporall estate The Italian of whom I spake is Polydore Vergil he that composed the booke De inventoribus rerum of the first Inventers of things among whom he himselfe may challenge a place for this invention if the Inventers of lyes be admitted to have anie roome in that companie This man being sent over by the Pope into England for the collecting of his Peter-pence undertook the writing of the Historie of that nation wherein he forgatt not by the way to doe the best service hee could to his Lord that had imployed him thither There he telleth an idle tale how the Irish being moved to accept Henry the second for their King did deny that this could be done otherwise then by the Bishop of Romes authority because forsooth that from the very beginning after they had accepted Christian religion they had yeelded themselves and all that they had into his power and they did constantly affirme saith this fabler that they had no other Lord beside the Pope of which also they yet do bragge The Italian is followed herein by two Englishmen that wished the Popes advancement as much as he Edmund Campian and Nicholas Sanders the one whereof writeth that immediatly after Christianitie planted here the whole Iland with one consent gave themselves no● only into the spirituall but also into the temporall Iurisdiction of the See of Rome the other in Polydores own words though he name him not that the Irish from the beginning presently after they had received Christian religion gave up themselves and all that they had into the power of the Bishop of Rome and that untill the time of King Henry the second they did acknowledge no other supreme Prince of Ireland beside the Bishop of Rome alone For confutation of which dreame we need not have recourse to our owne Chronicles the Bull of Adrian the fourth wherein he giveth libertie to King Henry the second to enter upon Ireland sufficiently discovereth the vanitie thereof For hee there shewing what right the Church of Rome pretended unto Ireland maketh no mention at all of this which had beene the fairest and clearest title that could be alledged if anie such had beene then existent in rerum natura but is faine to flie unto a farre fetcht interest which he saith the Church of Rome hath unto all Christian Ilands Truly saith he to the King there is no doubt but that all Ilands unto which Christ the Sunne of righteousnesse hath shined and which have received the instructions of the Christian faith doe pertaine to the right of Sainct Peter and the holy Church of Rome which your Noblenesse also doth acknowledge If you would further understand the ground of this strange clayme whereby all Christian Ilands at a clap are challenged to be parcell of S. Peters patrimonie you shall have it from Iohannes Sarisburiensis who was most inward with Pope Adrian and obtayned from him this verie grant whereof now wee are speaking At my request saith he he granted Ireland to the illustrious King of England Henry the second and gave it to be possessed by right of inheritance as his owne
that grant and confirmation of Pope Alexander And to make the matter yet more sure in the year MCLXXXVI he obtained a new licence from Pope Vrban the third that one of his sonnes whom he himselfe would should be crowned for the KINGDOME of Ireland And this the Pope did not only confirme by his Bull but also the yeare following purposely sent over Cardinall Octavian and Hugo de Nunant or Novant his legates into Ireland to crowne Iohn the Kings sonne there By all this we may see how farre King Henry the second proceeded in this businesse which I doe not so much note to convince the stoliditie of Osullevan who would faine perswade fooles that he was preferred only to be collector of the Popes Peter-p●nce as to shew that Ireland at that time was esteemed a Kingdome and the Kings of England accounted no lesse then Kings thereof And therefore Paul the fourth needed not make all that noyse and trouble the vvhole Court of heaven with the matter when in the yeare MDLV hee took upon him by his Apostolicall authoritie such I am sure as none of the Apostles of Christ did ever assume unto themselves to erect Ireland unto the title and dignity of a Kingdome Whereas he might have found even in his own Romane Provinciall that Ireland was reckoned among the Kingdomes of Christendome before hee was borne Insomuch that in the yeare MCCCCXVII when the legates of the King of England and the French Kings ambassadours fell at variance in the Councell of Constance for precedencie the English Orators among other arguments alledged this also for themselves It is well knowne that according to Albertus Magnus and Bartholomaeus in his booke de proprietatibus rerum the whole world being divided into three parts to witt Asia Africk and Europe Europe is divided into foure Kingdomes namely the Romane for the first the Constantinopolitane for the second the third the kingdome of Ireland which is now translated unto the English and the fourth the kingdome of Spaine Whereby it appeareth that the king of England and his kingdome are of the more eminent ancient Kings and Kingdomes of all Europe which prerogative the kingdome of France is not said to obtaine And this have I here inserted the more willingly because it maketh something for the honour of my country to which I confesse I am verie much devoted and in the printed Actes of the Councell it is not commonly to be had But now commeth forth Osullevan againe and like a little furie flyeth upon the English-Irish Priests of his owne religion which in the late rebellion of the Earle of Tirone did not deny that Hellish doctrine fetcht out of Hell for the destruction of Catholicks that it is lawfull for Catholicks to beare armes and fight for Heretickes against Catholickes and their country or rather if you will have it in plainer termes that it is lawfull for them of the Romish religion to beare armes and fight for their Soveraigne and fellow subjects that are of another profession against those of their owne religion that trayterously rebell against their Prince and countrey and to shew how madde and how venemous a doctrine they did bring these be the caitiffes own termes that exhorted the laity to follow the Queens side he setteth down the Censure of the Doctors of the Universitie of Salamanca and Vallodilid published in the yeare MDCIII for the justification of that Rebellion and the declaration of Pope Clement the eights letters touching the same wherin he signifieth that the English ought to be set upon no lesse then the Turkes and imparteth the same favours unto such as set upon them that he doth unto such as fight against the Turks Such wholsome directions doth the Bishop of Rome give unto those that wil be ruled by him farre different I wisse from that holy doctrine wherewith the Church of Rome was at first seasoned by the Apostles Let every soule be subject unto the higher powers for there is no power but of God was the lesson that S. Paul taught to the ancient Romanes Where if it be demanded whether that power also vvhich persecuteth the servants of God impugneth the faith and subverteth religion be of God our countreyman Sedulius will teach us to answer with Origen that even such a power as that is given of God for the revenge of the evill and the prayse of the good although he were as wicked as eyther Nero among the Romanes or Herod among the Iewes the one whereof most cruelly persecuted the Christians the other Christ himselfe And yet when the one of them swayed the scepter S. Paul told the Christian Romanes that they must needs be subject not only for wrath but also for conscience sake and of the causelesse feare of the other these verses of Sedulius are solemnely song in the Church of Rome even unto this day Herodes hostis impie Christum venire quid times Non abripit mortalia Qui regna dat coelestia Why wicked Herod dost thou feare And at Christs comming frowne The mortall he takes not away That gives the heavenly crowne a better paraphrase whereof you ca●not have then this which Claudius hath inserted into his Collections upon S. Matthew That King which is borne doth not come to overcome Kings by fighting but to subdue them after a wonderfull maner by dying neyther is he borne to the end that he may succeed thee but that the world may faithfully beleeve in him For he is come not that he may fight being alive but that he may triumph being slayne nor that he may with gold get an army unto himselfe out of other nations but that he may shed his precious blood for the saving of the nations Vainly didst thou by envying feare him to be thy successor whom by beleeving thou oughtest to seeke as thy Saviour because if thou diddest beleeve in him thou shouldest raigne with him and as thou hast received a temporall kingdome from him thou shouldest also receive from him an everlasting For the kingdome of this Childe is not of this world but by him it is that men doe raigne in this world He is the Wisedome of God which saith in the Proverbes By me Kings raigne This Childe is the Word of God this Childe is the Power and Wisedome of God If thou canst thinke against the Wisedome of God thou workest thine owne destruction and dost not know it For thou by no meanes shouldest have had thy kingdome unlesse thou hadst received it from that Childe which now is borne As for the Censure of the Doctors of Salamanca and Vallodilid our Nobility and Gentry by the faithfull service which at that time they performed unto the Crowne of England did make a reall confutation of it Of whose fidelitie in this kinde I am so well perswaded that I doe assure my selfe that neyther the names of Franciscus Zumel and Alphonsus Curiel how great Schoole-men soever
litera● Petiliani lib. 2 cap. 38. Aug. ad Vincen. Epist. 48. Retract 2.5 Christian kings may compell their subiects though not to faith yet to the outward meanes of faith And it is the body only and not the soule or conscience that they cōmand and compell August in Epist. 50. 204. August Epist. 48. Retract lib. 2. cap. 5. August contra Crescon lib. 3. cap. 51. Se● these Texts fully answered in the third part of this booke Cap. 2. sect 5. Cusanus de Cath. Concord lib. 2. cap. 13. Aeneas Sil. li. 1. de gestis Basil. Concil Gerson Serm. pro viagi● Reg. Rom. direct 1. Valla. Cont. Don. Constant. Volateran in vita Const. Antonin 1. part l. 8. c. 2. Ser. iniquit Catal. in practic cancel Apostol Balbus de Coron ad Carol. 5. Concil Carthag 6. c. 3. Concil Aff●is c. 101. 105. 92. Concil Milevit c. 22. Bellarm de Rom. pont lib. 2. cap. 14. 2. Tom. Concil in Decret Pelag 2. Tom. 2 Concil edit Bin. pa. 693. Gregor lib. 4. Epist. 34. ●pist 32. Epist. 36. Epist. 34. 38. Epist. 24. Observe well this reason amongst the rest Lib. 6. Ep. 30. Paul Diacon lib 4. de gestis Longobard cap. 37. Ab. Vsperg Chronic. Platin. Boniface 3. Otho Frising li. 5. c. 8. Chron. c. Bellarm. de pont Rom. cap. 17. Iustinian in Epist. ad Ioh. 2. Idem Co de sacros Ecc. Iustin. Co de summa Trinit lib. 7. De Episcop audientia 2. certissime Novel 3.5.7 Idem Novel 2. sequent Concil Calced Concil Nic. 2. Act. 2. Conc. Nic. ca. 6.7 Conc. Constant. 1. can 5. Conc. Chalced. Actio 16. The Decrees of ancient generall Councels against the Popes Supremacie Concil Constantinopol 1. canon 5. Concil Constantinopol 6. canon 36. Cusan Concord li. 2. c. 34. 20. The Popes Supremacie over Councels is of a verie late standing condemned by Councels Naucl. gener 47 Gerson de Au Papae C●●●il Constan. Sess. 5. Concil Basil. Sess. 38. 33. The Popes Supremacie over Kings Princes most abhominable Prov. 8.15 Dan. 4.29 Revel 19.16 Matth. 16.19 Aug in Psa. 124. Bellarm lib 5. ca. 7. de R●m Pont. R●m 13.5 Tertull. in Apolog cap. 37. Tertull. Apolog. cap. 30. Sigebert Chron. An. Dom. 1088. New Trayterous opinions Vincent in spec Histor. lib. 15. cap. 84. Gre. Vesper haeretico polit pag. 159. Marian. de rege regis Institut cap. 6. c. Theod. hist. lib 2. ca. 16. Niceph. lib. 26. ca. 17. Platina Sige●ertus t. Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 19. Rom. 13.4 Grego Ep. lib. 2. cap. 100. 10● Gregory the great Bishop of Rome subiect to the Emperor and at his command Anastatius Platina Lib. pontif Diaconus Optat. contra Parm. l●b 3. It is a point of madnesse to say or hold that a Christian King may not deale in matters Ecclesiastical by the testimonie of Optatus August Ep. 50. A Christian King ma● make Lawes concerning matters Ecclesiasticall A Christian King may make Cōmissioners in Ecclesiasticall causes Optat. lib. 1. August Ep. 162. 16● Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. A Christian King may have Appeales made unto him in a cause Ecclesiasticall Miltiades a Bishop of Rome subiect to the Emperor at his command Act. 25.11 12. Concil Affrican cap. 92. Appeales in ancient time not allowed to be made to the Bish. of Rome Concil Milevit cap. 22. Malmesbury lib. 1 de gest pont Angliae Hoveden Hen. 2. Theod. lib. 5. c. 7. Sozom. lib. 7. c. 7. Theod. li. 1. c. 7. General Councels called in ancient time by the Christian Emperors and not by the Popes Evagr. l. 1. c. 3. Conc. Calc Act. 1. zon tom 3. pag. 39. Cusan de Concor lib 2. cap. 25. Socrat. lib 5. in Prooemio Bellar. de Concil lib. 1. cap. 13. Leo Epist. 9. Leo Epist. 24. Epist. 26. Epist. 23. Leo Epist. 59. Leo a Bishop of Rome subiect to the Emperor and at his command 1. Kin 2.27.35 Zozom l. 7. c. 8. Plat. Sigeb A Christian King may nominate appoint Bishops of Diocesses Provinces Malmesbur de gestu Pont. Angl. lib. 1. pag. 205. Ibidem lib. 1. pag 205. Lib. 1. pag 204. Malmesb. de gest Reg. Angl. lib. 2. pag 45. De gestis Pont. Angl. lib. 2. pag. 242. p. 257. Metrop Grantz lib. 2. cap. 29. The Christian Emperors in ancient time had power to place and displace Popes The Act is of 1. Eliz cap. 1 in England and of 2. Eliz. cap. 1. in Ireland Euseb. in vitae Const. lib. 3. Conc. Const. 5. Conc. Chalced. Actio 3. Emperors and consequently Kings within their Dominions are to ratifie and confirme the Decrees of Councels before they be put in execution Aser Menevensis praefat ad Alfred Concil Mogunt in praefat Bin. t. 3. p 462. Bin. t. 3. p. 631. Concil Emerit ex Garsia Louisa sect 23. Bin. t. 2. pag. 1183. Gars in not in Concil Emer Calvin in Amos 7.13 Praefat. in Centur 1 Sam. 15.17 Chrysost. ad pop Antioch hom 2. Statute of 5. Eliz cap 1. Ract Crowne 8. 1. Thess. 5 12. Heb 13.17 2. Cor 5.20 Matth. 28.20 Ezech. 20.18 19. 2. Kin. 18.40 41. Matth. 7.15 1 Ioh. 4.1 Matth. 15.14 2. Thess. 2.3 4 5 6 7 8. 1. Tim. 3.16 Matth. 13.30 2. Thess. 2.7 1. Ioh. 2.18 1. Ioh. 4.3 2. Ioh. 7. 2. Thess. 2.8 Revel 10.2.8 9 10 11. Rev. 9.13 c. Rev. 10.2.8 9 10 11. Rev. 10.7 Rev. 11.15 16 17 18. Revel 2.13 2. Thes. 2.4 Revel 11.12 Rev. 18.4 Rev. 11.12 c. Rev. 11.2 M White in his his Booke called The way to the true Church In opere imperf in Matth. 49. 2. Sam. 16.11 1. Tim. 1.13 Cyprian in Psalmo Ad quid justificationes meas assumis testamentū meum per os● tuum c. In vita Bernard Bern. in Cantic Card Contaren Tract de Iustificatione Pig● de fide Iustificatione Colon. in Antidag 1. Cor. 3.10 11 12 13 14 15. Aug. lib. 1. cont Iulian. Pelag. cap. 6. Greg Niss de hom opific. ca. ult Luke 23.40 41 42 43. Bellar. de Iustificat lib. 5. c. 7. Bern. de cons. ad Eugen. lib. 2. cap. 2 lib. 6. cap. 3 cap. 8. Epist 42 ad Hen. Archiepisc. Se●onensis apud Hugon in postill super Iohan cap. 1. Epist. 125. Concil Rhemens sub Capeto eius filio Epist. Leodiensis Ecclesiae ad Paschalem 2. in 2. volumine Conciliorum Acta vita Paschalis Sigon lib. 9. de regno It●l Radevie in Appendice Frisingensis Avent in Boi●rum histor In oratione Archimistae ad Proceres Imperij Petrus Blessens in Epist. ad quēdam officialem Sigeb ●onach Gemblacens apud Aventin de Tyran Pontifici● Guilielm Episc. Paris lib. de Collat. Benefic Henric. de Erphordia de Haiabal● circa Ann. 1345. Petrarch lib. Epist 14 epist. 17. epist. 19. Nicho. Oresmus in Orat. habit coram Papa Vrban 5. Iohan. de rup sciss in lib. prophetico cui