did the rather in regard of his singular integrity and his perfectnesse in the French tongue which Ariovistus through long continuance had learned and that the Germans had no cause of offence against him And with him he sent M. Titius that was familiarly acquainted with Ariovistus with instruction to hear what was said and to make report thereof to Caesar Whom as soon as Ariovistus saw come into his Camp he cried out in the presence of his Army demanding wherefore they came thither and whether they were not sent as Spies And as they were about to make answer he cut them off and commanded them to be put in Irons The same day he removed his Camp and lodged himself under a hill six miles from Caesar The next day he brought his forces along by Caesars Camp and incamped himself two miles beyond him of purpose to cut off all such corn and convoies as should be sent to the Romans by the Heduans and Sequans From that day forward by the space of five dayes together Caesar imbattelled his men before his Camp to the intent that if Ariovistus had a mind to give battell he might do it when he would But Ariovistus all this while kept his Army within his Camp and daily sent out his horsemen to skirmish with the Romans This was the manner of fighting which the Germans had practised there were 6000 horsemen and as many strong and nimble footmen whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host every man one for his safeguard these they had alwayes at hand with them in battell and unto these they resorted for succour If the horsemen were over-charged these ever stept in to help them If any one were wounded or unhorsed they came about him and succoured him If the matter required either to adventure forward or to retire speedily back again their swiftnesse was such through continuall exercise that hanging on the horse-mane by the one hand they would run as fast as the horses OBSERVATION IT may seem strange unto the souldiers of our time that the footmen should be mingled pell-mell amongst the horsemen without hurt and disadvantage to themselves so unlikely it is that they should either succour the horsemen in any danger or annoy the enemy and therefore some have imagined that these footmen in the encounter cast themselves into one body and so charging the enemy assisted the horsemen But the circumstances of this place of others which I will alledge 〈◊〉 purpose plainly evince that these footmen were mingled indifferently amongst the â—orsemen to assist every particular man as his 〈◊〉 and occasion required and therefore the choise of these footmen was permitted to the horsemen in whose service they were to be imployed that every man might take his friend in whom he reposed greatest confidence When they were overcharged these stept in to help them if any man were wounded or unhorsed he had his footman ready to assist him and when they were to go upon any speedy service or suddenly to retire upon advantage they stayed themselves upon the mane of the horses with one hand and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go Which services they could not possibly have performed without confusion and disorder if the footmen had not severally attended upon them according to the affection specified in their particular election The principall use of these footmen of the Germans consisted in the aid of their own horsemen upon any necessity not so much regarding their service upon the enemy as the assistance of their horsemen But the Romans had long before practiced the same Art to a more effectuall purpose namely as a principall remedy not onely to resist but to defeat far greater troups of horse then the enemy was able to oppose against them Whereof the most ancient memory which history mentioneth is recorded by Livie in the second Punick war at the siege of Capua under the regiment of Quintus Fulvius the Consul where it is said that in all their conflicts as the Roman legions returned with the better so their cavalry was alwayes put to the worst and therefore they invented this means to make that good by Art which was wanting in force Out of the whole army were taken the choisest young men both for strength and agility and to them were given little round bucklers and seven darts apiece in stead of their other weapons these souldiers practiced to ride behind the horsemen and speedily to light from the horses at a watch-word given and so to charge the Enemy on foot And when by exercise they were made so expert that the novelty of the invention no whit affrighted them the Roman horsemen went forth to encounter with the enemy every man carrying his foot-souldier behind him who at the encounter suddenly alighting charged upon the enemy with such a fury that they followed them in slaughter to the gates of Capua And hence saith Livie grew the first institution of the Velites which ever after that time were inrolled with the legions The authour of this stratagem is said to be one Q. Navius a Centurion and was honourablie rewarded by Fulvius the Consul for the same Salust in the history of Jugurth saith that Marius mingled the Velites with the Cavalry of the associates ut quacunque invaderent equitatus hostium propulsarent The like practice was used by Caesar as appeareth in the third book of the Civil war saving that in stead of the Velites he mingled with his horsemen four hundred of the lustiest of his legionary souldiers to resist the cavalry of Pompey while the rest of his Army passed over the river Genusum after the overthrow he had at Dyrrachium qui tantum profecere saith the text ut equestri praelio commisso pellerent omnes complures interficerent ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent Many other places might be recited but these are sufficient to prove that the greatest Captains of ancient times strengthened their cavalry with footmen dispersed amongst them The Roman horsemen saith Polybius at the first carried but a weak limber pole or staffe and a little round buckler but afterwards they used the furniture of the Graecians which Josephus affirmeth to be a strong launce or staffe and three or four darts in a quiver with a buckler and a long sword by their right side The use of their launce was most effectuall when they charged in troup pouldron to pouldron and that manner of fight afforded no means to intermingle footmen but when they used their darts every man got what advantage of ground he could as our Carbines for the most part do and so the footmen might have place among them or otherwise for so good an advantage they would easily make place for the foot-men to serve among them But howsoever it was it appeareth by this circumstance how little the Romans feared troups of horse considering that the best means to defeat their horse was by their foot companies But
therefore it was called agmen quadratum or a square march inasmuch as it kept the same disposition of parts as were observed in quadrata Acie in a square body For that triple forme of imbatteling which the Romans generally observed in their fights having respect to the distances between each battel contained almost an equall dimension of front and file and so it made Aciem quadratam a square body and when it marched Agmen quadratum a square march Polybius expresseth the same in effect as often as the place required circumspection but altereth it somewhat in regard of the carriages for he saith that in time of danger especially where the country was plain and champain and gave space and free scope to clear themselves upon any accident the Romans marched in a triple battel of equall distance one behind another every battell having his severall carriages in front And if they were by chance attacked by an enemy they turned themselves according to the opportunity of the place either to the right of left hand and so placing their carriages on the one side of their Army they stood imbattelled ready to receive the charge The contrary form of marching where the place afforded more security and gave scope to conveniency they named agmen longum a long march or train when almost every maniple or order had their severall carriages attending upon them and strove to keep that way which they found most easy both for themselves and their impediments Which order of march as it was more commodious then the former in regard of particularity so was it unsafe and dangerous where the enemy was expected and therefore Caesar much blamed Sabinus and Cotta for marching when they were deluded by Ambiorix longissimo agmine in a very long train as though they had received their advertisements from a friend and not from an enemy And albeit our modern wars are farre different in quality from them of ancient times yet in this point of discipline they cannot have a more perfect direction then that which the Romans observed as the two poles of their motions Safety and Conveniencie whereof the first dependeth chiefly upon the provident disposition of the leaders and the other will easily follow on as the commodity of every particular shall give occasion Concerning safety in place of danger what better course can be taken then that manner of imbattelling which shall be thought most convenient if an enemy were present to confront them for a well-ordered march must either carry the perfect forme of a battel or contain the distinct principles and elements thereof that with little alteration it may receive that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can afford it First therefore a prudent and circumspect Leader that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march is diligently to observe the nature and use of each weapon in his Army how they may be placed for greatest use and advantage both in respect of their different and concurring qualities as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed and this knowledge will consequently inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattelling as the said forces are capable of which if it may be observed in a march is no way to be altered But if this exactnesse of imbattelling will not admit convenient carriage of such necessary adjuncts as pertain to an Army the inconvenience is to be relieved with as little alteration from that rule as in a wary judgement shall be found expedient that albeit the form be somewhat changed yet the principles and ground wherein their strength and safety consisteth may still be retained Neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point he may exemplify the practices of many great and experienced commanders what sort of weapon marched in front and what in the rereward in what part of the Army the Munition marched and where the rest of the carriage was bestowed according as their severall judgements thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences But the issue of all will fall out thus that he that observed this rule before prescribed did seldome miscarry through an unsafe march Let a good Martia list well know their proper use in that diversity of weapons in his Army how they are serviceable or disadvantageous in this or that place against such or such an Enemy and he will speedily order his battel dispose of his march and bestow his carriages as shall best fall out both for his safety and conveniency Caesars custome was to send his Cavalry and light-armed footmen before the body of his Army both to discover and impeach an Enemy for these troups were nimble in motion and fit for such services but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front the horsemen marched in the tayl of the Army and gave security where there was most cause of fear But if it happened that they were found unfit to make good the service in that place as oftentimes it fell out and especially in Africa against the Numidians he then removed them as he best found it convenient and brought his legionary souldiers which were the sinews and strength of his forces and marched continually in the bulk of the Army to make good that which his horsemen could not perform And thus he altered the antique prescription and uniformity of custome according as he found himself best able to disadvantage an Enemy or make way to victory Chap. IX The Romans begin to fortify their camp but are interrupted by the Nervii Caesar maketh hast to prepare his forces to battell THe Roman horsemen with the slingers and archers passed over the river and encountred the Cavalry of the Enemy who at first retired back to their companies in the wood and from thence sallied out again upon them but the Romans durst not pursue them further then the plain and open ground In the mean time the six legions that were in front having their work measured out unto them began to fortify their camp But as soon as the Neâ—vii perceived their former carriages to be come in sight which was the time appointed amongst them to give the charge as they stood imbattelled within the thicket so they rushed out with all their forces and assaulted the Roman horsemen which being easily beaten back the Nervii ran down to the river with such an incredible swiftnesse that they seemed at the same instant of time to be in the woods at the river and charging the legions on the other side For with the same violence having passed the river they ran up the hill to the Roman camp where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment Caesar had all parts to play at one instant the flag to be hung out by which they gave the souldiers warning to take Arms the battel to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet the souldiers to be recalled from their work and such as were gone farre
first met withall there they stayed least in seeking out their own companies they should lose that time as was to be spent in fighting The Army being imbattelled rather according to the nature of the place the declivity of the hill and the brevity of time then according to the rules of art as the legions incountred the enemy in divers places at once the perfect view of the battel being hindred by those thick hedges before spoken of there could no succours be placed any where neither could any man see what was needfull to be done and therefore in so great uncertainty of things there happened divers casualties of fortune The souldiers of the ninth and tenth legion as they stood in the left part of the Army casting their piles with the advantage of the hill did drive the Atrebates breathlesse with running and wounded in the incounter down into the river and as they passed over the water slew many of them with their swords Neither did they stick to follow after them over the river and adventure into a place of disadvantage where the battel being renewed again by the Enemy they put them to flight the second time In like manner two other legions the eleventh and the eighth having put the Veromandui from the upper ground fought with them upon the banks of the river and so the front and the left part of the camp was well-near left naked For in the right cornet were the twelfth and seventh legions whereas all the Nervii under the conduct of Boduognatus were heaped together and some of them began to assault the legions on the open side and other some to possesse themselves of the highest part of the camp At the same time the Roman horsemen and the light-armed footmen that were intermingled amongst them and were at first all put to flight by the Enemy as they were entering into the camp met with their enemies in the face and so were driven to fly out another way In like manner the pages and souldiers boyes that from the Decumane port and top of the hill had seen the tenth legion follow their enemies in pursuit over the river and were gone out to gather pillage when they looked behind them and saw the enemy in their camp betook them to their heels as fast as they could At the same time rose a great hubbub and outcry of those that came along with the carriages who being extremely troubled and dismayed at the businesse ran some one way and some another Which accident so terrified the horsemen of the Treviri who for their prowesse were reputed singular amongst the Galles and were sent thither by their State to aid the Romans first when they perceived the Roman camp to be possesst by a great multitude of the Enemy the legions to be overcharged and almost inclosed about the horsemen slingers and Numidians to be dispersed and fled that without any further expectation they took their way homeward and reported to their State that the Romans were utterly overthrown and that the Enemy had taken their carriages Caesar departing from the tenth legion to the right cornet finding his men exceedingly overcharged the ensignes crowded together into one place and the souldiers of the twelfth legion so thick thronged on a heap that they hindred one another all the Centurions of the fourth cohort being slain the ensign-bearer kill'd and the ensign taken and the Centurions of the other cohorts either slain or sore wounded amongst whom Pub. Sextus Baculus the Primipile of that legion a valiant man so grievously wounded that he could scarce stand upon his feet the rest not very forward but many of the hindmost turning taile and forsaking the field the Enemy 〈◊〉 the other side giving no respite in front although he fought against the hill nor yet sparing the open side and the matter brought to a narrow issue without any means or succour to relieve them he took a target from one of the hindmost souldiers for he himself was come thither without one and pressing to the front of the battel called the Centurions by name and incouraging the rest commanded the ensignes to be advanced toward the enemy and the Maniples to be inlarged that they might with greater facility and readinesse use their swords THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Publius Sextus Baculus was the chiefest Centurion of the twelfth legion being the first Centurion of that Maniple of the Triarn that was of the first Cohort in that legion for that place was the greatest dignity that could happen to a Centurion and therefore he was called by the name of Centurio primipili or simply Primipilus and sometimes Primiopilus or Primus Centurio By him were commonly published the mandates and edicts of the Emperour and Tribunes and therefore the rest of the Centurions at all times had an eye unto him and the rather for that the eagle which was the peculiar ensign of every legion was committed to his charge and carried in his Maniple Neither was this dignity without speciall commodity as may be gathered out of divers Authours We read farther that it was no disparagement for a Tribune after his Tribuneship was expired to be a Primipile in a legion notwithstanding there was a law made I know not upon what occasion that no Tribune should afterward be Primipile But let this suffice concerning the office and title of P. S. Baculus THE SECOND OBSERVATION ANd here I may not omit to give the Target any honour I may and therefore I will take occasion to describe it in Caesars hand as in the place of greatest dignity and much honouring the excellency thereof Polybius maketh the Target to contain two foot and an half in breadth overthwart the convex surface thereof and the length four foot of what form or fashion soever they were of for the Romans had two sorts of Targets amongst their legionaries the first carried the proportion of that figure which the Geometricians call Ovall a figure of an unequall latitude broadest in the 〈◊〉 and narrow at both the ends like unto an egge described in plano the other sort was of an equall latitude and resembled the fashion of a gutter-tile and thereupon was called Scutum imbricatum The matter whereof a target was made was a double board one fastened upon another with lint and Buls glew and covered with an Oxe hide or some other stiffe leather the upper and lower part of the target were bound about with a plate of iron to keep it from cleaving and in the midst there was a bosse of iron or brasse which they called Umbo Romulus brought them in first among the Romans taking the use of them from the Sabines The wood whereof they were made was for the most part either sallow alder or fig-tree whereof Plinie giveth this reason forasmuch as these trees are cold and waterish and therefore any blow or thrust that was made upon the wood was presently contracted and shut up again But forasmuch as the
or overwhelmed with Barbarisme From thence it flowed into Egypt out of Egypt into Greece out of Greece into Italy out of Italy into Gallia and from thence into England where our Kentish men first entertained it as bordering upon France and frequented with Merchants of those Countries CHAP. VI. Divers skirmishes between the Romans and the Britans THe Cavalry of the enemy and their chariots gave a sharp conflict to the Roman horsemen in their march but so that the Romans got the better every way driving them with great slaughter to the woods and hills and loosing also some of their own men being too venturous in the pursuit The Britans after some intermission of time when the Romans little thought of them and were busied in fortifying their Camp came suddainly out of the woods and charged upon those that kept station before the Camp Caesar sent out two the chiefest cohorts of two legions to second their fellowes These two cohorts standing with a small alley between them the other that were first charged being terrified with that strange kind of fight boldly brake through the thickest of the enemy so retired in safety to their fellows That day Quintus Laberius Durus a Tribune of the souldiers was slain The Britans were repelled with moe cohorts which Caesar sent to second the former And forasmuch as the fight happened in the view of all the Camp it was plainly perceived that the legionary souldiers being neither able for the weight of their Armour to follow the enemy as he retired nor yet daring to go far from their severall Ensigns was not a fit adversary to contest this kind of enemy and that the horsemen likewise fought with no lesse danger inasmuch as the enemy would retire back of purpose and when they had drawn them a little from the legions they would then light from their chariots and incounter them with that advantage which is between a footman and a horseman Furthermore they never fought thick and close together but thin and at great distances having stations of men to succour one another to receive the weary and to send out fresh supplies OBSERVATION UPon this occasion of their heavy Armour I will describe a Legionary souldier in his compleat furniture that we may better judge of their manner of warfare and understand wherein their greatest strength consisted And first we are to learn that their legionary souldiers were called milites gravis armaturae souldiers wearing heavy Armour to distinguish them from the Velites the Archers Slingers and other light-armed men Their offensive Armes were a couple of Piles or as some will but one Pile and a Spanish sword short and strong to strike rather with the point then with the edge Their defensive Armes were a helmet a corslet and boots of brasse with a large Target which in some sort was offensive in regard of that umbo which stuck out in the midst thereof The Pile is described at large in the first book and the Target in the second The sword as Polybius witnesseth was short two-edged very sharp and of a strong point And therefore Livy in his 22. book saith that the Galles used very long swords without points but the Romans had short swords readier for use These they called Spanish swords because they borrowed that fashion from the Spaniard The old Romans were so girt with their swords as appeareth by Polybius and their monuments in Marble that from their left shoulder it hung upon their right thigh contrary to the use of these times which as I have noted before was in regard of their target which they carried on their left arme This sword was hung with a belt of leather beset with studs as Varro noteth And these were their offensive weapons Their Helmet was of brasse adorned with three Ostrich feathers of a cubit in length by which the souldier appeared of a larger stature and more terrible to the Enemy as Polybius saith in his sixth book Their breast-plate was either of Brasse or Iron jointed together after the manner of scales or platted with little rings of Iron their boots were made of bars of brass from the foot up to the knee And thus were the legionary souldiers armed to stand firme rather then to use any nimble motion and to combine themselves into a body of that strength which might not easily recoile at the opposition of any confrontment for agility standeth indifferent to help either a retreat or a pursuit and nimble-footed souldiers are as ready to flie back as to march forward but a weighty body keepeth a more regular motion and is not hindered with a common counterbuffe So that whensoever they came to firme buckling and felt the enemy stand stiff before them such was their practice and exercise in continuall works that they never fainted under any such task but the victory went alwaies clear on their side But if the enemy gave way to their violence and came not in but for advantage and then as speedily retired before the counterbuffe were well discharged then did their nimbleness much help their weakness and frustrate the greatest part of the Roman discipline This is also proved in the overthrow of Sabinus and Cotta where Ambiorix finding the inconvenience of buckling at handy-blowes commanded his men to fight a far off and if they were assaulted to give back and come on again as they saw occasion which so wearied out the Romans that they all fel under the execution of the Galles Let this suffice therefore to shew how unapt the Romans were to flie upon any occasion when their Armour was such that it kept them from all starting motions and made them sutable to the staied and well assured rules of their discipline which were as certain principles in the execution of a standing battell and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit or a flight Concerning the unequal combat between a horseman and a footman it may be thought strange that a footman should have such an advantage against a horseman being overmatched at least with a Sextuple proportion both of strength and agility but we must understand that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere so in speedy and nimble turning at hand wherein the substance of the combate consisteth the footman far exceedeth the horseman in advantage having a larger mark to hit by the Horse then the other hath Besides the horseman ingageth both his valour and his fortune in the good speed of his horse his wounds and his death do consequently pull the rider after his fear or fury maketh his master either desperate or slow of performance and what defect soever ariseth from the horse must be answered out of the honour of the rider And surely it seemeth reasonable that what thing soever draweth us into the society of so great a hazard should as much as is possible be contained in the compasse of our own power The sword which we manage with our owne hand affordeth
to compell them CHAP. VII A new waâ— raised in the territories of the Pictones C. Fabius putteth to flight the forces of Dumnacus subdueth the Carnutes and Areâ—orici IN the mean season C. Caninius the Legate understanding by the messengers and letters of Duracius who had continued alwayes firm to the friendship of the people of Rome that a great number of enemies were assembled in the borders of the Pictones forasmuch as a part of that City had renounced their obedience went to the town of Lemovicum When he came near the town and understood by his prisoners â—ow that Dumnacus Captain of the Andes with many thousands of men had enclosed Duracius and that Lemovicum was besieged he durst not with his weak legions adventure upon his enemies but pitched his Camp in an advantageous ground Dumnacus hearing of the approach of Caninius turned all his power against the Roman legions determining to set upon them in their Camp After he had spent many dayes in the assault and had lost many of his men and yet could not break down any part of their fortifications he returned again to besiege Leâ—ovicum At the same time C. Fabius receiveth many Cities by composition and assureth them with hostages and is advertised by Caninius letters of those things that were done among the Pictones Upon the knowledge whereof he setteth forth to rescue Duracius But Dumnacus understanding of Fabius coming forasmuch as he thought he should hazard the losing all if at once he should be compelled both to abide the Romans his enemies without and also to have an eye to and stand in fear of the town retired suddenly with all his forces from the place and could not think himself to be sufficiently in safety before he had passed his army over the river Loire which by reason of the greatnesse thereof was to be passed by a bridge and not otherwise Although Fabius was not yet come within fight of his enemies not had joyned with Caninius yet forasmuch as he was throughly informed by such as knew the coast of the countrey he suspected that his enemies would take that way which they did Therefore he marcheth with his army to the said bridge where his enemies had passed and commanded his horsemen to go no farther before the footmen then that they might upon occasion reâ—iâ—e into the same Camp without tiring their horses Our horse aâ— was commanded them overtook the host of Dumnacus and set upon them and assaulting them flying and amazed as they marched with their luggage at their backs slew a great number and took a great prey and so with good successe retired into their camp The night following Fabius sent his horsemen before so provided that they might encounter the enemy and stay all the whole army untill he should overtake them Q. Atius Varus the commander of the horse a man of sinlar courage and wisdome having encouraged his men and overtaken the body of his enemies disposed certain of his troups in places convenient and with the rest of his horsemen gave charge upon his enemies The cavalry of the enemy fought so much the more boldly because their foot were ready to assist them who being mingled through the whole army as often as occasion was did succour them against our men The encounter was very sharp For our men despising them whom they had vanquished the day before and remembring that the legions followed at their heels ashamed to give ground and desirous to get the day before their coming fought very valiantly against the footmen On the other side our enemies believing that no greater forces of ours were behind according as they had seen the day before thought a fair opportunity offered them to destroy our cavalry utterly When they had fought a good while very eagerly Dumnacus made a battel to relieve his Cavalry when occasion should be But on the suddain our enemies espied our legions coming up close together at the sight of whom their horse were stricken into such a fear and the foot so amazed that breaking through their carriages with great clamour and confusion they betook themselves every where to flight Then our Cavalry who a little before had their hands full being heartened with joy of the victory raised a great shout on all sides and casting themselves amongst them as they fled made slaughter of them as farre as their horses breaths would serve to pursue them and their arms were able to strike them Insomuch that having slain above twelve thousand men armed and such as for fear had cast away their arms they took all their carriages none escaping Out of the which chase forasmuch as it was certainly known that Drapes the Senon was escaped who when Gallia first began to rebel gathering to him men of desperate fortunes out of all places setting bondmen at liberty entertaining outlawes of all countries and receiving high-way thieves had cut off the carriages and victuals of the Romans was going toward the Province with five thousand men at the most which he had rallied after the chase and that Luterius of Cahors joyned himself with him who in the former Commentary is said to have attempted an invasion of the Province at the first insurrection of Gallia Caninius the Legate with two legions pursued after them lest some great dishonour might be received by those loose fellows terrifying and harrasing the Province C. Fabius with the rest of the army went against the Carnutes and the other States whose power he knew to be crushed in the battel that was fought against Dumnacus For he doubted not but he should find them more tractable to deal with by reason of the late overthrow whereas if he should give them time of respite by the instigation of the said Dumnacus they might be raised again Fabius with marvellous good luck and speed brought those States to submission For the Carnutes who had been oftentimes before ill-handled by us yet would never listen to peace now gave hostages and came into subjection And the rest of the States situate in the farthest parts of Gallia bordering upon the sea which are called Armoricae following the example of the Carnutes at the coming of Fabius with his legions amongst them performed his commandments without delay Dumnacus thus driven out of his own countrey wandring and lurking in corners alone was compelled to betake himself to the uttermost countreys of all Gallia CHAP. VIII Drapes and Luterius seize upon Vxellodunum Caninius pursueth them overthroweth their forces taketh Drapes prisoner and with Fabius besiegeth Vxellodunum BUt Drapes and Luterius when they understood that Caninius approached with his army perceiving they could not without manifest perill enter the bounds of the Province considering how the army pursued them nor yet range abroad on thieving at their pleasure stayed together in the countrey of the Cadurci There Luterius who in times past while he was in prosperity was able to sway greatly with his countreymen and had gotten great estimation
the Helvetians had matched his sister by his Mother and others of his kâ— into other States For that affiâ—ty he favoured and wished well to the Helvetians and on the other side hated the Romans and specially Caesar of all others for that by their coming into Gallia his power was weakened and Divitiacus his brother restored to his ancient honour and dignitie If any miscasualtie happened to the Romansâ—is â—is hope was to obtain the Principalitie by the favour of the Helvetians whereas the soveraigntie of the Romans made him not onely despair of the kingdom but also of the favour or what other thing soever he now injoyed And Caesar had found out by inquirie that the beginning of the slight when the Cavalrie was routed came from Dumnorix and his horsemen for he commanded those troups which the Heduans had sent to aide Caesar and out of that disorder the rest of the Cavalrie took a fright Which things being discovered forasmuch as these suspicions were seconded with matters of certainty in that he had brought the Helvetians through the confines of the Sequans had caused hostages to be given on either side and done all those things not onely without warrant from the State but without acquainting them therewith and lastly in that he was accused by the Magistrate of the Heduans he thought it cause sufficient for him to punish him or to command the State to do justice upon him One thing there was which might seem too oppugne all this the singular affection of Divitiacus his brother to the people of Rome the great love he bare particularly to Caesar his loyaltie justice and temperance and therefore he feared least his punishment might any way alienate or offend Divitiacus sincere affection And therefore before he did any thing he called Divitiacus and putting aside â—he ordinarie Interpreters he spake to him by M. Valerius Procillus one of the principall men of the Province of Gallia his familiar friend whom he specially trusted in matters of importance and took notice what Dumnorix had uttered in his presence at a Councell of the Galles shewing also what informations he had privately received concerning him and therefore by way of advice desired that without any offence to him either he himself might call him in question or the State take some course in the same Divitiacus imbracing Caesar with many tears besought him not to take any severe course with his brother he knew well that all those things were true neither was there any man more grieved thereat then himself For whereas he had credit and reputation both at home and amongst other States of Gallia and his brother being of small power by reason of his youth was by his aide and assistance grown into favour and authoritie he used those meanes as an advantage not onely to weaken his authoritie but to bring him to ruine And yet neverthelesse he found himself overruled through brotherly affection and the opinion of the common people And if Caesar should take any strict account of these offences there was no man but would think it was done with his privitie considering the place he held in his favour whereupon would consequently follow on his behalf a generall alienation and distaste of all Gallia As he uttered these things with many other words accompanied with tears Caesar taking his right hand comforted him and desired him to intreat no further for such was the respect he had unto him that for his sake and at his request he forgave both the injurie done to the Commonwealth and the displeasure which he had justly conceived for the same And thereupon called Dumnorix before him and in the presence of his brother shewed him wherein he had deserved much blame and reproof told him what he had understood and what the State complained on advised him to avoid all occasions of mislike for the future that which was past he had forgiven him at Divitiacus his brothers intreaty Howbeit he set espials upon him to observe his courses that he might be informed what he did and with whom he conversed The same day understanding by the Discoverers that the Enemy was lodged under a Hill about eight miles from his Camp he sent some to take a view of the Hill and of the ascent from about the same Which was found accordingly reported unto him to be very easie In the third watch of the night he sent away T. Labienus the Legat with two legions and those Guides that knew the way commanding him to possesse himself of the top of that Hill Himself about the fourth watch marched on after the Enemy the same way they had gone sending all his horsemen before P. Causidius that was held for a great souldier first in the Army of L. Sylla and afterwards with M. Crassus was sent before with the Discoverers At the breaking of the day when Labienus had got the top of the Hill and himself was come within a mile and a half of the Helvetian Camp without any notice to the Enemy either of his or Labienus approach as was afterwards found by the Captives Causidius came running as fast as his horse could drive and told him that the Hill which Labienus should have taken was held by the Galles which he perceived plainly by the Armes and Ensignes of the Helvetians Whereupon Caesar drew his forces to the next Hill and imbattelled the Army Labienus according to the directions he had from Caesar not to fight unlesse he saw his forces near the Enemies Camp that they might both at the same time assault them from divers parts at once when he had took the Hill kept his men from battel expecting our Army At length when it was farre in the day Caesar understood by the Discoverers that the Hill was possessed by his Party as also that the enemy was dislodged and that Causidius was so astonished with fear that he reported to have seen that which he saw not The same day he followed the Enemy at the distance he had formerly used and incamped himself three miles from them The day following forasmuch as the Army was to be paid in Corn within two days next after and that he was but eighteen miles distant from Bibract a great and opulent City of the Heduans he turned aside from the Helvetians and made towards Bibract THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe getting of this hill as a place of advantage was marvellous important to the happy successe of the battel for the advantage of the place is not only noted as an especiall cause of easy victory throughout this history but in all their wars from the very cradle of their Empire it cleared their Armies from all difficulties to what extremities soever they were put The first reason may be in regard of their Darts and Slings and especially their Piles which being a heavy deadly weapon could not any way be so availeable being cast countermont or in a plain levell as when the deâ—livity and downfall of a swelling
to make it more plain of many examples I will only alledge two the one out of Livie to prove that the Roman horsemen were not comparable for service to footmen the other out of Hirtius to shew the same effect against strangers Numidian horsemen In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Marcus Horatius Valerius having fortunately overthrown the Equi and the Volsci Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the war against the Sabines wherein it happened that in the day of battell the Sabines reserved two thousand of their men to give a fresh assault upon the left Cornet of the Romans as they were in conflict which took such effect that the legionary footmen of that Cornet were forced to retreat Which the Roman horsemen being in number six hundred perceiving and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy they presently forsook their horses and made hast to make good the place on foot wherein they carried themselves so valiantly that in a moment of time they gave the like advantage to their footmen against the Sabines and then betook themselves again to their horses to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled For the second point the Numidians as Caesar witnesseth were the best horsemen that ever he met with and used the same Art as the Germans did mingling among them light-armed footmen And Ambuscado of these Numidians charging the legions upon a suddain the history saith that primo impetu legionis Equitatus levis armatura hostium nullo negotio loco pulsa dejecta est de colle And as they sometimes retired and sometimes charged upon the rereward of the Army according to the manner of the Numidian fight the history saith Caesariani interim non amplius tres ant quatuor milites veterani si se convertissent pila viribus contortain Numidas infestos conâ—ecissent amplius duorum millium ad unum terga vertebant So that to free himself of this inconvenience he took his horsemen out of the rereward and placed his legions there ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat And ever as he marched he caused three hundred souldiers of every legion to be free and without burthen that they might be ready upon all occasions Quos in Equitatum Labieâ— immisit Tum Labienus conversis equis signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere multis ejus occisis compluribus vulneratis milites legionarii ad sua se recipiunt signa atque iter inceptum ire coeperunt I alledge the very words of the history to take away all suspicion of falsifying or wresting any thing to an affected opinion If any man will look into the reason of this disparity he shall find it to be chiefly the work of the Roman pile an unresistable weapon and the terrour of horsemen especially when they were cast with the advantage of the place and fell so thick that there was no means to avoid them But to make it plain that any light-armed footmen could better make head against a troup of horse then the Cavalrie of their own partie although they bear but the same weapons let us consider how nimble and ready they were that fought on foot either to take an advantage or to shun and avoid any danger casting their darts with far greater strength and more certainty then the horsemen could do For as the force of all the engines of old time as the Balistae Catapultae and Tolenones proceeded from that stability and resting Centre which nature affordeth as the only strength and life of the engine so what force soever a man maketh must principally proceed from that firmnesse and stay which Nature by the earth or some other unmoveable rest giveth to the body from whence it taketh more or lesse strength according to the violence which it performeth as he that lifteth up a weight from the ground by so much treadeth heavier upon the earth by how much the thing is heavier then his body The footmen therefore having a surer stay to counterpoize their forced motion then the horsemen had cast their darts with greater violence and consequently with more certainty Chap. XVIII Caesar preventeth Ariovistus of his purpose by making two Camps WHen Caesar perceived that Ariovistus meant nothing lesse then to fight but kept himself within his Camp least peradventure he should intercept the Sequans and other of his Associates as they came with convoies of Corn to the Romans beyond that place wherein the Germans aboad about six hundred paces from their Camp he chose a ground meet to incamp in and marching thither in three battells commanded two of them to stand ready in Armes and the third to fortify the Camp Ariovistus sent sixteen thousand foot and all his horse to interrupt the souldiers and hinder the intrenchment Notwithstanding Caesar as he had before determined caused two battells to withstand the enemy and the third to go through with the work which being ended he left there two legions and part of the associate forces and led the other four legions back again into the greater Camp The next day Caesar according to his custome brought his whole power out of both his Camps marching a little from the greater Camp he put his men in array and profered battell to the enemy but perceiving that Ariovistus would not stirre out of his trenches about noon he conveighed his Army into their severall Camps Then at length Ariovistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser Camp The incounter continued very sharp on both parts untill the evening and at sun-setting after many wounds given and taken Ariovistus conveighed his Army again into their Camp And as Caesar made inquiry of the captives what the reason was that Ariovistus refused battell he found this to be the cause The Germans had a custome that the women should by casting of Lots and Southsaying declare whether it were for their behoof to fight or no and that they found by their Art the Germans could not get the victory if they fought before the new Moon THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe what especiall importance this manner of incamping carried in that absolute discipline which the Romans observed and by which they conquered so many Nations for besides the safety which it afforded their own troups it served for a hold well-fenced and manned or as it were a strong fortified town in any part of the field where they saw advantage and as oft as they thought it expedient either to fortifie themselves or impeach the enemy by cutting off his passages hindering his attempts blocking up his Camp besides many other advantages all averring the saying of Domitius Corbulo dolabra vincendum esse hostem a thing long time neglected but of late happily renewed by the Commanders of such forces as serve the States in the United Provinces of Belgia whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertain the use of the spade and
upon another Tacitus saith that the souldiers climbed upon the wall super iteratam testudinem by one Testudo made upon another And this was the ancient form and use of a Testudo in a sudden assault or surprise Dio Cassius in the acts of Antony saith that being galled with the Parthian Archers he commanded his whole Army to put it self into a Testudo which was so strange a sight to the Parthians that they thought the Romans had sunk down for wearinesse and faintnesse and so forsaking their horses drew their swords to have made execution and then the Romans at a watch-word given rose again with such a fury that they put them all to sword and â—light Dio describeth the same Testudo after this manner They placed saith he their baggage their light-armed men and their horsemen in the midst and those heavy-armed footmen that carried long gutter-tiled Targets were in the utmost circles next unto the Enemy the rest which bare large ovall Targets were thronged together throughout the whole troup and so covered with their Targets both themselves and their fellowes that there was nothing discerned by the Enemy but a roof of Targets which were so tiled together that men might safely go upon them Further we oftentimes read that the Romans cast themselves into a Testudo to break through an Enemy or to rout and disrank a troup And this use the Romans had of a Testudo in field services and only by the benefit of their Target It was called a Testudo in regard of the strength for that it covered and sheltred as a shell covereth a fish And let this suffice concerning a Testudo THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly we may observe how carefully Caesar provided for the safety of such succours as he sent unto Bibrax for he commanded the same messengers that came from the town to direct them as the best and surest guides in that journey least peradventure through ignorance of the way they might fall into inconveniences or dangers A matter of no small consequence in managing a war but deserveth an extraordinary importunity to perswade the necessity of this diligence for a Generall that hath perfectly discovered the nature of the country through which he is to march and knoweth the true distances of places the quality of the wayes the compendiousnesse of turnings the nature of the hills and the course of the rivers hath all these particularities as main advantages to give means of so many severall attempts upon an enemy And in this point Hannibal had a singular dexterity and excelled all the Commanders of his time in making use of the way by which he was to passe But he that leadeth an Army by an unknown and undiscovered way and marcheth blindfold upon uncertain adventures is subject to as many casualties and disadvantages as the other hath opportunities of good fortune Let every man therefore perswade himself that good Discoverers are as the eyes of an Army and serve for lights in the darknesse of ignorance to direct the resolutions of good providence and make the path of safety so manifest that we need not stumble upon casualties Caesar in his journey to Ariovistus used the help of Divitiacus the Heduan in whom amongst all the Galles he reposed greatest confidence to discover the way and acquaint him with the passages and before he would undertake his voyage unto Britanie he well informed himself by Merchants and travailers of the quantity of the Iland the quality of the people their use of war and the opportunity of their havens Neither was he satisfied with their relations but he sent Caius Volusenus in a ship of war to see what he could further discover concerning these points Suetonius addeth moreover that he never carried his Army per insidiosa itinera through places where they were subject to be way-laid unlesse he had first well discovered the places Concerning the order which skilfull Leaders have observed in discoveries we are to know that this point consisteth of two parts the one in understanding the perfect description of the country the second in observing the motions of the enemy Touching the first we find as well by this as other histories that the Romans used the inhabitants of the country for Guides as best acquainted with their native places that they might not erre in so important a matter provided alwaies that their own scouts were ever abroad to understand what they could of themselves that they might not altogether rely upon a strangers direction The motions of the Enemy were observed by the horsemen and these for the most part were Veterani well experienced in the matter of warre and so the Generall received sound advertisements and yet they were not too forward upon any new motion unlesse they found it confirmed by divers wayes for some Espials may erre either through passion or affection as it happened in the Helâ—â—tian war If therefore the use and benefit which prudent and wise Commanders made of this â—â—igence or the misfortune which the want of this knowledge brought upon the ignorant have any authority to perswade a circumspect care herein this little that hath been spoken may be sufficient for this point THE FOURTH OBSERVATION THe souldiers which Caesar sent to relieve Bibrax were Archers of Creta and Numidia and Slingers of the Iles Baleares which are now called Majorica and Minorica which kind of weapon because it seemeth ridiculous to the souldiers of these times whose conceits are held up with the fury of these fiery engines I will therefore in brief discover the nature and use thereof The Latines saith Isidore called this weapon funda quod ex ea fundantur lapides because out of it stones are cast Plinie attriâ—uteth the invention thereof to the Islanderâ— called Baleares Florus in his 3 book and â— chap. saith that these Baleares used three sorts of slings and no other weapon besides and that a boy had never any meat given him before he had first struck it with a sling Strabo distinguisheth these three sorts of slings which the Baleares used and saith that they had one sling with long reines which they used when they would cast afarre off and another with short reines which they used near at hand and the third with reines of a mean sise to cast a reasonable distance Lipsius saith that in Columna Antonina at Rome he observed that the Balearean was made with one sling about his head another about his belly and the third in his hand which might be their ordinary manner of carrying them The matter whereof they were made was threefold the first was hemp or cotton the second hair and the third sinews for of either of these stuffs they commonly made them The form and fashion of a sling resembled a platted rope somewhat broad in the middest with an Ovall compasse and so by little and little decreasing into two thongs or reines Their manner of slinging was to whirle it twice or thrice
about their head and so to cast out the bullet Virgil speaking of Mezentius saith Ipse ter adducta circum caput egit habera He fetcht the rein three times about his head But Vegetius preferreth that skill which cast the bullet with once turning it about the head In Suidas we find that these Baleares did commonly cast a stone of a pound weight which agreeth to these names in Caesar fundas librales The leaden bullets are mentioned by Salust in the warre with Jugurth and by Livie where he saith that the Consul provided great store of arrows of bullets and of small stones to be cast with slings This weapon was in request amongst divers nations as well in regard of the readinesse and easy reiterating of the blow as also for that the bullet fled very farre with great violence The distance which they could easily reach with their sling is expressed in this verse FunduÌ„ Varro vocat quem possis mittere funda Fundum according to Varro is so much ground as a man may sling over Which Vegetius interpreteth to be six hundred foot Their violence was such as the same authour affirmeth in his first book and sixteenth chap. that neither helmet gaberdine nor coâ—selet could bear out the blow but he that was hit with a sling was slain sine invidia sanguinis as he saith in the same place Lucrece Ovid and Lucan three of the Latine Poets say that a bullet skilfully cast out of a sling went with such violence that it melted as it flew whereof Seneca giveth this reason Motion saith he doth extenuate the ayre and that extenuation or subtilty doth inflame and so a bullet caâ—â— out of a sling melteth as it flieth But howsoever Diodorus Siculus affirmeth that these Balearean slingers brake both target head-piece or any other armour whatsoever There are also two other sorts of slings the one mentioned by Livie and the other by Vegetius That in Livie is called Cestrophendo which cast a short arrow with a long thick head the other in Vegetius is called Fustibalus which was a sling made of a cord and a staffe But let this suffice for slings and slingers which were reckoned amongst their light-armed souldiers and used chiefly in assaulting and defending towns and fortresses where the heavy-armed souldiers could not come to buckle and present the place of our Harquebusiers which in their proper nature are levis armaturâ— milites light-armed souldiers although more terrible then those of ancient times Chap. V. Caesar confronteth the Belgae in form of battell but without any blow given the Belgae attempt the passing of the river Axona but in vain and to their losse they consult of breaking up the war CAesar at the first resolved not to give them battel as well in regard of their multitude as the generall fame and opinion conceived of their valour notwithstanding he daily made triall by light skirmishes with his horsemen what the enemy could do and what his own men durst do And when he found that his own men were nothing inferiour to the Belgae he chose a convenient place before his camp and put his Army in battell the bank where he was encamped rising somewhat from a plain levell was no larger then would suffice the front of the battell the two sides were steep and the front rose aslope by little and little untill it came again to a plain where the legions were imbattelled And least the enemy abounding in multitude should circumvent his men and charge them in the flank as they were fighting which they might easily do with their number he drew an overthwart ditch behind his Army from one side of the hill to the other six hundred paces in length the ends whereof he fortified with bulwarks and placed therein store of engines And leaving in his Camp the two legions which he had last enrolled in Lombardy that they might be ready to be drawn forth when there should need any succour he imbattelled his other six legions in the front of the hill before his Camp The Belgae also bringing forth their power confronted the Romans in order of battell I here lay between both the Armies a small Marish over which the enemy expected that Caesar should have passed and Caesar on the other side attended to see if the Belgae would come over that his men might have charged them in that troublesome passage In the mean time the Cavalry on both sides incountered between the two battells and after long expectation on either side neither party adventuring to passe over Caesar having got the better in the skirmish between the horsemen thought it sufficient for that time both for the encouraging of his own men and the contesting of so great an Army and therefore he conveighed all his men again into their Camp From that place the enemy immediately took his way to the River Axona which lay behind the Romans Camp and there finding foords they attempted to passe over part of their forces to the end they might either take the fortresse which Q. Titurius kept or break down the bridge or spoile the territories of the state of Rhemes and cut off the Romans from provision of corne Caesar having advertisement thereof from Titurius transported over the river by the bridge all his horsemen and light-armed Numidians with his Slingers and Archers and marched with them himself The conflict was hot in that place the Romans charging their enemies as they were troubled in the water slew a great number of them the rest like desperate persons adventuring to passe over upon the dead carkases of their fellowes were beaten back by force of weapons and the horsemen incompassed such as had first got over the water and slew every man of them When the Belgae perceived themselves frustrated of their hopes of winning Bibrax of passing the River and of drawing the Romans into places of disadvantage and that their own provisions began to fail them they called a councell of war wherein they resolved that it was best for the State in generall and for every man in particular to break up their Camp and to return home unto their own houses and into whose confines or territories soever the Romans should first enter to depopulate and wast them in hostile manner that thither they should hasten from all parts and there give them battell to the end they might rather try the matter in their own country then abroad in a strange and unknown place and have their own houshold provision alwayes at hand to maintain them And this the rather was concluded for as much as they had intelligence that Divitiacus with a great power of the Hedui approached near to the borders of the Bellovaci who in that regard made hast homeward to defend their country THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe the Art which he used to countervail the strength of so great a multitude by chusing out so convenient a place which was no broader in front then would
ought that may be gathered by their histories THE FIFTH OBSERVATION THe last thing which I observe is the place where Crassus bestowed the Auxiliary forces in the disposition of his troups to battel which is here said to be in mediam Aciem for as their Armies were divided into three battels so every battel was divided into three parts the two cornets and the battel wherein these Auxiliary forces were in this service bestowed of these he afterward saith that inasmuch as he durst not put any confidence in them he commanded them to serve the Romans in time of battel with stones and weapons and to carry earth and turf to the Mount The reason why suspected troups are placed in the battel rather then in either of the cornets is for that the battel hath not such scope to fling out or take advantage of place to do mischief as the cornets have for wheresoever there have been set battels fought the strength of their Army consisted alwayes in the cornets as the two principall instruments of the battel and as long as these stood sound the victory went alwayes certain on that part for the cornets both kept the enemy from incompassing about the body of their Army and had the advantage also of charging upon the open side of their adversary At the battel of Cannae Hannibal put the weakest of his forces in the battel and advancing them towards the enemy left the two cornets behind so that when the enemy came to charge upon the battel they easily beat them back and as they followed the retreat fell in between the two cornets wherein the strength of the Army consisted and being by them incompassed on each side were defeated and overthrown And thus we see the advantage which a Generall hath when his two cornets stand firm although the battel shrink in the encounter Hannibal in the battel he had with Scipio in Africk placed the Strangers in the front and in the rereward according peradventure as he found their number and the use of their Armes which are circumstances to be considered in this case and depend rather upon the judgement of a Generall then of any prescription that can be given in this matter CHAP. XI Crassus taketh the Camp of the Galles and with their overthrow endeth that warre CRassus understanding their drift and finding his men chearfull and willing to fight the whole army crying out that they would stay no longer but immediately set upon the enemies in their camp incouraged his souldiers and to the contentment of all men went directly to the place where they were lodged and as some began to fill up the ditch and others with casting weapons to beat the Galles from the rampier he commanded the Auxiliary forces of whom he had no great assurance to bring stones and weapons to the souldiers that fought and to carry earth and turf to the Mount that so they might make a shew of fighting And on the other side as the enemy began valiantly to make resistance to cast their weapons from the higher ground to the great hurt of the Roman souldier the horsemen in the mean time riding about the Camp of the Galles brought word to Crassus that the rampier at the Decumane port was not fortified with such diligence as they found it in other places but would admit an easy entrance Crassus dealt earnestly with the Commanders of the horse to incourage their men with great promises and rewards and instructed them what he would have done They according to their instructions took four cohorts that were left in the Camp fresh and no way tired and carrying them a further way about that they might not be discovered by the Enemy while all mens eyes and minds were intent upon the fight they speedily came to the place of the fortifications which the horsemen had found to be weak which being easily broken down they had entered the Camp before the Enemy either saw them or could tell what was done And then a great clamour and shout being heard about that place the Roman legions renewing their force as it falleth out alwayes in hope of victory began to charge them afresh with great fury The Galles being circumvented on each side and despairing of their safety casting themselves over the rampier sought by flight to escape the danger But forasmuch as the Countrey was open and champain the horsemen pursued them with that execution that of fifty thousand which came out of Aquitanie and Spain there scarce remained the fourth part Vpon the news of this fight the most part of the Aquitani yielded to Caesar and of their own accord gave him hostages amongst these were the Tarbelli Bigerriones Preciani Vocates Tarusates Elusates Garites Ausci Garumni Sibutzates and Cocasates Only some few that lived farther off trusting upon the coming on of winter held off and did not submit themselves OBSERVATION FRom this place Brancatio taketh occasion to dispute how an Enemy that is strongly incamped and for some advantage will not remove may be dislodged whether he will or no. A point of great consequence in matter of warre and therefore deserveth due consideration Concerning which he layeth this down for a maxime that all sorts and strong holds are taken by the foot and that camps and lodgings are taken by the head By which is meant that he who purposeth to win a fortresse well manned and provided must first get the foot and take hold of the ditch and then seise himself upon the rampier and so get the place for he saith that mounts and eminent elevations are of little use against fortresses or sconses unlesse they over-top them which may be easily prevented by raising the parapet of the fortresse in front and the curtain in slank according as the enemy shall carry his mounts aloft and so they shall never come to over-top the holds But all Camps and lodgings are taken by the head that is by mounts and elevations which by the advantage of their height command the champain for he holdeth it impossible to raise a mount within the Camp in so short a time to contest that which the enemy shall make without This foundation being laid he proceedeth to discover a way how to raise a mount maugre the enemy which shall dislodge them by force of Artillery or murther them all within their trenches And this he taketh from Caesar at the siege of Gergobia The substance of the matter consisteth in a double dâ—tch running like unto the line which the 〈◊〉 call Helicall By this double ditch he maketh his approach to any place of most advantage where he may in a night raise a mount high enough for the ordinance to play upon any quarter of the Camp The censure of this practice I referre to our judicious souldiers who may if it please them take a better view of the particularities of this stratagem in Brancatio himself Thus much I dare affirm in the behalf of these
flight yet having some thirty horse which Comius of Arras had carried with him at his coming into Britany he imbattelled his legions before his Camp and so gave them battel The Enemy not being able to bear the assault of the Roman souldiers turned their backs and fled the Romans followed them as far as they could by running on foot and after a great slaughter with the burning of their towns far and near they returned to their Camp The same day the Britans sent messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace whom he commanded to double their number of hostages which he commanded to be carried into Gallia And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand he thought it not safe to put himself to the sea in winter with such weak shipping and therefore having got a convenient time he hoised sail a little after midnight and brought all his ships safe unto the Continent Two of these ships of burthen not being able to reach the same haven put in somewhat lower into the land the souldiers that were in them which were about three hundred being set on shore and marching towards their Camp the Morini with whom Caesar at his going into Britany had made peace in hope of a booty first with a few of their men stood about them commanding them upon pain of death to lay down their weapons and as the Romans by casting themselves into an Orbe began to make defence at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about six thousand of the Enemy Which thing being known Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieve them In the meantime the Romans sustained the force of the Enemy and fought valiantly about the space of four hours and receiving themselves only some few wounds they slew many of the Enemy As soon as the Roman horsemen came in sight the Enemy cast away their weapons and fled and a great number of them fell by the horsemen OBSERVATION OF all the figures which the Tactici have chosen to make use of in military affairs the circle hath ever been taken for the fittest to be applyed in the defensive part as inclosing with an equall circuit on all parts whatsoever is contained within the circumference of that Area and therefore Geometry termeth a circumference a simple line forasmuch as if you alter the site of the parts and transport one arch into the place of another the figure notwithstanding will remain the same because of the equall bending of the line throughout the whole circumference Which property as it proveth an uniformity of strength in the whole circuit so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end this is front or this is flank so doth that which Euclide doth demonstrate in the third of his Elements concerning the small affinity between a right line and a circle which being drawn to touch the circumference doth touch it but in a point only shew the greatnesse of this strength in regard of any other line by which it may be broken Which howsoever they seem as speculative qualities conceived rather by intellectuall discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension yet forasmuch as experience hath proved the strength of this figure in a defensive part above any other manner of imbattelling let us not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties which discover the causes of this effect neither let us neglect this part of military knowledge being so strong a means to maintain valour and the sinew of all our ability for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an Army Neither ought there any action in a wel-ordered discipline to be irregular or void of order And therefore the Romans did neither eat nor sleep without the direction of the Consul or chief Commander otherwise their valour might rather have been termed fury then vertue but when their courage was ranged with order and disposed according to the occurrences of the time it never failed as long as the said order continued perfect It appeareth therefore how important it is for a Commander to look into the diversity of orders for imbattelling and to weigh the nature thereof that he may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion The Romans termed this figure Orbis which signifieth a round body both with a concave and a convex surface in resemblance whereof I understand this Orbe of men imbattelled to be so named which might peradventure consist of five or more or fewer ranks inclosing one another after the nature of so many circles described about one Centre so that either the midst thereof remained void or otherwise contained such carriages and impediments as they had with them in their march This form of imbattelling was never used but in great extremity for as it was the safest of all other so it gave suspicion to the souldiers of exceeding danger which abated much of their heat in battel as will hereafter appear by the testimony of Caesar himself in the fifth Commentary upon the occasion which happened unto Sabinus and Cotta CHAP. XIIII THe next day Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate with those legions which he had brought out of Britany against the revolted Morini who having no place of refuge because their bogs and fens were dryed up where they had sheltred themselves the year before they all fell under the power of his mercy Q. Titurius and A. Cotta the Legates who had led the legions against the Menapii after they had wasted their fields cut up their corn burned their houses for the Menapii were all hid in thick woods returned to Caesar These things being thus ended Caesar placed the wintering Camps of all his legions amongst the Belgae to which place two only of all the Cities in Britany sent hostages unto him the rest neglecting it These wars being thus ended upon the relation of Caesars letters the Senate decreed a supplication for the space of twenty dayes OBSERVATION IN the end of the second Commentary we read of a supplication granted by the Senate for fifteen dayes which was never granted to any man before that time since the first building of the City but forasmuch as in this fourth year of the wars in Gallia it was augmented from fifteen unto twenty dayes I thought it fit to refer the handling thereof unto this place We are therefore to understand that whensoever a Roman Generall had carried himself well in the wars by gaining a victory or enlarging the bounds of their Empire that then the Senate did decree a supplication to the gods in the name of that Captain And this dignity was much sought after not only because it was a matter of great honour that in their names the Temples of their gods should be opened and their victories acknowledged with the concourse and gratulation of the Roman people but also because a supplication was commonly the forerunner of a triumph which was the greatest honour in the Roman
greater assurance then the harquebuse wherein there are many parts belonging to the action as the powder the stone the spring and such like whereof if the least fail of his part we likewise faile of our fortune But how probable soever this seemeth this is certain that in the course of the Roman wars the horse were ever defeated by the foot as is manifestly proved in the first of these books CHAP. VII Caesar giveth the Britans two severall overthrowes THe next day the Enemy made a stand upon the hills a far off from the camp and shewed themselves not so often neither were they so busie with our horsemen as they were the day before But about noon when Caesar had sent out three legions and all his cavalry to get forrage under the conduction of Caius Trebonius a Legate they made a suddain assault upon the forragers and fell in close with the Ensignes the legions The Romans charged very fiercely upon them and beat them back neither did they make an end of following them untill the horsemen trusting to them put them all to flight with the slaughter of a great number of them neither did they give them respite either to make head to make a stand or to forsake their chariots After this overthrow all their Auxiliary forces departed from them neither did they afterward contend with the Romans with any great power Caesar understanding their determination carried his Army to the river Thames and so to the confines of Cassivellaunus which river was passable by foot but in one place only and that very hardly At his coming he found a great power of the Enemy to be imbattelled on the other side and the bank fortified with many sharp stakes and many other also were planted covertly under the water These things being discovered to the Romans by the Captives and fugitives Caesar putting his horse before caused the legions to follow suddenly after who notwithstanding they had but their heads clear above the water went with that violence that the enemy was not able to endure the charge but left the bank and betook themselves to flight OBSERVATION THis attempt of Caesar seemeth so strange to Brancatio that he runneth into strange conclusions concerning this matter as first that he that imitateth Caesar may doubt of his good fortunes for his proceeding in this point was not directed by any order of war and that a great Commander hath nothing common with other Leaders but especially he crieth out at the basenesse of the Britans that would suffer themselves so cowardly to be beaten But if we look into the circumstances of the action we shall find both Art and good direction therein for being assured by the fugitives that the river was passable in that place and in that place only he knew that he must either adventure over there or leave Cassivellaunus for another Summer which was a very strong inducement to urge him to that enterprise The difficulty whereof was much relieved by good direction which consisted of two points First by sending over the horsemen in the front of the legions who might better endure the charge of the enemy then the footmen could that were up to the neck in water and withall to shelter the footmen from the fury of the Enemy Secondly he sent them over with such speed that they were on the other side of the water before the enemy could tell what they attempted for if he had lingered in the service and given the enemy leave to find the advantage which he had by experience his men had never been able to have endured the hazard of so dangerous a service It is hard to conjecture at the place where this service was performed for since the building of London bridge many foords have been scoured with the current and fall of the water which before that time carried not such a depth as now they do CHAP. VIII The conclusion of the Brittish war Caesar returneth into Gallia CAssivellaunus having no courage to contend any longer dismissed his greatest forces and retaining only four thousand chariots observed our journeys keeping the wood-Countries and driving men and cattell out of the fields into the woods where he knew the Romans would come and as their horse strayed out either for forrage or booty he sent his chariots out of the woods by unknown wayes and put their horsemen to great perill in regard whereof the horsemen durst never adventure further then the legions neither was there any more spoil done in the Country then that which the legionary souldiers did of themselves In the mean time the Trinobantes being almost the greatest State of all those Countries from whom Mandubratius had fled to Caesar into Gallia for that his father Imanuentius holding the kingdome was slain by Cassivellaunus sent Embassadours to Caesar to offer their submission and to intreat that Mandubratius might be defended from the oppression of Cassivellaunus sent unto them to take the kingdome Caesar having received from them forty pledges Corn for his Army sent Mandubratius unto them The Trinobantes being thus kept from the violence of the souldiers the Cenimagni Seguntiaci Ancalites Bibroci and Cassi yielded themselves to Caesar By these he understood that Cassivellaunus his town was not far off fortified with woods bogs well stored with men cattell The Britans call a town a thick wood inclosed about with a ditch and a rampier made for a place of retreat when they stood in fear of incursions from the borderers Thither marched Caesar with his Army found it well fortified both by Art and Nature as he assaulted it in two severall places the enemy unable to keep it cast himself out of the town by a back way and so he took it Where he found great store of cattel and slew many of the Britans While these things were a doing Cassivellaunus sent messengers into Kent which as was said lies upon the sea and wherein there were four severall Kings Cingetorix Carvilius Taximagulus and Segonax them he commanded with all the power they could make to set upon the camp where the Navy was kept The Kings coming to the place were overthrown by a sally which the Romans made out upon them many of them being slain and Lugotorix a great commander taken prisoner This battell concurring with the former losses and especially moved thereunto with the revolt of the forenamed cities Cassivellaunus intreated peace of Caesar by Comius of Arras Caesar being determined to winter in the Continent for fear of suddain commotions in Gallia and considering that the Summer was now far spent and might easily be lingred out he commanded pledges to be brought unto him and set down what yearly tribute the Britans should pay to the Romans giving withall a strict charge to Cassivellaunus to do no injury either to Mandubratius or the Tribonantes The hostages being taken he carried back his Army to the sea where he found his shipping repaired which
his timorousnesse flieth alwayes to extremities making him rash in consultation peremptory in opinion and base in case of perill all which are enemies to good direction and the onely instruments of mischieving fortune CHAP. XVI Ambiorix hasteth to besiege Cicero and stirreth up the Aduatici the Nervii and so raiseth a great power AMbiorix took such spirits unto him upon this victory that with his horsemen he went immediately unto the Aduatici being the next borderers upon his kingdom without intermission of night or day commanding his footmen to follow him The Aduatici upon his opening the matter being stirred up to commotion the next day after he came to the Nervii exhorting them not to let slip this occasion of recovering to themselves perpetuall liberty and revenging them of the Romans for the wrongs they had received He told them that two Legates were already slain and a great part of the Army overthrown it was now no great matter suddenly to surprise the legion that wintered with Cicero to the performance whereof the offered himself to be their assistant These remonstrances easily perswaded the Nervii and therefore they dispatched speedy messengers to the Centrones Grudii Leuaci Pleumosii and Gorduni who were all under their dominion and raised very great forces and â—ith them they hasted to the camp where Cicero wintered before any inkling of the death of Titurius was brought unto him OBSERVATION THe ambitious and working spirit of Ambiorix that could attempt to raise the basenesse of a small and ignoble State to so high a point of resolution that they durst adventure upon the Roman legions being setled in the strength of their Empire by the memory of so many victories in Gallia wanted now no means to make an overture to a universall commotion propounding liberty and revenge to the Galles two the sweetest conditions that can happen to a subdued people if they would but stretch out their hands to take it and follow that course which his example had proved sure and easie Which may serve to shew that he that will attempt upon doubtfull and unsafe Principles will take great advantage from a probable entrance and make a small beginning a sufficient means for his greatest designs CHAP. XVII Cicero defendeth his Camp from the surprise of the Nervii and prepareth himself against a Siege IT happened to Cicero also as it could not otherwise chuse that many of the souldiers that were gone into the woods for timber and munition were cut off by the sudden approach of the Enemies horsemen These beâ—ng câ—rcumvented the Eburones Nervii and Aduatici with all their confederates and clieâ—â—s began to assault the Camp The Romans betook them speedily to their weapons and got upon the rampâ—er With much adoe they held out that day for the Galles trusted much upon celerity hoping if they sped well in that action to be victors ever after Cicero dispatched letters with all speed to Caesar promising great rewards to him that â—â—ould carry them but all the wayes were so fore-laied that the Messengers were taken In one night there was built in tâ—e camp one hundred and twenty towers of such timber as was brought in for fortification and whatsoever wanted of the rest of the work was perfected The enemy the next day with a far greater power assaulted the Camp and filled up the dâ—tch â—he Romans made the like defence as they had done the day before the like was continued divers dayes after The Romans made no intermission of their work at any part of the night nor gave any rest either to the sick or the woundâ—d Whatsoever was needfull for the next dayes assault was provided in readiness the night before a great number of stakes hardened in the fire were prepared and many murall piles were made the towers were 〈◊〉 in their stories Pinacles and Parapâ—ts â—ere set up of hurdles and Cicero himself being sickly and of a weak constitution took not so much leasure as to rest himself in the night time so that the souldiers of their own accord compelled him by intreaty to spare himsâ—â—f OBSERVATION THis Q. Cicero is said to be the brother of Marcus 〈◊〉 the famous Oratour and to him were the letters sent which are found in his â—pistles directed Quinto fratri In this action 〈◊〉 carriage deserved as great reputation in the true censure of honour as ever his brother did for his elâ—quence pro Rostris And if it had been the 〈◊〉 fortune to hâ—ve performed the like service 〈…〉 â—ave made it the greatest exploit that ever◠〈◊〉 had atchieved by arms Wherein particâ—â—â—â—ly may be commended the diligence and industry which was used in raising so many 〈◊〉 in so small a time for providing the 〈◊〉 before such things as were necessary for the next dayes defence for making so many stakes hâ—rdened in the end with fire for the defence of the rampier and for the store of these murall pâ—les which resembled the form of the ordinary pile but were far greater and weightier in regard they were to be cast from the rampier which gave them such advantage by reason of the height that being cast by a strong and well practised arm they were very effectuall and of great terrour CHAP. XVIII The Nervii propound the same things to Cicero which Ambiorix had done to Sabinus but are reject THen the Princes and chief Commanders of the Nervii which had any entrance of speech and cause of acquaintance with Cicero signified their desire to speak with him Which being granted they propounded the same things which Ambiorix had used to deceive Sabinus all Gallia were in Arms the Germans were come over the Rhene Caesar and the rest were besieged in their wintering-camps Sabinus and his men were cut in pieces and for the more credit to it they shew him Ambiorix They said they were much deceived if they expected any help from those who were at present scarce able to help themselves Notwithstanding they carried this mind to Cicero and the people of Rome that they refused nothing but their wintering among them which they would not suffer to be made a common practise They might depart in safety whither they would without disturbance or fear of danger Cicero onely made this answer That it was not the custome of the people of Rome to take any article or condition from an armed Enemy but if they would lay their Arms aside let them use his furtherance in the matter and send some to negotiate it with Caesar there was great hope in regard of his justice and equity that they should not return unsatisfied OBSERVATION THe first attempt which Ambiorix made upon the Camp of Sabâ—nus and Cotta was but short but here what with the pride of the former victory and the great multitude of the assailants they continued it longer in hope to carry it by assault For the first assault of a place especially when it cometh by way of surprise is of greater hope to the assailant and
themselves against those trees they overthrow them with their weight and fall withall themselves and so are taken The 3. kind of beasts are those which are called Uri somewhat lesser then an Elephant and in colour kind and shape not unlike unto a Bull. They are both strong and swift and spare neither man nor beast that cometh in their sight these they catch with greater labour and diligence in pits and ditches and so kill them The youth do inure and exercise themselves in this kind of hunting and such as kill many of these beasts and shew most horns are highly commended but to make them tame or any their litle ones was never yet seen The largeness of their horns as also the fashion and kind thereof doth much differ from the horns of the Oxen and are much sought after for cups to be used in their greatest banquets being first bound about the brim and trimmed with silver OBSERVATIONS CAesar in this Chapter describeth the course of life which the Germans in his time held throughout the whole policy of their government the scope whereof was to make them warlike to which he saith That in times past the Galles were as valiant and as warlike people as the Germans but the neighbourhood and knowledge of other nations had taught them a more plentifull manner of life which by litle and litle had weakned their strength and made them far inferiour to the Germans Which bringeth to our consideration that which is often attributed to a civill life that such as taste of the sweetness of ease and are qualified with the complements of civilitie have alwayes an indisposition to warlike practices The reason is grounded upon use and custome for discontinuance doth alwayes cause a strangenesse and alienation benumming the aptest parts with unready and painfull gestures and is so powerfull that it doth not only steal away naturall affection and make parents forget to love their children but like a tyrant it is able to force us to those things which naturally we are unfit for as though the decrees of nature were subject to the controllment of custome Much more then the things got by use and practice are as easily forgot by discontinuance as they were obtained by studious exercise On the other side there is nothing so horrible or dreadfull but use maketh easy The first time the Fox saw the Lion he swooned for fear the next time he trembled but the third time he was so far from fear that he was ready to put a trick of craft upon him whereby it appeareth that the Germans had no further interest in deeds of arms above the Galles then what the use of war had gained them for as usage continueth the property of a tenure so non-usage implieth a forfeiture Cato was wont to say that the Romans would loose their Empire when they suffered the Greek tongue to be taught amongst them for by that means they would easily be drawn from the study and practice of war to the bewitching delight of speculative thoughts And Marcellus was blamed for being the first that corrupted Rome with the delicate and curious works of Greece for before that he brought from the sacking of Syracusa the well-wrought tables of pictures and imagery Rome never knew any such delicacy but stood full fraught with armour and weapons of barbarous people of the bloudy spoyls and monuments of victories and triumphs which were rather fearfull shews to inure their eyes to the horrour of war then pleasant sights to allure their minds to affections of peace Whereby it appeareth that such as suffer themselves to be guided by the easy rain of civile government or take a disposition to that course of life can hardly endure the yoke of war or undergo the tediousnesse of martiall labours CHAP. XI Basilius his surprise upon Ambiorix CAesar finding by the discoverers which the Ubii sent out that the Suevi had all betaken themselves to the woods and doubting want of corn forasmuch as the Germans of all other nations do least care for tillage he determined to go no further But that his return might not altogether free the barbarous people from fear but hinder the helps and succours which they were wont to send into Gallia having brought back his army he cut off so much of the furthest part of the bridge next unto the Ubii as came in measure to two hundred foot and in the end of that which remained he built a tower of four stories making other works for the strengthening of that place wherein he left a garrison of twelve cohorts under the command of young C. Volcatius Tullus he himself as corn waxed ripe went forward to the war of Ambiorix by the way of the wood of Arduenna which is the greatest in all Gallia and extendeth it self from the banks of Rhene and the confines of the Treviri to the seat of the Nervii carrying a breadth of five hundred miles He sent L. Minutius Basilius before with all the horse to see if he could effect any thing either by prevention and speedy arrivall or by opportunity commanding him not to suffer any fires to be made in his camp least his coming might be discovered promising to follow him at his heels Basilius followeth his directions and coming upon them contrary to their expectation took many of the enemy abroad in the fields and by their condâ—â—â—â—ion made towards Ambiorix where he remained in a place with a few horsemen As fortune is very powerfull in all things so she challengeth a speciall interest in matter of war for as it happened by great luck that he should light upon him unawares and unprovided and that his coming should sooner be seen then heard of so was it great hap that all the arms which he had about him should be surprised his horses and his chariots taken and that he himself should escape death But this happened by reason of the wood that was about his house according to the manner of the Galles who for avoiding of heat do commonly build near unto woods and rivers his followers and friends sustaining a while the charge of the horsemen in a narrow place while he himself escaped in the mean time on horseback and in â—lying was protected and sheltered by the woods whereby Fortune seemed very powerfull both in drawing on a danger and in avoiding it THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe prerogative which Fortune hath alwayes challenged in the accidents of war and the speciall interest which she hath in that course of life more then in other mens actions hath made the best shouldiers oftentimes to sing a song of complaint the burthen whereof yet remaineth and serveth as a reason of all such misadventures Fortune de laguerre The Fortune of the war Such as have observed the course of things and have found one and the same man continuing the same means this day happy and the next day unfortunate and again two other men the one advised and respective
great fires were to be seen in all parts And although all men took it very grievously yet they propounded this comfort unto themselves that the enemy being by this means defeated they should quickly recover their losses Touching Avaricum they disputed it in common councel whether it should be burnt or defended The Bituriges do prostrate themselves at the feet of all the Galles that they might not be forced to set on fire with their own hands the fairest citie in all Gallia being both an ornament and a strength to their State they would easily defend it by the site of the place being incircled round about with a river and a bog and being accessible by one narrow passage onely At length leave being granted them to keep it Veâ—cingetorix at first disswading them from it and afterwards yielding unto it moved by the intreaty of the Galles and the commiseration of the common multitude and so a fit garrison was chosen to defend the town OBSERVATIONS I Have seen an Imprese with a circle and a hand with a sharp stile pointing towards the centre with this motto Hic labor hoc opus this is a thing of work and labour signifying thereby that albeit the Area thereof were plainly and distinctly bounded and the Diameter of no great length yet it was not an easie matter to find the Centre which is the heart and chiefest part of that figure In like manner there is no business or other course so easie or plain but the centre may be mistaken and the difficulty commonly resteth in hitting that point which giveth the circumference an equall and regular motion The Galles were resolved to undertake the defence of their countrey and to redeem their liberty with the hazard of their lives but it seemeth they were mistaken in the means and ran a course farre short of the centre For Vercingetorix perceiving the Romans dayly to get upon the Galles first by taking in one town secondly another and lastly of a third he advised them to set on fire all the countrey houses villages and towns for a great circuit round about and so force the Romans to fetch their forrage and provisions farre off and undergo the difficulties of long convoyes whereby the Galles might make use of their multitude of horse and keep the Romans without supplies of necessary provisions and so they doubted not but to give a speedy end to that warre And this hâ— took to be the centre of that business and the true use of their advantage Polybius writeth that M. Regulus having divers times overthrown the Carthaginians in battell one Xantippus a Lacedemonian clearly perceiving the cause of their often routs began openly to say that the Carthaginians were not overthrown by the valour of the Romans but by their own ignorance for they exceeding the Romans in horse and Elephants had neglected to fight in the champain where their Cavalry might shew it self but in hils and woody places where the foot troups were of more force and so the Romans had the advantage Whereby the manner of the war being changed and by the counsell of the preguant Greek brought from the hills into the levell of the plain the Carthaginians recovered all their former losses by one absolute victory In like manner Anniball finding himself to exceed the Romans in strength of cavalrie did alwayes endeavour to affront them in open and champain countries and as often as the Romans durst meet him he put them to the worse but Fabius perceiving the disadvantage kept himself alwayes upon the hils and in covert and uneven places and so made the advantage of the place equall the multitude of the enemies horsemen There is no greater scorn can touch a man of reputation and place then to be thought not to understand his own business For as wisedome is the excellency of humane nature so doth want of judgement deject men to the condition of such as Aristotle calleth servants by nature whose wit being too weak to support any weight do recompence that want with the service of their body and are wholy employed in a Porters occupation Which Homer layeth upon Diomedes shoulders with as fine conveyance as he doth the rest of his inventions For Ulysses and he going out on a partie to do some exploit upon the Trojans they carried themselves so gallantly that they fell to share King Rhesus chariot and horses Ulysses presently seized upon the horses being of a delicate Thracian breed and Diomedes seemed well contented with the chariot But being to carry it away Pallas advised him to let it alone lest he might prove his strength to be greater then his wit and yet not find so much neither as would carry it away But for these directions which Vercingetorix gave unto the Galles I referre the Reader to the sequele of the History wherein he shall find how they prevailed CHAP. VIII Caesar besiegeth Avaricum and is distressed for want of corn VErcingetorix followed Caesar by small and easy journeyes and chose a place to incamp in fortified about with bogs and woods fifteen miles distant from Avaricum where he understood what was done at Avaricum every hour of the day and commanded likewise what he would have done He observed all our forraging and harvesting and did set upon such as went far off upon any such occasion and incumbred them with great inconveniences albeit they took what course they could to meet with it as to go out at uncertain times and by unknown and unusuall wayes Caesar incamping himself before that part of the town which was not shut in with the river nor the bog and afforded but a narrow and streight passage began to make a mount to drive vines and to raise two towers for the nature of the place would not suffer him to inclose it round about with a ditch and a rampier and never rested to admonish the Hedui and the Boii to bring in supplies of corn of whom the one by reason of the small care and pains they took did little help him the other of no great ability being a small and a weak State did quickly consume all that they had The army was distressed for want of corn by reason of the poverty of the Boii and the indiligence of the Hedui together with the burning of the houses in the country in such manner as they wanted corn for many dayes together and sustained their lives with beasts and cattell which they had fetched a great way off and yet no one voice at all was heard to come from them unworthy the majesty of the Roman Empire and their former victories And whenas Caesar did speak unto the legions severally as they were in the works that if their wants were heavy and bitter unto them he would leave off the siege all of them with one voice desired him not to do so for since they had so serv'd many years under his command as they never had received any dishonour neither had
to sight amongst the horse At their arrivall forasmuch as they were not well fitted with horse he took the horses from the Tribunes the Roman Knights and the Evocati and distributed them amongst the Germans OBSERVATIONS THere are three principall means to draw a State into a partie which of it self standeth neutrall or to win the minds of men when they carrie equall or indifferent affections The first is by favour or friendship the second by authoritie and the third by money Friendship relieth upon former respects and the exchange of precedent courtesies Authority concludeth from future dangers and the inconveniences which may follow the refusall Money doth govern the present occasion and is more generall then either favour or authoritie The Galles were not wanting to make their partie good in any of these three perswading motives but as Caesar saith Quantum gratia authoritate pecunia valent ad sollicitandas civitates nâ—tuntur they sollicited the neighbour States as farre as friendship authority and money would go Wherein as they went about to lay the stock upon it so they left themselves but one triall for the right of their cause and joyned issue for all upon the fortune of that action for when they should see their best possibilities too weak and their uttermost endeavours profit nothing against a mighty prevailing enemy the greater their hopes were which they had in the means the greater would be their despair when such means were spent for it is a shrewd thing for men to be out of means and not to drive a hope before them It is usuall upon such main occasions to imploy the chiefest man in a State in whom the souldiers may have most assurance and to accompany him with such means as the strength of the Commonweal may afford him but if their greatest hopes die in his ill successe or wax faint through cold fortune the kingdome receiveth losse and the enemy getteth advantage as may appear by the sequele of this great preparation CHAP. XXIX The Cavalrie of the Galles do set upon the Roman army and are beaten WHile these things were a doing the enemies forces and the horsemen that were commanded to be levied in all Gallia met together and came out of the territories of the Arverni A great number of these being gathered together as Caesar marched against the Sequani by the borders of the Lingones to the end he might the easier relieve the Province Vercingetorix sate down about ten miles from the Romans in three severall camps and calling the Captains and Colonels of horse to counsell he told them that the time of victory was now come for the Romans left Gallia and fled into the Province which was sufficient for the obtaining of their present libertie but availed little for the peace and quiet of future time forasmuch as the Romans did not purpose to make an end of the warre but to return again with greater forces And therefore it was necessary to set upon them in their march ladâ—â— with carriages If the foot did assist their horse then they were not able to make any way or proceed in their journey But if which he hoped would rather happen forsaking their carriages every man shifted for himself they would depart both robbed of their necessaries and of their honour for they need not doubt of the enemies horse of whom he was most assured that they durst not go out from amongst the foot forces And to the end they might be the better incouraged he would draw all the forces in a readinesse out of the camp and place them so as they might be a terror to the enemy The horsemen cried out all together that this resolution might be strengthened with an holy oath Let him never be received under any roof or have accesse to his wife children or parents that did not twice runne through the army of the enemy The thing being well likâ—d of and every man forced to take that oath the next day he divided his cavalrie into three parts two armies shewed themselves on each side and the third began to make stay of the vauward Which being known Caesar divided his horses likewise into three parts and sent them to make head against the enemy At the same time they fought in all parts the army stood still the carriages were received within the Legions if our men were overcharged any where Caesar bent the Legions that way which did both hinder the enemy from following them and assure our men of hope of rescue At length the Germans having possest themselves of a hill on the right side did put the enemy from their place and followed them as they fled even to the river where Vercingetorix stayed with the foot companies and slew many of them Whereupon the rest fearing lest they should be encompassed about betook themselves to flight execution was done in all places Three of the Nobilitie of the Hedui were taken and brought to Caesar Cotus the Generall of the horse who at the last election of Magistrates stood in controversie with Convictolitanis and Cavarillus who after the revolt of Litavicus commanded the foot troups and Eporedorix under whose command before Caesars coming into Gallia the Hedui made warre with the Sequani All the cavalrie being put to flight Vercingetorix drew in his forces which he had imbattelled before his camp and immediately after began to march towards Alesia a town of the Mandubii commanding the baggage to be speedily brought out of the camp and to follow him Caesar having conveyed his carriages to the next hill under the custody of two Legions he followed the enemy as long as the day would give him leave and having slain some three thousand of the rereward the next day following he encamped at Alesia OBSERVATIONS THe Galles were much stronger then the Romans in Cavalry both according to quantitie and qualitie but the Roman Infanterie was greater in vertue and worth then any foot forces of the Galles notwithstanding their inequalitie in number Which sheweth that the Romans did more rely upon their legionary souldiers then upon their Equites and may serve for an argument in the handling of that question which is so much debated amongst men of warre whether the horse or the foot companies be of greater importance in the carriage of a warre Which indeed is a question à male dâ—visis being both so necessary for the perfect execution of martiall purposes as they cannot well be disjoyned And if we look particularly in the nature of their severall services we shall easily discern the differences and be able to judge of the validitie of their parts Wherein first it cannot be denied but that foot companies are serviceable to more purposes then troups of horse for the horsemen are of no use but in open and champain places whereas footmen are not only of importance in fielden couâ—treys but are necessary also in mountainous or woodie places in valleys in ditches
in sieges and in all other parts of what site or nature soever where the horsemen cannot shew themselves Whereby it appeareth that the infanterie extendeth its service to more purposes then the cavalrie and maketh the warre compleat which otherwise would prove lame and uneffectuall Touching the weight of the businesse when it cometh to a day of battel it resteth for the most part upon the foot troups for the horsemen are profitable to the army wherein they serve by making discoveries by harrying the enemies countrey by giving succour or rescue upon a suddain by doing execution upon an overthrow and by confronting the enemies horse but these are but as second services and fall short of the main stroke which for the most part is given by the footmen Neither doth a rout given to the cavalrie serving an army royall concern the body of that army further then the services before mentioned but the armie doth oftentimes go on notwithstanding and may well atchieve a happy victory whereas upon the overthrow of the infanterie the horsemen have nothing to do but to shift for themselves and get away to their own home So that it appeareth that the foot companies are the bulk and bodie of the armie and the horse as the armes and outward parts having expedient and necessary offices but alwayes subordinate to the main stroke given by the foot If any man look for proof hereof by example he shall not need to seek further then the Romans being masters of the art military who by an ancient law interdicting the Dictator to have the use of a horse in the warres for his private case intimated as Plutarch saith the strength of their army to consist in their footmen which the Generall in a day of battell should assist with his presence and in no wise forsake them if he would But touching the use of warre amongst them their Equites were so farre short of the service performed by their foot troups that when they would stand to it indeed they forsook their horses and fought on foot as in the battell with the Latines at the lake Regillus which I have already mentioned in my former observations Neither were the Romans tood horsemen as it seemeth by Caesar for he took the horses from the Tribunes and the Roman Equites and gave them to the Germans as better Rutters then any Romans But howsoever a State that aboundeth in horse and trusteth more in them then in foot companies may harrie a champain countrey but shall never be able to follow a warre with that strength as is requisite to make it fortunate CHAP. XXX Caesar besiegeth Alesia and fighteth with the enemies cavalry CAesar having viewed the site of the town and knowing the enemie to be much troubled for the overthrow of their horse in whom they put all their hopes exhorting the souldiers to take a little pains he determined to inclose the town round about with a ditch and a rampier Alesia was sited on the top of a hill in a very eminent place and not to be taken but by a continued siege At the foot of the hill ran two rivers on each side of the town before the town there lay a plain of three miles in length the other sides were inclosed round about in a reasonable distance with hills of equall height with the town Under the wall on the East side lay all the forces of the Galles having drawn a ditch and a drie wall on that part of eight foot in height the whole circuit of the works which the Romans made to inclose the town about contained eleven miles Their camp was sited in a convenient place where there were made three and twentie castles which in the day time were kept by garrâ—sons to prevent any suddain attempts of the enemy and in the night by strong watches The work being begun there happened a skirmish between the cavalrie of both sides in that plain which lay before the town of three miles in length They fought eagerly on both sides Our men being overcharged Caesar sent the Germans to second them and set the Legions before the camp lest there might happen any suddain sally by the foot of the enemy Upon the safegard of the Legions our men took courage The enemy was put to flight and being many in number one hindred another and stuck in heaps in the streight passage of their gates The Germans followed them close to their fortifications and made a great execution amongst them Many of them forsaking their horses attempted to leap the ditch and to climbe over the drie wall Caesar commanded the legions imbattelled before the camp to advance a little forward The Galles that were within the fortification were no little troubled for thinking the enemie would presently have come unto them they made an alarme some were so frighted that they brake into the town Vercingetorix commanded the gates to be shut lest the camp should be left naked of defendants Many of the enemie being slain and very many horses taken the Germans fell off and returned to Caesar OBSERVATIONS FOrasmuch as casualtie and chance have oftentimes the prerogative of a service and in misdeeming opinions do carrie away the honour from vertue and valour the first triall of a fortune is not of that assurance nor so much to be trusted as when it is seconded again with the like effect for when a matter by often triall falleth out to be of one and the same qualitie it sheweth a certainty of a cause producing ends of like condition The Galles as it seemeth were much discouraged upon the first overthrow of their horse in whom they so much believed and altered the course of their high resolutions so farre as where before they sware the overthrow of the Romans they were now content to take the protection of a strong town but this second foil which they received did so assure them of a harder confrontment and stronger opposition then they were able to bear that they never thought of any further triall but were content to go away losers rather then to hazard their lives in a third combat And thus when a second event backeth a former fortune it taketh away the suspicion of casualtie and maketh the winner bold and the loser desperate Pompey was so transported with joy for the blow which he gave Caesar at Dyrrachium that he sent letters of that daies victory into all parts of the world and made his souldiers so secure touching the issue of that warre ut non de ratione belli cogitarent sed vicisse jam sibi viderentur that they never thought how the warre was to be carried on esteeming themselves already absolute victors not remembring as Caesar saith the ordinary changes of warre wherein oftentimes a small matter either of a false suspicion or of a suddain fright or some other accident doth indanger an army which the enemy taketh to himself perinde ac si virtute vicissent as if
potestate consulari documento fuere quam plurium imperium bello inutile esset tentando ad sua quisque consilia cum aliâ— aliud vâ—deretâ—r aperuerunt ad occasionem locum hosti The three Tribunes with consular power clearly shewed how inconvenient a thing it is to have more then one commander in chief for while every one adheres to his own advice and judgement one man thinking this thing convenient another that they open a way to the enemy to make advantage against them In the time of their Consuls Quintius and Agrippa being sent against the Aequi Agrippa referred the businesse wholly to his collegue concluding as Livie saith Saluberrimum in administratione magnarum rerum est summum imperii ad unum esse It is the safest way in the managing of great affairs to have one man bear the chief sway And therefore as one body requireth but one head so one businesse would have but one directour forasmuch as Aemulatio inter pares ex eo impedimentum Aemulation and consequently hinderance will be amongst equalls CHAP. XXXV The Galles do chuse out sixty thousand of their best men and do assault the weakest part of Caesars camp THe Galles being repelled twice with great losse do fall into consideration what they were next to do They call unto them such as were well acquainted with the nature and site of the place by whom they understand of the situation of the upper camp On the north side there lay a hill which by reason of the greatnesse of the circuit our men could not take in within the compasse of their works and thereupon were necessarily constrained to lay their camp in an unequall place somewhat shelving This part was kept by Caius Antistius Rheginus and Caius Caninius Rebilus with two Legions This being known by the discoverers the Captains of the enemy chose out sixty thousand of those States which carried the greatest opinion of manhood and did secretly determine amongst themselves how and in what sort they would have the service carried and do determine to put it in execution when the Sun should be near about the noon meridian appointing Vergasilaunus to command those forces being one of the four Captains and kinsman to Vercingetorix He going out of the camp in the first watch of the night came to the end of his journey a little before day and hiding himself behind a hill commanded his souldiers to refresh themselves from the former nights travell And when it began to be towards noon he made towards that part of the camp which I have before mentioned and at the same time the horsemen began to approach towards the works and the rest of the forces shewed themselve before the camp Vercingetorix perceiving this out of the watch-tower of Alesia went out of the town and carried with him long poles hooks and such other provisions which he had made ready before hand for a salley They fought at one instant in all places all wayes were tryed and where they thought it to be weakest thither they ran The Roman forces were dismembred by reason of the large extension of their works so that they could not easily defend many places and the shout which was made behind their backs did much affright our men forasmuch as they perceived that their danger did consist in other mens valour for such things as are absent do for the most part greatly perplex and trouble mens minds Caesar having got a convenient place doth see what is done in every part if any were overcharged he sent them succour and was ready to answer all occasions on both sides the camp He told them that that was the time wherein it was behovefull for them to fight The Galles would despair of all good successe unlesse they brake down the works The Romans if they obtained their purpose might expect an end of their labours The greatest contention was about that place to which Vergasilaunus was sent A small rising in a place doth give much advantage in a shelving descent Some cast weapons others put themselves into a Testudo and came under the works The wearied and over-laboured were seconded by fresh supplies Every man cast earth into the works which raised it so high that the Galles had advantage of ascent and the pikes and sharp stakes which the Romans had cunningly hid under the earth to annoy the enemy were thereby covered It came at last to that passe that our men wanted both strength and weapons Which being known Caesar sent Labienus with six cohorts to relieve those hat were overcharged commanding him if the could not bear out the charge to sally out upon them but not unlesse he were constrained unto it He himself went about to the rest adhorting them not to faint under their labour forasmuch as the fruit and benefit of all their former battels consisted in that day and that hour The enemy within being out of hope of doing any good upon the works made in plain and champain places by reason of the strength of the fortifications tried what they could do in steep and broken places and thither they brought those things which they had prepared With the multitude of their casting weapons they cast out such as fought from turrets they filled their passages with hurdles and earth they brake down the parapet and the rampier with hooks Caesar sent first young Brutus with six cohorts and after him Fabius a Legate with seven more and at length as the fight waxed hot he went himself with a fresh supply The fight being renewed and the enemy beaten off he hasted to that place whither he had sent Labienus and took four cohorts out of the next Castle Part of the horsemen he commanded to follow him and the rest to compasse about the outward works and to set upon the enemy behind Labienus finding that neither rampier nor ditches were able to keep out the enemy having got such forces together as were drawn by chance from the works nearest hand to the number of thirty nine cohorts he acquainted Caesar by messengers what he thought fit to be done Caesar made haste to be at the fight His coming being known by the colour of his garment which he was accustomed to wear in time of battell and the troups of horse and the cohorts being discovered which he had commanded to follow him as the shelving and declining places were subject to the view of higher grounds the enemy begun the fight a great shout was taken up on both sides Our men having thrown their piles betook themselves to their swords Suddenly the horsemen were discovered behind them and other cohorts made their approches towards them The enemy turned his back and fled the horsemen met them as they fled the slaughter was great in that place Sedulius a Captain and Prince of the Lemovici was slain Vergasilaunus was taken alive Threescore and fourteen ensignes were brought unto Caesar and very few of so great a number returned
of them fought on each side entring valiantly the enemies ships killing a great number of the Highlanders and Shepheards Part of the ships they sunk some they took with the men and the rest they beat back into the Haven That day the Massilians lost nine ships with those that were taken This news was brought to Caesar at Ilerda THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Have formerly observed the manner of their sea-fight consisting of three parts The first was their nimble and skilfull managing of their ships either forcibly to assault or to lavire and bear off as might fall for their best advantage wherein the Massilians by reason of the skilfulnesse of their Pilots had great confidence The second was their fight before they came to grappling as well with great engines such as were their Balistae and Catapultae casting stones and logs of wood one against another as also with slings arrows and daâ—ts resembling our great artillery and small shot for which purpose their ships were built with fore-caâ—â—les and turrets and other advantages of height for their casting weapons The third was their grappling and forcible entry wherein forasmuch as the matter was referred to the arbitrement of valour the legionary souldier carried the cause Whence we may observe that their legioâ—s were the 〈◊〉 of their valiant and worthy men as well for the sea as the land being â—itted by the discipline of their Military exercises to undertake any service subject to humane industry whereof they gâ—ve an account worthy the School wherein they were instructed Neither is 〈◊〉 at any time but that such kingdomes as 〈…〉 to train up their men in Academies of vertuous Actualâ—y do alwaies keep then honour at a high 〈◊〉 affording at all times men of absolute and compleat carriage both for designment and performance THE SECOND OBSERVATION I Have a little before shewed out of Livie that the Antesignani were ordinarily taken for the Hastati which being the easiest sort of souldiers according to the generall division of a legion doth seem to contradict the passage in this Chapter Sed delectos ex omnibus legionibus fortissimos viros Antesignanos Centuriones Caesar ei classi attribuerat But Caesar having pickt the valiantest of the Antesignani out of all the Legions put them into this Fleet as Centurions For the better clearing whereof we are to note that as the Hastati or first battel of a legion were generally taken for the Antesignani as standing before the Eagle and other the chiefest Ensignes which were alwaies amongst the Principes or second battell so every Maniple having an Ensign in the midst of the troup the souldiers that stood in front before the Ensign were likewise called Antesignani and were the best souldiers in the Company for the Centurion standing alwaiâ—s in the head of the troup was accompanied with the valiantest and worthiest men the rest filling up the rere consorted with the Lieutenant who thereupon was called Tergi-ductor Whence we may admire the temperature and disposition of a Roman Army being first generally divided into three battels whereof the meanest were in the vantguard to make triall of their strength and to spend the heat of their young bloud in the first affront of an enemy The Veterani or old souldiers being left in the rereward to repair any losse which either force or casualty should cast upon their Leaders And again to counterpoise themselves in such a manner as the weakest might not alwaâ—â—s go to the wall their private Companies were so ordered that the best men were alwayes in front Whereby they made such an exquisite temper as kept every part of the Army in their full strength CHAP. XX. Upon the making of the Bridge at Ilerda the Enemy resolveth to transferre the warre into Celtiberia VPon Caesar's making of his Bridge Fortune suddenly changed The enemy fearing the courage and valour of our cavalry did not so freely range abroad as they had wont to do sometimes seeking forrage within a small distance of the Camp to the end they might find a safe and easy retreat if occasion required sometimes fetching a great compasse about to avoid the guards and stations of our horsemen And if they had received but the least check or had but descried the Cavalry afarre off they would have cast down their burdens and fled away At last they omitted forraging for many dayes together and which was never used by any Nation sent out to seek it in the night In the mean time those of Osca and Calaguris being in league together sent Embassadours to Caesar with offer of their service in such sort as he should please to command it Within a few dayes the Tarraconenses Lacetani and Ausetani together with the Illurgavonenses which border upon the River Ebrus followed after Of all these he desired supplies of Corn and provision which they promised to furnish and accordingly got horses from all quarters and brought grain into the Camp In like manner the Regiment of the Illurgavonenses understanding the resolution of their State left the Enemy and came unto him with their Colours and suddenly a great alteration of things appeared The bridge being perfected five great Cities and States being come in unto him a course settled for provision of Corn and the rumour blown over of the succours and legions which Pompey was said to come withall by the way of Mauritania many other towns farther off revolted from Afranius and clave to Caesar's party The enemy being much affrighted and abashed at these things Caesar to avoid the great circuit by which he continually sent his horsemen about by the bridge having got a convenient place resolved to make many trenches of thirty foot in breadth by which he might drain some part of the river Sicoris and make it passable by a foord These trenches being almost made Afâ—anius and Petreius did thereupon conceive a great fear lest they should be cut off altogether from victuall and forrage forasmuch as Caesar was very strong in horse and therefore they determined to leave that place and transferre the warre into Celtiberia being the rather thereunto induced for that of those two contrary Factions which in the former warre had stood for L. Sertorius such Cities as were subdued by Pompey did yet stand in aw of his Name and Authority and such as from the beginning had continued firm unto him did intirely love him for the great benefits they had received from him amongst whom Caesar's name was not known There they expected great succours both of horse and foot and made no doubt but to keep the warre on foot untill winter This advice being agreed upon they gave order to take up all the boats that were on the river Iberus and to bring them to Octogesa a town sited upon Iberus twenty miles from the Camp There they commanded a bridge of boats to be made and transporting two legions over Sicoris fortified their Camp with a rampier of twelve foot
Afranius in the compasse of a few daies triumphed of Caesar's overthrow and fled away for fear of his power Whence we may note the advantage coming to a party when they shake off any eminent distresse for as the extremity thereof threatneth ruine and destruction so the alteration bringeth with it an opinion of victorie And surely such is the condition of all sorts of Miserie that when the storm is over and the bitterness of the affliction alaid good times come redoubled upon the Patients as though the vicissitude of things did inforce contrary effects And therefore a Commander knowing the advantage of such an opportunity must indeavour to improve the same as may best serve to a speedy end CHAP. XXI The Enemy setteth forward and is staied by Caesar THe Enemy thereupon thought it expedient for him to make the more haste and therefore leaving two Auxiliary cohorts for the safe keeping of Ilerda he transported all his forces over the River Sicoris and incamped himself with the two legions which formerly he had carried over There remained nothing for Caesar to do but with his Cavalrie to impeach and trouble the enemy in their march And forasmuch as it was a great compasse about to go by the bridge whereby it would come to passe that the Enemy would get to Iberus a farre nearer way he passed over his horsemen by the foord About the third watch as Petreius and Afranius had raised their Camp upon a suddain the Cavalrie shewed themselves in the rere swarming about them in great multitudes began to stay and hinder their passage As soon as it began to be day-light from the upper ground where Caesar lay incamped it was perceived how the rereward of the enemy was hard laid to by our Cavalrie and how sometimes they turned head again and were neverthelesse broken and routed sometimes their Ensignes stood suddenly still and all their foot troups charged our horse and forc't them to give way and then turning back went on their way again The souldiers walking up and down the Camp were grieved that the enemy should so escape their hands whereby the matter would consequently be spun out into a long war and went unto the Centurions and Tribunes of the souldiers praying them to beseech Caesar not to spare them for any danger or labour for they were ready and willing to passe the River where the horse went over Caesar moved through their desire and importunity albeit he feared to expose his Army to a river of that greatness yet he thought it expedient to put it to triall and therefore commanded that the weakest souldiers of all the Centuries should be taken out whose courage or strength shewed a disabilitie to undertake that service and these he left in the Camp with one legion to defend the same bringing out the other legions without carriage or burden and having set a great number of horses and cattell both above and below in the river he transported his Army over Some few of the souldiers being carried away with the stream were succoured and taken up by the horsemen insomuch as not one man perished The Army carried thus over in safety he ranged them in order and marched forward with a three-fold battell Such was the endeavour of the souldier that albeit they had set a circuit of six miles to the foord and had spent much time in passing the river yet by the ninth houre they did overtake the enemie that rose about the third watch of the night Assoon as Afranius and Petreius had discovered the legions afarre off being terrified with the noveltie of that pursuit they betook themselves to the upper ground and there imbattelled their troups In the mean time Caesar refreshed his Armie in the field and would not suffer them being wearie to give battell and as the enemy tried again to go on in their march he followed after and staied them whereby they were forced to incamp sooner then was purposed for there were hills a little before them and for five miles together the passages were very difficult and narrow By which means being advanced between the hills they hoped to be free from Caesar's Cavalrie and by keeping the passages to hinder the Armie from following after to the end they themselves might without perill or fear put their forces over the river Iberus which by all means was to be effected Neverthelesse being wearied with travailing and fighting all day they put off the business to the next morning Caesar also incamped himself on the next hill and about midnight some of their partie being gone out from the Camp somewhat far off to fetch water were taken by the horsemen By them Caesar was advertised that the Enemy with silence began to remove and to lead their troups out of their Camp Whereupon he commanded the signe of rising to be given and the cry dislodging and trussing up their baggage to be taken up according to the discipline and use of souldiers The Enemy hearing the cry fearing least they should be impeached in the night and forced to fight with their burdens on their backs or to be shut up in those straight passages by Caesar's horsemen staied their journey and kept their forces within their Camp OBSERVATIONS THis passage over Sicoris was in the same manner as he carried his Armie over the River Loire in the seventh Commentarie of the war of Gallia Vado per Equites invento pro rei necessitate opportuno ut Brachia modo atque Humeri ad sustinenda arma liberi ab aqua esse possent disposito equitatu qui vim fluminis frangerent incolumem exercitum transduxit The horsemen having found a foord indifferent convenient in regard of the necessity they were put to to the end that the souldiery might have their arms and shoulders at liberty and not be hindered by the water from carrying their weapons he so disposed his horse that he broke the force of the river with them and so carried his Army over in safety The horse that stood above brake the force of the water and those that were below took up such as were overcome with the stream and withall gave courage to the souldier to venture with better assurance seeing the passage impaled in on each side to keep them from miscarrying His attempt upon Sicoris to abate the swelling pride of that River by dividing it into many streams was in imitation of the first Cyrus who taking displeasure at the River Cyndes next unto Euphrates the greatest River of Assâ—ria drew it into three hundred and threescore channels Croesus not finding the River Halis passable by a foord and having no means to make a bridge sunk a great trench behind the Camp from the upper part of the River and so drew all the water behind his Army Vegetius hath a particular discourse of passing an Army over a River whether it be by bridge or boat or by wading or swimming
lain in garrison past eighteen dayes he draweth the fourteenth and sixteenth Legions out of garrison from the river Arar where he had placed them for the speedy purveiance of corn and victuall as was shewed you in the last book and with those two Legions went to prosecute the Carnutes When our enemies heard of the coming of our army the Carnutes moved with the calamity of others left their towns and villages that they dwelt in which they had made upon the sudden with little cottages for necessities sake to keep off the winter for since they were conquered of late they had loâ—â— many of their walled towns and fled scattering abroad Caesar forasmuch as he would not put his souldiers to the abiding of the unseasonable sharp storms which chiefly at that time fell encamped himself within Genabum a town of the Carnutes and housed his souldiers partly in the buildings of the Galles and partly in such buildings as being unfinished they thatched in haste with the straw that was brought in to cover their tents and cabines Neverthelesse he sendeth abroad his horsemen and auxiliary footmen into all parts whither he heard his enemies resorted and that was not in vain for commonly our men returned ever with a great booty The Carnutes being put to it with the hardnesse of the winter and the terrour of the danger being driven out of house and home and not daring to stay any where any long time the woods being not able to defend them from the bitternesse of the storms were scattered abroad and with the losse of a great part of them dispersed into the next cities CHAP. II. The Bellovaci and other States under the leading of Corbeus and Comius invade the Suessiones Caesar marcheth against them CAesar at that hard time of the year thinking it enough to disperse the powers that were assembling to the intent no beginning of warre might spring up and weighing how much it concerned him to prevent any open warre from breaking out the beginning of the next summer he placed G. Trebonius in garrison at Genabum with those two Legions that he had there about him and forasmuch as he was by often messages certified from the men of Rhemes that the Bellovaci who excelled all Galles and the Belgae also in military fame and the States adjoyning unto them under the conduct of Corbeus of Beanvoys and Comius of Arras levied men of warre and assembled them into one place to the intent with their whole power to invade the borders of the Suessiones which were appertaining to the men of Rhemes thinking it stood not only upon his honour but also tended to his own security for the future to save his allies which had deserved well of the Commonweal from displeasure and damage he called the eleventh legion again out of garrison Moreover he wrote to C. Fabius to bring the two legions that he had into the confines of the Suessiones and sent for one of those two legions that were with T. Labienus So according as his garrisons lay for the purpose and as the slate of the warre required to his own continuall trouble he put sometimes one of his legions and sometimes another to march from their quarters With this power that he had assembled he went against the Bellovaci and encamping himself in their countrey sent abroad his horsemen into all quarters to glean up some of them by whose means he might learn what his enemies purposed to do His horsemen doing their duty brought word how few were found in the houses and those not such as had stayed behind to till the ground for they were purposely removed out of all places but such as had been sent back again to spie Of whom Caesar enquiring in what place the forces of the Bellovaci were and what was their intent found that all the Bellovaci were gathered together into one place and that the Ambiani Aulerci Caletes Velocasses and Attrebates had chosen a very high ground to encamp in enclosed with a troublesome marish and had conveyed all their stuff into woods that were farther off Of the which warre there were many Noblemen that were ringleaders but the multitude obeyed Corbeus chiefly because they understood that he hated most the name of the people of Rome And that Comius of Arras was a few dayes before gone to fetch aid of the Germans who were their next neighbours and swarmed in multitude of people He learned moreover at their hands that the Bellovaci by the consent of all the Noblemen at the earnest instance of the Commons were determined if Caesar came as it was said he would but with three legions to offer him battell lest afterward to more disadvantage and hinderance they should be compelled to encounter with his whole host And if he brought a greater power with him then to keep themselves still in the same ground that they had chosen and by ambushes to keep the Romans from forrage which by reason of the time of the year was scarce and also lay scattering and from corn and other victuals and things necessary for their army The which things when Caesar understood by the concurring report of many considering how still of wisdome this project was and how farre from the rashnesse that the barbarous people are wont to use he determined to make the best advantage of all things to the intent his enemies disdaining his small company should make the more haste to come into the field For he had three old practised legions the seventh eighth and ninth of singular valour and prowesse and the eleventh which was of chosen young men of great hope and towardnesse which having at that time received eight yeares wages was notwithstanding look'd upon as not comparable to the other three either for standing or for valour and courage Wherefore summoning an assembly and there declaring all things that had been reported unto him he confirmed the hearts of the common souldiers if peradventure with the number of three legions he might draw out his enemies to fight with him in the field He set his battel in this order the seventh eighth and ninth legions went before the carriages and the eleventh closed in the rere thereof the which notwithstanding was but small as it is wont to be in such expeditions and this he did lest the enemies should find a greater number then they expected By this means in a square battel almost he brought his host in sight of his enemies sooner then they looked for him When the Galles beheld these legions so suddenly set in order marching toward them apace as it had been in a pitched field whereas it was reported to Caesar that they intended to carry on their businesse with confident boldnesse whether it were for the perill of the encounter or the suddennesse of our coming or that they looked to see what we intended to do they set themselves in order of battel before their camp and would not descend from the higher ground Albeit that Caesar was
high a hill to climb up unto them and yet he thought to come so near them with his host as that they might not depart out of the place where they were without danger our men being hard at hand ready to fall upon them Therefore whereas he perceived that the troublesome marish parted Camp from Camp the difficult passage whereof might hinder the speedy pursuit of our enemies and that the same ridge of the hill which went from the farther side of the marish almost to the camp of the enemies was parted from their said camp with a small valley he made bridges over the marish and passing over his army got quickly into the plain of the said ridge the which on two sides was fortified with a steep descent There embattelling his men he came to the farthest end of the ridge and ordered his battels in such a place from whence with an engine artillery might be shot amongst the thickest of the enemies The Galles trusting to the advantage of the place when they would neither have refused the encounter if perchance the Romans should have adventured up the hill against them nor yet durst by little and little diminish their battel by severing themselves lest when they had been out of array they might hap to have been set upon kept themselves in order of battel Whose wilfulnesse Caesar perceiving kept twenty Cohorts in a readinesse and pitching his tents in the same place commanded his camp should be fortified As soon as the works were finished he set his Legions in array before the Rampier and appointed the horsemen to their standings with their horses ready bridled When the Bellovaci saw the Romans in a readinesse to pursue them and that themselves could not without perill either lodge that night or continue any longer in the same place where they were they devised this shift to recover themselves In the place where they were set together for it is declared in Caesar's former Commentaries how the Galles are wont to sit down in the battel they received from hand to hand one of another bundles of straw and fagots whereof there was great store in their camp and cast it all on a heap before their battell and in the later end of the day at a watch-word that was given they set it on fire all at one instant by means whereof the continuall flame suddenly took away the sight of all their army from the Romans and therewithall the savage Galles fled away as fast as their legs could bear them Albeit that Caesar could not perceive the departing of his enemies by reason of the flame that was betwixt them yet notwithstanding forasmuch as he suspected it to be a deceit practised by them that they might the safelier fly away he marched his footmen forward and sent his â—orsemen to pursue them Howbeit for fear of treachery in the businesse least perhaps his enemies should abide still in the same place and only draw us forth into a ground of disadvantage he went the slower pace His horsemen fearing to venture into the smoke and thick flame and if any were so resolute as to enter it they could scarce see the fore-parts of their own horses lest they should be intrapped gave the Bellovaci free liberty to recover themselves whither they would Thus our enemies by their flight which was mixt with fear and subtilty escaping without any losse went but ten miles off and encamped themselves in a very advantageous ground From whence by laying ambushes both of horse and foot in divers places they did the Romans great displeasure as they went a forraging After this had happened many and sundry times Caesar learned of a captive that Corbeus Captain of the Bellovaci had chosen out of his whole host six thousand of the valiantest footmen and a thousand horsemen which he had laid in ambush in the same place whether for the plenty of provision and corn that was there he judged the Romans would send to forrage This being known Caesar bringeth forth more legions then usuall and sendeth his horsemen before as he was wont to do to safe-conduct his forragers Among them he mingleth for their assistance many light-armed footmen and himself with his legions followeth as near as possibly he might The enemies that were laid in ambush having chosen a field for their purpose not above a mile over every way environed round about either with cumbersome woods or else a very deep river beset it with their ambushment as it had been with a toil Our men forasmuch as they were privy to the design of their enemies beforehand being ready both with heart and hand to fight seeing their legions followed hard after them would refuse no encounters but went rank by rank down into the said place At whose coming Corbeus thinking an occasion of doing some good to be fallen into his hands first discovereth himself with a small number and giveth charge upon the next troups Our men stoutly withstand the brunt flock not many into one place at once which in skirmishes of horse is wont commonly to happen through fear and their clustering together turneth to their own losse They being thus engaged in small parties and having a care still that their fellows should not be circumvented the rest brake out of the woods while Corbeus was fighting Then was the encounter hot and doubtfull After it had continued indifferent a good space by little and little came their footmen in array out of the woods which compelled our horsemen to give back But they were quickly relieved again by the light-armed footmen which as was said were sent before our legions who being intermixed among the horsemen fought stoutly The encounter continued a good while doubtfull But as the course of warre requires they that had withstood the first brunt of them that lay in ambush for them had thus much the advantage that they received not unawares any foil at their hands In the mean while our legions drew nearer and divers messengers brought word both to our men and to our enemies at one and the same time that the Generall was at hand with his army in battel array Which thing being known our horsemen trusting to the help of the Cohorts lay about them very eagerly lest if they should have delayed the matter they might have given the footmen part of the honour of the victory Upon this our enemies hearts began to fail and they sought to fly by severall wayes but all was in vain For by the disadvantage of the same places in which they would have inclosed the Romans were they themselves taken tardy and could not get out Notwithstanding being vanquished and altogether out of heart when they had lost the greatest part of their company like men amazed they betook themselves to â—light and some made toward the woods others toward the river where being overtaken by our men that followed eagerly after them they were all slain In the mean time Corbeus whose heart could by no
chief of them alive into his hands among whom was Surus the Heduan a man of great valour and noble birth who alone of the Heduans had unto that day continued in arms against the people of Rome Caesar knowing thereof and forasmuch as he saw his affairs went well forward in all parts of Gallia weighing with himself how all Celtica and Belgica were the former Summers conquered and subdued and that he had never all this while visited Aquitania only he had made a kind of entrance into it by certain victories gotten by P. Crassus he marched thither with two legions with intent to bestow the later part of the summer there Which thing as he had done all others before he dispatched quickly and luckily For all the States of Aquitania sent ambassadours unto him and gave him hostages After the accomplishment of these things he went to Narbone with his guard of horsemen and sent his foot into their wintering-places by his Legates Four legions he placed in Belgium under M. Antonius C. Trebonius P. Vatinius and Q. Tullius Legates Two he quartered amongst the Heduans whom he knew to be of greatest authority in all Gallia Two more he placed amongst the Treviri in the borders of the Carnutes to be a stay to all the countrey that lay upon the sea-coast The other two he placed in the borders of the Lemovici not farre from the Arverni that so there might not be any part of Gallia without an army After he had tarried a few dayes in the Province and there speedily taken cognizance of all their courts sitting upon publick controversies and rewarded such as had deserved well for he had a great desire to understand how every man had carried himself towards the commonweal during the generall rebellion of all Gallia which he had born out through the faithfulnesse assistance of the said Province as soon as he had dispatched these things he returned to his legions into Belgium and wintered at Nemetocenna CHAP. XI Comius of Arras overthrown in a battel of hrose by C. Volusenus submitteth to M. Antonius and receiveth pardon WHile he was there he understood that Comius of Arras had encountred with his Cavalry For Antonius being come into his winter-quarters and the city of Arras concontinuing firmly loyall Comius who after his wound that we spake of before was wont still to be ready at hand to his countreymen at every stirre to the intent that if they would begin any new rising they should not want a head and a captain for the war as long as the city continued obedient to the Romans he with his horsemen maintained himself and his followers by thieving for laying the wayes he cut off many convoyes that were going with provision to the Roman garrisons C. Volusenus Quadratus the generall of the horse was appointed to winter in the same place with Antonius him did Antonius send to pursue the horse of his enemies Volusenus beside the singular valour that was in him did also bear a great hatred toward Comius and for that cause was the more willing to execute the thing that was commanded him Wherefore placing divers ambushes he oftentimes set upon Comius horsemen and put them to the worse At last when the contention grew more vehement and that Volusenus desirous to cut off Comius himself followed him somewhat more eagerly with a small party and Comius on the other side fled the faster away thereby to draw him farther from his company at length espying his advantage Comius suddenly cried out to all his men that as they were true unto him they should stand to him and not suffer the wound that was given him basely under colour of friendship to be unrevenged and therewithall turning his horse he runneth from the rest of his company upon Volusenus All his horse followed and because there were but a few of our men they made them retreat and pursued them Comius putting spurres to his horse encountred the horse of Quadratus with his spear thrust Volusenus by great violence through the thigh When our horse saw that their Captain was wounded they bestirred themselves and turning again upon the enemy put them back Many of the enemies by the violent charge of our men were beaten off and wounded of whom some were overthrown in the chase and some were taken prisoners As Comius escaped any farther mishap by the swiftnesse of his horse so our Generall being by him in this battel sore wounded was carried into the Camp in such a case that it was not likely he should have lived And Comius whether it were that he thought himself sufficiently revenged or because he had lost a great part of his men sent messengers to Antonius giving hostages and assuring him that he would continue where it should please him to appoint and do whatsoever he should command him Only one request he made wherein he besought him to bear with his fearfulnesse that he might not be forced to come in the sight of any Roman Which request Antonius judging to proceed out of a reall fear and not without good cause he pardoned him according to his desire and received his hostages CHAP. XII While Caesar is busie in quieting and ordering â—hings in Gallia and visiting some municipall towns in Italy his enemies conspire against him at Rome DUring the time that Caesar wintered â—in Belgium his chief purpose was to keep the States in amity and to take away all hope and occasion of warre for he intended nothing lesse then the carriage of his businesse so as he should be constrained to have warre at the time of his departure lest when he should withdraw his army he should leave any troubles behind which all Gallia could willingly engage in so that it might be without present danger And therefore by entreating the cities honourably by rewarding the noblemen highly by burdening the countrey with no new impositions he easily kept all Gallia which now was tired out with so many unfortunate battels in quiet and obedience Winter being over Caesar contrary to his custome hasteth into Italy with as much expedition as might be to treat with the municipall towns and colonies and to commend unto them the suit of his Quaestor M. Antonius for the Priesthood For he made all the friends for him he could both because the same Antonius was his very dear friend whom he had sent before to sue for that promotion as also to oppose the factions and unreasonable proceedings of a few men who by putting Antonius beside his purpose sought to disparage Caesar now going out of his command Albeit he had tidings by the way before he came near Italy that Antony was made Augur yet he thought he had as good reason as before to visit the municipall towns and colonies both to give them thanks for appearing in the businesse and for their civility shewed in the behalf of Antony as also to commend unto them his own case touching the honour which he purposed to sue for
governments lastly such as saw that it was an easy matter for those men that were powerfull and had the command of monies to seise upon kingdomes in Gallia which they could not so easily do in those parts where the Romans bare sway Caesar being moved with letters and other intelligence to this purpose levied two new legions in the hither Gallia and as soon as Summer came on sent them by Q. Pedius his Legate into the further Gallia and as soon as there was forrage in the fields he himself came to the army He had before given charge to the Senones and other of the Galles that bordered upon the Belgâ—e to learn every day what they could of their doings to give him an account thereof These presently informed him that of a certainty there was nothing in Belgia but mustering of souldiers and gathering their forces into one head He thought it not therefore safe to make any further delay but having made provision of corn he drew out his Army from their wintering camps and within fifteen dayes he came to the borders of the Belgae Assoon as he was come thither which was much sooner then was looked for the men of Rhemes being the uttermost of the Belgae next adjoyning to the Celtae thought it best to entertain a peaceable resolution and sent Iccius and Antebrogius two of the chief men of their State unto Caesar to submit themselves and all that they had to the mercy of the Roman Empire affirming that they were innocent both of the counsell of the Belgae and of their conspiracy against the Romans For proof whereof they were ready to give hostages to receive them into their towns and to furnish them with corn or what other thing they stood in need of That the rest of the Belgae were all in Arms and the Germans on the other side of the Rhene had promised to send them succour yea their madnesse was so great that they themselves were not able to hold back the Suessones from that attempt being their brethren and kinsmen in bloud and using the same laws and customs as they did having both one magistrate and one form of government but they would needs support the same quarrell which the rest of the Belgae had undertaken OBSERVATION I Might here take occasion to speak somewhat of a particular revolt in a generall cause and how a confederate State may in regard of their own safety forsake a common quarrell or whatsoever the universall society hath enacted prejuciall to their common weal but that I onely intend to discover warlike practices leaving these questions of law and policy to men of greater judgement and better experience Onely I observe in the behalf of the Roman government that such cities as yielded to the Empire and became tributary to their treasury howsoever they were otherwise combined by confederacy seldome or never repented them of their fact in regard of the noble patronage which they found in that State and of the due respect observed towards them Chap. II. The power of the Belgae and their preparation for this warre CAesar inquiring of the Embassadours which came from Rhemes what the States were that had taken Armes and what they were able to do in matter of Warre found the Belgae to be descended from the Germans who passing over the Rhene time out of mind and finding it to be a fertile countrey drove away the Galles and seated themselves in their possessions and that these onely of all the Galles kept the Cimbti and Teutoni from entering into their countrey and in that regard they challenged to themselves great authority and vaunted much in their feats of Armes Concerning their number they had these advertisements The Bollovaci exceeded all the Belgae in prowesse authority and number of men being able to make 100000 fighting men and out of that number had promised 60000 towards this undertaking and in that regard they demanded the administration of the whole warre Next to them lay the Suessones who dwelt in a large and fruitfull country and had lately Divitiacus for their king being the most powerfull man in all Gallia who had in possession a great part of these countreys and also of Britain it self Galba was their king now on whom for his singular justice and prudence generally with one consent they bestowed the management of the war They had 12 walled towns and promised to set forth 50000 men The Nervii who were the most barbarous amongst them all and dwelt furthest off promised as many the Atrebatii 15000. the Ambianâ— 10000. the Vellocassii and Veromandui as many the Morini 25000. the Menapii 9000. the Caletes 10000. the Aduatici 29000. the Eburones Condrusi and others 40000. Caesar encouraging the men of Rhemes to persist in their faithfulnesse to the Roman Empire propounded unto them great offers and liberall promises of recompence and commanded all their Senate to come before him and bring with them their Noble-mens Sons to be given up for hostages which they diligently performed by a day appointed And having received two especiall advertisements from the men of Rhemes the one concerning the multitude of the enemy and the other touching the singular opinion which was generally held of their manhood he provided for the first by perswading Divitiacus the Heduan that it much imported the whole course of those businesses to keep asunder the power of the enemy and to withhold their forces from making a head that so he might avoid the danger of encountering so great a power at one instant Which might easily be brought to passe if the Hedui would enter with a strong power into the Marches of the Bellovaci and sack their Territories with sword and confusion Which Divitiacus promised to perform and to that purpose he speedily returned into his country Vpon the second advertisement which presented unto him the great valour and manhood of his enemies he resolved not to be too hasty in giving them battell but first to prove by skirmishing with his horsemen what his enemies by their prowesse could do and what his own men durst do OBSERVATION THis rule of making tryall of the worth of an enemy hath alwayes been observed by prudent and grave commanders as the surest principle whereon the true judgement of the event may be grounded For if the doctrine of the old Philosophers which teacheth that the word non putabam I wist it not was never heard out of a wise mans mouth hath any place in the course of humane actions it ought especially to be regarded in managing these main points whereon the State of Kingdoms and Empires dependeth For unlesse was be perswaded that blind Chance directeth the course of this world with an uncertain confusion and that no foresight can sway the ballance of our hap into either part of our fortune I see no reason why we should not by all means endeavour to ground our knowledge upon true causes and levell
companies in thin and spacious imbattelling as in thick-thronged Testudines Neither could the nature of the place make them unserviceable for whether it were plain or covert levell or unequall narrow or large if there were any commodity to fight the target was as necessary to defend as the sword to offend besides the conveniency which accompanieth the target in any necessity imposed upon an Army whether it be to march through places of all natures to make a fast march or a speedy retreat to incamp themselves to possesse places of advantage to besiege and to be besieged as Polybius saith with many other occasions which necessarily accompany an Army The use of this weapon hath been too much neglected in these later ages but may be happily renewed again in our Nation if the industry of such as have laboured to present it unto these times in the best fashion shall find any favour in the opinion of our Commanders Concerning which target I must needs say thus much that the light target will prove the target of service whensoever they shall happen to be put in execution for those which are made proof are so heavie and unwieldy although they be somewhat qualified with such helps as are annexed to the use thereof that they overcharge a man with an unsupportable burthen and hinder his agility and execution in fight with a weight disproportionable to his strength For our offensive weapons as namely the Harquebusiers and Musketiers are stronger in the offensive part then any armes of defence which may be made manageable and fit for service Neither did the Romans regard the proof of their targets further then was thought fit for the ready use of them in time of battel as it appeareth in many places both in the Civil wars and in these Commentaries for a Roman Pile hath oftentimes darted through the Target and the body of the man that bare it and fastened them both to the ground which is more then a Musket can well do for the bullet commonly resteth in the body And although it may be said that this was not common but rather the effect of an extraordinary arme yet it serveth to prove that their targets were not proof to their offensive weapons when they were well delivered and with good direction For I make no doubt but in their battels there were oftentimes some hinderances which would not suffer so violent an effect as this which I speak off for in a volley of shot we must not think that all the bullets fly with the same force and fall with the like hurt but as Armour of good proof will hardly hold out some of them so slender Armes and of no proof will make good resistance against others And to conclude in a battell or incounter at hand a man shall meet with more occasions suiting the nature and commodity of this light Target then such as will advantage the heavy Target of proof or countervail the surplus of weight which it carrieth with it Some men will urge that there is use of this Target of proof in some places and in some services which I deny not to those that desire to be secured from the extremity of peril But this falleth out in some places and in some particular services and hindereth not but that the universall benefit of this weapon consisteth in the multitude of light Targetiers who are to manage the most important occasions of a warre Thus much I am further to note concerning the sword of the Targetiers that according to the practice of the â—mans it must alwayes hang on the right side for carrying the Target upon the left arm it cannot be that the sword should hang on the left side but with great trouble and annoiance And if any man say that if it hang on the right side it must be very short otherwise it will never be readily drawn out I say that the sword of the Targetiers in regard of the use of that weapon ought to be of a very short scantling whenas the Targetier is to command the point of his sword within the compasse of his Target as such as look into the true use of this weapon will easily discover But let this suffice concerning the use of the Pike and the Target Chap. XI The battel continueth and in the end Caesar overcometh AT the presence of their Generall the souldiers conceived some better hopes and gathering strength and courage again when as every man bestirred himself in the sight of the Emperour the brunt of the enemy was a little stayed Caesar perceiving likewise the seventh legion which stood next unto him to be sore over-laid by the enemy commanded the Tribunes by little and little to joyn the two legions together and so by joyning back to back to make two contrary fronts and being thus secured one by another from fear of being circumvented they began to make resistance with greater courage In the mean time the two legions that were in the rereward to guard the carriages hearing of the battel doubled their pace and were descried by the enemy upon the top of the hill Titus Labienus having won the Camp of the Nervii and beholding from the higher ground what was done on the other side of the river sent the tenth legion to help their fellowes who understanding by the horsemen and Lackies that fled in what case the matter stood and in what danger the Camp the legions and the Generall was made all the haste they possibly could At whose coming there happened such an alteration and change of things that even such as were sunk down through extreme grief of their wounds or leaned upon their Targets began again to fight afresh and the Pages and the boyes perceiving the enemy amazed ran upon them unarmed not fearing their weapons The horsemen also striving with extraordinary valour to wipe away the dishonour of their former flight thrust themselves in all places before the legionary souldiers Howbeit the Enemy in the utmost peril of their lives shewed such manhood that at fast as the foremost of them were overthrown the next in place bestrid their carcasses and fought upon their bodies and these being likewise overthrown and their bodies heaped one upon another they that remained possest themselves of that Mount of dead carcasses as a place of advantage and from thence threw their weapons and intercepting the piles returned them again to the Romans By which it may be gathered that there was great reason to deem them men of haughtie courage that durst passe over so broad a River climbe up such high rocks and adventure to fight in a place of such inequality all which their magnanimity made easy to them The battel being thus ended and the Nation and name of the Nervii being well-near swallowed up with destruction the elder sort with the women and children that before the battel were conveyed into Ilands and Bogs when they heard thereof and saw now that there was nothing to hinder the
forces followed after to the place where the Romans intended to land Caesar found it exceeding difficult to land his men for these respects the ships were so great that they could not be brought near unto the shore the souldiers in strange and unknown places having their hands laden with great and heavy weapons were at one instant to go out of the ship to withstand the force of the billow and to fight with the enemy whereas the Britains either standing upon the shore or making short sallies into the water did boldly cast their weapons in known and frequented places and managed their horses accustomed to such services The Romans being terrified with these things and altogether unskilfull of this kind of fight did not use the same courage as they were wont to do in land-services Which when Caesar perceived he caused the Gallies that were both strange to the Britains readier for use to be removed from the shâ—ps of burthen and to be rowed up and down and laid against the open side of the enemy that from thence with slings engines and arrowes the Enemy might be beaten up from the water side which stood the Romans in good stead For the Britains being troubled with the strangenesse of the Gallies the motion of their Oares and the unusuall kind of engines were somewhat dismayed and began to retire back and give way to the Romans But the souldiers still lingering and especially for fear of the depth of the sea the Eagle-bearer of the tenth legion desiring the Gods that it might fall out happily to the legion If you will saith he forsake your Eagle O ye souldiers and betray it to the enemy for mine own part I will do my duty both to the Commonweal and to my Imperator And havâ—ng spoken this with a loud voice he cast himself into the Sea and carried the Eagle towards the Enemy The Romans exhorting one another not to suffer such a dishonour to be committed they all leaped out of the ship which when others that were near at hand perceived they followed them with as great alacrity and pressed towards the enemy to encounter with them The fight on both parts was very eager the Romans not being able to keep any order of battel nor to get any firm footing nor to follow their Ensignes forasmuch as every man kept with those Ensignes which he first met withall were wonderfully troubled But the Enemy acquainted with the flats and shallows as they beheld them from the shore to come single out of their ships putting spurs to their horse would set upon them incumbred and unprepared and many of them would over-lay a few others would get the advantage of the open side and cast their weapons amongst the thickest troups of them Which when Caesar perceived he caused the shipboats and smaller vessels to be manned with souldiers and where he saw need of help he sent them to rescue such as were overcharged Assoon as the Romans got footing on the firm land they made head together and charged the enemy and so put them to flight but they were not able to follow them nor take the Island at that time for want of horsemen which thing was only wanting to Caesars wonted fortune THE FIFTH OBSERVATION UPon this circumstance of landing I may justly take occasion to handle that controversy which hath been often debated by our English Captains which is whether is be better in question of an invasion and in the absence of our shipping to oppose an enemy at his landing upon our Coast or quietly to suffer him to set his men on shore and retire our forces into some inland place and there attend to give him battel It seemeth that such as first set this question on foot and were of an opinion that we ought not by any meanes to incounter an enemy at his landing for so we might much endanger our selves and our Countrey did ground themselves upon the authority of Monsieur de Langey not observing the difference between an Island and a Continent For where he setteth down that position he plainly aimeth at such Princes as border one upon another in the same Continent but where their territories are disjoyned by so great a bar as the Ocean they have not such means to surprise one another it were mere folly to hold good that rule as shall better appear by the sequele of this discourse Wherein I will first lay down the reasons that may be urged to prove it unsafe to oppose an enemy at his landing not as being urged by that party for I never heard any probable motive from them which might induce any such opinion but set down by such as have looked into the controversies both with experience and good judgement And first it may be objected that it is a hard matter to resist an enemy at his landing as well in regard of the uncertainty of place as of time for being ignorant in what place he will attempt a landing we must either defend all places of accesse or our intentions will prove mâ—re frivolous and to perform that it is requisite that our defensive forces be sufficient according to the particular quality of every place subject to danger which considering the large extension of our maritime parts and the many landing-places on our Coast will require a greater number of men then this Island can afford And although it could furnish such a competent number as might seem in some sort sufficient yet the uncertainty of the time of the enemies arrivall would require that they should be lodged either upon or near the places of danger many dayes at least if not many weeks before the instant of their attempt which would exhaust a greater masse of Treasure then could be well afforded by the State Secondly it may be objected that all our landing-places are of such disadvantage for the defendants that it were no safety at all to make head against him at the landing for inasmuch as such places are open and plain they yield no commodity to shelter the defendants from the fury of the artillery wherewith the Enemy will plentifully furnish their long boats and landing vessels which beating upon the beach for most of our landing-places are of that quality will so scatter them that no man shall be able to endure the inconvenience thereof The third objection may arise from the disparity both of numbers and condition of the forces of either party For the first it must needs be granted that the defendants being to guard so many places at once cannot furnish such numbers to every particular place for defence as the assailants may for offence Concerning the quality of the forces it is without question that a great and potent Prince for such a one it must be that undertaketh to invade the territories of so absolute and well-obeyed a Princesse as her Majesty is would draw out the 〈◊〉 of his souldiery wheresoever besides the gaâ—â—ant troups of voluntaries which do commonly attend
was one within the place besieged of the Nation of the Nervii called Vertico of honest parentage who in the beginning of the siege had fled to Cicero and carried himself faithfully in that service This man did Cicero chuse perswading him with hope of liberty and other great rewards to carry Letters to Caesar which he took and having tâ—ed them up in his Dart travelled as a Gall amongst the Galles without any suspicion and so came to Caesar Of whom he understood how dangerously Cicero and the legion was beset Caesar having received those Letters about the eleventh hour of the day dâ—spatched presently a Messenger to M. Câ—assus the Treasurer in the country of the Bellovaci twenty five miles off commanding the legion to set out at midnight and speedily to come unto him Crassus set out and came along with the Messenger He sent another Post to Câ—ius Fabius the Legate to bring that legion to the confines of the Atrebates through which he was to passe And wrote in like manner to Labienus that if it stood with the conveniency of the State he should bring his legion to the territories of the Nervii for the rest of the Army that were further off he thought good not to expect He drew four hundred horse or thereabouts from the nearest wintering-Camps And being advertised about the third hour by the fore-runners of Crassus coming he marched that that day twenty miles He made Crassus Governour of Samarobrina gave him one legion for the defence thereof in regard that the baggage of the whole Army the hostages of the Provinces the publick transactions and Letters together with all the Corn which he had got for the provision of the Winter was left in that place Fabius according to his directions without any delay met him with his legion Labienus understanding of the death of Sabinus and the slaughter of the Cohorts knowing also that the whole forces of the Treviri were marching toward him doubted that if his setting forward out of his winter station should seem as a stealing away he should not be able to undergo the charge of the enemy whom a late victory had made insolent and therefore informed Caesar by his Letters what danger it would be to draw the legion from their wintering-camp relating what had hapned amongst the Eburones how that all the forces of the Treviri both horse and foot lay but three miles distant from his Camp Caesar allowing of these reasons howsoever his hope of three legions was fallen unto two yet his whole trust was in celerity as the onely means of all their safeties and so by great journeys came into the consines of the Nervii where he understood by the Captives how matters passed with Cicero and what danger he was in At what time he perswaded a certain horseman of the Galles by great rewards offered unto him to carry a Letter unto Cicero which he sent writ in Greek Characters least his purposes should be discovered if the Letter had been intercepted advising that if he could not come to his presence he should tye it to the string of a Dart and so cast it into the fortifications He advertised them by his Letter that he was on the way with the legions and would be there instantly to raise the siege exhorting him to persevere in his wonted gallantry The Gall fearing some danger followed the directions and cast it into the works by a Dart which fell by chance upon a turret and there stuck two dayes before it was perceived the third day a souldier finding it took it down and brought it to Cicero who read it publickly in the assembly of the souldiers and put them all into exceeding great joy And at the same time the smoak of their fires began a far off to be discovered which put them out of all doubt of the approach of the legions The Galles being advertised thereof by their Discoverers left the siege and made towards Caesar with all their power which consisted of 60000 men or thereabouts Cicero finding himself at liberty sought out the same Vertico before mentioned to carry Letters to Caesar advising him to be wary and diligent in his passage signifying by those Letters that the enemy had left the siege turned all his forces towards him Which Letters being brought unto Caesar about midnight he certified his party of the contents thereof and prepared them by incouragement to fight The next day as soon as it began to be light he removed his Camp having marched about four miles he discovered the multitude of the enemy beyond a great Valley and a River It was a matter of exceeding danger to give battell to so great a number in a place of disadvantage and forasmuch as he knew that Cicero was freed of the siege he thought he might the better forbeare to make such haste and thereupon sate down and in as indifferent a place as he could chuse fortified his Camp Which being of it self very little as not having scarce seven thousand men and those without any carriages yet he lessened it as much as he could by narrowing the usuall streets ther of to the end he might the better defend it if happily the enemy might be drawn to ingage himself seriously in any attempt upon the same In the mean time having sent out Discoverers into all parts he informed himself which way he might most conveniently passe over the valley The same day after small incounters of the Cavalry at the water either party contained themselves within their fortifications the Galles as expecting greater forces which were not yet come and Caesar that by a counterfeit fear he might draw the Enemy to the place where he was lodged on this side the valley and so strike the battell before his Camp and if he could not bring it so about then upon discovery of the wayes to passe the valley and the river with lesse danger As it began to be day-light the Cavalry of the enemy came near unto the Camp and began to skirmish with our horsemen Caesar of set purpose commanded the horsemen to fall back and to betake themselves into the Camp and withall to fortifie their camp on all sides with a higher rampier to stop up the Gates and in doing of these things to carry themselves tumultuously and with a feigned show of great fear With which inducements the enemy was so drawn on that he brought over all his forces and imbattelled them in an unequall and disadvantageous place Our men being drawn from the raâ—pier to make the matter more apparent they were imboldened to come nearer and to cast weapons from all parts into our works sending Heralds round about with Proclamation That if any Gall or Roman would come over unto them before the third hour he should be taken into their safe protection but after that time there was no hope of any such reception And they did so contemn our party that whereas the Ports were shut
let him look into the lives of king Pyrrhus Demetrius Hannibal and Caâ—us Marâ—us whose later ends or shutting up of their lives were not answerable to their excellency in deeds of armes for want of that judiciall disposition of their businesse which Caesar might boast of of whom it may be truly said that notwithstanding the many battels which he fought yet he did plura consilio quam vigerere do more by his head then his hand CHAP. V. Labienus overthroweth the Tâ—eviri by a guile WHile Caesar was about these things the Tâ—eviri having raised great forces both of horse foot had a purpose to assault Labienus wintering in their confines with one legion And as they were within two dayes journey of him they had intelligence of two legions more which Caesar had sent unto him whereupon they encamped themselves some fifteen miles distant from him and resolved there to attend the Germans forces Labienus being advertised of their resolution hoping through their rashnesse to find some good opportunity of encounter he left five cohorts for the safety of the carriages and with five and twenty other cohorts besides great forces of horse he marched towards the enemy and encamped himself within a mile of them Between Labienus and the enemy there ran 〈…〉 the passage whereof by reâ—son of the broken banks was very hard and difficult 〈…〉 purpose to passe himself and doubted the enemy would not be drawn to do it They had every day more hopes of fresh 〈◊〉 In the meetings and councels of war â—e gave out that forasmuch as the Germans were said to be at hand he would neither hazzard himself nor the fortunes of the army but he would rather remove his camp the next day very early in the morning This was quickly carried to the enemy as amongst many of the Galles that were with him some of them did naturally favour the proceedings of their own nation Labienus having in the night time called unto him the Tribunes of the souldiers and the Centurions of the first Orders acquainted them with his purpose and to the end he might give greater suspicion of fear to the enemy he caused the camp to be dislodged with more noise and tumult thâ—n the Roman discipline had usually observed and thereby made the retreat not unlike a slight or escape which before day-light the two camps being so near one to the other was by the discoverers brought to the enemy The last troups of the Romans were scarce gone out of the camp but the Galles incouraging one another not to lose so hopefull a prey thinking it long â—pecially the Romans being thus affrighted to expect the German forces and that it stood not with their dignity being so able and so many in number not to adventure upon a handfull of men 〈◊〉 from them and troubled besides with baggage and burden and therefore they doubted not to passe the river and to give them battel in a place of disadvantage Labienus suspecting that which now had happened to the end he might draw them all over the river he made as though he would go on forward At length sending the carriages a little before and placing them upon a hill Ye have now said he fellow souldiers that opportunity which ye desired the enemy in a cumbersome and unequall place only afford me your Leader at this time that valour which oftentimes heretofore you have shewed to your Generall imagine him to be 〈◊〉 and to see this service with his own eyes And withall be commanded the Ensignes to be carried towards the enemy and the army to be imbattelled and leaving a few troups of horse with the carriages he dâ—sposed the rest in the wings of the army The Romans taking up a cry and a shout did speedily cast their pikes at the enemy who when they saw the Romans ready to assault them whom they had thought had fled from them for fear they were so discouraged that even in the first close they betook themselves to flight towards the next woods Labienus pursuing them with his horsemen killed many of them and took more prisoners and within a few dayes took in the whole state of the Treviri for the Germans which came to their succour understanding of their overthrow returned home again and with them went also the kinsmen of Induciomarus the authours of that defection The soveraignty and government was given to Cingetorix who from the beginning had ever been true and loyall to the Romans THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Have already handled this practice of a pretended fear which the History doth so often recommend to our consideration and have shewed the inconvenience of over-light credulity leading such easy weeners to a disappointment of their hopes and consequently to the hazzard of their fortune I will now proceed to that which is further implyed in this relation and respecteth the chiefest duty of a chief commander and that is what specially is required of a Generall in the carriage and direction of a battel Concerning which point as there is nothing more materiall to the effecting of any businesse then opportunity of time conveniency of place and an orderly disposition of the means according to time and place so in question of encounter or waging battel the duty of a Leader may be included in these three circumstances Concerning the quality of the place as the chiefest and first respected in the choice of a judiciall directour the whole scope of the Roman discipline from the time of their first Kings even to the last of their Emperours did alwayes aim at the advantage of place as a necessary help for the obtaining of victory which I have already noted in the Helvetian action Yet forasmuch as the wisdome and experience of those times did deem it a circumstance of such importance give me leave once again to inforce the use thereof by these examples Habetis milites saith Labienus in this place quam petiistis facultatem hostem iniquo atque impedito loco tenetis praesâ—are eandem nobis ducibus virtutem quam saepenumero Imperatori praestitistis Ye have fellow-souldiers that opportunity which ye desired c. Whereby he cleareth himself of all imputation of ill direction as having performed the uttermost duty of a Commander and given such helps by the advantage of the place as are requisite to an easy victory leaving the rest to the execution of the souldiers Caesar at the losse he received at Dyrrachium cleared himself to his souldiers in this sort Quod esset acceptum detrimenti cuivis potius quam suae culpae debere tribui locum securum ad dimicandum dedisse c. the damage that was received was to be attributed to any body rather then him he had chosen them a safe place of fighting c. And as it followeth in the seventh Commentary being imbattelled upon the side of a hill right over against the army of the Galles which stood likewise in a readinesse to entertain the
enemy in which course if any part should be circumvented and cut a pieces yet they hoped the rest might save themselves Others thought it better to make good the hill and all of them to attend one and the same fortune This advise the old souldiers did not like of who as I said before went out with the others that were sent a harvesting all under one ensign by themselves and therefore encouraging one another Caiâ—s Trebonius a Roman horseman being their captain and commanding them at that time brake through the thickest of the enemy and came all safe into the camp The boyes and horsemen following hard after them were likâ—wise saved by the valour of the souldiers But those that took the hill having never had any use of service had neither the courage to continue in that resolution which they had before chosen to defend themselves from that place of advantage nor to imitate that force and speed which they had seen to have helped their fellowes but endeavouring to be received into the camp fell into places of disadvantage wherein divers of their Centurions who had lately been taken from the lowest companies of other legions and for their valours sake preferred to the highest and chiefest companies of this legion least they should lose the honour which they had before gotten fighting valiantly died in the place Part of the souldiers by the prowess of these men that had removed the enemy beyond all hope got safe into the camp the rest were defeated and slaâ—n by the Germans THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis circumstance doth afford us two observable points The one how much an old experienced souldier hat hath the use and knowledge of service exceedeth the rawness of such as are newly inrolled The second which dependeth upon the former that valour and military vertue is a consequent of use and practise rather then any inherent gift of nature Camillus being sent with an army against the Thuscans the Roman souldier was much affrighted at the greatness of the hoast which the enemy had put on foot which Camillus perceiving he used no other motives of perswasion to strengthen their weakned minds and to assure them of a happy day but this Quod quisque dâ—dicâ—t aut consuevâ—t faciat Let every man do that which he hath been taught and used to as well knowing where to rouze their valour and in what part their greatest strength rested For as men cannot prevail in that wherein they are unexperienced but will â—e wanting in the supplies of their own particular and miscarry even under the directions of another Annâ—bal so a known and beaten track is quickly taken and the difficulties of a businesse are made easy by acquaintance Use maketh Masteries saith our English Proverb and Practice and Art do far exceed Nature Which continuall exercise and use of arms amongst the Romans attained to such perfection as made militum sine rectore stabilem virtutem the valour of the souldiery firm without their Commander as Lâ—vâ—e witnesseth And as Antiochus confessed to Scipâ—o Quod si vâ—ncuntur non minuuntur animis tamen though they were overcome yet their courage abated not Caesar in all his battels had a speciall respect to the inexperience of the new inrolled bands placing them either behind the army for a guard to their carriages as he did in the Helvetâ—an action or leaving them as a defence to the camp or shewing them aloof off signifying thereby as Livie saith of the Sidicini Quod magis nomen quam vires ad praesidium adferebant that they made more noise of an army then they did good Whereby it consequently followeth that military vertue proceedeth not so much from nature or any originall habit as it doth from exercise and practise of arms I grant there is a disposition in nature and a particular inclination to this or that Art according to that line of the Poet Fortes creantur fortibus bonis Stout men are got by stout and good But this disposition must be perfected by use and falleth short of valour or military vertue which consisteth of two parts The first in knowledge of the discipline of warre and the rules of service whereby they may understand the course of things and be able to judge of particular resolutions The second is the faithfull endeavour in executing such projects as the rules of warre do propound for their safety Both which parts are gotten onely by use For as the knowledge of Military discipline is best learned by practise so the often repetition thereof begetteth assurance in action which is nothing else but that which we call Valour In which two parts these new enrolled bands had small understanding for they were as ignorant what course to take in that extremity as they were unassured in their worser resolutions THE SECOND OBSERVATION THis Cuneus or troup of souldiers disposed into a Triangle was the best and safest way to break through an â—nemy For an Angle hath a renting and dividing property and is so sharp in the meeting of the two side lines that the point thereof resembleth indivisibility and therefore is apt and proper to divide asunder and to make a separation of any quantity Which form Nature hath also observed in the fashion of such creatures as have a piercing and dividing motion as in Fishes that have all heads for the most part sharp and thence Angle-wise are inlarged into the grosseness of their body And Birds likewise the better to divide the aire have sharp bills and little heads with a body annexed of a larger proportion The manner of the Romans was as I have already shewed to strengthen the piercing Angle with thick compacted targets and then enlarging the sides as occasion served either to the quantity of an acute or a right or an obtuse Angle they gave the charge in such sort ut quacunque parte percutere impetu suo vellent sustineri nequeant that wheresoever they fell on they were not long to be endured as Livie saith CHAP. XVII The Sicambri give over their purpose and depart THe Germans being out of hope of taking the Camp forasmuch as they saw our men to stand upon the works they returned over the Rhene with the bootâ—e which they had in the woods And such was the fear of the Roman souldier even after the enemy was gone that Caius Volusenus being sent that night to the camp with the horsemen they would not believe that Caesar and the army were returned in safety Fear had so possest their minds that they did not let to say that all the legions were overthrown and the horse had escaped by flight and desired there to be received for they could not be perswaded the army being safe that the Germans would have attempted to surprise their camp Of which fear they were delivered by Caesar's arrivall He being returned not ignorant of the events of war complained of one thing onely that the cohorts that kept the watch were sent from their
a town lying in his way in the territories of the Bituriges called Noviodunum Which they of the town perceiving sent out unto him to beseech him to spare them and to give order for their safety To the end therefore that he might speed thaâ— business with as much celerity as he had accomplished former services he commanded them to bring out their arms their horse and to deliver pledges Part of the hostages being given while the rest were in delivering over divers Centurions and a few souldiers being admitted into the town to seek out their weapons and their horses the horsemen of the enemy which marched before Vercingetorix army were discovered a farre off which the townsmen had no sooner perceived and thereby conceived some hope of relief but they presently took up a shout and betook themselves to their arms shut the gates and began to make good the walls The Centurions that were in the town perceiving some new resolution of the Galles with their swords drawn possest themselves of the gates and saved both themselves and their men that were in the town Caesar commanded the horsemen to be drawn out of the camp and to begin the charge And as they began to give ground he sent four hundred German horsemen to second them whom he had resolved to keep with him from the first who charged the enemy with such fury that the Galles could no way endure the assault but were presently put to flight and many of them being slain the rest retired back to the army Upon their overthrow the townsmen were worse affrighted then they were before and having apprehended such as were thought to have stirred up the people they brought them to Caesar and yielded themselves unto him Which being ended Caesar marched towards the town of Avaricum which was the greatest and best fortified of all the towns in the territories of the Bituriges and situate in the most fertile part of the countrey for that being taken in he doubted not to bring the whole State of the Bituriges easily into his subjection OBSERVATIONS FOrasmuch as nothing is more changeable then the mind of man which notwithstanding the low degree of baseness wherein it often sitteth will as occasion giveth way to revenge readily amount to the height of tyranny and spare no labour to crie quittance with an enemy it hath been thought expedient in the wisedome of foregoing ages to pluck the wings of so mounting a bird and to deprive an enemy of such means as may give hope of liberty by mutinie and revolt The practise of the Romans in taking in any town was to leave them forceless that howsoever they might stand affected their nails should be surely paied for scratching and their power confined to the circuit of their mind For as it appeareth by this and many other places of Caesar no rendry of any town was accepted untill they had delivered all their arms both offensive and defensive with such engines and instruments of warre as might any way make for the defence of the same Neither that onely but such beasts also whether Horse or Elephant or any other whatsoever as might any way advantage the use of those weapons Which as it was a great dismay and weakning to the enemy so was it short of the third condition commanding the delivery of so many hostages or pledges as were thought convenient being the prime of their youth and the flower of their manhood and were as the marrow to their bones and the sinewes to that body Whereby it came to pass that the remnant was much disabled in strength concerning their number of fighting men and such as were left had neither arms nor means to make resistance The Turke observeth the same course with the Christians but in a more cruell and barbarous manner for he cometh duely at a certain time not regarding any former demeanour and leadeth away the flower of their youth to be invested in impiety and infidelity and to be made vassalls of heathenish impurity Oftentimes we reade that a conquered people were not onely interdicted armes but the matter also and the art whereby such armes were made and wrought for where the people are great and mettall and matter plenty it is a chance if artificers be wanting to repair their loss and to refurnish their armoury At the siege of Carthage the Romans having taken away their armes they notwithstanding finding store of mettall within the town caused workmen to make every day a hundred targets and three hundred swords besides arrowes and casting slings using womens hair for want of hemp and pulling down their houses for timber to build shipping Whereby we may perceive that a Generall cannot be too carefull to deprive an enemy of all such helps as may any way strengthen his hand or make way to resistance CHAP. VII Vercingetorix perswadeth the Galles to a new course of warre VErcingetorix having received so many losses one in the neck of another Vellaunodunum Genabum Noviodunum being taken he calleth his men to councel and telleth them that the war must be carried in another course then it hath been heretofore for they must endeavour by all means to keep the Romans from forrage and convoy of victuall which would easily be brought to pass forasmuch as they themselves did abound in horsemen and for that the time of the year did not yet serve to get forrage in the field the enemy must necessarily seek it in houses and barns whereby the forragers would dayly be cut off by their horsemen Moreover for their safety and defence they were to neglect their private commoditie their houses and their villages were to be burnt up round about as far as Boia wheresoever the Romans might go to fetch their forrage For themselves they thought it reason that they should make supply of victuall and provision in whose possessions they were and for whom they fought By this means the Rom. would never be able to endure that want as would befall them or at the least be constrained to fetch their provisions farre off with great danger and perill to themselves neither did it make any matter whether they killed them or put them besides their carriages for without necessary supplies they were never able to hold war And to conclude such towns were likewise to be set on fire as by the strength of their situation were not safe from danger lest they should prove receptacles to linger and detract the warre and serve the Romans for booty and supplies of provision And albeit these things might seem heavie and bitter yet they ought to esteem it more grievous to have their wives and their children led away into servitude and themselves to be slain by the sword of the enemy which doth necessarily fall upon a conquered people This opinion was generally approved by the consent of all men and more then twenty cities of the Bituriges were burnt in one day the like was done in other States
they at any time departed and left the businesse undone it would be imputed unto them as an ignominy and disgrace to leave this siege and that they had rather undergo all difficulties then not to revenge the death of the citizens of Rome that by treachery were slain at Genabum The same speeches they delivered to the Centurions and Tribunes to be told Caesar THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe worth of a Souldier consisteth in a disposition of mind and body which maketh him apt to suffer and to undergo the difficulties of war For let his resolution otherwise be never so great and his courage invincible in the day of battel yet if he faint under the burthen of such tediousnesse as usually attendeth upon warlike designments he is no way fit for any great enterprise Pindarus saith that he understandeth not the war that knoweth not that the atchieving of one piece of service is alwayes accompanied with the sufferance of another difficulty as great as that which was first intended Et facere pati fortia Romanum est It was the peculiar commendation of the Roman people patiently to endure the extremities of warfare which made the Volsci to cry out That either they must forswear arms and forget to make war and receive the yoak of thraldome and bondage aut tis quibuscum de imperio certetur nec virtute nec patientia nec disciplina rei militaris cedendum or else they must shew themselves no waies inferiour to their antagonists either in valour or sufferance or military discipline Appian forgetteth not to say that the Roman Empire was raised to such greatnesse not by fortune or good luck but by mere valour and patient enduring of hardnesse and want Which is the self-same which Crassus in his sorrow uttered to his souldiers who neither did nor spake many things well for as Plutarch rightly censureth him out of the Comicall Poet he was A good man any way else but in wars The Empire of Rome saith he came not to that greatnesse which it now possesseth by good fortune only but by patient and constant suffering of trouble and adversity never yielding or giving place to any danger Some Italian writers are of an opinion that the two chiefest parts of a souldier Valour and Sufferance are in these times divided unto two nations the French and the Spaniard the Spaniard making war rather by sufferance then by violence of assaults and the French impatient of delay and furious in assaults so that according to his opinion a Spaniard a French-man will make one good souldier Touching the Spaniard I cannot deny but that he hath the name of one of the best souldiers in Christendome and I do gladly allow all that vertue can challenge for truth will prevail against all affection yet I may say thus much on the behalf of our own people that we have seldome lost honour in confronting any nation Concerning the sufferance and patient induring of hardnesse which is said to be in the Spaniard being able to live long with a little it may peradventure not unfitly be attributed to the property of their country and the nature of their climate which will not bear nor digest such plenty of food as is required in colder countries and thereupon being born to so weak a digestion they are as well satisfied with a root or a sallet as others with better plenty of food and therein they goe beyond other Nations Of the French I say nothing but leave them to make good the opinion of the Italian Writer Suetonius witnesseth of Caesar that he himself was laboris ultra fidem patiens one that endured toil beyond belief whereby he might the better move his army to endure with patience the difficulties of the siege and yet so artificially as he seemed rather willing to leave it uneffected then to impose any burthen upon them which they themselves should be unwilling to bear the rather to draw the Legions to ingage themselves therein by denying to forsake it then to cast that upon them which their-unwillingnesse might easily have put off THE SECOND OBSERVATION VVE may further observe the means the souldiers used to acquaint Caesar with their desires which was by the Tribunes and Centurions For as these were mediate Officers between the Generall and them and delivered the mandates and directions of the Emperour to the souldier so did the souldiers use their help to make known unto him their requests as besides this place may appear in the first Commentary where they desired to give him satisfaction touching the fear they had conceived of Ariovistus and the Germans which they likewise did by the Centurions and Tribunes CHAP. IX Caesar leaveth the siege and goeth to take the enemy upon advantage but returneth again without fighting WHen the towers began to approach near unto the walls Caesar understood by the captives that Vercingetorix having consumed all his provision of forrage had removed his camp nearer to Avaricum and that he himself was gone with the cavalry and such ready footmen as were accustomed to fight among the horsemen to lye in ambush in that place where he thought our men would come a forraging the next day Which being known setting forward about midnight in silence in the morning he came to the enemies camp They having speedy advertisement by their scouts of Caesars coming did hide their carriages in the woods and imbattelled all their forces in an eminent and open place Which being told Caesar he commanded the baggage to be speedily laid together and their arms to be made ready There was a hill of a gentle rising from the bottome to the top incompassed round about with a difficult and troublesome bog of fifty foot in breadth Upon this hill the bridge being broken the Galles kept themselves trusting to the strength of the place and being distributed into companies according to their severall States they kept all the fords and passages of the bog with watches with this resolution that if the Romans did passe over the bog they might easily from the higher ground keep them under as they stuck in the mire who little reckoning of so small a distance would deem the fight to be upon equall terms whereas they themselves well knowing the inequality of the condition did make but a vain and idle ostentation The souldiers disdaining that the enemy could endure their presence so near at hand and requiring the sign of battel Caesar acquainted them with what detriment and losse of many valiant men the victory must at that time be bought who being so resolute that they refused no danger to purchase him honour he might well be condemned of great ingratitude and villany if their lives were not dearer unto him then his own safety and so comforting the souldiers he brought them back again the same day into the camp and gave order for such things as were requisite for the siege of the town OBSERVATIONS THis Chapter hath divers
Philosopher Ingratum si dixeris omnia dixeris Ingratitude is culpable of all sorts of wickedness and deserveth the greatest measure of revenge And the rather for that it taketh away the use of vertue and maketh men forget to do good For whereas the nature of goodness is specially seen in communicating it self to the relief of other mens wants we ought to give all diligence not to hinder this inlargement nor by a froward and crooked example to prejudice others that stand in need of the like favour I have often heard it spoken but I know not how true it is and am loath to believe it that in the exchange of a good turn the party that receiveth it hath more assurance of his benefactor touching a faithfull and friendly disposition for the future time then he that shewed the kindness can have of the receiver for men are loath to loose both the fruit and the seed and will rather bestow more cost and labour then forgoe the hope of their first endeavours expecting both in reason and nature fruit answerable to their seed whereas the badness of our nature is such of it self Ut gratia oneri ultio in quaestu habetur THE SECOND OBSERVATION THere is no means so ready to abuse a multitude as false suggestion which like a lying spirit seduceth the minds of men from the truth conceived and fashioneth their hearts to such purposes as seemeth best to the abuser and the rather when it is delivered by a man of place and authority and such a one as pretendeth carefulness for the safety of a people for then it slieth as fast as the lightning in the aire and deludeth the wisest and best experienced of the multitude A mischief that can hardly be prevented as long as there is a tongue to speak or an ear to hear But as Socrates said of pain and case that they are alwayes tied together so men must endeavour to redeem the hurts of such an evill by the benefit which thereby is consequently implyed for it were hard if wise men could not make the like use of a multitude to good purposes as these deceivers do for their own advantage Numa Pompilius to whom the Roman Empire did owe as much for lawes and civil government as to Romulus for their martiall discipline the better to establish such ordinances and decrees as he made in his kingdome feigned familiar acquaintance with a goddesse of that time called Egeria and by her he said he was assured that the Statutes which he made were both equall and just and good for the Romans to observe and the people found no hurt in believing it In like manner Lycurgus having given many lawes to the Spartans repaired to the citie of Delphos and there he got a pleasing Oracle which he sent to Sparta assuring them that his laws were very good and that city keeping them should be the most renowned of the world And Sertorius for want of other means used the service of a white Hind as a gift sent him from Diana to make the Lusitanians believe whatsoever might best advantage his business And thus a multitude lieth open to good and ill purposes and is either happy or unfortunate in the counsell of their Leader CHAP. XIX Caesar hindereth the revolt of the Hedui EPoredorix the Heduan a young man of great parentage and of great power in his countrey together with Viridomarus of like age and authority but not so nobly born who being preferred to Caesar by Divitiacus was by him advanced from mean estate to great dignity came both to Caesar with the Heduan horsemen being called out by name to that war by him Between these two there was alwayes contention who should be the chiefest and in that controversie for magistracie the one stood for Convictolitanis and the other for Cotus Of these two Eporedorix understanding the resolution of Litavicus opened the matter to Caesar almost about midnight He prayed him not to suffer their State to fall away from the friendship of the people of Rom by the wicked counsell of young men which would necessarily fall out if he suffered so many thousand men to joyn themselves to the enemy whose safety as neither their kinsfolks would neglect so the State could not lightly esteem of Caesar being much perplexed at this message forasmuch as he had alwayes cherished the State of the Hedui without any further doubt or dispute he took four expedite and unburthened Legions and all the horse out of the camp neither was there space at such a time to make the camp lesser forasmuch as the matter seemed to consist in expedition He left behind him C. Fabius a Legate with two legions for a garrison to the camp And having given order for the apprehending of Litavicus brethren he found that a little before they were fled to the enemy Thereupon adhorting the souldiers not to think much of their labour in so necessary a time every man being most willing he went five and twenty miles and then met with the forces of the Hedui The horsemen being sent to stay their march he commanded not to kill any one of them and gave order to Eporedorix and Viridomarus whom they thought to be slain to ride up and down amongst the horsemen and to call to their countrymen They being once known and the fraud of Litavicus discovered the Hedui stretched out their hands making signs of submission and casting away their weapons desired to be spared from death Litavicus with his clients and followers who by the custome of Gallia must not forsake their patrons in the extremest danger fled to Gergovia Caesar having dispatched messengers to the State of the Hedui to acquaint them that he had saved their people which by the law of arms he might have slain gave the army three hours rest that night and then returned towards Gergovia In the mid-way certain horsemen sent by Fabius made known unto Caesar in what danger the matter stood that the camp was assaulted with all the enemies forces and forasmuch as such as were wearied were still relieved with fresh men it came to passe that our men fainted with continuall labours for the camp was so great that they were alwaies to stana upon the rampier to make it good and that many were wounded with the multitude of arrowes and other sorts of weapons wherein their engines had served them to good purpose for their defence Fabius when these messengers came away had shut up two gates and left other two open and had made sheds and hovels for the better defence of the wall and prepared himself for the like fortune the next day These things being known by the exceeding travell of the souldiers Caesar came into the camp before Sun-rising OBSERVATIONS AS often as the people of Rome had occasion to make war besides the body of the army inrolled for that service in such sort and with such ceremonies as I have formerly delivered the Consul or
out to feeding and went on their journey Which Caesar perceiving rose and followed after leaving a few Cohorts to keep the carriages and about the tenth hour commanding the forragers and horsemen to be called back to follow after instantly the Cavalry returned and betook themselves to their accustomed charge The fight was very sharp in the rere insomuch as they were ready to turn their backs Mâ—ny souldiers and some of the Centurions were slain Caesar's troups prâ—ssed hard upon them and threatned the overthrow of their whole Army insomuch as they had neither means to chuse a fit place to incamp in nor to proceed forward in their march Whereby they were necessarily inforced to make a stand and to pâ—â—h their Camp far from any water in an unequall and disadvantageous place But Caesar forbare to meddle with them for the same reasons that have been formerly declared and for that day would not suffer the souldiers to set up their Tents that they might be the readier to follow after at what time soever by night or by day they should offer to break away The Enemy having observed the defect of our Camp imployed all that night in advancing their works and in casting their Camp with an opposite front to our Army The like they did all the next day but so it fell out that by how much their Camp was brought farther on and the fortification grew nearer to finishing by so much farther off they were from water and so remedied one evil with a worse mischief The first night none of them went out of their Camp to fetch water and the next day they led out all their troups together to water but sent no man out to forrage Whereby Caesar finding them oppressed with many inconveniences chose rather to force them to a composition then to fight with them THE OBSERVATION IN this troublesome and confused retreat which these Commanders undertook to regain the advantages that formerly they had quitted at Ilerda we may observe the difficulties attending a weaker party when they would free themselves from the pressures of a strong confronting enemy For the frailty of humane fortune is alwayes so yoaked with incumbrances and hath so many lets from the native weaknesses of its own endeavour that if the opposition of forreign malice shall therewithall unhappily concurre to stop the current of our desires there is little hope of better successe then that which the ordinary condition of extremity doth afford which is to hazard the perill of a wound in seeking to avoid the smart of a rod and to fall into Scylla upon a desire we have to shun Charybdis according as it befell this party Wherein let us farther note the advantage which a Commander hath either to take or leave when he is able to over-master the Enemy in Cavalry for the horsemen serving an Army Royall by making discoveries by forraging by giving rescue upon a suddain by doing execution and retarding an Enemy in his march if over-awed by the Cavalry of the Enemy they cannot perform these services as is requisite the contrary party is the stronger by so many advantages CHAP. XXVI Caesar goeth about to inclose the Enemy and he to hinder Caesar HOwbeit Caesar laboured to inclose them about with a ditch and a rampier to the end he might with better ease hinder their suddain sallies and eruptions to which he thought the Enemy would necessarily betake themselves The Enemy being streightened for want of forrage and to the end also they might be the readier to escape away caused all their horses of carriage to be killed and in these works and consultations were two dayes spent The third day a great part of Caesar's works being already perfected the enemy to hinder the businesse intended concerning the fortifications about two of the clock in the afternoon made the Alarmes brought out the legions and imbattelled themselves under their Camp Caesar calleth back the legions from their work and commanding all his horse to troup together putteth his Army in battell For having made such a shew of unwillingnesse to buckle with the enemy against the will of the souldier and opinion of all men he found himself subject thereupon to much inconvenience howbeit he was resolved for the reasons already specified not to strike a battel and the rather at this time for that the space between his Camp and the enemies was so little that if he had put them to flight it could not have much availed him for the gaining of a perfect and absolute victory For their Camps were not above two thousand foot asunder whereof the Armies took up two parts and the third was left for incursion and assault So that if he had given battel in that nearnesse of the Camp they would have found a speedy retreat upon their overthrow For which cause he resolved to stand upon his defence and not to give the onset and charge them first Afranius had put his Army in a double battel the first consisting of five legions and the Auxiliary cohorts which usually served in the wings were now placed for succours and made the second battel Casar's Army was ordered in a triple battel the first was of four cohorts a piece of the five legions the second of three and the third again of three of each legion following in order The Archers and Slingers were in the midst and the Cavalry on the sides Being thus both imbattelled they seemed to obtain their severall ends Caesar not to fight unlesse he were forced to it and the Enemy to hinder Caesar's fortification But the matter being drawn out in length they stood imbattelled untill sun-seting and then returned both into their Camps THE FIRST OBSERVATION COntra opinionem enim militum famamque omnium videri praelio diffugisse magnum detrimentum afferebat Having made a shew of unwillingnesse to buckle with the enemy against the will of the souldier and the opinion of all men he found himself subject to much inconvenience saith the history Whence we may observe two points First that a Commander in striking a field must partly be directed by his Army for he may neither fight against the liking of the souldier nor withhold them from fighting when they are willing to embrace it if other circumstances do indifferently concurre therewithall For when men are commanded to do what they would do the matter is throughly undertaken and the issue is commonly answerable to the readinesse of their desires but being restrained in their affections and put besides their aptnesse of their voluntary disposition there groweth such a contrariety between the Generalls order and the souldiers oâ—edience as will hardly sympathize to beget good fortune And if a Leader of that same and opinion and so well known to his Army as Caesar was grew into distaste with his souldiers upon so good causes which he had to shun a battel what hazard that Commander runneth into who seldome or never
is as well made of Wheat as of the lees of Wine Flesh is good to make Wrastlers of a grosse and heavy constitution as Plutarch noteth but the Roman souldier stood in need of an effectuall and sinewy vigour able to undergo carriages fitter for a Mule then a Man together with such works as later ages do rather hear then believe and was attained by feeding onely upon bread The Rabbines and Thalmudists do write that the Giants of the old world first fell to the eating of flesh making no difference between a man and a beast but grew so execrable that they made women cast their fruit before their time to the end they might eat it with more tenderness and delicacy Which is also said to be practised by the Canniballs upon the first discovery of the Indies Viginere reporteth that he knew some great Men in France so friand that they caused oftentimes Does ready to foan to be killed and the young ones took out alive to be made meat for monstrous appetites But there is no indifferent Parallel to be drawn between the sobriety of the ancient Roman souldier and the gluttony of these times far exceeding that of Agamemnon which Achilles noted with words of high reproach calling him Hogs-head of Wines eyes of a Dog and hart of a Dear THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly from this elaborate well-couched speech we may note that Eloquence is a very beautifull ornament to Princes and great Commanders besides the use it hath to lead a multitude to such ends as is wished for smooth words prevail where force booteth not According to that of Cicero Cum populum persuaderi posse diffidimus cogi fas esse non arbitremur If the people will not be perswaded let us not think it fit to go about to compell them CHAP. XIV Curio bringeth out his troups and putteth Varus Army to flight THe souldiers moved with this Oration did oftentimes interrupt him in his speech signifying with what grief they did indure the suspicion of infidelity And as he departed from the Assembly every man exhorted him to be of a good courage and not to doubt of giving battell or to make triall of their fidelity and valour By which means the minds disposition of all men being changed Curio resolved out of a generall consent as soon as any occasion was offered to give battell The next day having brought out his forces he made a stand and imbattelled them in the same place where he stood in Armes the day before And Varus likewise drew out his troups whether it were to solicite the souldier or not to omit the opportunity of fighting if it might be afforded in an indifferent place There was a valley as we have formerly declared between the two Armies of no very hard or difficult ascent and either of them expected who should first come over it to the end they might fight in a place of more advantage when upon a suddain all Varus Cavalry that stood in the left Cornet of the Army together with the light-armed souldiers that stood mingled amongst them were seen descending into the Valley To them Curio sent his Cavalry together with two cohorts of the Marrucini The Enemies horsemen were not able to indure the first incounter of our men but having lost their horses fled back to their party The light-armed men that came out with them being left and forsaken were all slain by our men in the view and sight of Varus whole Army Then Rebilus Caesar's Legate whom Curio for his knowledge and experience in matter of war had brought with him out of Sicily said Curio thou seest the Enemy affrighted why makest thou doubt to use the opportunity of time Curio without making any other answer then willing the souldiers to remember what they had assured unto him the day before commanded them to follow him and ran formost himself The Valley was so cumber some and difficult that in gaining the ascent of the hill the formost could hardly get up unlesse they were lifted up by their followers Howbeit the Enemy was so possessed with fear for the flight and slaughter of their fellows that they did not so much as think of resisting for they took themselves all to be already surprised by the Cavalry so that before any weapon could be cast or that our men could approch near unto them all Varus Army turned their backs and fled into their Camp In this flight Fabius Pelignus a certain souldier of one of the inferiour Companies of Curio his Army having overtaken the first troup of them that fled sought for Varus calling after him with a loud voice as though he had been one of his own souldiers and would either advise him or say some-thing else to him And as he being often called looked back and stood still inquiring who he was and what he would he made at Varus shoulder which was unarmed with his sword and was very near killing him howbeit he avoided the danger by receiving the blow upon his target Fabius was instantly inclosed about by such souldiers as were near at hand and slain In the mean time the gates of the Camp were pestered and thronged with multitudes and troups of such as fled away and the passage was so stopped that more died in that place without blow or wound then perished either in the battell or in the flight Neither wanted they much of taking the Camp for many left not running untill they came to the town But the nature of the place and the fortification of the Camp did hinder their accesse and Curio his men coming out prepared onely for a battell wanted such necessaries as were of use for the taking of the Camp And therefore Curio carried back his Army with the losse of no one man but Fabius Of the Adversaries were slain about six hundred and many more wounded who all upon Curio his departure besides many other that feigned themselves hurt left the Camp for fear and went into the town Which Varus perceiving and knowing also the astonishment of the Army leaving a Trumpeter in the Camp a few Tents for shew about the third watch he carried his Army with silence out of the Camp into the town OBSERVATIONS IT is a part of wisdome and oftentimes a main help to victorie to attend the advantage of an Enemies rashness and to see if his folly will not make way to his overthrow Whereof Curio made good use for he kept his Army in the upper ground untill the Cavalry of the Adversarie were loosely fallen into the Valley and then set upon them and cut them all in pieces The sight whereof maskered the whole Army and kept Curio in safety upon the like disadvantage in the cumbersome passage of the same Vale by means whereof he put to flight the whole forces of the Enemy and made a great slaughter in the party Wherein I may not forget that trick of a Roman
spirit whereby the Authour becometh memorable to posterity in calling after Varus by name to make him the sacrifice for both the Hoasts Whence we may observe that when a battell is joyned pell-mell no man can be assured in his own valour nor share out his fortune by the length of his sword but is oftentimes subject to weaknesses of contempt and vanquished by such as cannot be compared unto him but in scorn I have heard it reported that at the battell of Eureux Maturine that known woman in France took prisoner disarmed a Cavalero of Spain who being brought before the King and by him demanded whose prisoner he was or whether he knew the partie that had forced him answered no but that he knew him to be a gallant man of Armes Whereat the king smiled and the Gentleman understanding what fortune he had run was as much dismaied as a man possibly could be that considered Quod ferrum aequat in bello robustioribus imbecilliores The sword equalleth the weakest to the strongest CHAP. XV. Curio leaveth Vtica to meet with King Juba His Cavalrie overthroweth the forces led by Sabura which leadeth him on to his overthrow THe next day Curio prepared to besiege Utica inclosing it about with a ditch a rampier There were in the town a multitude of people unacquainted with war through the long peace they had injoyed and the inhabitants stood very affectionate to Caesar for many benefits they had received from him The rest of the multitude consisted of divers sorts of men much terrified and affrighted by the former incounters whereupon every man spake plainly of giving up the town and dealt with Pub. Actius that their fortunes and lives might not come in danger through his pertinacie and wilfulness While these things were a doing there came messengers from King Juba signifying the King was at hand with great forces and willed them to keep and defend the town Which news did much incourage and confirm the wavering and affrighted minds of the Enemy The same was also reported to Curio whereunto for a while he gave no credit such was his confidence in the successe of things And now withall came Letters and Messengers into Africk of that which Caesar had so fortunately atchieved in Spain so that being absolutely assured with all these things he was perswaded the king durst attempt nothing against him But when he found by assured discovery that his forces were within twenty five miles of Utica leaving his works already begun he withdrew himself into Cornelius Camp and began there to fortifie his Camp to get Corn and other provisions and to furnish it with all necessaries materiall for a defence and sent presently a dispatch into Sicily that the two legions and the rest of the Cavalry might be sent unto him The Camp wherein he lay was fitly accommodated to hold out the war as well by reason of the nature of the place as the artificiall fortifying thereof the nearness of the sea and the plenty of water and salt whereof there was great quantity brought thither from the Salt-pits near adjoyning No stuffe could be wanting through the great store of wood which was about the place nor yet any Corn for the plenty that was to be found in the confining fields and thereupon by the advice and approbation of all men Curio resolved to attend his other forces and to draw out the war in length These things being thus disposed by the consent and liking of all men he heard by some that lately came out of the town that Juba was called back by occasion of a war happened upon the confines and that by reason of the controversies and dissentions of the Leptitani he was detained at home in his kingdome but that Sabura his Lieutenant was sent with some competent forces and was not far from Utica To which reports giving too light and easie credit he altered his purpose and resolved to put the matter to triall of battell whereunto his youthfull heat the greatness of his courage the successe of former time and his confidence in the managing of that war did violently lead him Being carried on with these inducements he sent the first night all the Cavalry to the River Bagrada where the Enemy lay incamped under the command of Sabura but the king followed after with all his forces and lay continually within six miles or thereabouts The horsemen sent before and making their journey in the night set upon the Enemy at unawares and not thinking of their approch for the Numidians lodge scattered here and there in a barbarous manner without any government or order And surprising them thus oppressed with sleep and scattered upon the ground they slew a great number of them the rest in great terror and amazement escaped by flight Which service being thus executed the Cavalry returned to Curio and brought the captives unto him Curio was gone out about the fourth watch of the night with all his forces having left five cohorts for a garrison to his Camp and having marched six miles he met with the Cavalry understood what was done and inquired of the captives who was Generall of the Camp at Bagrada They answered Sabura He omitted for haste of his way to inform himself of the rest but turning himself to the next Ensignes said You see souldiers that the confession of the captives doth agree with that which was reported by the fugitives For the king is not come but hath sent some small forces which cannot make their partie good with a few horsemen and therefore hasten to take the spoil with honour and renown that we may now at length begin to think of rewarding your merits OBSERVATIONS IT is observed by Marcellinus that when misfortune cometh upon a man his spirit groweth so dull and benummed as his senses seem to be dismissed of their charges Which appeared hear in Curio who having taken a provident and sure course such as was approved in every mans judgement and beseemed well the wisdome of a Commander did neverthelesse contrary to all sense and discretion forgo the same and cast himself upon the hazard of that which fugitives had vainly reported Concerning which as it is noted that Incredulity is hurtfull onely to the unbeliever so this passage proveth that for a Commander to be too light of belief is a danger to the whole Partie and bringeth many to ruine that had no part in that creed Caesar in the relation hereof noteth three speciall things in Curio that carried him headlong to this disaster and may serve as marks to avoid the like Syrtes The first was Iuvenilis ardor his youthfull courage and heat which is alwaies attended with strong affections suting the qualitie and temperature of the body being then in the prime height of strength accordingly led on with violent motions whereas age goeth slowly and coldly forward and is alwaies surer in undertaking then hot-spurre youth And albeit
no man in cold bloud could better advise then Curio or fore-see with better providence yet his youthfull boldnesse over-swaied his discourse and drew all to a mischief in despight of his wisedome The second was Superioris temporis proventus the happy issue of former proceedings which of all other conditions is to be suspected and needeth Gods assistance more then any other fortune for that no man sooner erreth or is more uncapable of order then such as are in prosperity And therefore Plato refused to make lawes for them of Cyrene as a matter of great difficulty to give ordinances to men that were in happinesse And doubtless such is the exorbitancie of our nature that nothing better informeth it then crosses which are as instructions and warnings for the preventing of ruining calamities Wherein Curio was not beholding to Fortune at all that dandled him in her lap for a while to cast him out at length headlong to his ruine It had been much better she had exchanged a frown with a favour rather then to have given him much good together and reserve an irrecoverable disgrace for the upshot The third was Fiducia rei bene gerendae which savoureth more of folly then any of the former it being alwaies an argument of an imprudent man to assure himself of good fortune For Presumption being ever accompanied with Negligence is subject to as many casualties as those that go unarmed upon extremity of danger And these were the three things that miscarried Curio Out of which we may observe with Xenophon that Ingens arduum opus est recte imperare it is a weighty and difficult matter to command well CHAP. XVI Curio pursueth the Enemy with more haste then good successe THat which the Cavalry had exploited was certainly a matter of great service especially the small number of them being compared with the great multitude of the Numidians and yet notwithstanding they spake of these things with greater ostentation then the truth would bear as men are willing to divulge their own praises Besides they shewed much spoil which they had taken Captives and Horses were brought out that whatsoever time was omitted seemed to be a let and hinderance to the victory by which means the desires and endeavours of the Souldiers were no way short of the hope which Curio had conceived Who commanding the Cavalry to follow him marched forward with as much haste as he could to the end he might find the Enemy distracted and astonished at the flight and overthrow of their fellows But the horsemen having travelled all night could by no means follow after Whereby it happened that some staied in one place some in another yet this did not hinder or discourage Curio in his hopes Juba being advertised by Sabura of the conflict in the night sent instantly two thousand Spanish and French horse which he kept about him for the safety of his Person and such of the foot-troups as he most trusted to succour and relieve him he himself with the rest of the forces and forty Elephants followed softly after Sabura suspecting by the horsemen coming before that Curio himself was at hand imbattelled all his forces commanding them that under a pretence of counterfeit fear they should retreat by little and little himself when occasion served would give them the signe of battell with such other directions as should be expedient Curio was strengthened in his former hope with the opinion of the present occasion For supposing the Enemy had fled he drew his forces from the upper ground into the Plain wherein after he had marched a good space the Army having travailed sixteen mile he made a stand Sabura gave the signe to his men of beginning the battell led on his Army went about his troups to exhort and encourage his souldiers Howbeit he used his foot-men onely for a shew a farre off and sent the Cavalry to give the charge Curio was not wanting to his men but wished them to set all their confidence in their valour The souldiers howsoever harried and wearied and the horsemen although but a very few and those spent with travell yet wanted no courage or desire to fight But these being but two hundred in number for the rest staied by the way what part of the Army soever they charged they forced the Enemy to give way but they could neither follow them far as they fled nor put their horses to any round or long career At length the Cavalry of the Enemy began from both the wings to circumvent our Army and to mall them down behind and as our Cohorts issued out from the battell towards them the Numidians through their nimblenesse did easily avoid the shock and again as they turned back to their ranks inclosed them about and cut them off from the battell so that it neither seemed safe to keep their order and place nor to advance themselves out and undergo the hazard of adventure OBSERVATIONS THe Principles and Maximes of War are alwaies to be held firm when they are taken with their due circumstances for every Rule hath a qualified state and consisteth more in cautions and exceptions then in authority of precept It is true that nothing doth more advantage a victorie then the counsell of Lamachus the third Duke of the Athenians which was to set upon an Enemy when he is affrighted and distracted for so there is nothing to be expected on is behalf but despair and confusion But either to be mistaken therein or otherwise to make such haste to observe this rule of war as Curio did that the best part of the Army shall he by the way and the rest that go on shall be so spent with labour as they are altogether unfit for service and yet to make the matter worse to bring them into a place of disadvantage to incounter a strong and fresh Enemy is to make the circumstances oversway the Rule and by a Maxime of Warre to be directed to an overthrow neglecting altogether that which is observed by Sextus Aurelius Victor Satis celeriter fit quicquid commode geritur that which is well done is done soon enough CHAP. XVII Curio defeated and slain Some few of the Army get passage to Sâ—cily the rest yield themselves to Varus THe Enemy was oftentimes renforced by succours from the King our men had spent their strength and fainted through weariness such as were wounded could neither leave the battell nor be conveighed into a place of safety The whole Army being incompassed about with the Cavalry of the Enemy whereby despairing of their safety as men commonly do when their life draws towards an end they either lamented their own death or recommended their friends to good fortune if it were possible that any might escape out of that danger all parts were filled with fear and lamentation Curio when he perceived the souldiers to be so affrighted that they gave care neither to
Burgundie Not to sell the skin before they had killed the Bear might well have â—itted these of Pompey's Partie that contended for offices before they fell and disposed of the skins e're they had took the Bears not sparing out of their impatiency to tax Pompey of spinning out the war for the sweetnesse he found in authority and command as Agamemnon did at Troy Insomuch as Plutarch reporteth that one Favonius imitating Cato's severity and freeness of speech went about throughout all the Camp demanding Whether it were not great pitty that the ambitious humour of one man should keep them that year from eating the figs and delicate fruit of Tusculum And all men generally stood so affected as Pompey could not withstand their inforcements For as Florus saith Milites otium socii moram principes ambitum Ducis increpabant The souldiers blamed the slouth the confederates found fault with the delay the chief commanders with the ambition of their Generall Onely Cato thought it not fit to hazard themselves upon a desperate man that had neither hope or help but in Fortune But as in most things besides so in this he stood alone and could not prevail against a multitude THE SECOND OBSERVATION PLacere sibi ternas tabellas dari ad indicandum iis qui erant ordinis Senatorii They agreed that all such as were of the rank of Senatours should be inquired upon by a triple Commission saith the story Tabellas I have translated Commissions as best suting our English phrase but the meaning was as followeth It appeareth by history that the Roman people as well in election of Magistrates as in causes criminall did give their voices openly and aloud for six hundred years together untill one Gabinius a Tribune of the People perceiving that the Commons for fear of the great Ones durst not dispose of their voices freely and as they would published an Edict that the people should give their voices by Ballating Which law Tully commendeth Grata est tabella quae frontes operit hominum mentes tegit datque cam libertatem quod velint faciant It is an acceptable Law which hides the faces and meanings of men and gives all liberty to do what they please And in another place he calleth it Principium justissimae libertatis the foundation of most just liberty Upon an election of Magistrates the balls were given according to the number of the Competitours that every man might chuse as he pleased In criminall Causes every man had three one marked with A. signifying Absolution and another with C. for Condemnation and another with N. L. for Non liquet which they called Ampliatio desirous to be further informed which our Grand Juries do expresse by an Ignoramus And in this manner would Domitius have had his fellow Senatours either quitted or condemned The balls which were given upon the making of a law were two one marked with V. R. which signified Uti rogas that it might go on and the other with A. signifying Antiquo rejecting it For as Festus noteth Antiquare est in modum pristinum reducere to Antiquate is to make the thing be as it was before And in this manner they would have proceeded against Caesar's Parâ—izans being altogether mistaken in the assurance of their happiness the continuance whereof depended upon Vertue and not upon Fortune CHAP. XXX Caesar finding the Enemy to offer battell in an indifferent Place prepareth to undertake him PRovision of Corn being made and the souldiers well resolved to which end he had interposed a sufficient space of time after the battell at Dyrrachium Caesar thought it time now to try what purpose or will Pompey had to fight And therefore drawing the Army out of the Camp he imbattelled his troups first upon the place and somewhat removed from Pompey's Camp but every day following he went further off his own trenches and brought his Army under the hills whereon the Enemy lay incamped This made his Army daily the more bold and assured He kept continually his former course with his horsemen who because they were lesse in number by many degrees then those of Pompey's party he commanded certain lusty young men chosen out of them that stood before the Ensignes for their nimble and swift running to fight amongst the horsemen who by reason of their daily practise had learned the use of that kind of fight So that one thousand of our Cavalry in open and champain places would when need were undergo the charge of seven thousand of theirs and were not much terrified with the multitude of them For at that time they made a fortunate incounter and slew one of the two Savoiens that had formerly fled to Pompey with divers others Pompey having his Camp upon a hill imbattelled his Army at the lower foot thereof to see if he could get Caesar to thrust himself into an unequall and disadvantageous place Caesar thinking that Pompey would by no means be drawn to battell thought it the fittest course for him to shift his Camp and to be alwaies in moving hoping by often removes from place to place he should be better accommodated for provision of Corn and withall might upon a march find some occasion to fight besides he should weary Pompey's Army not accustomed to travell with daily and continuall journeys And thereupon he gave the signe of dislodging But as the Tents were taken down it was a little before observed that Pompey's Army was advanced somewhat further from their Trenches then ordinarily they were accustomed so that it seemed they might fight in an equall and indifferent place Whereupon Caesar when his troups were already in the gates setting out It behoveth us saith he to put off our removing for the present and bethink our selves of fighting as we have alwaies desired for we shall not easily hereafter find the like occasion and presently drew out his forces Pompey also as it was afterwards known was resolved at the instance of all that were about him to give battell for he had given out in councell some few daies before that he would everthrow Caesar's Army before the troups came to joyn battell And as many that stood by wondered at it I know saith he that I promise almost an incredible matter but take the ground whereupon I speak it that you may undergo the business with more assurance I have perswaded the Cavalry and they have promised to accomplish it that when they come near to joyn they shall attack Caesar's right Cornet on the open side and so the Army being circumvented behind shall be amused and routed before our men can cast a weapon at them whereby we shall end the war without danger of the Legions or almost without any wound received Which is not difficult or hard to do for us that are so strong in horse And withall he gave order that they should be ready against the next day forasmuch as the occasion was offered according as they had
desirous to have fought with them yet wondering at the great number of his enemies he pitched his camp directly over against theirs on the other side of a valley which was more in deepnesse downward then in widenesse any way at the bottom This camp he commanded to be fortified with a rampier of twelve foot and an open gallery to be builded upon it according to the measure of the same height and a double ditch to be made of fifteen foot apiece with sides plumme down and many turrets to be reared of three stories high and to be joyned together with draw-Bridges to let down at pleasure the fronts whereof were fenced with grates of wicker to the intent the enemy might be repulsed with double rows of defendants of which the one from the Bridges the more out of danger they were by reason of the height so much the boldlier and the farther off might they send their darts the other the nearer they were placed to their enemy upon the Rampier so much the better should they be covered from the artillery that might fall down upon them and over the gates he made high towers This kind of fortification was to two good purposes for by the greatnesse of his works and his pretence of fear he hoped to put the barbarous Galles into a great confidence and whensoever he should have occasion to send out farre for forrage or victuals he saw that the camp might be defended with a small power the strength of the fortifications was so great In the mean while parties on both sides would severall times go out and skirmish in the marish that was between our two camps the which oftentimes either the Galles and Germans that were of our host would passe and eagerly pursue their enemies or else in like manner our enemies passing over it did send our men farther off It happened in our daily forraging as there was no other shift forasmuch as we were fain to fetch forrage at houses that stood scattering farre a sunder that our forrages being dissevered in disadvantageous places were entrapped The which thing as it was some losse to us of our beasts of carriage and slaves so it heightened the foolish courages of the barbarous Galles and that so much the more because Comius of Arras who we said before was gone to fetch aid of the Germans was returned with some horse of whom although there was not above the number of five hundred yet the Galles were puffed up at the coming of the Germans CHAP. III. Caesar strengthens himself with more forces The men of Rhemes worsted by the Enemy and they again by the Germans on Caesar's party WHen Caesar perceived how his enemies kept themselves many dayes together within their camp which was fortified both with a marish and also with advantage of the ground and that he could neither assault them without manifest perill nor inclose the place where they were with any fortifications without a greater army he directed his letters to Trebonius that he should with all haste possible send for the thirteenth legion which wintered amongst the Bituriges under T. Sextius the Legate and so with three legions make long marches to come to him In the mean season he sent out by turns the horsemen of Rhemes and of the Lingones and other States of whom he had called forth a great number to safe-conduct the forragers and to withstand the suddain assaults of the enemy This being done day by day and our men taking now lesse heed because it was an ordinary matter with them which thing for the most part cometh to passe by daily custome the Bellovaci with a band of chosen footmen knowing the places where our horsemen daily kept their standings laid ambushes in woody places and the next day they sent thither their horsemen first to draw cut our men into the danger of their ambushments and then to assail them as they were enclosed The lot of this ill luck lighted upon the men of Rhemes whose turn it was to perform the duty that day For they when they had espied the horsemen of their enemies upon the suddain despising them because they werelesse in number followed them over-greedily and were enclosed by the footmen Whereby being disordered they retired more hastily then horsemen are accustomed to do in battell with the losse of Vertisco the Prince of their State and Captain of their horsemen Who being scarce able to sit upon a horse by reason of his age would notwithstanding according to the custome of the Galles neither seek to disburden himself of the Captainship by excuse of his age nor suffer the encounter to be fought without him With this lucky battell wherein they slew the Prince and Captain of the men of Rhemes the courages of our enemies were heightened and raised and our men were taught by their own harm to search the places better where they should keep their standings and to follow their enemy more advisedly when he fled In the mean while ceased not the daily skirmishes in the sight of both our Camps which were made at the foords and passages of the marish In this kind of exercise whenas the Germans whom Caesar had for the same purpose fetcht over the Rhene that they should fight intermingled with his horsemen in the battel had all boldly passed the marish and slaying a few that made resistance followed eagerly upon the rest of the multitude not only they that were overthrown at hand or wounded aloof but also they that were wont to succour afarre off were so stricken with fear that they ran away shamefully and never left flying from higher ground to higher which they oftentimes lost before they either recovered into their Camp or as some did for very shame fled farther off With whose danger the rest of the host was so troubled that it can scarcely be judged whether good successe were it never so small would make them more arrogant or a misfortune were it never so mean would make them more cowed and fearfull CHAP. IIII. The Galles discamp and are pursued by Caesar The routing of part of them and the death of Corbeus AFter they had linked many dayes in the same Camp when the Captains of the Bellovaci understood that C. Trebonius one of Caesar's Legates was at hand with mo Legions fearing the like siege as was at Alexia they sent away in the night all such as by reason of yeares or otherwise wanted strength and all such as wanted armour among them and with them they sent away also their carriages While they were setting forth this troubled and confused company for the Galles even when they go lightest are wont to have a great multitude of Carts following them day-light came upon them and therefore they set their men in battel-array in their camp lest the Romans should pursue before the company of their carriages could get any thing forward But Caesar thought it not good to assail them that were ready to defend themselves having so
misfortune be daunted or overcome never departed out of the battel nor made toward the woods neither could by the entreaty of our men be perswaded â—o yield himself but fighting most valiantly and hurting many of our men he so farre exasperated the victours that they could not forbear to throw their darts at him and dispatch him CHAP. V. The remainder of the Galles submit themselves to Caesar Comius in danger to be slain by treachery THe matter being brought to this passe Caesar pursuing his newly-got victory forasmuch as he thought that his enemies being discouraged with so great a misfortune would immediately upon the news thereof forsake the place where they were encamped which was said to be not above eight miles from the place where the slaughter was made although he saw it would be some trouble to him to passe the river yet passed he his army and marched toward them But the Bellovaci and the other States upon the return of a few of their men and those wounded out of the chase which had escaped the mischance by means of the woods understanding by them their own great misfortune and misery by the death of Corbeus the losse of their horsemen and the â—laughter of their stoutest footmen and mistrusting that the Romans would out of hand come upon them immediately called an assembly by the sound of a trumpet and cried all with one voice to send ambassadours and hostages to Caesar When Comius of Arras perceived that this motion would be entertained he fled to those Germans of whom he had borrowed assistance to the warre The rest sent ambassadours presently unto Caesar desiring him to content himself with that punishment of his enemies which if he might have laid upon them without battel in their chief prosperity they were well assured that of his clemency and courtesy he would not have done it The Bellovaci said that their power was weakened by the losse of their horsemen many thousands of their choicest footmen were cut off scarce any escaping to bring tidings of the slaughter yet notwithstanding their great misfortune they had by that battel received this happinesse that Corbeus the authour of the warre and raiser of the multitudâ— was slain For as long as he was alive the Senate could never bear so great sway in the city as the rude and unskilfull commonalty As the ambassadours were speaking these things Caesar put them in mind that about the same time the last year the Bellovaci and other States of Gallia raised warre and that they above all others stood most stiffly in their opinion and would not be reduced to obedience by the submission of the rest He told them he knew and understood it was an easie matter to lay the fault of their offence upon him that was dead But he was sure that there was no man of so great power that against the noblemens wills the Senate resisting him and all good men withstanding him could with a weak handfull of the commonalty raise a warre and go through with it Neverthelesse he was satisfied with the punishment which they had brought upon themselves The night following the ambassadours returned this answer to those that sent them and forthwith they gave hostages Then also the ambassadours of other States which waited to see what successe the Bellovaci would have came to Caesar giving hostages and performing his commands only Comius stood off who durst not for fear trust his life into any mans hands For the year before Titus Labâ—enus perceiving how while Caesar was ministring justice in the hither Gallia Comius stirred up the States and made confederacies against Caesar thought he might without being accounted a faithâ—breaker revenge his treacherous carriage And thereupon because be thought he would not at his sending for come into the camp lest he should by such a message make him more cautious he sent C. Volusenus Quadratus to murther him under pretence of communing with him and for the performance of the matter he sent with him certain selected Centurions for the purpose When they came to conference and that Volusenus as it was agreed upon had caught Comius by the right hand one of the Centurions as if he had been moved at the strangenesse of the matter gave Comius a shrewd blow on the head with his sword howbeit he could not dispatch him because his friends stept in and saved him By and by was drawing of swords on both sides and yet none of both parties were minded to fight but to fly away our men because they believed that Comius had had his deaths wound the Galles because perceiving the treachery they feared there had been more behind then they saw Upon which businesse it is reported that Comius vowed he would never come in the fight of any Roman CHAP. VI. Caesar disposeth his forces into severall parts of Gallia and himself wasteth the countrey of Ambiorix WHen Caesar had subdued the Nations that were most warlike perceiving there was now no City that prepared warre to stand against him but that many to eschew the present yoke of the Roman Empire left their towns and fled out of the fields he determined to send his army abroad into divers quarters M. Aâ—tonius the Quaestor with the eleventh legion he took to himself C. Fabius the Legate with twenty five cohorts he sendeth into the farthest part of all Gallia because he heard say that certain States were there in arms and that he thought C. Caninius Rebâ—lus the Legate had not a sufficient strength of those two legions that were with him already T. Labienus he called unto him from the place where he was and the twelfth legion which wintered under him he sent into Gallia Togatu to defend the towns that the Romans had there peopled with their own Citizens lest any such harm should happen to them by invasion of the barbarous people as had happened the summer before to the Tergestini who were surprised and spoiled of their goods by their suddain invasions He himself set forward to waste and spoil the borders of Ambiâ—rix who flying before him for fear from place to place when he saw there was no hope to get him into his hands he thought it was most for his honour so to despoil his countrey of people buildings and cattel that his countreymen might so hate him if fortune reserved any countreymen for him that for the calamities he had brought upon his countrey he might never have accesse thither again After he had sent abroad his host into all parts of Ambiorâ—x his countrey and wasted all places with slaughter buâ—ning and rapiâ—e having slain and taken prisoners a great number of men he sent Labienus with two legions among the Trâ—viri whose countrey by reason of the nearnesse thereof unto Germany being daily inured to the warres is not much unlike to the Germans in rudenesse and savagenesse of life neither did they obey the commandments of Caesar at any time longer then we had an army in their countrey
among the rude people as one that was ever a beginner of new designes took with his own and Drapes his forces a town called Uxellodunum which had been formerly in his tuition a place excellently well fortified by the naturall situation thereof and caused the townsmen to joyn with him To this town Caninius forthwith came and perceiving that all parts of the same were fortified with craggy cliffes insomuch that though no man were there to defend it yet were it a haâ—d matter for men in their armour to get up knowing also that the moveables of the townsmen were great which if they should go about to carry privily away they could not escape either our horsemen or footmen he divided his Cohorts into three parts and made three Camps upon a very high ground from which by degrees as his army was able he determined to draw a Rampier and trench round about the town The townsmen perceiving that and remembring the miserable condition of Alexia feared the like siege Luterius especially who had tasted the smart of that misfortune advised them to lay for corn beforehand whereupon they determined by generall consent that leaving a part of the army for the defence of the town Luterius and Drapes with the best-provided should go forth to fetch in corn This counsell being approved of the next night Drapes and Luterius leaving two thousand armed men behind them drew the rest out of the town After a few dayes being abroad they brought in a great quantity of grain out of the countrey of the Cadurci who partly were willing to help them therewith and partly durst not withstand their taking it as not being able to make their part good against them Oftentimes also they would fly out in the night and assault the castles of our camp Upon which consideration C. Caninius stayed the making of fortifications round about the town lest he should not be able to defend the circumvallation when it was finished or else should be forced to set but weak watches in so many places at once When they had gotten together a great quantity of grain Drapes and Luterius took up their standings not above ten miles from the town the better at times to convey it in and they parted the charge between them Drapes tarried behind with part of the army to keep the Camp Luterius drave the beasts with their carriages toward the town and setting guards there for his defence about ten of the clock in the night purposed by narrow wayes through the woods to convey the corn into the town The watchmen of our Camp hearing the noise of their feet and the scouts which were sent out reporting what was a doing Caninius caused his Cohorts to arm themselves quickly and about break of day made attempt out of the next castles upon the forragers Who being frighted with the suddennesse of the mischief fled to their guards Which as soon as our men perceived they flew more fiercely upon them and suffered none to be taken alive Luterius fled from thence with a few but returned not to his Camp After this good successe Caninius understood by his prisoners that part of the army was behind in the Camp with Drapes not above twelve miles off Which when he had learned by many to be truth believing that one of the Generals already put to flight the remnant of the army being terrified might easily be overthrown he thought it a great piece of happinesse that none escaped from the slaughter into the Camp to carry tidings of the mishap to Drapes And forasmuch as he saw there was no danger in putting the matter to triall he sent all his horsemen and the German footmen swift and nimble fellows before to the Camp of his enemies One of his legions he left in his Camp and the other eased of all carriages he took with him When he came near his enemies his scouts that he had sent before brought word that as the custome of the barbarous nations commonly is they had abandoned the higher ground encamped themselves by the River side that our horse and the Germans had flown upon them suddenly ere they were aware and charged them Upon the receit of this news he hasted forward with his legion well armed and well appointed and so the sign being given suddenly on all sides the higher places were taken by our men At the doing whereof the Germans and our Cavalry seeing the Ensigns of our Legion fought very stoutly and by and by all our Cohorts charged upon them round so that in the conclusion they were all either slain or prisoners and a great booty taken Drapes himself was also taken in the same conflict Caninius having done his work successfully without almost any hurt at all to his souldiers returned to besiege the town and having now destroyed his enemy without for fear of whom he could not before divide his garrisons nor environ the town with fortifications he commandeth the works to be carried on round about the town The next day came thither C. Fabius with his forces and took another part of the town to besiege CHAP. IX Caesar having punished Guturvatus for the revolt of the Carnutes joyneth with Caninius and Fabius before Vxellodunum Upon his depriving them of water the town yieldeth Caesar cutteth off their right hands IN the mean time Caesar left M. Antonius the Quaestor with fifteen Cohorts among the Bellovaci to prevent any new confederacies among them for the future and he himself visited the other States charging them with mo hostages and with comfortable words raising the fearfull hearts of them all When he came amongst the Carnutes in whose countrey as Caesar hath declared in his former Commentary the warre first of all began inasmuch as he perceived them to be chiefly afraid as being conscious to themselves of their fault to the intent he might the more speedily deliver the rest of the State from fear he demanded Guturvatus the ring-leader of that mischief and raiser of the rebellion to be delivered unto him to be punished who albeit he trusted not himself with his own countreymen yet all men made so diligent search for him that he was soon found out and brought to the Camp Caesar contrary to his own nature was compelled to punish him whether he would or no by the importunity of his souldiers who imputed all the dangers and losses that they had sustained by this warre unto Guturvatus insomuch that his body after it was in a manner whipped to death was beheaded While Caesarâ—arried â—arried here he was advertised by severall letters from Caninius what was done to Drapes and Luterius and how the townsmen persevered in their resolution the small number of whom although he despised yet he deemed their wilfulnesse worthy of severe punishment lest they might give occasion to all Gallia to think that they wanted not strength but constancy and resolution to withstand the Romans or leâ—â— by their example other cities of Gallia
why all this was spoken as also what had put him besides his former resolution yet rather then spend the summer in those parts having all things in readinesse for his British war he commanded Induciomarus to come to him and bring two hundred hostages with him Induciomarus did as Caesar commanded and withall brought along with him his son and all that had any near relation unto him whom Caesar bade be of good chear and exhorted to continue firme in his duty and fidelity After this calling to him the chief of the Treviri man by man he reconciled them to Cingetorix as well looking at the desert of the man himself as at his own interest and advantage to have such a man bear the chief sway in his city who had expressed so notable affection and goodwill towards him in this businesse It troubled Induciomarus not a little to find his respect and authority thus impaired insomuch that he who before was no friend to us being vexed at this became a bitter enemy Things thus setled here Caesar came with his legions back to the port called Itius where he understood that forty ships which were built amongst the Meldae were hindred by tempests that they could not keep their course but were forced back from whence they came the rest were well provided and ready to set saile Hither also were gathered all the cavalry in France to the number of four thousand and the chief men of every city some few of which whose fidelity Caesar had had experience of he intended to leave at home and to take the rest along with him for hostages lest in his absense they should begin any new stirs in Gallia Amongst the rest was Dumnorix the Heduan formerly mentioned Him of all the rest Caesar intended to take with him knowing him to be a man desirous of change greedy of rule a man of courage and resolution and one of greatest authority amongst the Galles Besides this Dumnorix had given out at a meeting of the Hedui that Caesar had conferred upon him the government of the city which much troubled the Hedui yet they durst not send any man to Caesar to hinder or revoke it This Caesar came to hear of When he saw he must go with the rest first he besought with all the intreatyes he could that he might stay in Gallia alleging one while that he was afraid of the sea having as yet never been used to sailing another while that he had some religious accounts that kept him here When he perceived this would not serve his turn but go he must he began to deal with the rest of the chief men of the Galles taking them man by man perswading them to continue in their own country telling them that it was not without ground Caesar went about to despoile Gallia thus of its nobility his drift being to carry them over into Britain and there murther them whom he was affraid to put to death amongst their friends at home He went farther to ingage them to fidelity and to tye them by oath to proceed upon joynt consultation to the acting of what should be thought of most concernment and behoof for the good of Gallia These things were by divers persons related to Caesar who as soon as he knew thereof in regard of the great respect he bare to the Heduan State he resolved by all meanes possible to curb and deter Dumnorix from those courses in regard that he saw him thus to increase in his madnesse he thought it seasonable to prevent his endamaging either the Commonwealth or himself So staying in the place where he was about twenty five dayes the North-west wind a wind that usually blowes in those parts all that while hindering his putting to sea he made it much of his business to keep Dumnorix quiet and yet at the same time to spye out the whole drift of his designs At last the wind and weather serving he commanded his souldiers and horsemen on shipboard And whilst every mans mind was taken up about this Dumnorix with the rest of the Heduan horsemen unknown to Caesar had left the camp and were marching homewards Which when Caesar heard he stopt his voyage and letting every thing else alone sent a great part of his cavalry to attach him and bring him back with command that if he stood upon his defense and did not readily obey they should dispatch him For he could not believe that this man could mean any good to him if he once got home since he made so light of his commands when present with him The horse having overtaken him he stood upon his guard and made resistance imploring also the aide of those that were with him still crying out that he was a Free-born man and of a Free city Whereupon they as they were commanded hemm'd him in and so killed him the Heduan horsemen returning every man to Caesar CHAP. III. Caesar saileth into Britain landeth his forces and seeketh the enemy CAesar having prepared all things in readinesse he left Labienus in the Continent with three legions and two thousand horse both to keep the haven and make provision of corne and also to observe the motion of the Galles and to doe according as he saw time and occasion and with five legions and the like number of horse as he left in the continent about sun-setting he put out to sea with a soft south-wind which continued until midnight then ceasing he was carried with the tide untill the morning when he perceived that the Iland lay on his left hand and again as the tide changed he laboured by rowing to reach that part of the Iland where he had found good landing the year before Wherin the souldiers deserved great commendation for by strength and force of Oares they made their great ships of burthen to keep way with the Gallies About high noon they arrived in Britany with all their ships neither was there any Enemy seen in that place but as afterward Caesar understood by the Captives the Britans had been there with a great power but being terrified with the infinite number of shipping which they discovered from the shore for with the ships of provision and private vessels which severall persons had for their own convenience there were in all above either hundred they forsook the shore and hid themselves in the upland country Caesar having landed his men and chosen a convenient place to incamp assoon as he understood by the captives where the enemy lay in the third watch of the night he marched towards them leaving ten cohorts and three hundred horse under Quintus Atrius for a garrison to his shipping which he the lesse feared because it lay at anchour in a soft and open shore He marched that night about twelve mile before he found the Enemy The Britans sending out their horse and chariots to a river that ran between them and the Romans and having the advantage of the upper ground began to hinder
the Romans and to give them battell but being beaten back with our horsemen they conveyed themselves into a wood The place was strongly fortified both by Art and Nature and made for a defence as it seemeth in their civill wars for all the entrances were shut up with great trees layd overthwart the passages And the Britans shewed themselves out of the wood but here and there not suffering the Romans to enter the fortification But the souldiers of the seventh legion with a Testudo which they made and a mount which they raised took the place and drave them all out of the woods without any losse at all saving some few wounds which they received But Caesar forbade his men to follow after them with any long pursuit because he was both ignorant of the place and a great part of that day being spent he would imploy the rest thereof in the fortification of his Camp OBSERVATION CAesar having taken what assurace of peace he could with the Galles both by carrying the chiefest of their Princes with him and by leaving three legions in the Continent to keep the vulgar people in obedience he imbarked all his men at one place that they might be all partakers of the same casualties and take the benefit of the same adventures which being neglected the year before drew him into many inconveniences for want of horse which being imbarked at another Haven met with other chances and saw other fortunes and never came to him into Britany The place of landing in this second voyage was the same where he landed the year before and by the circumstances of this history may agree with that which tradition hath delivered of Deale in Kent where it is said that Caesar landed In the first year we find that he never removed his Campe from the sea shore where he first seated himself although his men went out to bring in corne as far as they might well return again at night but now he entred further into the Iland and within twelve miles march came unto a river which must needs be that of Canterbury which falleth into the Sea at Sandwich In that hee saith that the garrison of his shipping consisted of ten Cohorts which I have said to be a legion we must understand that Caesar left not an entire legion in that garrison but he took ten cohorts out of his whole forces peradventure two out of every legion and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping CHAP. IV. Caesar returneth to his Navies to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night before THe next day early in the morning he divided his forces into three companies sent them out to pursue the enemy but before they had marched any far distance and came to have the rereward of the Enemy in view there came news from Q. Atrius with whom he left the ten cohorts and the charge of the shipping that the night before there was such a tempest at sea that the whole Navy was either fore beaten or cast on shore and that neither anchour nor cable could hold them nor yet the Sailers endure the force of the weather and that there was great loss in the shipping by running against one another in the violence of the tempest Upon these news Caesar caused the legions to be called back again and to cease for that time from following the enemy any further He himself returned to the navy where he found that to be true which he had heard and that about forty ships were lost and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and paines First therfore he chose ship-wrights and carpenters out of the legions and caused others to be sent for out of Gallia and wrote to Labienus to make ready what shipping he could And although it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour yet he thought it best to hale up all the ships on shore and to inclose them within the fortification of his camp In this business he spent ten daies without intermission either of night or day until he had drawn up the ships and strongly fortified the camp leaving the same garrison which was there before to defend it THE OBSERVATION WHerein we may behold the true image of undaunted valour the horrible industry as Tully termeth it which he used to prevent Fortune of her stroke in his business and comprehend casualties and future contingents within the compasse of order and the bounds of his own power being able in ten dayes space to set almost eight hundred ships from the hazard of wind weather to make his Camp the Road for his Navy that so he might rest secure of a means to return at his pleasure CHAP. V. The Britans make Cassivellaunus Generall in this war The Iland and the manners of the people described CAesar returning to the place from whence he came found far greater forces of the Britans there assembled then he left when he went to the Navy and that by publick consent of the Britans the whole government of that war was given to Cassivellaunus whose kingdom lay divided from the maritime States with the river Thames beginning at the sea and extending it self four score miles into the Iland This Cassivellaunus made continual war with his neighbour States but upon the coming of the Romans they all forgot ther home-bred quarrels and cast the whole government upon his shoulders as the fittest to direct in that war The inner part of Britany is inhabited by such as memory recordeth to be born in the Iland and the maritime coast by such as came out of Belgia either to make incursions or invasions and after the war was ended they continued in the possessions they had gained and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came The country is very populous and well inhabited with houses much like unto them in Gallia They have great store of cattel and use brass for mony or iron rings weighed at a certain rate In the mediterranean parts there is found great quantity of Tyn and in the maritime parts iron but they have but little of that their brasse is brought in by other Nations They have all sorts of trees that they have in Gallia excepting the Fig and the Beech. Their religion will not suffer them to eat either Hare Hen or Goose notwithstanding they have of all sorts as well for novelty as variety The Country is more temperate and not so cold as Gallia The Island lyeth triangle-wise whereof one side confronteth Gallia of which side that angle wherein Kent is the usuall place of landing from Gallia pointeth to the East and the other angle to the South This side containeth about 500 mile Another side lyeth toward Spain and the West that way where Ireland lyeth being an Island half as big as England and as far distant from it as Gallia In the mid-way between England and Ireland lyeth an Iland called