others and thereby doe alone hold the ballance against us it must of necessity be graunted that the dominion will prove England's exaltation and as to the feare of too much aggrandizing France's naval strength for as to their power by land while England retains the command of the seas it is not to be reguarded it is aboundantly excluded both by the assurance we have of the Dutch their readinesse to accept of peace at our pleasure and of the French their remedilesse want of seamen and their nurseries wherewith England is so richly stored But though this reasoning doth appeare plausible yet how quickly is it dashed by this one short and obvious supposition what if the English Fleet be beaten Which as the righteousnesse and omnipotent power of the great God the Lord of Hosts the injustice of our cause and the dreadful wickednesse of the land the judgements of plague sword fire and wasting consumption which we have already felt without repentance his Majesties Motto Jer. 22. 30. which hitherto hath not failed and the injury offered unto the Dutch with their inclination to peace and forced necessity to war doe render many degrees more probable so I am sure that the known distractions and greivances of the nation oppressed by both court and Parliament and yet these two divided one against the other the strange difficulties and courses taken in the out-rigge of the present Fleet perverting right and starving trade by the stop of the exchecquer and trampling upon the nations honour and interest by that base and dangerous supply from France doe thence portend most sad and funest consequences and these so much the more assured and terrible that they seem infallibly to depend not on the disasterous successe of a long war but on the very simple miscarriage of the first rancountre and if thereby all the flatteries of our vaine hopes be not infinitly overballanced let all sober men judge But not alwayes to ominat the worst admit we doe overcome at first doth not our late experience sufficiently teach us that we by our courage may gaine fights and yet by reason of want of stock lose and be inferiour in the war Next when we are superior in the war where are our solid advantages and who can finde out and establish that midds whereby neither the French on the one hand shall reap too great benefit by the Dutch their ruine and so be rendered a more powerful competitor nor the Dutch on the other recover all their former habitudes and successe in trade seing in effect both their present increase and our decay are from causes altogither inward as we may heare Thirdly doe we willfully shut our eyes and will we not understand that the French first with the Dutch and now with us will againe tack about to the Dutch in case that we do prevaile And this leads me to wonder at the emptinesse and insignificancy of the consideration opposed to the just feares of the French their rising greatnesse if the late extraordinary beginnings of their sea forces do not convincingly assure a sutable advance yet their Kings first joining with the Dutch to quash and weaken the English and now turning to the English to suppresse the Dutch may palpably discover his designe either to be himself Master of both or at least to suffer neither of them to overtop him Now as to the nurseries we boast of the Thames our far more happy side of the Channel New-Castle trade and forraigne plantations are no doubt brave conveniencies and yet a man may well think that the French their many sea ports and rivers great trade and also plantations with their money that answers all things may in short time become more then equal While Spain had the ascendent the maxime for the English and Dutch was in the embleme of two bottles swimming together with their motto si concutimur frangimur that it should be antiquat upon the French their far more formidable prevalency I wish the event do not too late discover the error O how happy might the English be if but wise to advert how that their recovery of trade strength and riches could not possibly misse by a far more easie expedient and that in brief for I may not enlarge consisting in the simple reforme of three things viz. first of our excesse in respect of the Dutch frugality who by their sobriety and hard fare both by sea and land do evidently facilitat both manufacture and transport to the underselling of all others and the great advancement of their gaine Of the luxury of our Court vvhereby thousands specialy of the youth are debauched from all vertue and those summes vvhich might be a great accession to the trading stock of the nation turned out of that channel to the maintenance of prodigality and that beggarly villanous traine vvherevvith they are attended And 3 of our Church Clergy by vvhose jealous persecutions irreligious neglect of their office sacrilegious consumption of their benefices and Church livings so many sober persons have been and still are ruined or discouraged so much vice and idlenesse continually fomented and so great a treasure of money improfitably imployed and wasted But though the words of wisdome are all in righteousnesse yet knowledge is onely easie to him that hath understanding I might here further adde how far more glorious and profitable it would be for the King of England in this conjuncture to show himself Protector of the protestant cause and thereby not onely gaine the more cordial and intense affection of all his subjects and the esteem and honour of all the reformed nations and Churches but more powerfully binde the Dutch to all his reasonable demands to containe himself in peace and let his subjects so much the more plentifully gather it 's sweet fruits while others in their miserable contendings doe neglect them And lastly to hold the ballance and in its season absolutely umpire it amongst all his neighbours when wearied and broken by wars to the restoring of Peace setling of right and the high advancement of the interest of the English nation But who is so blinde as he who will not see His Majesty is abandoned to his humors and the solidity of the English nation that hath ever had a very sound discerning and noble misreguard of the airienesse instability of the French is at present exposed by the cheat of their complements to the worst designe of their policy The Dutch to gratifie the King of England have of late advanced the Prince of Orange and he who questioneth the ingrediency of this motive I am sure may quickly be satisfied by an easie reflexion upon the Late Prince his odd extravagancies and what ensued this Prince his relation to the King of England with the influences that thence may be feared and the tempting occasion that the continuance of such a command after the wars may give yet is not this like to prove a diversion It is further certain that the
to his declaration so he graunteth them six moneths time to remove all their Merchant-ships and goods out of his dominions without lose or molestation By all which he seemeth to intimat to the Dutch that he is neither so ingrained not implacable an enemy against them as the King of England yea there is a tacit invitation couched even in his denunciation of war to accost him for kindenesse with hope of acceptation and well may he for hereby he maks himself master of both and doth more certainly triumph over the King of England and ecclipse the glory of that nation then over the Dutch and so hitteth the marke he aimed at indeed viz. the French honour Now as the preferablenesse of the French Alliance things standing thus will be demonstrable to the Dutch from their own interest and advantage for by this means though they may lose somewhat of their former lustre yet they will easily see that it is the interest of the King of France to have them a floorishing People when they are so much his so on the other hand will any doubt but all reason of state and Policy will make the French ready to listen to a proposal of accommodation from the Stats and abandon the English as having now served himself sufficiently of them when they have sweat out floods of English blood and treasure to rowe his French Majesty to his port For first he knoweth very well though he have at present debauched the penurious and profligat Court of England into this conjunction vvith him against the Dutch that yet the spirit of the English nation can never be debased into the same compliance with his designes the prudent part yea the generality of the nation retaining still their noble ascendent over the French and that antipathy unto them that though the Court party are sunk below men and cease to be Patriots not careing for the reput and honour of their nation whose renown together with their own fame they have shipwrack't yet at this very instant they would if at all necessitat to have a war notwithstanding of all the artifice and endeavours of the Court to enflame them into a rage against the Dutch with much more cheerfulnesse alacrity and readinesse of minde draw their sword against the French in defence of the Dutch then be dragged by the Court to so unrighteous and dishonourable a war against their friends and brethren The certain knowledge I say that the King of France hath that this is the genius and pulse of the English nation to abhorre as death the holding of the French stirrop yea the rational grounds he may have to perswade beyond debate that if these very men whom he hath charmed by his aurum potabile into an oblivion of their own honour and nation's interest be once awaked out of this golden dreame which doth not imply a contradiction but they may they will abandon with a blush at their own basenesse his interest and by an after strenuous opposition seek to wipe off the staine of so base a compliance and be avenged upon him for their two eyes will make him ready to close with the Dutch being together with the world convinced that he hath in this obtained the utmost of advantage he could have proposed or promised to himself by engaging or rather seducing the Court of England unto his assistance and judging as he hath reason that he is hereby sufficiently repayed for all the French Millions which that Court hath swallowed up Secondly as this will make him readily listen to a proposal from the Dutch so it will make him willingly condescend to give them easy and honourable conditions though I hope God shall prevent such a dishonour to them yea he will argue himself into a necessity contrair to the particular insolent domineering humour of the French to maintain them if not in the same degree of honour liberty and lustre yet in their full strength it being obvious that by having engaged them to him he hath fairely paved his way to an easy conquest of this part of the world The Spanish Netherlands will fall into his hands nor will the Emperour be able to make head against him Spain also must follow their fate and poor England having spent their strength and treasure to advance him to this greatnesse must bow their neck to the French yoke What is then become of our foolish supposition that there was no cause for England to feare the French greatnesse Why France saith the Court having no nursery of sea-men we will maintain our dominion of the seas non will cope or compet with us if once we had the Hollander under hatches and while we retain our dominion by sea it were ridiculous to feare the French by land But alas have the French so blinded the Court with the dust of their Gold that they cannot see one inch before their nose Do they not easily foresee the misery and bondage they are bringing upon the nation and how they are selling the honour and liberty of their countrey to it 's inveterat enemies Well the French have not a nursery of sea-men comparable to the English Be it so but when the English by their unrighteousnesse folly and inconsideration have driven the Dutch to the necessity of becoming one with the French have they then no nursery England knoweth to it 's cost that Holland hath And if ever France be in case to reckon them his which as death is to be deprecat then the King of England must resolve henceforth to quit all his pretensions to the Flage and be at a point in this that his men of war must strike to the French pleasure boats the Nation at home must tremble at the French greatnesse their walls the shiping of England will not then hold him out he being now in case to force his passage thorow them our forraigne plantations must signify as much to us as the French and Dutch in a conjunction will permit either something or nothing Our honour and renown which we have had amongst other Nations must be buried in the gulfe of contempt and lye expiring without hope of a recovery under the French insolence who will then compassionat the poor English Nation Nay who will not say that it is a righteous thing with God since we who would needs in a blind rage run upon our friends to ruine them without cause should be insnared in the worke of our own hands and tumbled head-long in the ditch which we had digged for others Who amongst the nations will pity us Or if our distresse should move compassion who dare offer to help us Oh poor England how do thy Rulers post thee to thy ruine We have fallen once under the hand of the Dutch and our disgrace hath accresced to their glory but now we must fall into the hand of the French instead of wearing the flowre de Luce in our scutcheon the King of France must have our Lyon and Vnicorne in
England's charge by which rule if any man please to examine the above mentioned condescendence he must of necessity rest satisfied that on the one hand the picture dedicat to De Witt being onely a true and honourable representation rej gestae containing nothing more then the most ordinary and easie reward and encouragement of heroick atcheivements and consequently free of all shaddow of reproach and on the other hand that picture of his Maj. with his paramours being at most if any such thing was at all a wanton privateer timeously enough suppressed when noticed and so not chargeable upon authority until once questioned do no wayes amount to a sufficient verification whether there be any other pictures or what there may be in those pamphlets I must confesse that for my own part all the matter of this Article doth appeare to me so light and slender that my curiosity hath not hitherto been tempted to an inquiry This onely I am assured of that if injuries of this kinde may be compensat by a counter-charge the Dutch may quickly ballance this account the English disdain of the Dutch is an infinit theme It 's true either its excesse or some other cause hath hindered it to shew it self in the ingenuousnesse of pictures and the like phansies but he who judgeth this to be a want may easily finde it supplied by ane immense overplus of pride and contumelie in their discourses and descriptions of that People both old and late One thing I may further adde upon this subject that for that picture instanced of the King of England and the Ladies even interest and policy seeme to absolve the Estats of any advice to the Painter or other accession unto it The 3. ground of provocation intimat by the King of Englands last letter to the Estats is That his Majesty thinks himself not bound to suffer the Dutch to do what injuries they please to their Neighbours in matter of trade which if we consider with a respect to the King's acknowledgement of the Triple Alliance and with this onely import as if he did not judge himself thereby bound to concurre with and assist the Dutch in their injustice is no doubt fair righteous when made out cannot but excuse him to abandon the Dutch in any such unequal controversy they may fall into with the French or any other Although whether it may in like manner warrant him to passe froma neutrality and take part with their adversaries when there appeares no ingagement of his own proper interest may still remaine a question But seing the circumstances and whole straine of that letter togither with it's coincidence with the King of France his complaint of the Dutch innovations doe visibly hold forth a quit other tendency in the expression and in plain English that his Majesty presuming upon his Soveraignity of the seas or some other ground known to himself would have the Dutch to submit to his arbitration upon whatsoever difference the French may alledge such an officious interposing without so much as the pretext either of a solid title or real occasion is palpably void of all colour of right so that in effect the challenge here couched in place of a declaration of a just offence doth only exhibit to the construction of ingenuitie his Majesties compliance with the French resentments and his resolution to second their armes just or injust and procure their satisfaction As to the innovations or injuries in trade generally hinted at when their Majesties are both so reserved who can be expresse The increase of the Dutch in this matter is indeed very extraordinary both to the prejudice and envie of all their neighbours but seing it is so assured that all the Dutch their advantages in trade are the Pure effects of their own greater industry and sobrietie that neither of the Kings have as yet thought it fit to acquaint the world with the particulars of their complaint it is cleare that these murmurings so like to the repineings of profuse debauches equally covering and lazie to the proportion of their immense riot against men of vertue and diligence can never amount to a justifiable quarrel I know injuries in the remote parts of Africk and Asia have been discoursed of and in special that the Dutch doe there either secretly instigat or by compact oblige the natives to exclude all others and principally the English from commerce in their bounds and this was also the great pretext of the last war but whither this be only an invention simulating to come from far the better to cover it's groundlesse contriveance at home or that the Dutch by a more happy and dexterous addresse in these many lawful wayes and methods that may be practised doe indeed prevail and carry the affection and trade of these countreys to the neglect and dammage of other adventurers I am not inquisitive Onely as there hath not hither to been given any satisfieing information in matter of fact so I am very confident that if artifice and covetousnesse were sufficient to compasse such a priviledge neither English nor French in these parts had been at this day short of those at whom they thus unreasonably grudge I need not here much notice the grievance talked of by some against the Dutch for their excessive transportation of Gold and Silver to the East Indies that the thing is an abuse in it self draining Europe of it's best substance to the languishing of trade and Arts and the occasioning of many miseries and that in such a measure as even the treasures of America which Europe hath lately devoured are not to be known but it 's leannesse rather greater then before and for no better returne then that of spiceries drugges and other the like superfluities is too too visible neither can it be denied that the Dutch their East Indie Company who suck our much of the substance of Europe as the English their Company doth impoverish all England are deepest in the transgression but seing beside what may be alledged from the absolute power and liberty competent to every Prince or State in these matters the restraining of this evil is so far from being the ground of the controversie that on the contrair the contest is much animat by the envie at and desire of the same pernicious profit it is evident that the King of England's plea is nothing thereby bettered Having thus weighed and rejected the King of Englands proper pretenses I am sorry that such a soul conclusion doth so fairly present viz. That his Majesties present concurrence with the French against the Dutch is not onely a manifest partaking with them in their injustice and violence but accompanied with such circumstances as doe render the accessory an hundred fold more guilty then the pall which that I may more distinctly explicat I shall breifly reduce what remains to the heads proposed viz. That this assistance of the King of England is aggravat on his part from no lesse opposition
then that of religion faith honour and interest the dearest and highest of all concernes And first for Religion it is evident that it's disswasion cannot be called in question by any who doe not doubt his Majestie to be a Protestant for seing the truth and protestant cause are unavoidably threatened by the French successe what rational man can think that a protestant Prince should second them in the interprise And really the connexion of these things is so obvious that it cannot but be grievous to all his Majesties wel wishers to heare and understand how that his present proceedings have so much every where brought his affection to this interest under debate I need not here mention the specious title that he assumes of defender of the faith it's engagements hitherto have proved so insignificant that such as before did hesitat doe now begin to say openly that his resentment of gratitude toward the sea of Rome that conferred it do in effect seem to preponderat all it 's reall import and that Henry the eighth his scribling against Luther which procured him from the Pope this title of the faith's defender was not in any proportion that way so considerable as Charles the second his present arming against the Dutch may very justly entitle him with all true protestants to be the faith's betrayer whether he will hold on the paralel and disappoint all appearances and their feares as the same Henry did the Pope his author the event will testify and that he may is my hearty desire The next head that prohibits this apprehended assistance is that of faith and in this togither with the more common assurances of humanity Christianity and protestanisme doe conspire the special engagements both of the late Treaty and Triple Alliance whereby the King of England and the estats are expressely bound to keep true firme and inviolable peace and neerer and stricter Alliance and union from that day foreward c. All which if he should now breake strangers may indeed exceedingly wonder I say strangers for as for us his subjects sad experience hath aboundantly instructed us that all our part in this matter is to wish that where neither religion nor faith have availed yet at least common honesty and good fame may be prevalent The third disswasive that offers against this concurrence is honour And certainly where religion and faith doe claime so great a part honour cannot but have a very large share but because these succumbeing no doubt their concomitant will evanish as a shaddow it doth therefore present upon a distinct ground and pleads from its own peculiar merit That the English Nation sometimes masters and ever equal to the French should not now be degraded unto a base and mercenary subserviency it vvould be of moment vvith a generous person to suspend even a real let be a groundlesse provocation rather then to resent it snakeingly against his partie under another's disadvantage but neither can policy be exacted to these rules nor doth the present case stand upon such a punctilio Our substance and power with the noble ascendent that the genius of this nation hath alwayes had over that of the French do upon more solid grounds equally disdaine both the Switzers service Munsters hire and that the King of England should become a Pensionary of the French King is a novelty that hath hitherto had no precedent But it may be said that however we may thus calculat on the one side yet on the other if we remember the bussinesse of Chattam and the Dutch their late exaltation these cannot but chock every true English heart and to such at least as are tenderly sensible of this delicat point of honour excuse us to embrace any occasion whereby we may soonest and best retrive that of our nation unto it's former splendor I graunt indeed that that affair of Chattam was a high affront turning in effect England's glory the worlds terror unto the contempt scorne of a feeble defence and in our estimation delivering what was as Neptun's throne to be dragged in Triumph by poor distressed fishers so as I suppose that it may be truly affirmed as the fairest account of his Majesties displeasure that his resentment of the Chattam-Attacque is at the root of all Which as on the one hand it hath been notably improved by the french caresses wherewith it is known that they have plied both his Majesty and his favourits at all points so in all probability the envy of the Dutch prosperity the irritation of Van Ghent's Goe-by and the opportunity of the French invasion with the temptation of their money have heightened all other grounds of misunderstanding and advanced the indignation unto this present menacing posture And thus I confesse things may stand on the King of England's part But seing the surprise of Chattam was on the Dutch their part a fair act of hostility rather advanced then obscured by the Treaty begun with the warning of an expresse proviso of no cessation it cannot but be graunted that all these circumstances of his Majesties disgrace did onely redound and accumulate to the Dutch their honour so that now after the thing is voided by an ensueing peace and so long after to meditat the revenge of that which we had neither the providence nor courage in it's season to have prevented nor perhaps durst yet notice if the conjunction of the French did not thereto prompt besids it's injustice is an impotency more shameful then the cause that provocks it nay when I reflect upon the Dutch their then successe togither with that pusillanimitie and distresse that appeared in our court and that confusion and consternation which at that time did seise not onely London but the whole nation and withal consider how little the Dutch did presse these advantages either by an irruption into that feareful breach continuance of the war or shewing themselves more uneasie in the dependent Treaty I cannot but judge that the Dutch their so singular moderation and disposition to peace when England was in its lowest State ought to be a most powerful mitigation and utterly to efface all rancour against a people as generous in their carriage and condescensions as valarous in their atcheivements as for the Goe-by given by the Dutch Vice-Admiral and Fleet to a pitieful pleasure-boat it is allready examined The fourth and last head that opposeth the King of England's resolution against the Dutch is that of interest and this indeed is so much the more to be pondered that not onely for the most part it hath the greatest sway in humane affairs but in this present bussinesse is in effect the cheife inducement wherewith many of this nation flatter themselves and would delude others for seing that the Dutch are the only people who can compet with the English in naval forces and that of late they have in a manner rendred themselves Masters of the whole trade of the world to the prejudice of England and all
generality of his Majesties subjects both from the conviction of the reasons above exposed the increase of grievances which they begin to feel and the visible insolency whereunto a restlesse Popish party in our own bowels are already encouraged doe from their heart equally detest the French conjunction and dislike this breach with the Dutch But neither is this a more promising disswasive so that after all the serutiny I have made in this affair I must professe that by such a combination of most important and evident disswasives my thoughts in the apprehensions of this fatal war are quite run up to this one for a rest that the thing if it fall out is from the Lord and what he hath determined will quickly appeare It remains now for conclusion that I at least name the duetie to which all this discourse hath so full and fair a tendency and that all the lovers of truth his Majesties and England's wel-being would be earnest with God to turn the King from this evil course and direct him unto better counsels is I am sure a warrantable seasonable and Loyal part but if God in his holy providence shall permit him to proceed his Authority cannot warrant our obedience unto such a sinful concurrence I know that of late that Apostolick position It is better to obey God then man hath been much decried as fanatick and seditious and that for me to insist on such an exhortation would be derided by many as vain and ridiculous canting but however men receive it I am sure with the Apostle Paul that the judgment of God is according to truth against them which commit such things to render tribulation and anguish unto every soul of man that doeth evil to the subject as wel as unto the Prince and that with God there is no respect of persons neither is the insufficiency of this plea of the authority of Princes in opposition to the Law of God yet to be determined Ephraim but walked willingly after the commandment yet was he therefore oppressed and broken in judgement The time was in England when men rather then to betray their civil liberty to the will of arbitrarie orders did chuse to suffer the imprisonment of their persons and ruine of their whole estats when they might have redeemed both by a very small voluntary payment shall we then now so far degenerat as not only to give our moneyes and estats but surrender and sacrifice our blood lives and souls to the carrying on of an unjust war against both religion and righteousnesse God forbid Now if it be asked what then should we do I am no furious fanatick my answer is plain and safe onely sin not by any direct accession to this unrighteous war and if ye therefore be put to suffer remember that blessed are they who are persecuted for righteousnesse sake for their's is the Kingdome of heaven and he is also faithful who will not suffer us to be tempted above what we are able But if men say nay but we will obey our Prince be avenged upon these insolents recover our honour and restore our trade let them be doing and be strong for the battel God may make them fall before the enemie for he hath power to helpe the injured and to cast downe the proud Once more therefore be warned and remember and feare lest if ye still doe wickedly ye be consumed both ye and your King POSTSCRIPT After I had digested the foregoing discourse I confesse the evident improbability of the King of England's grounds did make me subsist in the conviction that either I had superfluously laboured to prevent a vaine feare or at least might expect some far more weighty reasons then any I have mentioned but behold a new surprisal both to me and all that heare of it The Dutch menaced by the French Kings power and forces are not only willing to comply with all reason for the establishing of a good understanding with the King of England and the obtaining of his favour but by a new Embassie and very obliging proposals are courting him if he cannot keep faith and the late Alliance at least to the safe and advantagious part of a fair neutrality when on a sudden his men of war are sent out and in open hostility set upon the Dutch merchants returning thorow the Channel looking for no such thing but on the contrair wholly amazed at the rancountre and there sink and take what they are able Now when or where was ever the like heard That the King of England a King and a great King a man in appearance and a Christian by title and a protestant by profession should not only contrair to all the manifest reasons above adduced combine to assist the French and Popish armes against an oppressed protestant State desirous of nothing more then Peace and quiet but become himself the first invader and that in plaine piratick violence without any preceeding denunciation of war I shall not now repeat any thing that I have said nor in effect add much in a matter so palpable to the meanest discerning it is certainly a matter of sad regrat to see both our Court thus wheedled by French illusions and againe the nation forced and driven by the Courts influences to become the principal party in a war wherein their assistance was more then was expected and hounded out to the first attacque whereas their instigators resolutions were not published If ordinary reason did not suffice to governe our passion yet a man may well think that at least our experience and knowledge of the French their politick and safe procedoure in their last assistance promised to the Dutch might have restrained this precipitation which I am sure is so absurd and ridiculous that if the French should also hover though that is not now to be supposed and suspend for this yeer their invasion in the pleasant observation of the happy successe of their designes in the mutual contentions and ruines of the two nations in whose overthrow they must apprehend their advantage to ly Nay in the end should lend their hand to setup the Dutch if brought under for continuing the war it would undoubtedly prove as much their advantage as recreation But suppose we would on any termes fight the Dutch are we indeed so blind with rage as to have omitted the premising of a publick declaration which in such a case the law and custome of all nations and ages doth manifestly require or if the equity of this promulgation founded in that cleare rule omnia prius experiri quam armis sapientem decet And confirmed both by reason and the Law of God Deut 20. 10 could not move yet should not the positive necessity of this formality as to the honour and effects at least of a solemne vvar and for hindering the Soveraigne of the seas from becoming the Archest of pyrats have prevailed upon us I graunt it had been a difficult task to have said any thing handsomely let be
Armes be reduced to the necessity in this exigent of making the best and most advantageous peace they can Is it to be imagined they will betake themselves to the King of England and come under his shadow and protection for shelter from the French fury It 's true amongst the rest of our fooleries whereby we embolden our selves in this engagement this is laid down for one which we judge will not fail us viz. that we can alwayes make Peace with the Dutch when we have driven them to desperat distresse at pleasure but they are wiser men then to court us any longer for kindenesse For first the experience they have had of the impossibility of fixing us or making us stand firme to our engagements and Treaties will utterly alienat discourage and disswade from this where there is a choice Secondly his Majestie 's having laid down this for a Principle and the endeavours which have been to instil it in the minds of such who could be impressed by Court-suggestions that if England would floorish Holland must if not utterly destroyed yet be reduced to a state of slavery and bondage nothing inferiour unto the Spanish yoke for the dominion which we affect over the seas would be stretched to a length that would knovv no bounds or limits but our ovvn lust and our Courteours avarice and what encouragement they may have to come under the shadow of men of these principles wise men may judge Thirdly the cry of his Majesties oppressed subjects at home and the consideration how the Court hath sucked out and swallowed up the substance of the nation and drained all it's treasures and yet are still lean for all they have devoured hath onely made them more insatiable will make the Dutch judge very rationaly unlesse they vvere able to turn rocks seas and sand into Gold they could never by giving satiat the appetit of the English Court And vvhile they see contrair to all honour and true interest how a stop is at least put upon the exchecquer which was the onely thing remaining to preserve the credit of the nation and leave merchants in some case to trade they cannot but easily foresee that such will make no bones to suck out all the marrow and then gnaw the bones of these provinces And to all these add in the fourth place how they must needs look upon the King of England as the principal author and unhappy instrument of all these imminent and incumbent calamities and may very rationaly conclude if he had not in this juncture conspired against them with the French King that either the King of France would not have undertaken the war or if he had that they in an ordinary providence could have defended themselves and their just liberties against all his force When I say they must needs look upon the King of England as the spring source of all that calamity they feel or feare and perceive his propensnesse to ruinethem and how that contrary to all Covenants Treaties rational offers of satisfaction even to pretended injuries condescensions stretches beyond the just exigent and tenor of any Treaty or transaction yea obligations heaped upon him in advancing the Prince of Orange which as it was made the great argument to determine those who were a little reluctant to consent to his advancement so it made the most rational infallibly conclude his assistance upon that advancement against the French attempts how I say that notwithstanding of all these bonds of honour interest faith Religion righteousnesse and obligations he could not so much as be gained to an easy neutrality but as if the utter ruine of the Dutch and their extirpation or reduction from a stare of liberty to a state of bondage had the closest of connexions with his satisfaction he to the prostituting of his honour leads the way to the French King and as if malice and blinde fury were the sole conducter in this affair draweth the first sword and forgetting to consult his own fame with a pyratick violence anterior to all intimation of war falleth upon the Dutch merchant-ships As these things put together with many more of the like nature must make the Dutch conclude him the most enraged adversary and implacable enemy so it must of necessity alienat their mind from him above all mortals And now upon the forementioned supposition which I hope shall never exist that they must put themselves under the Potection of one of these two they will certainly be ballanced towards the French Alliance as the more placable enemy the more sure and advantagious friend And as it is more then probable to wise men that the King of France hath conduced the King of England to such an unworthy breach of Alliance upon this very designe to drive the Dutch if possible to this sad necessity so it is equally obvious how the French King endeavoureth by all means so to influence the conclusions of the English Cabal manage the advantage he hath thereby over the King of England as may render him most hateful to the Dutch For having prevailed with him first to draw him to this shameful breach of Treaty with them he driveth him thereafter to make such a detastable attempt upon their merchant-ships and observing likewise how in his declaration for war against the Dutch wherein also he will have the King of England to preceed that he may know the better how to forme his so as may best subserve his designe he alledgeth many injuries and pretendeth to such a dominion over the seas as is subversive of the liberty of the Dutch and utterly inconsistent with the prosperity of the Provinces because destructive of their trade he then emitteth his declaration of war wherein there is nothing mentioned or adduced for a cause save a French floorish for his Honour Yea he giveth the Dutch to understand that he doth not envy their greatness nor designe the prejudice of their provinces nay on the contrair that he hath a favour for them and how all his quarrel is confined to some particular persons in the Goverment against whom he hath a displeasure And perceiving withal how the King of England hath not onely made himself the common detestation of the Dutch by this late act of manifest pyracy but as if no bonds no Treaties neither reguard to his own reput or renown in the World could be of sufficient weight and value to tye him up from doing them all the injuries which his power maketh possible he addeth to the former violence the injustice of seising upon and detaining all the merchant-ships which were in his ports at the eruption of this war expressely contrair to the termes of the 32 Art of that Treaty at Breda The French King I say perceiving this that he may commend his fidelity clemency and friendship to the Dutch as he doth his honour to the World above the King of England's as he hath done no act of hostility against them anterior
all be burst and broken and this badge of limited soveraignity be buried in the final discharge of such Parliaments The dispose of the Treasure aswel as the Militia of the nation must be in our own hand then and not before will we be in case as becometh to live in royal splendor to give suteable rewards for signal services without being obnoxious to have account asked of us or the question put how we spend our treasure to keep under and crush petulant insolents at home and chastise proud enemies abroad In a word Stat pro ratione voluntas in state affairs as we have arrogat it in Church matters which is the more wicked and most dareing attempt of the two is the great interest and that which we will and must have This is the darling and Diana of the Court to which all the other true interests of the English Nation must be sacrificed If so the scheme I graunt is changed But is it credible that infatuation itself can fixe us in this resolution Truely the Universe of reason doth reclaime The desperatnesse of such an enterprise hath made wise men shut their eyes upon all probabilities of it's intendment and stop their eares at all reports and suggestions which were assertive of the Court 's hatching such a cockatrice as calumnies since reason did repugne and abhorre it as the greatest deviation from it's conduct and most desperat course in the undertaker imaginable but yet men cannot alwayes shut their eyes he vvho stoppeth his eare at the reports of another cannot with the same facility abandon or give the defiance to his own reason It is not necessar for my present purpose to make a perfect enumeration of all things which may perswade and put beyond debate that this is the Court aim but if it must needs be graunted by what hath been said that there is a cleare and undeniable opposition betwixt engaging in this war with the French against the Dutch and all the true interests of England sacred and civil then our precipitation into this engagement giveth a shrewd suspicion that vve are onely prevailed vvith and overcome by this consideration to assist the French against the Dutch that we as a requital onely commensurable to that service may have the French assistance sor rasing the foundations of England's liberty and substituting our ovvn lust in the place of it's Magna charta This designe hath made all essayes for peace on the Dutch their part insignificant and hath persvvaded above all other considerations unto this association vvith the French And truely the things vvhich at first vvere onely groaned under as acts of male-administration vvithout the suspicion of a further designe then vvhat the impetuousnesse of our lusts cileing the eyes of our reason drove us to will novv vvhen reflected upon and collated vvith present practices and future appearances amase men at the maligne aspect they have upon England's liberty I need not involve my self into the labyrinth of recollecting all things in the Court's procedour and practice since his Majesties return unto this present day or compare them vvith this project and consider the nativenesse of their tendency to the production of this monster Let his Maj. carriage in reference to his Parliament be a little inquired into and see if it vvill not put the thing beyond debate At his first entry the Parliament which called him home must be dissolved and in lieu of another reward for that great service they are dismissed with this complement viz. his May will have them known and honoured to posterity by the name of Beati Pacifici well then Englands blessed Parliaments have their period and exeunt at his May entry to his royal Goverment What then cometh next it 's fit to be silent where experience speaketh that which if it were told in it's most sober dresse might argue the speaker to be prompted by malice But what could be the cause of this dissolution It 's obvious enough for whatever excesse of loyalty appeared in hastening home his Majesty and installing him in the Goverment without sufficient security for Religion and liberty an error in the first concoction yet there were many amongst them who being good Patriots and worthy Statsemen could never have been overcome to a compliance with such a designe nor to the countenancing of our other extravagancies and therefore as an unfit tool for our work they must be laid aside and a new one called The Court in the mean time perceiving how vaine expectations of Halcion-dayes had besorted the nation into a deep inconsideration of what did belong to it's Peace and Prosperity and observing how there were none now to peep or move the wing against the Court current But whatsoever the King did either pleased all the people or the more prudent were under a necessity in this universal distraction to dissemble their displeasure and suffer without saying or doing any thing to the contrair dangerous encroachments and breaches to be made upon their liberty though the purport of these was manifest forgetting the old maxime obsta principiis c. The Court I say perceiving this to be the temper or rather giddinesse of the nation do not stick at breach of priviledge in the election of members for the following Parliament which was so palpable and grosse as of the bulk when gathered together it might well have been said that in stead of our old renowned Parliaments without a parallel in the world for free-spirited noble Patriots we had got a Court-juncto and the privileges of the Peo-People and interest of the nation put in the hand of those who would be prodigal profuse to a boundlessenesse as of the Estate and Treasure of the Kingdome so of it 's more valuable liberty precious concernes Now I shall be loath to trace them in their wilde deviations and odd extravagancies but the nation must behold with the teare in their eye it may be some of the instruments of their miserie being cured of their former Frenzy awaked out of their lethargy by the cryes of the oppressed the noise of the ruine of the nation in vvhose rubbish they themselves are like to be buried as a recompence of vvhat they are guilty of against the honour and interest of their countrey sigh out their had we wist their liberties and estats in the hand of such as resolve to run to all the excesses to which the Court-riot will drive them There is without more debat a surrender of the Militia to his May And though they seem to retain the key of the Nation 's treasure yet it is not so much to lock it up and keep it in the possession of the just proprietors as in effect so to squise the Kingdome as if the sole purpose of their convocation had been to fall upon inventions and finde out middes how to extract all the Spirits of the nation and leave it a caput mortuum wherein they shewed themselves such Masters
thence be warned and instructed above all things to seek his face and peace and thereby to engage him to stand on their side both on his own and their behalfe then shall the Lord who waits to be gracious exalt himself that he may have mercy upon them and joine his judgement to the justice of their cause to scatter the proud put downe the mighty that men may see and say Surely there is a God that judgeth righteoush in the earth But is it possible that matters standing thus betwixt the French and Dutch and religion being so much concerned in the event the King of England should incline to take part with the French so manifestly contrair to righteousnesse and religion yea to his faith honour and interest And really all these the maine if not the onely determinations among rational men doe so directly oppose and disswade this strange resolution that I sincerely professe it is only from the surprise and distrust of my reason and not in the least from any purpose to amaze men into my sentiments that my wonder doth expresse itself in this interrogation which if any man doe still judge to be an anticipation let him only forebeare what he censures and I hope be shall be quickly satisfied That I may therefore proceed clearly in this odd rancountre of affairs Although I doe heartily wish that my supposition may never exist yet seing it is the ground of the ensueing discourse he who doubts its probability may consider the following passages First the King of England his refusal upon the Estats their just and reasonable demand to give assurance for the performing of his part of the Triple Alliance Next the known ordinary discourse of his court pretending high provocations 3. Sir George Downing his late Embassie with the unusewall reserve by him practised in the exposing of his demands his sudden recall and his refusing to receive the Stats their answer unto the memoire he had given in about the flage 4. the straine of his Majesties returne to this answer when thereafter presented to him whereby he plainly intimats his displeasure thereat signifying that though he be willing to observe the Triple Alliance yet he doth not judge himself thereby obliged to suffer them to doe what they please to his prejudice nor to wrong their neighbours in the matter of trade asserting peremptorily his soveraignity in the seas and withal demanding their positive answer whether they will punish Van Gent for his not striking to his Flage And lastly the extraordinary correspondence entertained betwixt the Courts of England and France with their late Treaty the several millions of money it hath brought from France to England the designed expedition of the Duke of Monmouth with some thousands of Auxiliaries into the french Campaigne which passages being joined to the great and fervid sea preparations wherein England is now bussied doe in my opinion sufficiently resolve that the Dutch are the marke whereat they are levelled whether justly or unjustly comes next to be handled And certainly if they have no other motive or end then the french assistance whatever injustice may be in their causelesse invasion or whatever detriment Religion may suffer by their successe doe fall upon the King of England as an assistant with higher aggravations then can be fairly named before that I doe first propose and examine the proper provocations that he pretends That therefore reason and truth may have their full exercise and right my endeavour shall be to give an impartial and sincere account of all that fame or report hath hitherto communicat on this subject That the King of England hath of a long time acclaimed the soveraignity of the Brittish seas and therein also been universally acknowledged by the formality of striking is notour over all and as it is not my duety willfully to diminish or impugne the former so the latter is expressely agreed to by the Dutch in the last treaty of peace But the difference at present arising from this head seems to be twofold the first in matter of fact viz. that the King of England accuseth the Dutch of an injurious affront both against his right and the late treaty in as much as their fleet under Van Gent's conduct did of late refuse to strike sail to one of his Jachts bearing his flage To which the Dutch answer that the Kings right being drawn unto the Treaty for its better confirmation it must thence take all its measures and it being thereby only provided that all dutch ships shall strike to the King's men of war in the British seas as the cleare termes of the Treaty in the 19 Art thereof and the quality of the Jacht being onely a pleasure boat and no man of war doe furnish a defence for what is past so by their answer above mentioned to Sir George Downings memoire they offer that if his Maj. will observe the Triple Alliance they will still agree that all dutch ships shall strike to his Ships of war but the King not herewith satisfied desires the Estats to be positive whether or not they will inflict punishment on Van Gent as we have heard The other branch of this difference toucheth the point of right the King of England asserting peremptorily in his above mentioned answer to the Estats his dominion and soveraignity over the narrow seas and the Dutches hitherto silently forebearing either to debate or consent to the claime The next ground of provocation discoursed of in the King of Englands court for as yet it hath proceeded no further is the making publishing amongst the Dutch of certain scandalous pictures and pamphlets to the King's dishonour whereof some at least one viz. the picture dedicat and affixed by the towne of Dort in the Stadt-house to the honour of Cornelius de Wit in memorie of his attacque at Chattam bearing the draught of the thing with certain Lines of Elogy subjoined all no doubt contrived with the lustre of advantages sutable to the designe licensed by authority and the rest onely of privat authors but publickely permitted and of this kinde as is reported at court a pourtrait of the King of England surrounded by some ladies of pleasure bussied in picking his pockets is most noticed and talked of the third pretense for war intimat by the King of England's last answer above spoken of wherein he saith that though he be willing to stand to the Triple Alliance yet he is not thereby obliged to suffer either things prejudicial to his own honour or them to doe what injuries to their neighbours in matter of trade that they think fit which last passage is no doubt to be understood of the same innovations in trade complained upon by the King of France his letter as we have said but what these are is alike obscure in both and remain's yet to be explained This being the summe of what I have learned of the King of England's provocation Their import and merit is in the
next place to be weighed To discourse then first the alledged incivility of Van Ghent I know it would be thought ridiculous for me to endeavour to accommodat this mistake by these Gospel rules of simplicity meeknesse and divine goodnesse to offer to square the actings of Princes and Stats in such emergents by that deference forebearance and readinesse to pardon held forth in its high and heavenly precepts in prejudice of their grosse and vain politicks would be in the construction of these delicat Spirits and refined witts which deceive themselves and others to the foolish admiration and esteeme of things of no moment to trample upon the tender point of honour and dissolve the noble frame of interest neither shall I at this time further urge the difference pretended by the Dutch betwixt a man of war and a jacht impartialitie must certainly graunt that the refusing to strike to this vessel if in the Brittish seas which ten yeers agoe the Dutch had not scrupled to honour as a man of war and not much above a hundred yeers might possibly have served for their Admiral could onely have flowed from their late successe and elevation but as it is aboundantly evident that nothing save a fatal misfortune could engage either party to forme a quarrel upon this only occasion and that without the influence of far different considerations the King of England would not therein have shewed himself so uneasie so it must be acknowledged that in so light an offence not destitut at least of a colourable excuse the Dutch their offer of good performance for the time to come is as much as in reason can be expected the next point that occurres is the King of England's soveraignity over the Brittish seas whereof at present he appeares to be very jealous and questionlesse if his Majesty doe not content himself with the formality of striking as his sole prerogative but holds it only for a marke of due recognisance asserting withal his soveraignity indefinitly as to all effects that such a title may import it 's value doth not more deserve his jealousie then it's consequences may justly excit all to inquire into his pretenses I shall not here table the debate an mare sit liberum an clausum the reasons of those learned men who have managed it pro and con doe in my opinion very happily compose it in this reconciliation that as the nature and end of the seas doe plainly appeare incapable of dominion so in as far as they are destined and doe serve for common use the expresse or presumptive consent of one people may qualify restrict or renounce the same in favours of another and thus we see that wherever dominion over particular seas are acclaimed their effects are not onely precisely limited but almost every where different so to one is given thereby the sole benefit of fishing to another a certain tribut to a third the power of jurisdiction and so forth to every one as restrictedly to the condition of his right as to its respective bounds either of which if the owner should happen to transgresse his dominion would be in so far reput an insignificant plea so that this maritime dominion not being of the nature of terrene propriety of it self absolute unto all intents unlesse diminished by law or the owners concession but meerly a certain priviledge or servitude established by consent in that which of it self is as the air reserved for common use it 's evident that the consent and possession which constitut the right doe in like manner define it's extent And that upon the pretext of some particularities conceded to arrogat an unlimited soveraignity would both in reason and in the event prove an insupportable usurpation Hence it is that for all England's glorieing in this our dignity and for all the power wherewith no doubt we both did acquire and doe continue it yet it hath not to this day been further recognosced even in the Channel it 's principal seat and subject and where it hath alwayes affected it's maine Parad for as to the other brittish seas which are onely the neerest circumambient parts of the wide Ocean the Law of nations doth onely attribut to England its common priviledge then by the bare ceremony of the first salute neither in the last Treaty wherein the King of England was greatly concerned and no lesse solicitous to cleare this title was there any thing else agreed unto as I have already marked and without all peradventure if his Majesty in the conceit of his dominion should once offer to exert it though but in very ordinary effects such as the assuming of jurisdiction or imposing of tribute whereof the Sound and Adriatick do exhibit cleare precedents he would soone be made to understand his error not onely by the reclaming dissent but also by the vigourous opposition of all his neighbours I might insist to disprove this pretense of an indefinit dominion from the far more rational judgement of the ancient Romans who not only reckoned the sea with the air Inter ea quae sunt nullius but though by reason of the encircling of their vast Empire they might have acclaimed even the whole Mediterranean Sea jure diverticuli in many parts thereof had indeed several powers and priviledges yet were they so far from captating this vaine and groundlesse title that one of the greatest Emperours begins a rescript with relation to this same subject in these words Ego quidem munai dominus lex vero maris thereby manifestly holding forth that as he judged it incapable of dominion so it 's unstable nature and common destination could only be regulat as to humane concernes in so far as Law and consequently condition or consent did determine from all which I conclude that as the Dutch doe fully satisfie all that in justice the King of England can demand by their offering to strike conforme to the last Treatie and have good reason to repugne either to his indefinit soveraignity or any further preheminence for which nothing anterior to the said last Treaty can in reason be obtruded so his pressing them further in this affair is both captious and unjust and he might upon as good grounds refuse them the liberty of a free passage in the channel as exspect of them a consent to adominion which if not cautioned by a particular explication might assuredly be thereto extended The second ground of offence mentioned is that of the scandalous pictures and pamphlets but as every sober person may justly apprehend that that prudence which often adviseth a connivent dissembling of things of this nature at home will far more restraine any such contentious inquiries as may advance unto a challenge abroad so in case it should here prove too feeble for the provocation pretended it is evident that only such of those pictures and pamphlets as are indeed injuriously reproachful and are licensed or openly countenanced by the Stats their authority can warrant the King of
his And thus have we debased our selves and entailed bondage upon the Posterity And if the Dutch were a People given to revenge what ever griefe and regrat their dependance upon France might be to them yet they would not onely have this satisfaction to see those enslaved who had designed their bondage and whose hands had been made use of in wreathing the yoke about their neck but see themselves chiefly made use of and maintained by the French to force the English to serve him And withal the Dutch should see themselves freed from the slavish feare of the King of England's vaine pretensions to the dominion of the sea and set at liberty to follow their trade without trouble and as the trade would then be cerainly taken from England in these parts so it would be at the French Dutch their option whether to rase and root out name and thing of all English Plantations abroad Though these be things to be entertained in their possibility by all the lovers of Religion righteousnesse and the nation with horrour and detestation and I pray and hope shall never have any being beyond what a supposition may give them yet he must blind his eyes and abandon his reason who will deny the nativenesse of the connexion betwixt the worst of all these supposed miseries and mischiefs and the King of England's engaging in this war with the French against the Dutch The ruine of the Protestant interest this day through the World The ruine of the liberty honour trade precious and deare concerns of the English nation the ruine of the Prince of Orange his interest yea the ruine disgrace and perpetual infamy of the actors themselves is wraped up in and connected with this shamefull war have we not now by our deep Politicks bravely bowled away the honour of the nation vvhile the French both give ground and byasse These are our nevv unhappy politicks they tend to this and may end here if the Lord in mercy do not interpose to prevent it so that though men vvere turned meer Gallio's as to the interest of Christ and Religion in the World yea turned enemies thereto yet no man representing things to himself as they are and vveighing these tumultuous transactions in the ballance of reason or considering their obvious tendency and import if he retain the spirit of a true English-man if he consult the honour of his nation if he truely love his Majesty and wish the stability of his throne but must not onely look upon himself as obliged to withdraw from all concurrence in this war but interpose in his station to deliver King and Court lapsed into this moral madnesse from the occecation of this fury whereby in their indeliberation and rage they are pulling ruine upon themselves and the nation by drawing the sword I know very well in all I have said upon this head of Interest I shall be looked upon as grossely mistaken in my hypothesis because what I account interest and the thing to be chiefly reguarded and earnestly contended for hath not a being at all in the Albe of our new politicks nay something is substitut in it's place as inconsistent with so natively destructive of it And therefore all these disswasives deduced from the head of Interest as I have stated it must with the hypothesis evanish as of no consideration or weight to disswade from our present enterprise It will be readily graunted by all that if the old Interest of England viz. the preservation of Religion in it's reformation whereto by the good hand of our God upon us we had attained the safety and good of the people the ancient splendor and glory of the Nation the just freedome and liberty of Parliaments the desireable harmony betwixt his Majesty and them to the doing of all things especially things of such moment as a war wherein there is an association with an old enemy to the English Nation and Interest and an engagement against our ancient friends deprecating with all the submissenesse which became a State our displeasure and entreating in a most obliging manner our covenanted assistance against an enemy by vvhom if he conquer them we are crushed our posterity also all our precious interests are exposed unto the danger of utter ruine with joint consent and mutual satisfaction whereby the cheerful concurrence of all his Majesty's subjects is assured by which means also he himself is beloved and honoured at home feared and reguarded by the nations abroad the security satisfaction trade treasure of the nation is ensured promoted c. If Interest be considered as comprehensive of constitut by these the like then no doubt it must be yeelded that the considerations evincing the manifest opposition of the present engagement to all these have a sufficiency of weight to disswade from a further progresse in this unhappily begun war yea perswade a retreat which were certainly a more glorious victory because demonstrative to the World that our lusts and passions had not the ascendent of our reason then if our sword were bathed and our hands embrewed in the blood of these against whom it is now drawn and stretched out yea this were a more certain way to a safe victory over them I mean an overcoming them with kindenesse to a cheerful condescendence unto and a ready compliance with all our just demands then ever we can expect as the issue of so unrighteous and irreligious a war But if somewhat else be substitut in the place of that which the vvisest have hitherto judged the Interest of the nation I must graunt I have missed the marke at vvhich I aimed and confesse that my considerations are not apposite dissvvasives from vvhat is novv driven But vvhat can this be Some may think the thing aimed at vvhich with it's seeming desireablenesse hath dazeled us into this distraction hath by our procedour so obviously discovered it self that it can no longer escape observation It 's plain his Maj. aimeth at being absolute and designeth to rule the nation independently from the advice of Parliaments which are now looked upon rather as an encumberance to him in the exercise of his royal goverment and an ecclipse of that glory which he judgeth competent for a Prince then any real support to his royal authority and greatnesse In plain English the French Goverment is affected by our English Court which we suppose can never be sufficiently illustrious while there must be such an unbecoming dependence upon Parliaments for pitiful subsidies and summes to be raised by their order to maintain our royal grandure This which hath been so insupportable a yoke upon the neck of our royal Ancestors whereby they have been bound to the good behaviour tyed up restrained yea often to gratify their subjects humor in order to the gaining their consent for a subsidy have been necessitat and compelled to crosse their own royal inclination and commit a rape upon their pleasure this yoke we say must once for
vve have already vvithin our selves and vvhat by their daily encrease for vve expect a flovving in upon England as a Torrent the scum of the Popish vermine out of all nations abroad in ansvver to our invitation of strangers especialy seing vvhat vve have hinted of liberty and protection to the Popish Religion in that our declaration vvill be very vvell understood by our sagacious friends abroad as it is at home knovvn to be a plain declaration of our purpose to setle Popery as the publick profession of the nation from vvhich nothing hath hitherto vvithheld us but vvant of power we are sure I say with these not onely to make our selves formidable to all who would oppose us but also to be able to cover almost in one day the very face of the nation and cut in peeces at once all whom we suspect to be guilty of an inclination contrair to our royal pleasure and vve are sure the execution of our commands shall be in the hand of such who with a tygerish keenesse vvill execute our vvill What then can appeare able to stand in the vvay or put us to a difficulty in effectuating our purpose I knovv the more prudent in the nation vvill readily apprehend vvhen they consider vvhat a vast treasure the Court hath devoured and hovv they have so habituat themselves to this prodigious profusenesse as they may assoon cease to be as cease to change their way And when withall they perceive how vvhile they are such that all vvayes of satiating this boundlesse appetit are impossible for Parliaments can do noe more yea this very Parliament if called together for that purpose hovv probable is it that in stead of a nevv stretch to give more not onely the disgraceful receiving of the French millions but the Court 's medling with the treasure of the nation and destroying it's trade and credit by that stop without a precedent put upon the Exchecquer vvould be resented by them that the Court is engaged and resolved to lay them aside and usurp for the future a pure absolutenesse They have created to themselves this necessity For it is not imaginable that a vvay novv can be found out besids this desperat expedient hovv both his Majesties debts shall be payed and the Court maintained as it hath been these yeers past though vvith much lesse lustre then the illustrious Courts of England famous formerly through the World for their magnificent plenty sumptuous entertainment and numerous retinue vvhen the revenue of the crovvn vvas scarce the halfe of vvhat it novv is Neither were these Kings treasures empty so that the vastnesse of our present yeerly revenue beyond what former Kings had with the incredible summes which have partly been given partly exacted and squised from the People the penury of the Court while it's bill of fare is abridged almost to a basenesse make men stand agast and inquire at the wayes how this treasure is spent Whether it be hoorded up as some suspect or by the vvhirle-vvinde of an invisible curse svveeped avvay vvhich many beleeve if any remaine still obstinatly incredulous notvvithstanding of vvhat is said to discover this to be the designe and hovv vvhat vve are novv doing is in order to the bringing of our purpose to passe all the evil I wish him is that the Court to vvhom he hath so much charity do not cure him of this distemper by destroying his ovvn together vvith the nations interest There is one thing vvhich maketh all that 's said for convincing incredulity it self of this Court designe not onely passe for a groundlesse conjecture but for the malicious product of some fantastick a bold forgery of a petulant male content viz. That suppose his Maj. if he knew how handsomely to accomplish it were passionatly desirous to lay aside Parliaments yet considering what assistance he behoved to have in dissolving that happy frame of government under which the nation hath floorished so long to the envy terror of all it's enemies yet his Maj. cannot but foresee how that by making use of such a mean in stead of attaining the proposed absolutenesse the crown doth really fall from his head and he precipitats himself into the ditch of a most base and abominable servitude For since the instruments chiefly to be made use of for carrying on this desperat designe must be the Roman Catholicks at home and abroad their fidelity and assistance cannot be assured at a lower rate or upon any other termes then by setling the Romish Idolatry as the publick profession of the nation and if so then his Maj. in stead of an absolut Soveraigne becometh Rom's Tributary holding his crown precariously of the Pope Nor can his Maj. be ignorant how he is not to expect to be in the same condition of servitude with other Popish Princes England being more purely the Popes Patrimony then other Kingdomes Peters pence must be payed in recognisance of his superiority whereby King Kingdome is debased to hell This one obvious consideration I say hath made wise men though never the wiser for that judge it impossible that ever the designe of absolutenesse could transport his Maj. into such a mistake as to accomplish his end by this midds there being so close and cleare a connexion betwixt turning the nation into a province the Prince into the Pop's deputy or substitut setling of Popery as the profession of the nation It 's true all persons of understanding in the nation did with surprise amasement behold how Papists were encouraged and countenanced how their profession seemed to qualify them for places of trust and commend them to our favour nay good men behold with grief and horrour how the favours heaped upon the Irish Rebells did amount to the height of more then an interpretative owning of that horrid massacre in Ireland whereby the guilt of so much innocent blood is brought upon the throne and his May. exposed also by this to share in all the wrath and vengance which shall fall upon the head of of the shedders of that blood as a return to the cry of the souls under the Alter from him who not onely maketh inquisition for blood but in whose eyes the death of his Saints is so precious that he engageth to give them blood to drink who have shed their's yea it hath added astonishment to their horrour to see popery so publickly professed in Ireland that the Popes Primat is as publick there as his Majesties nor are their scooles lesse patent or their meetings for their idolatrous worship lesse publick but whither what hath been lately done in England doth lessen or highten the amasement is a question Every one thought he had so much reason to disbeleeve a designe of setling Popery that the nation was abused into a supine negligence deep security even while they looked on saw it excresce to the contemning of law overtoping of all other intersts insomuch that men for feare forsooth of losing