many strong and nimble footmen whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host euerie man one for his safegard these they had alwaies at hand with them in battell and vnto these they resorted for succour if the horsemen were ouercharged these euer stept into helpe them if anie one were wounded and vnhorsed they stood about him and succoured him if the matter required either to aduenture forward or to retire speedilie backe againe their swiftnesse was such through continuall exercise that hanging on the horse maine by the one hand they would run as fast as the horses THE OBSERVATION IT may seeme strange vnto the soldiours of our time that the footemen should bee mingled pell mell amongst the horsemen without hurte and disaduantage to themselues so vnlikely it is that they shoulde either succour the horsemen in any danger or annoy the enemy and therefore some haue imagined that these footmen in the incounter cast themselues into one bodie and so charging the enemy assisted the horsemen But the circumstances of this place and of others which I wil alleage to this purpose plainly euince that these footemen were mingled indifferently amongst the horsemen to assist euery particular man as his fortune and occasion required and therfore the choise of these footemen was permitted to the horsemen in whose seruice they were to be imploied that euery man might take his friend in whom he reposed greatest confidence When they were ouercharged these stept in to helpe them if anie man were wounded or vnhorsed he had his footeman ready to assist him and when they were to go vpon any speedie seruice or suddainly to retire vpon aduantage they staied themselues vpon the maine of the horses with one hande and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go which seruices they could not possiblie haue performed without confusion and disorder if the footemen had not seuerally attended vpon them according to the affection specified in their particular election The principall vse of these footmen of the Germaines consisted in the aide of their owne horsemen vpon any necessity not so much regarding their seruice vppon the enemie as the assistance of their horsemen But the Romains had long before practised the same Arte to a more effectuall purpose namely as a principall remedy not onely to resist but to defeat far greater troupes of horse then the enemy was able to oppose against them Wherof the most ancient memory which history mentioneth is recorded by Liuie in the second punicke war at the siege of Capua vnder the regiment of Quintus Fuluius the Consul where it is said that in all their conflicts as the Romaine legions returned with the better so their caualry was alwaies put to the worst therfore they inuented this means to make that good by Art which was wanting in force Out of the whole army were taken the choisest young men both for strength agilitie and to them were giuen little round bucklers and seuen darts apeece in steed of their other weapons these soldiours practised to ride behind the horsemen and speedily to light from the horses at a watchword giuen so to charge the enemy on foot And when by exercise they were made so expert that the nouelty of the inuention no whit affrighted them the Romaine horsemen went forth to incounter with the enemy euery man carying his foot soldior behinde him who at the encounter suddainly alightning charged vpon the enemy with such a fury that they followed thē in slaughter to the gates of Capua And hence saith Liuie grew the first institution of the Velites which euer after that time were inrolled with the legions The author of this strategem is said to be one Q. Nauius a Centurion was honorably rewarded by Fuluius the consull for the same Salust in the history of Iugurth saieth that Marius mingled the Velites with the Caualrie of the associates vt quacunque inuaderent equitatus hostium propulsarent The like practise was vsed by Caesar as appeareth in the thirde booke of the Ciuill warre sauing that insteed of the velites hee mingled with his horsemen 400. of the lustiest of his legionarie soldiours to resist the caualrie of Pompei while the rest of his armie passed ouer the riuer Genusum after the ouerthrow he had at Dirrachium qui tantum profecere saith the text Vt equestri praelio commisso pellerent omnes complures interficerent ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent Many other places might be recited but these are sufficient to proue that the greatest Captaines of auncient times strengthened their caualrie with footemen dispersed amongst them The Romaine horsemen saith Polibius at the first caried but a weake limber pole or staffe and a little round buckler but afterwards they vsed the furniture of the Grecians which Iosephus affirmeth to bee a strong launce or staffe and three or foure dartes in a quiuer with a buckler and a long sword by their right side The vse of their launce was most effectuall when they charged in troupe pouldron to pouldron and that maner of fight afforded no meanes to intermingle footmen but when they vsed their dartes euerie man got what aduantage of ground he coulde as our Carbins for the most part do and so the footemen might haue place among them or otherwise for so good an aduantage they woulde easilie make place for the footmen to serue among them But howsoeuer it was it appeareth by this circumstance howe little the Romaines feared troupes of horse considering that the best meanes to defeate their horse was by their foote companies But to make it more plaine of many examples I will onely alleage two the one out of Liuie to proue that the Romaine horsemen were not comparable for seruice to footemen the other out of Hirtius to shewe the same effect against strangers and Numidian horsemen In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Marcus Horatius Valerius hauing fortunatelie ouerthrowne the Equi and the Volsci Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the warre against the Sabines wherein it happened that in the day of battell the Sabines reserued 2000. of their men to giue a fresh assault vpon the lefte cornet of the Romaines as they were in conflict which tooke such effect that the legionarie footemen of that cornet were forced to retreit Which the Romaine horsemen beeing in number 600. perceiuing and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy they presently forsooke their horses and made haste to make good the place on foote wherein they caried themselues so valiantly that in a moment of time they gaue the like aduantage to their footemen against the Sabines and thē betooke themselues againe to their horses to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled For the second point The Numidians as Caesar witnesseth were the best horsemen that euer hee met with and vsed the same Arte as the Germaines did mingling among them light armed footemen an
ancient times yet in this point of discipline they cannot haue a more perfect direction then that which the Romaines obserued as the two poles of their motions safety and conueniency whereof the first dependeth chiefely vpon the prouident disposition of the leaders and the other wil easily follow on as the commodity of euerie particular shal giue occasion Concerning safety in place of danger what better course can bee taken then that maner of imbattailing which shall be thought most conuenient if an enemy were present to confront them for a well ordered march must either carie the perfect forme of a battell or containe the distinct principles and elements thereof that with little alteration it may receiue that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can affoord it First therefore a prudent and circumspect leader that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march is diligentlie to obserue the nature and vse of each weapon in his army howe they may be placed for greatest vse and aduantage both in respect of their different and concurring qualities as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed and this knowledge will consequentlie inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattailing as the said forces are capable of which if it may be obserued in a march is no way to be altered But if this exactnes of imbattailing wil not admit conuenient cariage of such necessarie adiuncts as pertaine to an armie the inconuenience is to bee relieued with as little alteration from that rule as in a warie iudgment shall be found expedient that albeit the forme be somewhat changed yet the principles and ground wherein their strength and safetie consisteth maie still be retained Neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point he may exemplifie the practises of manie great and experienced commanders what sort of weapon marched in front and what in the rereward in what part of the Armie the Munition marched and where the rest of the cariage was bestowed according as their seuerall iudgments thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences But the issue of all will fall out thus that he that obserued this rule before prescribed did seldome miscarrie through an vnsafe march Let a good Martialist well know their proper vse in that diuersity of weapons in his Armie how they are seruiceable or disaduantageous in this or that place against such or such an enemie and he will speedily order his battell dispose of his march and bestow his cariages as shall best fall out both for his safetie and conueniencie Caesars custome was to send his Caualrie and light armed footmen before the body of his Armie both to discouer and impeach an enemie for these troupes were nimble in motion and fit for such seruices but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front the horsemen marched in the tayle of the Armie and gaue securitie where there was most cause of feare But if it happened that they were found vnfit to make good the seruice in that place as oftentimes it fell out and especially in Africa against the Numidians he then remoued them as he best found it conuenient and brought his legionarie souldiers which were the sinewes and strength of his forces and marched continually in the bulke of the Armie to make good that which his horsemen could not performe And thus he altered the antique prescription and vniformitie of custome according as he found himselfe best able to disaduantage an enemie or make waie to victorie CHAP. IX The Romans begin to fortifie their campe but are interrupted by the Neruij Caesar maketh haste to prepare his forces to battell THE Roman horsemen with the slingers and archers passed ouer the riuer and incountered the Caualrie of the enemie who at first retired backe to their companies in the wood and from thence sallied out againe vpon them but the Romans durst not pursue them further then the plaine and open ground in the meane time the sixe legions that were in front hauing their worke measured out vnto them began to fortifie their campe But assoone as the Neruij perceiued their former cariages to be come in sight which was the time appointed amongst them to giue the charge as they stood imbattailed within the thicket so they rushed out with all their forces and assaulted the Roman horsemen which being easily beaten backe the Neruij ranne downe to the riuer with such an incredible swiftnesse that they seemed at the same instant of time to bee in the woods at the riuer and charging the legions on the other side For with the same violence hauing passed the riuer they ranne vp the hill to the Roman campe where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment Caesar had all partes to plaie at one instant the flagge to be hung out by which they gaue the souldiers warning to take armes the battell to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet the souldiers to be recalled from their worke and such as were gone farre off to get turfe and matter for the rampier to bee sent for the battell to be ordered his men to be incouraged and the signe of battell to be giuen the most of which were cut off by shortnesse of time and the sudden assault of the enemie THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS the Romans excelled all other nations in many good customes so especially in their campe-discipline they stroue to be singular for it seemed rather an Academie or a citie of ciuill gouernment then a campe of souldiers so carefull were they both for the safetie and skilfull experience of their men at armes For touching the first they neuer suffered their souldiers to lodge one night without a campe wherein they were inclosed with ditch and a rampier as in a walled towne neither was it any newe inuention or late found out custome in their state but in vse amongst the auncient Romans and in the time of their kinges their manner of incamping was included within these circumstances The Centurions that went before to choose out a conuenient place hauing found a fit situation for their campe first assigned the standing for the Emperours pauillion which was commonly in the most eminent place of the campe from whence he might easily ouerview all the other partes or any alarum or signum pugnae might from thence be discouered to all quarters This pauillion was knowne by the name of Praetorium for as much as amongst the auncient Romans the Generall of their Armie was called Praetor in this place where the Praetorium was to be erected they stucke vp a white ensigne and from it they measured euerie waie 100 foote and so they made a square containing 200 foot in euerie side the Area or content whereof was almost an acre of ground the forme of the Praetorium was round and high being as eminent among the other tentes as a temple is amongst the priuate buildings of a cittie and therefore
attained to the perfection of ciuill gouernment So we find that first Assirians and Babilonians as neerest to the mountaines of Armenia where the Arke rested and people first inhabited reduced their states into common weales of monarchies of exquisite gouernment florishing with al maner of learning and knowledge when as yet other countries laie either waste or ouerwhelmed with Barbarisme From thence it flowed into Egypt out of Egypt into Greece out of Greece into Italie out of Italie into Gallia and from thence into England where our Kentishmen first entertained it as bordering vpon France and frequented with marchants of those countries CHAP. V. Diuers skirmishes betweene the Romans and the Britaines THE Caualrie of the enemy and their chariots gaile a sharpe conflict to the Romaine horsemen in their march but so that the Romaines got the better euery way driuing them with great slaughter to the woods and hils and loosing also some of their owne men beeing too venturous in the pursuit The Britaine 's after some intermission of time when the Romans litle thought of them were busied in fortifying their cāpe came sodainly out of the woods and charged vpon those that kept station before the campe Caesar sent out two the thickest cohorts of two legions to second their fellowes these two cohortes standing with a small alley betweene them the other that were first charged being terrified with that strange kinde of fight boldelie brake through the chiefest of the enemy and so retired in safetie to their fellowes That daie Quintus Laberius Durus a Tribune of the soldiours was slaine the Britaines were repelled with moe cohortes which Caesar sent to second the former And for asmuch as the fight happened in the vewe of all the campe it was plainly perceiued that the legionarie soldiors being neither able for the waight of their armor to follow the enemy as he retired nor yet daring to go far from his ensigne was not a fit aduersarie to contest this kind of enemy and that the horsemen likewise fought with no lesse danger inasmuch as the enemy would retire backe of purpose and when they had drawne them a little from the legions they woulde then light from their chariots and incounter thē with that aduantage which is between a footeman and a horseman Furthermore they neuer fought thicke and close together but thin and in great distances hauing stations of men to succour one another to receiue the wearie and to send out fresh supplies OBSERVATIONS VPpon this occasion of their heauie armour I will describe a legionarie soldior in his compleat furniture that we may better iudge of their maner of warfare and vnderstand wherein their greatest strength consisted And first we are to learne that their legionarie soldiors were called Milites grauis armaturae soldiors wearing heauie armour to distinguish them from the Velites the Archers slingers and other light armed men Their offensiue armes were a couple of Piles or as some wil but one Pile and a Spanish sword short and strong to strike rather with the point then with the edge Their defensiue armes were a helmet a corslet and boots of brasse with a large Target which in some sort was offensiue in regarde of that vmbonem which stucke out in the middest thereof The Pile is described at large in the first booke and the Target in the second the sworde as Polybius witnesseth was short two edged yerie sharpe and of a strong point and therefore Liuie in his 22. Booke saieth that the Galles vsed verie long swordes without pointes but the Romaines had short swordes readier for vse these they called Spanish swordes because they borrowed that fashion from the Spaniarde The olde Romaines were so girt with their swordes as appeareth by Polybius and their monuments in Marble that from their left shoulder it hung vpon their right thigh contrary to the vse of these times which as I haue noted before was in regard of their target which they caried on their left arme this sworde was hung with a belt of leather beset with studs as Varro noteth and these were their offensiue weapons Their Helmet was of brasse adorned with three Ostrich feathers of a cubite in length by which the soldiour appeared of a large stature and more terrible to the enemie as Polybius saieth in his 6. booke Their brest plate was either of brasse or Iron ioynted together after the maner of scales or platted with little ringes of yron their bootes were made of barres of brasse from the foote vp to the knee And thus were the legionarie soldiours armed to stand firme rather then to vse any nimble motion and to combine themselues into a bodie of that strength which might not easilie recoile at the opposition of anie confrontment for agilitie standeth indifferent to helpe either a retreit or a pursuit and nimble footed soldiors are as readie to flie backe as to march forward but a waighty body keepeth a more regular motion and is not hindered with a common counterbuffe so that whensoeuer they came to firme buckeling and felt the enemy stand stiffe before them such was their practise and exercise in continual workes that they neuer fainted vnder any such taske but the victorie went alwayes cleere on their side But if the enemy gaue waie to their violence and came not in but for aduantage and then as speedilie retired before the counterbuffe were well discharged then did their nimblenesse much helpe their weakenesse and frustrate the greatest parte of the Romaine discipline This is also proued in the ouerthrowe of Sabinus and Cotta where Ambiorix finding the inconuenience of buckeling at handy blowes commaunded his men to fight a far off and if they were assaulted to giue backe and to come on againe as they saw occasion which so wearied out the Romaines that they all fell vnder the execution of the Galles Let this suffice therefore to shew how vnapt the Romans were to flie vpon any occasion when their armour was such that it kept them from al starting motions and made thē sutable to the staied and wel assured rules of their discipline which were as certaine principles in the execution of a standing battaile and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit or a flight Concerning the vnequall combat betweene a horseman and a footeman it may be thought strange that a footeman shoulde haue such an aduantage against a horseman beeing ouermatched at least with a Sextuple proportion both of strength and agilitie but wee must vnderstande that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere so in speedie and nimble turning at hand wherein the substance of the combate consisteth the footeman farre exceedeth the horseman in aduantage hauing a larger marke to hit by the Horse then the other hath Besides the horseman ingageth both his valour and his fortune in the good speede of his horse his woundes and his death doe consequentlie pull the rider after his feare or furie maketh his maister
made triall by light skirmishes with his horsemen what the enemy could do and what his owne men durst doe And when he found that his men were nothing inferiour to the Belgae he chose a conuenient place before his campe and put his Armie in battell the banke where he was incamped rising somewhat from a plaine leuell was no larger then would suffice the front of the battell the two sides were steepe and the front rose a slope by little little vntill it came againe to a plaine where the legions were imbattailed And least the enemie abounding in multitude should circumuent his men and charge them in flanke as they were fighting he drew an ouerthwart ditch behind his Armie from one side of the hill to the other 600 paces in length the ends wherof he fortified with bulwarkes and placed therein store of engines and leauing in his campe the two legions which he had last inrolled in Lombardie that they might bee readie to be drawne forth when there should neede any succour he imbattailed his other sixe legions in the front of the hill before his campe The Belgae also bringing forth their power confronted the Romans in order of battell There laie between both the Armies a small Marish ouer which the enemie expected that Caesar should haue passed and Caesar on the other side attended to see if the Belgae would come ouer that his men might haue charged them in that troublesome passage In the meane time the Caualrie on both sides incountered betweene the two battels and after long expectation on either side neither partie aduenturing to passe ouer Caesar hauing got the better in the skirmish betweene the horsemen thought it sufficient for that time both for the incouraging of his owne men and the contesting of so great an Army and therefore he conuaied all his men againe into their campe From that place the enemy immediately tooke his way to the riuer Axona which laie behinde the Romans campe and there finding foordes they attempted to passe ouer part of their forces to the ende they might either take the fortresse which Q. Titurius kept or to breake downe the bridge or to spoile the territories of the state of Rheimes and cut off the Romans from prouision of corne Caesar hauing aduertisement thereof from Titurius transported ouer the riuer by the bridge all his horsemen and light armed Numidians with his slingers and archers and marched with them himselfe the conflict was hoat in that place the Romans charging their enemies as they were troubled in the water slewe a great number of them the rest like desperate persons aduenturing to passe ouer vpon the dead carkases of their fellowes were beaten backe by force of weapons and the horsemen incompassed such as had first got ouer the water and slewe euerie man of them When the Belgae perceiued themselues frustrated of their hopes of winning Bibrax of passing the riuer and of drawing the Romans into places of disaduantage and that their owne prouisions began to faile them they called a councell of war wherein they resolued that it was best for the state in generall and for euerie man in particular to breake vp their campe and to returne home vnto their own houses and into whose confines or territories soeuer the Romans should first enter to depopulate and waste them in hostile maner that thither they should hasten from al parts and there to giue them battell to the end they might rather trie the matter in their own countrie then abroad in a strange and vnknowne place and haue their owne houshold prouision alwaies at hand to maintaine them And this the rather was concluded for as much as they had intelligence that Diuitiacus with a great power of the Hedui approched neare to the borders of the Bellouaci who in that regard made haste homeward to defend their country THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may obserue the Arte which he vsed to counteruaile the strength of so great a multitude by choosing out so conuenient a place which was no broader in front then would suffice the front of his battell and hauing both the sides of the hill so steepe that the enemy could not ascende nor clime vp but to their own ouerthrow hee made the backe part of the hil strong by Art so placed his soldiors as it were in the gate of a fortresse where they might either issue out or retire at their pleasure Whereby it appeareth how much he preferred securitie and safetie before the vaine opinion of foole-hardie resolution which sauoreth of Barbarisme rather then of true wisedome for he euer thought it great gaine to loose nothing and the day brought alwaies good fortune that deliuered vp the army safe vnto the euening attending vntil aduantage had laid sure principles of victory and yet Caesar was neuer thought a coward And now it appeareth what vse hee made by passing his army ouer the riuer and attending the enemie on the further side rather then on the side of the state of Rheimes for by that meanes he brought to passe that whatsoeuer the enemie should attempt in any part or quarter of the lande his forces were readie to trouble their proceedings as it happened in their attempt of Bibrax yet notwithstanding he lost not the opportunitie of making slaughter of thē as they passed ouer the riuer For by the benefitte of the bridge which hee had fortified he transported what forces he woulde to make heade against them as they passed ouer and so hee tooke what aduantage either side of the riuer coulde affoord him THE SECOND OBSERVATION ANd heere the reader may not maruel if when the hils are in labour they bring forth but a mouse for how soone is the courage of this huge army abated or what did it attempt worthy such a multitude or answerable to the report which was bruted of their valour But beeing hastely caried together by the violence of passion were as quickly dispersed vpon the sight of an enemy which is no strange effect of a suddaine humour For as in nature all violent motions are of short continuance and the durabilitie or lasting qualitie of all actions proceedeth from a slowe and temperate progression so the resolutions of the minde that are caried with an vntemperate violence and sauour so much of heat and passion do vanish awaie euen with the smoake thereof and bring forth nothing but leasurable repentaunce and therefore it were no ill counsell for men of such natures to qualifie their hastie resolutions with a mistrustfull lingering that when their iudgement is well informed of the cause they may proceed to a speedie execution But that which most bewraieth their indiscreet intemperāce in the hote pursuit of this enterprise is that before they had scarce seene the enemy or had oportunity to contest him in open field their victual began to faile them for their mindes were so caried away with the conceite of warre that they had no leisure to prouide such necessaries
the soldiours might be warned to prepare themselues for the battell and this was the first warning they had which by a silent aspect presented bloud and execution to their eyes as the onlie meanes to worke out their owne safetie and purchase eternall honour The second was Signum tuba dandum this warning was a noise of manie trumpets which they tearmed by the name of classicum a calando which signifieth calling for after the eie was filled with species sutable to the matter intended they then hasted to possesse the eare and by the sense of hearing to stir vp warlike motions and fil them with resolute thoughts that no diffident or base conceites might take hold of their mindes The third was milites cohortandi for it was thought conuenient to confirme this valour with motiues of reason which is the strength and perfection of al such motions the vse and benefit whereof I somewhat inlarged in the Heluetian warre and could affoord much more labour to demonstrate the commoditie of this part if my speech might carrie credit in the opinion of our souldiers or be thought worthie regard to men so much addicted to their owne fashions The last was signum dandum which as some thinke was nothing but a word by which they might distinguish and know themselues from their enemies Hirtius in the war of Afrike saith that Caesar gaue the word Felicitie Brutus and Cassius gaue Libertie others haue giuen Virtus Deus nobiscum Triumphus Imperatoris and such like wordes as might be ominous to a good successe Besides these particularities the manner of their deliuerie gaue a great grace to the matter And that was distinguished by times and cues whereof Caesar now complaineth that all these were to be done at one instant of time for without all controuersie there is no matter of such consequence in it selfe but may bee much graced with ceremonies and complements which like officers or attendants ad much respect and maiestie to the action which otherwise being but barely presented appeareth farre meaner and of lesse regard CHAP. X. The battell betweene Caesar and the Neruij IN these difficulties two things were a help to the Romans the one was the knowledge and experience of the souldiers for by reason of their practise in former battels they could as well prescribe vnto themselues what was to be done as any other commander could teach them The other was that notwithstanding Caesar had giuen commandement to euerie Legate not to leaue the worke or forsake the legions vntill the fortifications were perfited yet when they sawe extremitie of danger they attended no countermaund from Caesar but ordered all thinges as it seemed best to their owne discretion Caesar hauing commanded such thinges as he thought necessarie ranne hastelie to incourage his souldiers and by fortune came to the tenth legion where he vsed no further speech then that they should remember their ancient valour and valiantly withstand the brunt of their enemies And for as much as the enemie was no further off then a weapon might be cast to incounter them he gaue them the signe of battell and hastening from thence to another quarter he found them alreadie closed and at the incounter For the time was so short and the enemie so violent that they wanted leasure to put on their headpieces or to vncase their targets and what part they lighted into from their worke or what ensigne they first met withall there they staied least in seeking out their owne companies they should loose that time as was to be spent in fighting The Armie being imbattailed rather according to the nature of the place the decliuitie of the hill and the breuitie of time then according to the rules of art as the legions incountered the enemie in diuers places at once the perfect view of the battell being hindered by those thicke hedges before spoken of there could no succors be placed any where neither could any man see what was needful to be done therfore in so great vncertainty of things there happened diuers casualties of fortune The soldiers of the ninth and tenth legion as they stood in the left part of the Army casting their piles with the aduantage of the hil did driue the Attrebatij breathles with running wounded in the incounter down into the riuer as they passed ouer the water slew many of them with their swordes Neither did they sticke to follow after them ouer the riuer and aduenture into a place of disaduantage where the battell being renewed againe by the enemie they put them to flight the second time In like maner two other legions the 11 and the 8 hauing put the Veromandui from the vpper ground fought with them vpon the bankes of the riuer and so the front the left part of the campe was well neere left naked For in the right cornet were the 12 and the 7 legions where as all the Neruij vnder the conduct of Boduognatus were heaped together and some of them began to assault the legions on the open side and other some to possesse themselues of the highest part of the campe At the same time the Roman horsemen and the light armed footmen that were intermingled amongst them and were at first all put to flight by the enemie as they were entering into the campe met with their enemies in the face and so were driuen to flie out another way In like manner the pages and souldiers boies that from the Decumane port and toppe of the hill had seene the tenth legion follow their enemies in pursuit ouer the riuer and were gone out to gather pillage when they looked behind them and saw the enemie in their campe betooke them to their heeles as fast as they could Which accident so terrified the horsemen of the Treuiri who for their prowesse were reputed singular amongst the Galles and were sent thither by their state to aide the Romans first when they perceiued the Roman campe to be possest by a great multitude of the enemie the legions to be ouercharged and almost inclosed about the horsemen slingers and Numidians to be dispersed and fled that without anie further expectation they tooke their waie homeward and reported to their state that the Romans were vtterly ouerthrowen Caesar departing from the tenth legion to the right cornet found his men exceedingly ouercharged the ensignes crowded together into one place and the souldiers of the 12 legion so thicke thronged on a heape that they hindered one another all the Centurions of the fourth cohort being slaine the ensigne bearer kild and the ensigne taken and the Centurions of the other cohorts either slaine or sore wounded amongst whom Pub. Sextus Baculus the Primipile of that legion a valiant man so grieuously wounded that he could scarce stand vpon his feete the rest not verie forward but many of the hindmost turning taile and forsaking the field the enemie on the other side giuing no respite in front although he fought against the
mischiefe as the corners haue for wheresoeuer there hath beene set battels fought the strength of their armie consisted alwaies in the cornets as the two principall instruments of the battell and as long as these stood sound the victorie went alwaies certaine on that part for the cornets kept the enemie both from incompassing about the bodie of their Armie and had the aduantage also of charging vpon the open side of their aduersarie At the battell of Cannas Hanniball put the weakest of his forces in the battell and aduancing them towards the enemie left the two cornets behind so that when the enemie came to charge vpon the battell they easily beat them backe and as they followed the retrait fell in betweene the two cornets wherein the strength of the Armie consisted and being by them incompassed on each side were defeated and ouerthrowen And thus we see the aduantage which a Generall hath when his two cornets stand firme although the battell shrinke in the incounter Hanniball in the battell he had with Scipio in Africke placed the strangers in the front and in the rereward according peraduenture as he found their number and the vse of their Armes which are circumstances to be considered in this case and depend rather vpon the iudgment of a generall then of anie prescription that can be giuen in this matter CHAP. XI Crassus taketh the campe of the Galles and with their ouerthrow endeth that warre CRASSVS vnderstanding their drift and finding his men willing to set vpon their campe incouraged his soldiers and to the contentment of all men went directly to the place where they were lodged and as some began to fill vp the ditch and others with casting weapons to beate the Galles from the rampier he commanded the Auxiliarie forces of whom he had no great assurance to bring stones and weapons to the soldiers that fought and to carrie earth and turfe to the mount that so they might make a shew of fighting And on the other side as the enemy began valiantly to make resistance and to caste their weapon from the higher ground to the great hurt of the Roman souldier the horsemen in the meane time riding about the campe of the Galles brought worde to Crassus that the rampier at the Decumane port was not fortified with such diligence as they found it in other places but would admit an easie entrance Crassus dealt earnestly with the commanders of the horse to incourage their men with great promises and rewardes and instructed them what he would haue done they according to their instructions tooke foure cohorts that were left in the campe and carrying them a further waie about that they might not be discouered by the enemy while all mens eies and mindes were intent vpon the fight they speedely came to the place of the fortifications which the horsmen had found to be weake which being easily broken down they had entered the campe before the enemie could well tell what was done And then a great clamour shout being heard about that place the Roman legions renuing their force as it falleth out alwaies in hope of victorie began to charge them a fresh with great furie the Galles being circumuented on each side and despairing of their safetie casting themselues ouer the rampier sought by flight to escape the danger But for as much as the country was open and champion the horsemen pursued them with that execution that of 50000 there scarce remaineth the fourth part THE OBSERVATION FRom this place Brancatio taketh occasion to dispute how an enemie that is strongly incamped and for some aduantage will not remoue may be dislodged whether he will or no. A point of great cōsequence in matter of warre and therefore deserueth due consideration Concerning which he laieth this downe for a maxime that all forts and strong holds are taken by the foot and that campes and lodgings are taken by the head By which is meant that he who purposeth to winne a fortresse well manned and prouided must first get the foot and take hold of the ditch and then sease himselfe vpon the rampier and so get the place for he saith that mounts and eminent eleuations are of little vse against fortresses or sconses vnlesse they ouertop them which may be easily preuented by raising the parapet of the fortresse in front and the curtaine in flanke according as the enemy shall carie his mounts aloft and so they shall neuer come to ouertop the holdes But all campes and lodgings are taken by the head That is by mountes and eleuations which by the aduantage of their height command the champion For he holdeth it impossible to raise a mount within the campe in so short a time to contest that which the enemie shall make without This foundation being laide he proceedeth to discouer a waie how to raise a mount maugre the enemie which shall dislodge them by force of Artillerie or murther them all within their trenches And this he taketh from Caesar at the siege of Gergobia The substance of the matter consisteth in a double ditch running like vnto the line which the Geometricians call Helicall by this double ditch he maketh his approch to anie place of most aduantage where he maie in a night raise a mount high enough for the ordinance to plaie vpon any quarter of the campe The censure of this practise I referre to our iudicious souldiers which may if it please them take a better view of the particularities of this stratagem in Brancatio himselfe This much I dare affirme in the behalfe of these workes that they were of high esteeme amongst the Romans when daily experience and exigents of hazard had taught to finde out the readiest meanes both for security and victorie And if our souldiers could be brought to taste the commoditie of these workes either by perswasion or impulsion it were the best part of their warlike practises but our men had rather flie vpon desperat aduentures and seeke victory in the iawes of death then to cleare all hazard with paines and diligence CHAP. XII Caesar vndertaketh the warre with the Menapij and Morini AT the same time also although the sommer was almost at an end yet for as much as all Gallia was in peace and the Morini only with the Menapij stood out in armes and had neuer either sent ambassadour or otherwise treated of peace Caesar thinking that warre might quickly be ended lead his Armie into their country At his comming he found them to carrie the wars farre otherwise then the rest of the Galles had done for vnderstanding that the greatest nations of Gallia which had waged battell with the Romans were beaten and ouerthrowen and hauing whole continents of woods and bogs in their territories they conuaied both themselues and their goods into those quarters Caesar comming to the beginning of the woods began to fortifie his campe not discouering any enemy neare about him but as his men were dispearsed in
wherby it may be obtained had directed the course of their proceedinges they might with reason haue drawne backe from such imploiments and valewed their safetie aboue the issue of such an enterprise And hence ariseth that confident opinion which the soldiers haue of a good Generall which is a matter of great importance in the course of a warre CHAP. XIII The Britaines make head with their forces and are beaten by Caesar his returne into Gallia AFTER this for manie daies together there followed such tempests and foule weather that both the Romans were constrained to keepe their campe and the Britaine 's were kept from attempting any thing against them But in the meane time they sent messengers into all quarters publishing the small number of the Roman forces and amplifying the greatnesse of the bootie and the easie means offered vnto them of perpetuall libertie if they could take the Roman campe Shortly vpon this hauing gathered a great companie both of horse and foote they came to the place where the Romans were incamped Caesar although he foresaw the euent by that which before had happened that if the enemie were beaten backe he would auoide the danger by flight yet hauing some 30 horse which Comius of Arras had carried with him at his comming into Britanie he imbattailed his legions before his campe and so gaue them battell The enemie not being able to beare the assault of the Roman souldiers turned their backes and fled the Romans followed them as farre as they could by running on foote and after a great slaughter with the burning of their townes farre and neare they returned to their campe The same daie the Britaines sent messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace whom he commanded to double their number of hostages which he commanded to be carried into Gallia And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand he thought it not safe to put himselfe to the winter sea with such weake shipping and therefore hauing got a conuenient time he hoised saile a little after midnight and brought all his ships safe vnto the continent Two of these ships of burthen not being able to reach the same hauen put in somewhat lower into the land the soldiers that were in them being about 300 being set on shore and marching towardes their campe the Morini with whom Caesar at his going into Britany had made peace in hope of a bootie first with a few of their men stood about them commanding them vpon paine of death to laie downe their weapons and as the Romans by casting themselues into an Orbe began to make defence at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about 6000 of the enemy Which thing being knowen Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieue them in the meane time the Romans sustained the force of the enemie and fought valiantly the space of foure houres and receiuing themselues some few woundes they slew many of the enemie After the Roman horsemen came in sight the enemie cast awaie their weapons and fled and a great number of them fell by the horsemen OBSERVATIONS OF al the figures which the Tactici haue chosen to make vse of in militarie affaires the circle hath euer beene taken for the fittest to be applied in the defensiue part as inclosing with an equall circuit on all partes whatsoeuer is contained within the circumference of that Area and therefore Geometrie tearmeth a circumference a simple line for as much as if you alter the site of the parts and transport one arch into the place of another the figure notwithstanding will remaine the same because of the equall bending of the line throughout the whole circumference Which propertie as it proueth an vniformitie of strength in the whole circuit so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end this is front or this is flanke So doth that which Euclide doth demonstrate in the 3 of his Elements concerning the small affinitie betweene a right line and a circle which being drawen to touch the circumference doth touch it but in a point only shew the greatnes of this strength in regard of any other line by which it may be broken Which howsoeuer they seeme as speculatiue qualities conceiued rather by intellectuall discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension yet forasmuch as experience hath proued the strength of this figure in a defensiue part aboue any other maner of imbattailing let vs not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties which discouer the causes of this effect neither let vs neglect this part of militarie knowledge being so strong a meanes to maintaine valour and the sinew of all our abilitie for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an Armie Neither ought there any action in a well ordered discipline to be irregular or voide of order and therefore the Romans did neither eate nor sleepe without the direction of the Consull or chiefe commander otherwise their valour might rather haue beene tearmed furie then vertue but when their courage was ranged with order and disposed according to the occurrences of the time it neuer failed as long as the said order continued perfect It appeareth therfore how important it is for a commander to looke into the diuersitie of orders for imbattailing and to waigh the nature thereof that hee may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion The Romans tearmed this figure Orbis which signifieth a round body both with a concaue and a conuex surface in resemblance whereof I vnderstand this Orbe of men imbattailed to be so named which might peraduenture consist of fiue or more or fewer rankes inclosing one another after the nature of so manie circles described about one Center so that either the middest thereof remained voide or otherwise contained such cariages and impediments as they had with them in their march This forme of imbattailing was neuer vsed but in great extremitie for as it was the safest of all other so it gaue suspition to the souldiers of exceeding danger which abated much of their heat in battell as wil herafter appeare by the testimonie of Caesar himselfe in the fift Commentarie vpon the occasion which happened vnto Sabinus and Cotta CHAP. XIIII THE next daie Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate with those legions which he had brought out of Britanie against the reuolted Morini who hauing no place of refuge because their bogs fens were dried vp where they had sheltered themselues the yeare before they all fell vnder the power of his mercie Q. Titurîus and A. Cotta the Legats who had led the legions against the Menapij after they had wasted their fieldes cut vp their corne burned their houses for the Menapij were all hid in thicke woods they returned to Caesar these thinges being thus ended Caesar placed the wintering campes of all his legions amongst the Belgae to which place two only of all the cities in Britanie sent hostages
either desperate or slowe of performance and what defect soeuer riseth from the horse must bee answered out of the honour of the rider And surely it seemeth reasonable that what thing soeuer draweth vs into the societie of so great a hazard should as much as is possible be contained in the compasse of our owne power The sword which we manage with our owne hand affoordeth greater assurance then the harquebuse wherein there are many partes belonging to the action as the pouder the stone the spring and such like whereof if the least faile of his part we likewise faile of our fortune but howe probable soeuer this seemeth this is certaine that in the course of the Roman wars the horse were euer defeated by the foot as is manifestly proued in the first of these bookes CHAP. VII Caesar giueth the Britains two seuerall ouerthrowes THE next daie the enemie made a stand vpon the hils a far off from the campe and shewed themselues not so often neither were they so busie with our horsemen as they were the day before but about noone when Caesar sent out three legions and al his Caualry to get forrage vnder the conduction of the Caius Trebonius a legate they made a sodaine assault vpon the forragers and fell in close with the Ensignes and the legions The Romans charged very fiercely vpon them and beate them backe neither did they make an end of following them vntill the horsemen trusting to the succour of the legions which were behinde them put them all to flight with the slaughter of a great number of them neither did they giue them respite either to make head to make a stand or to forsake their chariots After this ouerthrow all their Auxiliarie forces departed from them neither did they afterward contend with the Romans with any great power Caesar vnderstanding their determination caried his armie to the riuer Thames and so to the confines of Cassiuellaunus which riuer was passable by foot but in one place only and that very hardly at his comming hee found a great power of the enemy to be imbattailed on the other side and the banck fortified with many sharpe stakes and many other also were planted couertly vnder the water These things being discouered to the Romans by the Captiues and fugitiues Caesar putting his horse before caused the legions to followe sodainlie after who notwithstanding they had but their heades cleere aboue the water went with that violence that the enemy was not able to endure the charge but left the bancke and betooke themselues to flight THE OBSERVATION THis attempt of Caesar seemeth so strange to Brancatio that hee runneth into as strange conclusions concerning this matter as first that he that imitateth Caesar may doubt of his good fortunes for his proceeding in this point was not directed by any order of war and that a great commander hath nothing common with other leaders but especially he crieth out at the basenesse of the Britains that woulde suffer themselues so cowardly to be beaten But if wee looke into the circumstances of the action we shal find both Art good direction therein for being assured by the fugitiues that the riuer was passable in that place in that place onlie he knew that he must either aduēture ouer there or leaue Cassiuellaunus for an other sūmer which was a very strong inducement to vrge him to that enterprise The difficultie wherof was much relieued by good direction which consisted of two pointes first by sending ouer the horsemen in the front of the legions who might better indure the charge of the enemie then the footmen coulde that were vppe to the necke in water and withall to shelter the footmen from the furie of the enemie Secondly he sent them ouer with that speede that they were on the other side of the water before the enemie coulde tell what they attempted for if he had lingered in the seruice and giuen the enemie leaue to find the aduantage which he had by experience his men had neuer bin able to haue indured the hazard of so dangerous a seruice It is hard to coniecture at the place where this seruice was performed for since the building of London bridge manie foordes haue beene scoured with the current and fall of the water which before that time carried not such a depth as now they doe CHAP. VII The conclusion of the Brittish warre Caesar returneth into Gallia CAssiuellaunus hauing no courage to contend anie longer dismissed his greatest forces and retaining onely foure thousand chariots obserued their iourneies keeping the wood countries and driuing men and cattell out of the fields into the woods for feare of the Romans and as their horsemen straied out either for forrage or bootie hee sent his chariots out of the woods by vnknowne waies and put their horsemen to great perill in regard whereof the horsemen durst neuer aduenture further then the legions neither was there anie more spoile done in the countrey then that which the legionarie souldiers did of themselues In the meane time the Trinobantes being almost the greatest state of all those countries from whom Mandubratius had fled to Caesar into Gallia for that his father Imanuentius holding the kingdome was slaine by Cassiuellaunus sent Ambassadours to Caesar to offer their submission and to intreat that Mandubratius might be defended from the oppression of Cassiuellaunus and sent vnto them to take the kingdome Caesar hauing receiued from them fortie pledges and corne for his Armie sent Mandubratius vnto them The Trinobantes being thus kept from the violence of the souldiers the Cenimagni Seguntiaci Anacalites Bibrocassi yeelded themselues to Caesar By these he vnderstood that Cassiuellaunus his towne was not farre off fortified with woods and bogges and well stored with men and cattell The Britaines call a towne a thicke wood inclosed about with a ditch and a rampier made for a place of retrait when they stood in feare of incursions from the borderers Thither marched Caesar with his Armie and found it well fortified both by arte and nature And as he assaulted it in two seuerall places the enemie vnable to keepe it cast himselfe out of the towne by a backe waie and so he tooke it Where he found great store of cattell and slew manie of the Britaines While these thinges were a doing Cassiuellaunus sent messengers into Kent wherin there were foure seurall kinges Cingetorix Caruilius Taximagulus and Segonax them he commanded with all the power they could make to set vpon the campe where the nauie was kept These kinges comming to the place were ouerthrowne by a sallie which the Romans made out vpon them manie of them being slaine and Cingetorix taken prisoner This battell concurring with the former losses and especially moued thereunto with the reuolt of the forenamed cities Cassiuellaunus intreated peace of Caesar by Comius of Arras Caesar being determined to winter in the continent for feare of sudden commotions in Gallia and that the summer was now
his thighes darted through with a Iauelin and Q. Lucanius of the same order valiantly fighting to succour his sonne was slaine and L. Cotta the Legate as he busilie incouraged all the Cohortes and Centuries was wounded in the mouth with a sling Titurius mooued with these thinges as he beheld Ambiorix a farre off incouraging his men sent C. Pompeius vnto him to intreat him that he would spare him and his souldiers Ambiorix answered that if he were desirous to treat he might for he hoped to obtaine so much of the people to saue the souldiers but for himselfe he should haue no harme at all for the assurance whereof he gaue him his faith Titurius imparted the matter to Cotta who absolutely denied to go to an armed enemie and continued resolute in that opinion Titurius commanded such Tribunes and Centurions that were present to follow him and when he came neere to Ambiorix being commanded to cast awaie his armes hee obeied and willed those that were with him doe the same In the meane time while they treated of the couditions and Ambiorix began a solemne protestation of purpose Titurius was by little and little incompassed about and slaine Then according to their custome they cried victorie and taking vp a houling charged the Romans with a fresh assault and routed their troupes There L. Cotta fighting valiantly was slaine with the most part of the souldiers with him The remnant retired into their campe amongst whom L. Petrosidius the eagle-bearer when he sawe himselfe ouercharged with enemies threw the Eagle within the rampier and fighting with a great courage before the campe was slaine The rest with much adoe indured the assault vntill night and in the night being in despaire of all succour slewe themselues euerie man a few that escaped from the battell came by vnknowne waies through the woods to Labienus and certified him how all things had fallen out OBSERVATIONS ANd thus haue we heard of the greatest losse that euer fel at any one time vpon Caesar his Armie from the time that hee was first Proconsull in Gallia vnto the ende of his dictatorship For in the two ouerthrowes at Dirrachium he lost not aboue 1000 men and in that at Gergouia not so manie but here fifteene cohortes were cut in pieces which amounted to the number of 7000 men or thereabout Which maketh cowardice and ill direction the more hatefull in regard that the great victorie which his valour obtained in Pharsalia cost him but the liues of two hundreth men The resolution of such as returned to the campe witnesseth the exceeding valour of the Roman souldier if a valiant leader had had the managing thereof or if Cotta alone had beene absolute commander there had beene great hope of better fortune in the successe but here it happened as it commonly doth that where there are many that are equall sharers in the chiefe authoritie the direction for the most part followeth him that is more violent in opinion then the rest which being a propertie rather of passion then of iudicious discourse forceth a consent against the temperat opposition of a true discerning vnderstanding and so consequently it falleth out that one coward hauing place and authoritie in the councel doth either infect or annihilate the sound deliberations of the rest of the leaders for his timerousnesse flieth alwaies to extremities making him rash in consultation peremptorie in opinion and base in case of perill all which are enemies to good direction and the onely instruments of mischieuing fortune CHAP. XV. Ambiorix hasteth to besiege Cicero and stirreth vp the Aduatici the Neruij and so raiseth a great power AMBIORIX tooke such spirites vnto him vpon this victorie that with his horsemen he went immediatly vnto the Aduatici being the next borderers vpon his kingdome without intermission of night commanding his footmen to follow him The aduatici being stirred vp to Commotion the next daie after he came to the Neruij exhorting them not to let slippe this occasion of taking to themselues perpetuall libertie and reuenging them of the Romans for the wrong they had receiued He tolde them that two Legates were alreadie slaine and a great part of the Armie ouerthrowne it was now no great matter suddenly to surprise the legion that wintered with Cicero to the performance whereof he offered himselfe to be their assistant These remonstrances easilie perswaded the Neruij and therefore they dispatched speedie messengers to the Centrones Grudij and other people vnder their dominion and raised verte great forces and with them they hasted to the campe where Cicero wintered before anie inkling of the death of Titurius was brought vnto him THE OBSERVATION THe ambitious and working spirit of Ambiorix that could attempt to raise the basenesse of a small and ignoble state to so high a point of resolution that they durst aduenture vpon the Roman legions being setled in the strength of their Empire by the memorie of so manie victories in Gallia wanted now no meanes to make an ouerture to a vniuersall commotion propounding libertie and reuenge to the Galles two the sweetest conditions that can happen to a subdued people if they would but stretch out their hands to take it and follow that course which his example had proued sure and easie Which maie serue to shewe that he that will attempt vpon doubtfull and vnsafe Principles will take great aduantage from a probable entrance and make a small beginning a sufficient meanes for his greatest dessignes CHAP. XVI Cicero defendeth his campe from the surprise of the Neruij and prepareth himselfe against a siege IT happened to Cicero also as it coulde not otherwise chuse that manie of the souldiers that were gone into the woods for timber and munition were cut off by the sudden approach of the enemies horsemen These being circumuented the Eburones Neruij and Aduatici with all their confederates and clientes began to assault the campe The Romans betooke them speedily to their weapons and got vpon the rampier with much adoe they helde out that daie for the Galles trusted much vpon celeritie hoping if they sped well in that action to be victors euer after Cicero dispatched letters with all speede to Caesar promising great rewardes to him that should carie them but all the waies were so forelaid that the messengers were taken In one night there was built in the campe 120 towers of such timber as was brought in for fortification whatsoeuer wanted of the rest of the worke was perfected The enemie the next daie with a farre greater power assaulted the campe and filled vp the ditch the Romans made the like defence as they had done the daie before the like was continued diuers daies after The Romaines made no intermission of their worke at anie part of the night nor gaue anie rest either to the sicke or the wounded Whatsoeuer was needfull for the next daies assault was prouided in a readinesse the night before a great number of stakes hardened in the fire were
Ambuscado of these Numidians charging the legions vpon a suddaine the history saieth that primo impetu legionis Equitatus leuis armatura hostium nullo negotio loco pulsa deiecta est de colle And as they sometimes retired and sometimes charged vpon the rerewarde of the armie according to the manner of the Numidian fight the historie saieth Caesariani interim non amplius tres aut quatuor milites veterani si se conuertissent pila viribus contorta in Numidas infestos coniecissent amplius duorum millium ad vnum terga vertebant So that to free himselfe of this inconuenience he tooke his horsemen out of the rereward and placed his legions there ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat And euer as he marched hee caused 300. soldiours of euerie legion to bee free and without burthen that they might be ready vpon all occasions Quos in Equitum Labieni immisit Tum Labienus conuersis equis signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere multis eius occisis compluribus vulneratis milites legionarij ad sua se recipiunt signa atque iter inceptum ire caeperunt I alleage the verie wordes of the historie to take awaie all suspicion of falsifying or wresting anie thing to an affected opinion If any man will looke into the reason of this disparitie he shall finde it to be chiefely the worke of the Roman pile an vnresistable weapon and the terrour of horsemen especially when they were cast with the aduantage of the place and fell so thicke that there was no meanes to auoid them But to make it plaine that any light armed footmen could better make head against a troupe of horse then the Caualry of their owne partie although they bare but the same weapons Let vs consider how nimble and readie they were that fought on foote either to take an aduantage or to shunne and auoide anie danger casting their darts with farre greater strength and more certaintie then the horsemen could doe For as the force of all the engines of olde time as the Balistae Catapultae and Tolenones proceedeth from that stabilitie and resting Center which nature affordeth as the onely strength and life of the engine so what force soeuer a man maketh must principally proceede from that firmenes stay which nature by the earth or some other vnmoueable rest giueth to the body from whence it taketh more or lesse strength according to the violence which it performeth as he that lifteth vp a waight from the ground by so much treadeth heauier vpon the earth by how much the thing is heauier then his bodie The footmen therfore hauing a surer staie to counterpoise their forced motion then the horsemen had cast their dartes with greater violence and consequently with more certainty CHAP. XVIII Caesar preuenteth Ariouistus of his purpose by making two Campes The superstition of the Germans WHEN Caesar perceiued that Ariouistus meant nothing lesse then to fight but kept himselfe within his campe least peraduenture he should intercept the Sequani and other of his associates as they came with conuoies of corne to the Romans beyond that place wherein the Germans abode about 600 paces frō their campe he chose a ground meete to incampe in and marched thither in three battels commanding two of them to stand readie in Armes and the third to fortifie the campe Ariouistus sent 15000 footmen and all his horse to disturbe the souldiers and to hinder the intrenchment Notwithstanding Caesar as he had before determined caused two battels to withstand the enemie and the third to go through with the worke which being ended he left there two legions and part of the associate forces and led the other foure legions backe againe into his greater campe and so he rested secure concerning the conuoies from the Sequani and by his greater campe cut off the passages betweene Ariouistus and the Rhene The next day Caesar according to his custome brought his whole power out of both his campes and marching a little from the greater campe he put his men in aray and profered battell to the enemie but perceiuing that Ariouistus would not stir out of his trenches about noone he conuaied his Armie into their seuerall campes Then at length Ariouistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser campe the incounter continued very sharpe on both parts vntill the euening and at sunsetting after many woundes giuen and taken Ariouistus conuaied his armie againe into their campe And as Caesar made inquirie of the captaines what the reason was that Ariouistus refused battell he found this to be the cause The Germans had a custome that their women should by casting of lots and southsaying declare whether it were for their behoofe to fight or no and that they found by their Arte the Germans could not get the victorie if they fought before the newe moone THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may obserue what especiall importance this manner of incamping carried in that absolute discipline which the Romans obserued and by which they conquered so many nations for besides the safetie which it affoorded their own troupes it serued for a hold well fenced and manned or as it were a strong fortified towne in any part of the field where they saw aduantage and as oft as they thought it expedient either to fortifie themselues or impeach the enemie by cutting off his passages hindering his attempts blocking vp his campe besides many other aduantages all auetring the saying of Domitius Corbulo dolabra vincendum esse hostem a thing long time neglected but of late happely renewed by the commanders of such forces as serue the states in the vnited prouinces of Belgia whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertaine the vse of the spade and to hold it in as great reputation as any weapons whatsoeuer which maie bee thought worthie executioners of the deedes of Armes THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN the second place we may obserue that there was no nation so barbarous for I vnderstand the Germans to be as barbarous in regard of the motions of religion as any knowne nation of that time being in a Climate so neare the North that it afforded no contemplation at al that could not make vse in their greatest affaires of that superstition to which their minde was naturally inthralled and forge prophesies and diuinations as well to stir vp as to moderate the irregular motions of a multitude according as they might best serue to aduantage their proceedings Neither did Caesar let slip the occasion of making vse of this their religion for vnderstanding by their prisoners that their diuinations forbad them to fight before the newe moone he vsed all the meanes he could to prouoke them to battell that their religious opinion of mischieuing might preiudice their resolution to returne conquerers Which may serue to proue that a superstitious people are subiect to many inconueniences which industry or fortune may discouer to
two cornets with the best of his soldiours and placed his weakest in the middest that the Romaines following the retreit of the battell which was easily repeld might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets CHAP. XX. The battell betweene Caesar and Ariouistus THE signe of battel was no sooner giuen but the Romaines charged vpō the enemy so fiercely as though they ment to giue themselues the lye for seeming to acknowledge that they once conceiued any feare of the Germaines and the enemie on the other side returned so speedie a counterbuffe that the legions had no time to cast their Piles and therefore they speedilie betooke them to their swordes But the Germaines putting themselues according to their manner into a Phalanx receiued the force of their swords without any daunger or losse at all In the battell there were many legionarie souldiers that were seene to keepe vpon the phalanx to pull vp with their hands the targets that couered it and so to wound kil those that were vnderneath and by that means they brake dispersed it and so the left cornet of the enemy was ouerthrowne put to flight Now while the right cornet was thus busied the left cornet was ouercharged with an vnequall multitude of the Germans which young Crassus the Prefect of the horsemen no sooner perceiued hauing more scope and libertie then any of the commanders that were in the battell he sent tertiam Aciem the third battell to rescue and aide their fellowes that were in danger by meanes whereof the fight was renewed and all the enemie was put to flight and neuer looked backe vntill they came to the Rhene which was about fiue miles from the place where they fought where some few of them saued themselues by swimming others found a fewe boates and so escaped Ariouistus lighting vpon a little barke tied to the shore with much a doe recouered the other side of the Rhene and so saued himselfe the rest were all slaine by the horsemen As Caesar pursued the German horsemen it was his chance to light vpon Valerius Procillus as he was drawne vp and downe by his keepers bound with three chaines which accident was as gratefull to him as the victorie it selfe being so fortunate to recouer his familiar friend whom the barbarous enemie contrarie to the law of nations had cast into prison in his own presence had three seuerall times cast lots vpon his life whether he should be then burned or repriued vnto another time and still he was saued by the fortune of the lots and Marcus Titius was found in like manner and brought vnto him The fame of this battell being caried beyond the Rhene the Sueui that were come to the bankes of Rhene returned home againe whom the inhabitants belonging to the saide riuer pursued and slew a great number of them Caesar hauing thus ended two great warres in one sommer he brought his Armie into their wintering campes somewhat sooner then the time of the yeare required THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proued to be the right Macedonian Phalanx but we are rather to vnderstand it to be so tearmed by reason of the close and compact imbattailing rather then in any other respect and it resembled much a testudo as I said of the Heluetian phalanx Secondly I obserue that Caesar kept the olde rule concerning their discipline in fight for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his historie yet he omitted not the substance which was to haue primam secundam tertiam Aciem and that prima Acies should begin the battell and the second should come fresh and assist them or peraduenture if the enemie were many and strong the first and second battell were ioyned together and so charged vpon the enemie with greater furie and violence but at all aduentures the third battell was euer in subsidio as they tearmed it to succour any part that should be ouercharged which was a thing of much consequence and of great wisedome For if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers or the casualtie of fortune what could be more added to their discipline in this behalfe then to haue a second a third succour to giue strength to the fainting weaknes of their men and to repaire the disaduantage which any accident should cast vpon them or if their valour were equally balanced and victorie stood doubtfull which of the two parties shee should honour these alwaies stept in being fresh against wearie and ouer laboured spirits and so drew victorie in despite of casualtie vnto themselues THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning vse of lots it shall not be amisse to looke into the nature of them being in former times so generall that there was no nation ciuill or barbarous but were directed in their greatest affaires by the sentence of lots As we may not refuse for an vndoubted truth that which Salomon saith the 16 of Prouerbs The lots are cast into the lap but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord Through the knowledge whereof Iosua was directed to take Achan the Mariners Ionas and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias So whether the heathen and barbarous people whose blindnes in the way of truth could direct them no further then to sencelesse superstition and put them in minde of a dutie which they owed but could not tell them what it was nor how to be performed whether these I say were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries which directed the action to the decree of destenie and as the Gods would haue it it remaineth doubtfull Aristotle the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall nameth that euent casuall or proceeding from fortune of which the reason of man could assigne no cause or as he saith which hath no cause So that whatsoeuer happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workeman was tearmed an effect of fortune or chance of habnab For all other effects which depended vpon a certaine and definite cause were necessarily produced and therefore could not be casuall or subiect to the inconstancie of chance And because manie and sundrie such chances daily happened which like terrae filij had no father and could not be warranted as lawfull children either to nature or to reason by the appearance of an efficient cause they reduced them all to the power of fortune as the principall efficient and soueraigne Motor of all such vnexpected euents that is they made nothing else the gouernesse and directresse of many things which afterward grew to such credit amongst men that it surpassed in dignity all naturall causes and was deified with celestiall honour as the Poet saith Nos te facimus fortuna deam caeloque locamus By the prouidence of this blinde goddesse which held her deity by the tenure of mens ignorance were all casuall actions directed and especially lots the euent whereof depended onely vpon her pleasure and decree neither could
side of the Rhene had promised to send them succour yea their madnesse was so great that they themselues were not able to hold backe the Suessones from that attempt being their brethren and kinsmen in bloud and vsing the same lawes and customes as they did hauing both one magistrate and one forme of gouernment but they would needs support the same quarrel which the rest of the Belgae had vndertaken THE OBSERVATION I Might heere take occasion to speake somwhat of a particular reuoult in a generall cause and howe a confederate state may in regarde of their owne safetie forsake a common quarrell or whatsoeuer the vniuersall societie hath enacted preiudiciall to their common weale but that I onely intende to discouer warlike practises leauing these questions of lawe and policie to men of greater iudgement and better experience Onlie I obserue in the behalfe of the Romaine gouernment that such cities as yeelded to the Empire and became tributarie to their treasury howsoeuer they were otherwise combined by confederacy seldome or neuer repented them of their facte in regard of the noble patronage which they found in that state and of the due respect obserued towards them CHAP. II. The power of the Belgae and their preparation for this warre CAesar inquiring of the Ambassadors which came frō Rheimes what the states were that had taken armes and what they were able to do in matter of war found the Belgae to be descended from the Germaines who passing ouer the Rhene time out of minde droue away the Galles and seated themselues in their possessions and that these only of al the Galles kept the Cimbri and Teutoni frō entering into their country and in that regard they chalenged to themselues great authoritie vaunted much in their feats of armes Concerning their number they had these aduertisements the Bellouaci exceeded all the Belgae in prowesse authoritie and number of men and promised 60000. men and in that regard they demanded the administration of the whole warre The Suessones inhabiting a large and fertile countrey and hauing 12. walled towns promised to set out 50000. The Neruij as many the Attrebatij 15000. the Ambiani 10000. the Velocassij and Veromandui as many the Morini 25000. the Menapij 7000. the Caletani 10000. the Catuaci 19000. the Eburones Condrusones and others 40000. Caesar incouraging the men of Rheimes to persist their faithfulnes to the Romaine Empire propounded vnto them great offers and liberall promises of recompence and commanded all their senate to come before him and bring with them their noble mens sonnes to be giuen vp for hostages which they diligently perfourmed by a day appointed And hauing receiued two especial aduertisements from the men of Rheimes the one concerning the multitude of the enemy and the other touching the singular opinion which was generally held of their manhood hee prouided for the first by persuading Diuitiacus the Heduan that it much imported the whole course of those businesses to keepe asunder the powre of the enemy and to withhold their forces from making a head that so he might auoide the dange of incountering so great a power at one instant Which might easilie be brought to passe if the Hedui woulde enter with a strong power into the marches of the Bellouaci and sacke their territories with sword and confusion which Diuitiacus promised to performe and to that purpose he speedily returned into his country Vpon the second aduertisement which presented vnto him the great valour and manhood of his enemies he resolued not to be too hastie in giuing them battell but first to proue by skirmishing with his horsemen what his enemies by their prowesse could do and what his own men durst doe THE OBSERVATION THis rule of making triall of the worth of an enemy hath alwaies been obserued by prudent and graue commanders as the surest principle whereon the true iudgment of the euent may be grounded For if the doctrine of the old Philosophers which teacheth that the worde non putabam was neuer heard out of a wise mās mouth haue any place in the course of humane actions it ought especiallie to be regarded in managing these main points whereon the state of kingdomes and empires dependeth For vnlesse we be persuaded that blind chance directeth the course of this worlde vvith an vncertaine confusion and that no foresight can swaie the balance of our hap into either part of our fortune I see no reason why we should not by al meanes indeuor to grounde our knowledge vpon true causes and leuel our proceedings to that certainty which riseth from the things thēselues And this is the rather to be vrged inasmuch as our leaders are oftentimes deceiued when they look no further then to match an enemy vvith equalitie of number referring their valour to bee tried in the battell not considering that the eye of it selfe cannot discerne the difference betweene two champions of like presence and outward cariage vnlesse it see their strength compared together and waied as it were in the scale of triall which Caesar omitted not diligently to obserue before he would aduenture the hazard of battell For besides his owne satisfaction it gaue great incouragement to his men when they sawe themselues able to countermatch an enemie and knew their taske to be subiect to their strength Neither did he obserue it onely at this instant but throughout the whole course of his actions for we finde that he neuer incountered any enemie but with sufficient power either in number or in valour to make head against them which equality of strength being first laide as a sure foundation he vsed his owne industrie and skill and the discipline wherein his men were trained as aduantages to ouersway his aduersarie and so drew victorie maugre fortune vnto himselfe and seldome failed in any of his battels CHAP. III. Caesar passeth his Armie ouer the riuer Axona leauing Titurius Sabinus incamped on the other side with sixe cohorts ASSOONE as Caesar vnderstood as well by his discourers as from the men of Rheimes that all the power of the Belgae was assembled together into one place and was now making towardes him no great destance off he made all the haste he could to passe his Armie ouer the riuer Axona which deuided the men of Rheimes from the other Belgae Wherby he brought to passe that no enemie could come on the backe of him to worke any disaduantage and that corne might be brought vnto him from Rheimes and other cities without danger And further that he might command the passage backe againe as occasion should serue to his best aduantage he fortified a bridge which he found on the riuer with a strong garrison of men and caused Titurius Sabinus a Legate to incampe himselfe on the other side of the riuer with sixe cohortes commaunding him to fortifie his campe with a rampier of 12 foote in altitude and a trench of 18 foote in breadth
beene before with Caesar to treat and conclude a peace sent him word by messengers that if there came not present succour he was not able to holde out any longer The same daie about midnight vsing the same messengers for guides he sent both Numidian and Cretian Archers and slingers of the Iles of Baleares to relieue the towne by meanes whereof the townesmen were put in good hope to make their partie strong and the enemie made hopeles of winning the towne and therefore after a small stay hauing populated their fieldes and burned their villages and out-buildinges they marched with all their power towardes Caesars campe and within lesse then two miles of his Armie they incamped their whole hoast which as was gathered by the smoake and fire occupied more ground then eight miles in breadth THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the description of their assault we are to obserue two circumstances The first is the manner they vsed in a sudden surprise The second is the forme and quality of a Testudo Although Caesar seemeth to attribute this manner of assaulting a towne as peculiar to the Galles yet wee maie not thinke but that the Romans vsed it as often as they had occasion to surprise any cittie but because the Galles knew no other means to take a towne but this therefore he setteth it downe as peculiar vnto them The Romans called this manner of assault Corona and so we read oftentimes this phrase Cingere vrbem corona for as much as the souldiers inclosed the towne with a circle and so resembled a crowne or garland Ammianus speaketh of a triple crown of souldiers which incompased a towne And Iosephus telleth of Iotapatam which the Romans besieged duplici peditum corona and besides these there was a third circle of horsemen vtmost of all There is no further matter to be obserued but this that in surprising a towne they incircled it round about with thick continued rankes of men and where they found the wall weakest there they entered as they could THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Testudo requireth a larger discourse and is liuely described in Liuie after this manner In the Amphitheater where the people did often assemble to see strange sightes and publike shewes were brought in saith he 60 Iustie young men who after some motion and seemely march cast themselues into a square troupe roofing their heads close with their targets the first ranke which made the front of the Testudo stood vpright on their feete the second ranke bowed it selfe somewhat lower the third and fourth rankes did more incline themselues and so consequentlie vnto the last ranke which kneeled on the ground and so they made a bodie resembling halfe the side of an house which they called Testudo Vnto this squadron thus strongly combined togither came two soldiours running some fiftie foot off and threatning each other with their weapons ran nimbly vp the side of the roofe and sometimes making as though they would defend it against an enemy that would haue entred vpon it sometimes againe incountering each other in the midst of it leaped vp and downe as steddily as if they had been vpon firme ground And which is more strange the front of a Testudo being applied to the side of a wall there ascended many armed men vpon the said Testudo and fought in an equall height with other soldiors that stood vpon the said wal to defend it The dissimilitude in the composition was this that the soldiors that were in front and in the sides of the square caried not their Targets ouer their heads as the other did but couered their bodies with them and so no weapons either cast from the wall or otherwise throwne against it coulde any waie hurt them and whatsoeuer waight fell vppon the Testudo it quicklie glided downe by the decliuitie of the roofe without anie hurte or annoyance at all Thus far Liuie goeth neither doe I know what to saie further of it the chiefest vse thereof was in a surprise or suddaine attempt against a towne before the townes men were throughly prepared to defend the same This inuention serued them to approach the wall with safetie and so either to vndermine it or to clime vp and to that ende they oftentimes erected one Testudo vpon another Tacitus saith that the soldiours climed vppon the wall super iteratam testudinem by one Testudo made vpon an other and this was the ancient forme and vse of a Testudo in a suddain assault or surprise Dio Cassius in the actes of Anthonie saieth that beeing galled with the Parthian Archers hee commanded his whole armie to put it selfe into a Testudo which was so strange a sight to the Parthians that they thought the Romaines hadde sunke downe for wearinesse and faintnesse and so forsaking their horse drewe their swordes to haue made execution and then the Romaines at a watch-worde giuen rose againe with such a furie that they put them all to sworde and flight Dio describeth the saide Testudo after this manner They placed saieth hee their baggage their light armed men and their horsemen in the middest and those heauie armed footemen that caried long gutter-tiled Targettes were in the vtmost circles nexte vnto the enemie the reste which bare large Ouall Targettes were thronged togither throughout the whole troupe and so couered with their Targets both themselues and their fellowes that there was nothing discerned by the enemy but a roofe of Targets which were so tiled togither that men might safely go vpon them Further wee oftentimes reade that the Romaines cast themselues into a Testudo to breake through an enemy or to route and disranke a troupe And this vse the Romaines had of a Testudo in field seruices and only by the benefit of their Target It was called a Testudo in regarde of the strength for that it couered and sheltred as a shell couereth a fish And let this suffice concerning a Testudo THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly we may obserue how carefully Caesar prouided for the safetie of such succours as he sent vnto Bibrax for hee commanded the same messengers to direct them that came from the towne as the best and surest guides in that iourney least peraduenture through ignorance of the way they might fall into inconueniences or dangers a matter of no small consequence in managing a warre but deserueth an extraordinarie importunitie to persuade the necessitie of this diligence For a Generall that hath perfectlie discouered the nature of the countrey through which he is to march and knoweth the true distances of places the qualitie of the waies the compendiousnesse of turnings the nature of the hils and the course of the riuers hath all these particularities as maine aduantages to giue meanes of so many seuerall attempts vpon an enemy And in this point Hanniball had a singular dexterity and excelled all the commanders of his time in making vse of the way by which he was to passe But he that leadeth
an army by an vnknown and vndiscouered way and marcheth blindfold vpon vncertaine aduentures is subiect to as many casualties and disaduantages as the other hath opportunitie of good fortune Let euery man therefore persuade himselfe that good discouerers are as the eyes of an army and serue for lights in the darkenesse of ignorance to direct the resolutions of good prouidence and make the path of safetie so manifest that we neede not stumble vpon casualties Caesar in his iourney to Ariouistus vsed the helpe of Diuitiacus the Heduan in whome amongst all the Galles he reposed greatest confidence to discouer the waie and acquaint him with the passages and before hee would vndertake his voyage vnto Britanie he well enformed himselfe by marchants and trauailers of the quantity of the Iland the quality of the people their vse of warre and the oportunitie of their hauens Neither was he satisfied with their relations but hee sent Caius Volusenus in a ship of warre to see what hee could further discouer concerning these points Suetonius addeth moreouer that hee neuer caried his army per insidiosa itinera vnlesse he had first well discouered the places Concerning the order which skilfull leaders haue obserued in discoueries we are to knowe that this point consisteth of two partes the one in vnderstanding the perfect description of the countrey and the second in obseruing the motions of the enemy Touching the first we finde as well by this as other histories that the Romains vsed the inhabitants of the country for guides as best acquainted with their natiue places that they might not erre in so important a matter prouided alwaies that their owne scoutes were euer abroad to vnderstand what they could of themselues that they might not altogither relie vpon a strangers direction The motions of the enemy were obserued by the horsemen and these for the most part were Veterani well experienced in the matter of warre and so the generall receiued sound aduertisements and yet they were not too forward vpon any new motion vnlesse they found it confirmed by diuers waies for some espials may erre either through passion or affection as it happened in the Heluetian warre If therefore the vse and benefit which prudent and wise commanders made of this diligence or the misfortune which the want of this knowledge brought vpon the ignorant haue any authoritie to perswade a circumspect care herein this little that hath beene spoken may be sufficient for this point THE FOVRTH OBSERVATION THe souldiers which Caesar sent to relieue Bibrax were Archers of Creta and Numidia and slingers of the Iles Baleares which are now called Maiorica and Minorica which kinde of weapon because it seemeth ridiculous to the souldiers of these times whose conceites are held vp with the furie of these fierie engines I will in briefe discouer the nature and vse of this weapon The Latines saith Isodore called this weapon funda quod ex ea fundantur lapides Plinie attributeth the inuention thereof to the Insulairs called Baleares Florus in his third booke and eighth chapter saith that these Baleares vsed three sortes of slinges and no other weapon besides for a boy had neuer any meate giuen him before he had first strooke it with a sling Strabo distinguisheth these three sortes of slings which the Baleares vsed and saith that they had one sling with long raines which they vsed when they would cast a farre off and another with short raines which they vsed neere at hand and the third with raines of a meane sise to cast a reasonable distance Lipsius saith that in Columna Antonina at Rome he obserued that the Balearean was made with one sling about his head another about his bellie and the third in his hand which might be their ordinarie manner of carrying them The matter whereof they were made was threefold the first was hempe or cotton the second haire and the third sinewes for of either of these stuffes they commonly made them the forme and fashion of a sling resembled a platted rope somewhat broade in the middest with an Ouall compasse and so by little and little decreasing into two thongs or raines Their manner of slinging was to whirle it twise or thrise about their head and so to cast out the bullet Virgill speaking of Mezentius saith Ipse ter adducta circum caput egit habena But Vegetius preferreth that skill which cast the bullet with once turning it about the head In Suidas we find that these Baleares did commonly cast a stone of a pound waight which agreeth to these dames in Caesar fundas librales The leaden bullets are mentioned by Salust in the warre with Iugurth and by Liuie where he saith that the Consull prouided great store of arrowes of bullets and of small stones to be cast with slings This weapon was in request amongst diuers nations as well in regard of the readines easie reiterating of the blow as also for that the bullet fledde verie farre with great violence the distance which they could easily reach with their sling is expressed in this verse Fundum Varro vocat quem possis mittere funda Which Vegetius interpreteth to be 600 foote Their violence vvas such as the same author affirmeth in his first booke and sixteenth chapter that neither helmet gaberdine nor corselet could beare out the blow but he that was hit with a sling was slaine sine inuidia sanguinis as he saith in the same place Lucrece Ouid and Lucan three of the Latine Poets saie that a bullet skilfully cast out of a sling went with such violence that it melted as it flew vvhereof Seneca giueth this reason motion saith he doth extenuate the aire and that extenuation or subtilitie doth inflame and so a bullet cast out of a sling melteth as it flieth But howsoeuer Diodorus Siculus affirmeth that these Balearean slingers brake both target headpiece or any other armour vvhatsoeuer There are also two other sorts of slings the one mentioned by Liuie and the other by Vegetius that in Liuie is called Cestrophendo vvhich cast a short arrowe with a long thicke head the other in Vegetius is called fustibalus vvhich was a sling made of a coard and a staffe But let this suffice for slinges and slingers vvhich were reckoned amongst their light armed souldiers and vsed chieflie in assaulting and defending townes and fortresses vvhere the heauie armed souldiers could not come to buckle and present the place of our Hargebusiers which in their proper nature are leuis armaturae milites although more terrible then those of ancient times CHAP. V. Caesar confronted the Belgae in forme of battell but without any blow giuen the Belgae attempt the passing of the riuer Axona but in vaine and to their losse they consult of breaking vp the warre CAESAR at the first resolued not to giue them battell as well in regard of their multitude as the generall fame and opinion conceiued of their valour notwithstanding he daily
left side but with great trouble and annoiance And if any man say that if it hang on the right side it must bee verie short otherwise it will neuer bee readilie drawne out I saie that the sworde of the Targetiers in regard of the vse of that weapon ought to be of a very short scantling when as the Targetier is to command the point of his sword within the compasse of his Target as such as looke into the true vse of this weapon wil easily discouer But let this suffice concerning the vse of the pike and the Target CHAP. XI The battell continueth and in the ende Caesar ouercommeth AT the presence of their Generall the soldiours conceiued some better hopes and gathering strength and courage againe when as euery man bestirred himselfe in the sight of the Emperour the brunt of the enemie was a litle staied Caesar perceiuing likewise the seuenth legion which stood next vnto him to bee sore ouerlaide by the enemy commaunded the Tribunes by little and little to ioine the two legions together and so by ioining backe to backe to make two contrarie fronts and beeing thus secured one by another from feare of being circumuented they began to make resistance with greater courage In the meane time the two legions that were in the rerewarde to guarde the cariages hearing of the battell doubled their pace and were discried by the enemy vpon the top of the hill And Titus Labienus hauing won the campe of the Neruij and beholding from the higher ground what was done on the other side of the reuer sent the tenth legion to helpe their fellowes who vnderstanding by the horsemen and Lackies that fled in what case the matter stood and in what daunger the campe the legions and the Generall was made all the haste they possibly could At whose comming there happened such an alteration and change of things that euen such as were sunke downe through extreame griefe of their woundes or leaned vpon their Targets began againe to fight a fresh and the Pages and the boies perceiuing the enemie amazed ran vpon them vnarmed not fearing their weapons the horsemen also striuing with extraordinarie valour to wipe away the dishonour of their former flight thrust themselues in all places before the legionarie souldiers Howbeit the enemie in the vtmost perill of their liues shewed such manhood that as fast as the formost of them were ouerthrowen the next in place bestrid their carkases and fought vpon their bodies and these being likewise ouerthrowen and their bodies heaped one vpon another they that remained possest themselues of that mount of dead carkases as a place of aduantage and from thence threwe their weapons and intercepting the piles returned them againe to the Romans By which it may be gathered that there was great reason to deeme them men of hautie courage that durst passe ouer so broade a riuer climbe vp such high rockes and aduenture to fight in a place of such inequalitie The battell being thus ended and the nation and name of the Neruij being well neare swallowed vp with destruction the elder sort with the women and children that before the battell were conuaied into Ilands and Bogs when they heard thereof sent ambassadours to Caesar and yeelded themselues to his mercie and in laying open the miserie of their state affirmed that of 600 Senatours they had now left but three and of 60000 fighting men there was scarce fiue hundred that were able to beare Armes Caesar that his clemencie might appeare to a distressed people preserued them with great care granting vnto them the free possession of their townes and country and streightly commanding their borderers not to offer them any wrong or iniurie at all OBSERVATIONS ANd thus endeth the relation of that great and dangerous battell which Ramus complaineth of as a confused narration much differing from the direct and methodicall file of his other Commentaries But if that rule holde good which learned Rhetoritians haue obserued in their Oratorie that an vnperfect thing ought not to be told in a perfect maner then by Ramus leaue if any such confusion do appeare it both sauoureth of eloquence and wel suteth the turbulent cariage of the action wherein order and skill gaue place to fortune and prouidence was swallowed vp with peraduenture For that which Hirtius saith of the ouerthrow he gaue to Pharnaces may as well be said of this that he got the victorie plurimum adiuuante deorum benignitate qui cum omnibus belli casibus intersunt tum praecipue ijs quibus nihil ratione potuit administrari For so it fell out in this battell and the danger proceeded from the same cause that brought him to that push in the battell with Pharnaces for he well vnderstood that the Neruij attended his comming on the other side the riuer Sabis Neither was he ignorant how to fortifie his camp in the face of an enemy without feare or danger as we haue seene in his war with Ariouistus when he marched to the place where he purposed to incamp himselfe with 3 battels and caused two of them to stand ready in armes to receiue any charge which the enemy should offer to giue that the third battell in the meane time might fortifie the camp Which course would easily haue frustrated this stratagem of the Neruij and made the hazard lesse dangerous but he little expected any such resolution so contrarie to the rules of militarie discipline that an enemie should not sticke to passe ouer so broad a riuer to clime vp such steepe and high rocks to aduenture battell in a place so disaduantagious and to hazard their fortune vppon such inequalities And therefore hee little mistrusted any such vnlikelie attempt wherein the enemy had plotted his owne ouerthrow if the legions had beene ready to receiue them Which may teach a generall that which Caesar had not yet learned that a leader cannot be too secure in his most assured courses nor too carefull in his best aduised directions considering that the greatest means may easily bee preuented and the safest course weakened with an vnrespected circumstance so powerful are weake occurrences in the maine course of the waightiest actions and so infinite are the waies wherby either wisdom or fortune may worke Neither did this warne him to prouide for that which an enemy might do how vnlikelie soeuer it might seeme vnto him as appeareth by that accident in the battel with Pharnaces which practise of attempting a thing against reason and the arte of warre hath found good successe in our moderne wars as appeareth by the French histories notwithstanding it is to be handeled sparingly as no way sauoring of circumspect and good direction forasmuch as temeritas non semper felix as Fabius the great answered Scipio The chiefest helpes which the Romaines founde were first the aduantage of the place whereof I spake in the Heluetian warre Secondlie the experience which the soldiours had got in the former battailes
and them he appointed for the horsemen the rest of the Armie he committed to Q. Titurius Sabinus and L. Arunculeius Cotta commanding them to go to the confines of the Menapij and appointed P. Sulp. Rufus a Legate to keepe the port with a sufficient garrizon CHAP. X. Caesar saileth into Britanie and landeth his men THESE thinges being thus dispatched hauing a good winde in the third watch he put out to sea commanding his horsmen to imbarke themselues at the further port which was but slowlie performed hee himselfe arriued vpon the coast about the fourth houre of the daie where he found all the cliftes possessed with the forces of the enemie The nature of the place was such that the hils laie so steepe ouer the sea that a weapon might easily be cast from the higher ground vpon the lower shore and therefore he thought it no fit landing place notwithstanding he cast anker vntill the rest of the nauie were come vp vnto him In the meane time calling a councell of the Legates and Tribunes he declared vnto them what aduertisements he had receiued by Volusenus and told them what he would haue done and withall admonished them that the course of militarie affaires and especially sea matters that had so sudden and an vnconstant motion required all thinges to be done at a becke and in due time The Councell being dismissed hauing both wind and tide with him he waighed anker and sailed eight miles from that place vnto a plaine and open shore The Britaines perceiuing the Romans determination sent their horse and chariots before and the rest of their forces followed after to the place where the Romans intended to land Caesar found it exceeding difficult to land his men for these respectes the ships were so great that they could not be brought neere vnto the shore the souldiers in strange and vnknowne places hauing their hands laden with great and heauie weapons were at one instant to go out of the shippe to withstand the force of the billow and to fight with the enemie whereas the Britaines either standing vpon the shore or making short sallies into the water did boldly cast their weapons in knowen and frequented places and managed their horses as accustomed to such seruices The Romans being terrified with these thinges and altogether vnskilfull of this kinde of fight did vse the same courage as they were woont to doe in land seruices which when Caesar perceiued he caused the Galleies that were both strange to the Britaines and readier for vse to be remoued from the shippes of burthen and to bee rowed vp and downe and laide against the open side of the enemie that from thence with slinges engines arrowes the enemy might be beaten vp from the water side which stood the Romans in good steede for the Britaines being troubled with the strangenesse of the Galleies the motion of their Oares and the vnusuall kinde of engines were somewhat dismaied and began to retire backe and giue waie to the Romans but the soldiers still lingering and especially for feare of the depth of the sea the Eagle-bearer of the tenth legion desiring the Gods that it might fall out happely to the legion If you will saith he forsake your Eagle O ye souldiers and betraie it to the enemy for mine owne part I will do my duty both to the common weale and to my Imperator and hauing spoken this with a loud voice hee cast himselfe into the sea and caried the Eagle towarde the enemy the Romaines exhorting one another not to suffer such a dishonour to be committed they all leaped out of the ship which when others that were neere at hande perceiued they followed them with as great alacritie and pressed towards the enemy to incounter with them The fight on both partes was very eager the Romaines not being able to keepe any order of battell nor to get any firme footing nor to follow their ensignes forasmuch as euery man kept with those ensignes which he first met withal were wonderfully troubled But the enemy acquainted with the flats and shallowes as they beheld them from the shore to come single out of their ships putting spurs to their horse woulde set vpon them incombred and vnprepared and many of them would ouerlay a few others would get the aduantage of the open side and cast their weapons amongst the thickest troupes of them which when Caesar perceiued he caused the shipboates and smaller vessels to be manned with soldiours and where he sawe neede of helpe he sent them to rescue such as were ouercharged As soone as the Romaines got footing on the firme land they made head together and charged the enemy and so put them to flight but they were not able to follow them nor take the Iland at that time for want of horsemen which thing was only wanting to Caesars fortune THE FIRST OBSERVATION VPon this circumstance of landing I may iustly take occasion to handle that controuersie which hath beene often debated by our English Captaines which is whether it be better in question of an inuasion and in the absence of our shipping to oppose an enemy at his landing vpon our coast or quietly to suffer him to set his men on shore and retire our forces into some inland place and there attend to giue him battell It seemeth that such as first set this question on foot and were of an opinion that we ought not by any meanes to encounter an enemy at his landing for so wee might much endanger our selues and our countrey did ground themselues vpon the authority of Monsieur de Langey not obseruing the difference betweene an Iland and a continent For where he setteth down that position he plainly aimeth at such Princes as border one vpon an other in the same continent but where their territories are disioyned by so great a barre as the Ocean and haue not such meanes to supprise one an other it were meere folly to hold good that rule as shall better appeare by the sequell of this discourse Wherein I will first laie downe the reasons that may be vrged to proue it vnsafe to oppose an enemy at his landing not as beeing vrged by that party for I neuer hearde any probable motiue from them which might induce any such opinion but set down by such as haue looked into the controuersies both with experience and good iudgement And first it may be obiected that it is a hard matter to resist an enemy at his landing as well in regard of the vncertaintie of place as of time for beeing ignorant in what place hee will attempt a landing wee must either defende all places of accesse or our intentions wil proue meere friuolous and to performe that it is requisite that our defensiue forces be sufficient according to the particular qualitie of euery place subiect to danger which considering the large extension of our maritimate parts and the manie landing places on our coast will require a greater number of men then this
the third watch of the night he marched towards them leauing ten cohortes and 300 horse for a garizon to his shipping which he the lesse feared because it lay at anchor in a soft and open shore he marched that night about 12 mile before he found the enemie The Britaines sending out their horse and chariots to a riuer that ran betweene them and the Romans and hauing the aduantage of the vpper ground began to hinder the Romans and to giue them battell but being beaten backe with our horsemen they conuaied themselues into a wood The place was strongly fortified both by art and nature and made for a defence as it seemeth in their ciuill wars for all the entrances were shut vp with great trees laid ouerthwart the passages And the Britaine 's shewed themselues out of the wood but here and there not suffering the Romans to enter the fortification but the soldiors of the seauenth legion with a Testudo which they made and a mount which they raised tooke the place and droue them all out of the woods without any losse at all sauing some fewe wounds which they receiued But Caesar forbad his men to follow after them with any long pursuit because hee was both ignorant of the place and a great part of that daie being spent he would imploy the rest thereof in the fortification of his campe OBSERVATIONS CAesar hauing taken what assurance of peace he could with the Galles both by carrying the chiefest of their Princes with him and by leauing three legions in the continent to keepe the vulgar people in obedience he imbarked al his men at one place that they might be all partakers of the same casualties and take the benefit of the same aduentures which being neglected the yeare before drew him into many inconueniences for want of horse which being imbarked at an other hauen met with other chāces and saw other fortunes and neuer came to him into Britanie The place of landing in this second voiage was the same where he landed the yeere before and by the circumstances of this history may agree with that which tradition hath deliuered of Deale in Kent where it is said that Caesar landed In the first yeere we finde that he neuer remoued his campe from the sea shore where he first seated himselfe although his men went out to bring in corne as far as they might wel returne againe at night but now hee entered further into the Iland and within twelue miles march came vnto a riuer which must needs be that of Canturbury which falleth into the sea at Sandwich In that he saith that the garizon of his shipping consisted of ten cohortes which I haue said to be a legion we must vnderstande that Caesar left not an entire legion in that garizon but he tooke ten cohorts out of his whole forces peraduenture two out of euerie legion and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping CHAP. III. Caesar returneth to his nauies to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night before THE next daie earlie in the morning hee deuided his forces into 3. companies and sent them out to pursue the enemy but before they had marched any farre distance and came to haue the rereward of the enemy in vewe there came newes from Q. Atrius with whom he left the ten cohorts and the charge of the shipping that the night before there was such a tempest at sea that the whole nauy was either sore beaten or cast on shore and that neither anchor nor Gable coulde holde them nor yet the Sailers indure the force of the weather and that there was great losse in the shipping by running against one another in the violence of the tempest Vpon these newes Caesar caused the legions to be called backe againe and to cease for that time from following the enemy any further he himselfe returned to the nauy where he found 40. ships lost and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and paines first therefore he chose shipwrites and Carpenters out of the legions and caused others to bee sent for out of Gallia and writ to Labienus to make ready what shipping he could And although it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour yet he thought it best to hale vp all the ships on shore and to inclose them within the fortification of his campe in this businesse he spent ten daies without intermission either of night or day vntill hee had drawn vp the ships and strongly fortified the camp leauing the same garrison which was there before to defend it THE OBSERVATION WHerein we may behold the true image of vndanted valour and the horrible industry as Tully tearmeth it which hee vsed to preuent fortune of her stroke in his busines and comprehende casualties and future contingents within the compas of order and the bounds of his owne power being able in tenne daies space to set almost eight hundred ships from the hazarde of winde and weather and to make his campe the Roade for his nauie that so he might rest secure of a meanes to returne at his pleasure CHAP. IIII. The Britains make Cassiuellaunus generall in this warre the Iland and the maners of the people described CAESAR returning to the place from whence hee came founde far greater forces of the Britans there assembled then he left whē he went to the nauie And that by publike consent of the Britaines the whole gouernment of that war was giuen to Cassiuellaunus whose kingdom lay deuided from the maritimate states with the riuer Thames beginning at the sea extending it selfe 80. mile into the Iland This Cassiuellaunus made continuall war with his neighbor states but vpon the comming of the Romans they all forgot their home-bred quarrels and cast the whole gouernment vpon his sholders as the fittest to direct that war The inner part of Britanie is inhabited by such as memory recordeth to be borne in the Iland and the maritimate coast by such as came out of Belgia either to make incursions or inuasions and after the war was ended they continued in the possessions they had gained and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came the countrey is very populous and well inhabited with houses much like vnto them in Gallia They haue great store of cattell and vse brasse for money or yron ringes waighed at a certaine rate In the mediterranean partes there is found great quantity of Tyn and in the maritimate parts yron their brasse was brought in by other nations They haue all sorts of trees that they haue in Gallia excepting the figge and the Beech. Their religion will not suffer them to eate either Haire Hen or Goose notwithstanding they haue of all sorts as well for nouelty as variety The country is more temperate and not so colde as Gallia The Ilande lieth triangle wise whereof one side confronteth Gallia of which side that angle wherein Kent is pointed