did the rather in regard of his singular integrity and his perfectnesse in the French tongue which Ariovistus through long continuance had learned and that the Germans had no cause of offence against him And with him he sent M. Titius that was familiarly acquainted with Ariovistus with instruction to hear what was said and to make report thereof to Caesar Whom as soon as Ariovistus saw come into his Camp he cried out in the presence of his Army demanding wherefore they came thither and whether they were not sent as Spies And as they were about to make answer he cut them off and commanded them to be put in Irons The same day he removed his Camp and lodged himself under a hill six miles from Caesar The next day he brought his forces along by Caesars Camp and incamped himself two miles beyond him of purpose to cut off all such corn and convoies as should be sent to the Romans by the Heduans and Sequans From that day forward by the space of five dayes together Caesar imbattelled his men before his Camp to the intent that if Ariovistus had a mind to give battell he might do it when he would But Ariovistus all this while kept his Army within his Camp and daily sent out his horsemen to skirmish with the Romans This was the manner of fighting which the Germans had practised there were 6000 horsemen and as many strong and nimble footmen whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host every man one for his safeguard these they had alwayes at hand with them in battell and unto these they resorted for succour If the horsemen were over-charged these ever stept in to help them If any one were wounded or unhorsed they came about him and succoured him If the matter required either to adventure forward or to retire speedily back again their swiftnesse was such through continuall exercise that hanging on the horse-mane by the one hand they would run as fast as the horses OBSERVATION IT may seem strange unto the souldiers of our time that the footmen should be mingled pell-mell amongst the horsemen without hurt and disadvantage to themselves so unlikely it is that they should either succour the horsemen in any danger or annoy the enemy and therefore some have imagined that these footmen in the encounter cast themselves into one body and so charging the enemy assisted the horsemen But the circumstances of this place of others which I will alledge 〈◊〉 purpose plainly evince that these footmen were mingled indifferently amongst the â—orsemen to assist every particular man as his 〈◊〉 and occasion required and therefore the choise of these footmen was permitted to the horsemen in whose service they were to be imployed that every man might take his friend in whom he reposed greatest confidence When they were overcharged these stept in to help them if any man were wounded or unhorsed he had his footman ready to assist him and when they were to go upon any speedy service or suddenly to retire upon advantage they stayed themselves upon the mane of the horses with one hand and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go Which services they could not possibly have performed without confusion and disorder if the footmen had not severally attended upon them according to the affection specified in their particular election The principall use of these footmen of the Germans consisted in the aid of their own horsemen upon any necessity not so much regarding their service upon the enemy as the assistance of their horsemen But the Romans had long before practiced the same Art to a more effectuall purpose namely as a principall remedy not onely to resist but to defeat far greater troups of horse then the enemy was able to oppose against them Whereof the most ancient memory which history mentioneth is recorded by Livie in the second Punick war at the siege of Capua under the regiment of Quintus Fulvius the Consul where it is said that in all their conflicts as the Roman legions returned with the better so their cavalry was alwayes put to the worst and therefore they invented this means to make that good by Art which was wanting in force Out of the whole army were taken the choisest young men both for strength and agility and to them were given little round bucklers and seven darts apiece in stead of their other weapons these souldiers practiced to ride behind the horsemen and speedily to light from the horses at a watch-word given and so to charge the Enemy on foot And when by exercise they were made so expert that the novelty of the invention no whit affrighted them the Roman horsemen went forth to encounter with the enemy every man carrying his foot-souldier behind him who at the encounter suddenly alighting charged upon the enemy with such a fury that they followed them in slaughter to the gates of Capua And hence saith Livie grew the first institution of the Velites which ever after that time were inrolled with the legions The authour of this stratagem is said to be one Q. Navius a Centurion and was honourablie rewarded by Fulvius the Consul for the same Salust in the history of Jugurth saith that Marius mingled the Velites with the Cavalry of the associates ut quacunque invaderent equitatus hostium propulsarent The like practice was used by Caesar as appeareth in the third book of the Civil war saving that in stead of the Velites he mingled with his horsemen four hundred of the lustiest of his legionary souldiers to resist the cavalry of Pompey while the rest of his Army passed over the river Genusum after the overthrow he had at Dyrrachium qui tantum profecere saith the text ut equestri praelio commisso pellerent omnes complures interficerent ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent Many other places might be recited but these are sufficient to prove that the greatest Captains of ancient times strengthened their cavalry with footmen dispersed amongst them The Roman horsemen saith Polybius at the first carried but a weak limber pole or staffe and a little round buckler but afterwards they used the furniture of the Graecians which Josephus affirmeth to be a strong launce or staffe and three or four darts in a quiver with a buckler and a long sword by their right side The use of their launce was most effectuall when they charged in troup pouldron to pouldron and that manner of fight afforded no means to intermingle footmen but when they used their darts every man got what advantage of ground he could as our Carbines for the most part do and so the footmen might have place among them or otherwise for so good an advantage they would easily make place for the foot-men to serve among them But howsoever it was it appeareth by this circumstance how little the Romans feared troups of horse considering that the best means to defeat their horse was by their foot companies But
to make it more plain of many examples I will only alledge two the one out of Livie to prove that the Roman horsemen were not comparable for service to footmen the other out of Hirtius to shew the same effect against strangers Numidian horsemen In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Marcus Horatius Valerius having fortunately overthrown the Equi and the Volsci Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the war against the Sabines wherein it happened that in the day of battell the Sabines reserved two thousand of their men to give a fresh assault upon the left Cornet of the Romans as they were in conflict which took such effect that the legionary footmen of that Cornet were forced to retreat Which the Roman horsemen being in number six hundred perceiving and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy they presently forsook their horses and made hast to make good the place on foot wherein they carried themselves so valiantly that in a moment of time they gave the like advantage to their footmen against the Sabines and then betook themselves again to their horses to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled For the second point the Numidians as Caesar witnesseth were the best horsemen that ever he met with and used the same Art as the Germans did mingling among them light-armed footmen And Ambuscado of these Numidians charging the legions upon a suddain the history saith that primo impetu legionis Equitatus levis armatura hostium nullo negotio loco pulsa dejecta est de colle And as they sometimes retired and sometimes charged upon the rereward of the Army according to the manner of the Numidian fight the history saith Caesariani interim non amplius tres ant quatuor milites veterani si se convertissent pila viribus contortain Numidas infestos conâ—ecissent amplius duorum millium ad unum terga vertebant So that to free himself of this inconvenience he took his horsemen out of the rereward and placed his legions there ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat And ever as he marched he caused three hundred souldiers of every legion to be free and without burthen that they might be ready upon all occasions Quos in Equitatum Labieâ— immisit Tum Labienus conversis equis signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere multis ejus occisis compluribus vulneratis milites legionarii ad sua se recipiunt signa atque iter inceptum ire coeperunt I alledge the very words of the history to take away all suspicion of falsifying or wresting any thing to an affected opinion If any man will look into the reason of this disparity he shall find it to be chiefly the work of the Roman pile an unresistable weapon and the terrour of horsemen especially when they were cast with the advantage of the place and fell so thick that there was no means to avoid them But to make it plain that any light-armed footmen could better make head against a troup of horse then the Cavalrie of their own partie although they bear but the same weapons let us consider how nimble and ready they were that fought on foot either to take an advantage or to shun and avoid any danger casting their darts with far greater strength and more certainty then the horsemen could do For as the force of all the engines of old time as the Balistae Catapultae and Tolenones proceeded from that stability and resting Centre which nature affordeth as the only strength and life of the engine so what force soever a man maketh must principally proceed from that firmnesse and stay which Nature by the earth or some other unmoveable rest giveth to the body from whence it taketh more or lesse strength according to the violence which it performeth as he that lifteth up a weight from the ground by so much treadeth heavier upon the earth by how much the thing is heavier then his body The footmen therefore having a surer stay to counterpoize their forced motion then the horsemen had cast their darts with greater violence and consequently with more certainty Chap. XVIII Caesar preventeth Ariovistus of his purpose by making two Camps WHen Caesar perceived that Ariovistus meant nothing lesse then to fight but kept himself within his Camp least peradventure he should intercept the Sequans and other of his Associates as they came with convoies of Corn to the Romans beyond that place wherein the Germans aboad about six hundred paces from their Camp he chose a ground meet to incamp in and marching thither in three battells commanded two of them to stand ready in Armes and the third to fortify the Camp Ariovistus sent sixteen thousand foot and all his horse to interrupt the souldiers and hinder the intrenchment Notwithstanding Caesar as he had before determined caused two battells to withstand the enemy and the third to go through with the work which being ended he left there two legions and part of the associate forces and led the other four legions back again into the greater Camp The next day Caesar according to his custome brought his whole power out of both his Camps marching a little from the greater Camp he put his men in array and profered battell to the enemy but perceiving that Ariovistus would not stirre out of his trenches about noon he conveighed his Army into their severall Camps Then at length Ariovistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser Camp The incounter continued very sharp on both parts untill the evening and at sun-setting after many wounds given and taken Ariovistus conveighed his Army again into their Camp And as Caesar made inquiry of the captives what the reason was that Ariovistus refused battell he found this to be the cause The Germans had a custome that the women should by casting of Lots and Southsaying declare whether it were for their behoof to fight or no and that they found by their Art the Germans could not get the victory if they fought before the new Moon THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe what especiall importance this manner of incamping carried in that absolute discipline which the Romans observed and by which they conquered so many Nations for besides the safety which it afforded their own troups it served for a hold well-fenced and manned or as it were a strong fortified town in any part of the field where they saw advantage and as oft as they thought it expedient either to fortifie themselves or impeach the enemy by cutting off his passages hindering his attempts blocking up his Camp besides many other advantages all averring the saying of Domitius Corbulo dolabra vincendum esse hostem a thing long time neglected but of late happily renewed by the Commanders of such forces as serve the States in the United Provinces of Belgia whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertain the use of the spade and
to Caesar The Hedui saith he have alwayes found in the Bellovaci a faithfull and friendly disposition to their State and if they had not been betrayed by their nobility who made them believe that the Hedui were brought in bondage by the Romans and suffered all villany and despight at their hands they had never withdrawn themselves from the Hedui nor consented to conspire against the Romans The authours of this counsel perceiving into what great misery they had brought their countrey were fled into Britanie wherefore not only the Bellovaci but the Hedui also in their behalf besought him to use his clemency towards them Which thing if he did it would very much greaten the esteem authority of the Hedui amongst the Belgae who formerly in their wars had recourse to them for supplies and assistance Caesar in regard of the Hedui and Divitacus promised to receive them to mercy but for asmuch as the State was very great and more populous and powerfull then other towns of the Belgae he demanded six hundred hostages Which being delivered and their armour brought out of the town he marched from thence into the coast of the Ambiani who without further lingering gave both themselves and all that they had into his power Vpon these bordered the Nervii of whom Caesar found thus much by inquiry That there was no recourse of Merchants unto them neither did they suffer any â—â—ine or what thing else might tend to riot to be brought into their countrey for they were perswaded that by such things their courage was much abated and their vertue weakened Further he learned that these Nervii were a savage people and of great valour often accusing the rest of the Belgae for yielding their necks to the Roman yoak openly affirming that they would neither send Embassadours nor take peace upon any condition Caesar having marched three dayes journey in their country understood that the river Sabis was not past ten miles from his camp and that on the further side of this river all the Nervii were assembled together and there attended the coming of the Romans With them were joyned the Atâ—ebates and Veromandui whom they had perswaded to abide the same fortune of war with them Besides they expected a power from the Aduatici The women and such as were unmeet for the field they bestowed in a place unaccessible for any Army by reason of fens and bogs and marishes Vpon this intelligence Caesar sent his discoverers and Centurions before to chuse out a fit place to incamp in Now whereas many of the surrendred Belgae and other Galles were continually in the Roman Army certain of these as it was afterward known by the captives observing the order which the Romans used in marching came by night to the Nervii and told them that between every legion went a great sort of carriages and that it was no matter of difficulty as soon as the first legion was come into the camp and the other legions yet a great way off to set upon them upon a suddain before they were disburdened of their carriages and so to overthrow them which legion being cut off and their stuffe taken the rest would have small courage to stand against them It much furthered this advice that forasmuch as the Nervii were not able to make any power of horse but what they did they were wont to do with foot that they might the better resist the cavalry of their borderers whensoever they made any rode into their marches their manner was to cut young trees half asunder and bowing the tops down to the ground plashed the boughes in breadth and with thorns and briars planted between them they made them so thick that it was impossible to see through them so hard it was to enter or passe through them so that when by this occasion the passage of the Roman Army must needs be hindered the Nervii thought the foresaid counsell not to be neglected The place which the Romans chose to incamp in was a hill of like levell from the top to the bottome at the foot whereof ran the river Sabis and with the like levell on the other side rose another hill directly against this to the quantity of two hundred paces the bottom whereof was plain and open and the upper part so thick with wood that it could not easily be looked into Within these woods the â—ervians kept themselves close and in the open ground by the river side were only seen a few troups of horse and the river in that place was about three foot deep CAESARS march where the Enemy was neerer at hand OBSERVATION THis treacherous practice of the surrendred Belgae hath fortunately discovered the manner of Caesars march as well in safe passages as in dangerous and suspected places which is a point of no small consequence in martiall discipline being subject to so many inconveniences and capable of the greatest art that may be shewed in managing a war Concerning the discreet carriage of a march by this circumstance it may be gathered that Caesar principally respected safety and secondly conveniency If the place afforded a secure passage and gave no suspicion of hostility he was content in regard of conveniency to suffer every legion to have the oversight of their particular carriages and to insert them among the troups that every man might have at hand such necessaries as were requisite either for their private use or publick discipline But if he were in danger of any sudden attempt or stood in hazard to be impeached by an enemy he then omitted convenient disposition in regard of particular use as disadvantageous to their safety and carried his legions in that readinesse that if they chanced to be engaged by an enemy they might without any alteration of their march or incumbrance of their carriages receive the charge in that form of battell as was best approved by their military rules and the ancient practice of their fortunate progenitours The old Romans observed likewise the same respects for in unsafe and suspected places they carried their troups againe quadrato in a square march which as Livie seemeth to note was free from all carriage and impediments which might hinder them in any suddain alarme Neither doth that of Hirtius any way contradict this interpretation where he saith that Caesar so disposed his troups against the Bellovaci that three legions marched in front and after them came all the carriages to which the tenth legion served as a rereward and so they marched pene agmine quadrato almost in a square march Seneca in like manner noteth the safety of agmen quadratum where he saith that where an enemy is expected we ought to march agmine quadrato ready to fight The most materiall consequence of these places alledged is that as oft as they suspected any onset or charge their order in a march little or nothing differed from their usuall manner of imbattelling and
his due and proper composition What then is the cause that the Romans do overcome and that those that do use the phalanx are voyd of the hope of victory Even from hence that the Roman Armies have infinite commodities both of places and of times to fight in But the phalanx hath onely one time one place and one kind whereto it may profitably apply it self so that if it were of necessity that their enemy should encounter them at that instant especially with their whole forces it were questionlesse not only not without danger but in all probability likely that the phalanx should ever carry away the better But if that may be avoyded which is easily done shall not that disposition then be utterly unprofitable and free from all terrour And it is farther evident that the phalanx must necessarily have plain and champain places without any hinderances or impediments as ditches uneven places vallies little hils and rivers for all these may hinder and disjoyn it And it is almost impossible to have a Plain of the capacity of twenty stadia much lesse more where there shall be found none of these impediments But suppose there be found such places as are proper for the phalanx if the Enemy refuse to come unto them and in the mean time spoil and sack the Cities and country round about what commodity or profit shall arise by any Army so ordered for if it remain in such places as hath been before spoken of it can neither relieve their friends nor preserve themselves For the convoies which they expect from their friends are easily cut off by the Enemy whiles they remain in those open places And if it happen at any time that they leave them upon any enterprise they are then exposed to the Enemy But suppose that the Roman Army should find the phalanx in such places yet would it not adventure it self in grosse at one instant but would by little and little retire it self as doth plainly appear by their usuall practice For there must not be a conjectur of these things by my words only but especially by that which they do For they do not so equally frame their battel that they do assault the Enemy altogether making as it werebut one front but part make a stand and part charge the Enemy that if at any time the Phalanx do presse them that come to assault them and be repelled the force of their order is dissolved For whether they pursue those that retire or fly from those that do assault them these do disjoyn themselves from part of their Army by which meanes there is a gap opened to their Enemies standing and attending their opportunity so that now they need not any more to charge them in the front where the force of the phalanx consisteth but to assault where the breach is made both behind and upon the sides But if at any time the Roman Army may keep his due propriety and disposition the phalanx by the disadvantage of the place being not able to do the like doth it not then manifestly demonstrate the difference to be great between the goodnesse of their disposition and the disposition of the phalanx To this may be added the necessities imposed upon an Army which is to march through places of all natures to encamp themselves to possesse places of advantage to besiege and to be besieged and also contrary to expectation sometimes to come in view of the Enemy For all these occasions necessarily accompany an Army and oftentimes are the especiall causes of victory to which the Macedonian phalanx is no way fit or convenient forasmuch as neither in their generall order nor in their particular disposition without a convenient place they are able to effect any thing of moment but the Roman Army is apt for all these purposes For every souldier amongst them being once armed and ready to fight refuseth no place time nor occasion keeping alwayes the same order whether he fight together with the whole body of the Army or particularly by himself man to man And hence it happeneth that as the commodity of their disposition is advantageous so the end doth answer the expectation These things I thought to speak of at large because many of the Graecians are of an opinion that the Macedonians are not to be overcome And again many wondered how the Macedonian phalanx should be put to the worse by the Roman Army considering the nature of their weapons Thus far goeth Polybius in comparing the weapons and embattelling of the Romans with the use of Arms amonst the Macedonians wherein we see the Pike truly and exactly ordered according as the wise Gracians could best proportion it with that form of battel which might give most advantage to the use thereof so that if our squadrons of Pikes jump not with the perfect manner of a phalanx as we see they do not they fall so much short of that strength which the wisdome of the Grecians and the experience of other nations imputed unto it But suppose we could allow it that disposition in the course of our warres which the nature of the weapon doth require yet forasmuch as by the authority of Polybius the said manner of imbattelling is tied to such dangerous circumstances of one time one place and one kind of fight I hold it not so profitable a weapon as the practice of our times doth seem to make it especially in woody countries such as Ireland is where the use is cut off by such inconveniences as are noted to hinder the managing thereof And doubtlesse if our Commanders did but consider of the incongruity of the Pike and Ireland they would not proportion so great a number of them in every company as there is for commonly half the company are Pikes which is as much as to say in the practice of our wars that half the Army hath neither offensive nor defensive weapons but onely against a troup of horse For they seldome or never come to the push of pike with the foot companies where they may charge and offend the enemy and for defence if the enemy think it not safe to buckle with them at hand but maketh more advantage to play upon them afarre off with shot it affordeth small safety to shake a long pike at them and stand fair in the mean time to entertain a volley of shot with the body of their battalion As I make no question but the pike in some services is profitable as behind a rampier or at a breach so I assure my self there are weapons if they were put to triall that would countervail the pike even in those services wherein it is thought most profitable Concerning the Target we see it take the hand in the judgement of Polybius of all other weapons whatsoever as well in regard of the divers and sundry sorts of imbattelling as the quality of the place wheresoever for their use was as effectuall in small bodies and centuries as in grosse troups and great
Princes and Senate would swear faith and safe continuance unto their people neither would they require more then three dayes to negotiate this businesse Caesar conceived this intreaty to import nothing else then the return of their horsemen that were absent in pillage whom they expected within three dayes notwithstanding he promised them to march but four miles further that day to a convenient watring-place and bade that a considerable number of them should come thither to him next day that he might know what they desired in the mean time he sent to the Commanders of the horse that were before not to provoke the Enemy to fight and if they were set upon to sustain the charge untill he came nearer with the Army THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe his dissembling of the practice of the Galles with the Germans and the incouragement which he gave them in a faithfull and loyall affection to the people of Rome when he himself knew they had started from that duty which both their honour and a good respect of their friends required for he well understood that his presence did take away all scruple of any further motion in that kind and therefore to have objected unto them their errours had not been to heal but to discover their wound Only he took the way to cut off their hopes of any practices which they might attempt against the Roman people and held them in the mean time in the apparance of faithfull friends that they might not be discouraged by the detection of their revolt THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondly upon this resolution that there was no league to be made with the Germans if they continued on this side the Rhene we may observe how he entertained a treaty of peace with such consents and denials as might manifest his readinesse to further what he made shew of and not weaken the means of his best advantage For as he was content they should take a quiet farewell of Gallia and plant themselves in the possessions of the Ubii so was he loath to yield to any condition which might disadvantage his forcible constraint or weaken his command if perswasion failed for he well knew that powerfull means to effect that which he required would further the course of a peaceable conclusion and carry more authority in a parlee then any other motive how reasonable soever Moreover we may observe how carefull he was not to impose upon the Germans a necessity of fighting but opened a passage by propounding unto them the association of the Ubii by which they might avoyd the hazard of battel Which thing was alwayes observed by Commanders of ancient times who diligently searching into the nature of things found that neither of those noble instruments whereby man worketh such wonders I mean the hand and the tongue had ever brought so many excellent works to that type of perfection unlesse they had been forced thereunto by necessity and therefore we are wisely to handle the course of our actions least while we stand too strict upon a violent guard we give occasion to the Enemy by the way of Antiperistasis to redouble his strength and so furnish him with that powerfull engine which Vetius Mescius calleth ultimum and maximum telum the last and greatest weapon the force whereof shall better appear by these examples Some few of the Samnites contrary to the articles of peace between them and the Romans having made incursions into the territories of the Roman confederats the Senate of that State sent to Rome to excuse the fact and to make offer of satisfaction But being rejected Claudius Pontius Generall of their forces in an excellent Oration which he made shewed how the Romans would not hearken to peace but chose rather to be revenged by war and therefore necessity constrained them to put on Arms Justum est bellum saith he quibus necessarium pia arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est That war is just which is necessary and it is piety in those men to take up arms who have no hope but in taking up arms The issue thereof was that the Samnites intrapped the Romans in a place of advantage so that they were forced upon dishonourable terms to save their lives as it is at large in the ninth book of Livie Caius Manlius conducting the Roman legions against the Veii part of the Veian Army had entred the Roman Camp which Manlius perceiving he hasted with a band of men to keep the breach and to shut in the Veii which they no sooner perceived but they fought with that rage and fury that they slew Manlius and had overthrown the whole Camp had not a Tribune opened them a passage by which they fled away In like manner Camillus the wisest of the Roman Captains being entered into the City of the Veii that he might take it with greater facility and disarme the Enemy of that terrible weapon of necessity he caused it to be proclaimed that no Veian should be hurt that was found unarmed Whereupon every man cast away his weapon and so the town was taken without bloudshed Let a souldier therefore take such hold of occasions and opportunities as are offered unto him that in time of battel he may seem to cast necessity upon his own cause and retain it in his pay considering how the power thereof altereth the works of Nature and changeth their effects into contrary operations being never subject to any ordinance or law and yet making that lawfull which procedeth from it CHAP. IIII. The Germans contrary to their own request made to Caesar set upon the Roman horsemen and overthrow them NOtwithstanding the Germans request concerning the truce assoon as they saw the Roman horsemen which were in number five thousand whereas the Germans had not above eight hundred horse those that went over the Mosa to forrage not being yet returned they charged upon the Romans not expecting any hostile incounter inasmuch as their Embassadours were newly departed from Caesar and had obtained that day of truce but being set upon they made what resistance they could The Germans according to their usuall custom for sook their horse and fighting on foot ran our horses into the bellies and overthrew many of our men so that they easily put the Romans to flight who never looked back untill they came into the sight of the legions In that battel were slain 74 Roman horsemen amongst the rest Piso an Aquitane a valiant man and born of noble parentage whose grandfather was the chief ruler in his city and called friend by the Roman Senate This Piso seeing his brother compassed about by the enemy brake in upon them and rescued him but having his horse wounded under him in the action and being dismounted he fought stoutly on foot till such time as the enemy hemm'd him in and gave him in and gave him severall wounds then he fell down Which his brother seeing afarre off for he had
CAesar although he had not discovered their determination yet conjecturing of the event by the losse of his shipping and by their delay of giving up hostages provided against all chances for he brought corn daily out of the fields into his Camp and took the hulls of such Ships as were most dismembred and with the timber and brasse thereof he mended the rest that were beaten with the tempest causing other necessaries to be brought out of Gallia Which being handled with the great industry and travell of the Souldiers he lost only twelve ships and made the other able to abide the Sea While these things were in action the seventh legion being sent out by course to fetch in corn and little suspecting any motion of war as part of the souldiers continued in the field and the rest went came between them and the Camp the station that watched before the gate of the Camp gave advertisement to Caesar that the same way which the legion went there appeared a greater dust then was usually seen Caesar suspecting that which indeed was true that the Britans were entred into some new resolution he took those two cohorts which were in station before the port commanding other two to take their place and the rest to arm themselves and presently to follow him and went that way where the dust was descried And when he had marched some distance from the Camp he saw his men overcharged with the Enemy and scarce able to sustain the assault the legion thronged together on a heap and weapons cast from all parts amongst them For when they had harvested all other quarters there remained one piece of corn whither the Enemy suspected the Romans would at last come and in the night time conveighed themselves secretly into the woods where they continued untill the Romans were come into the field and as they saw them disarmed dispersed and occupied in reaping they suddenly set upon them and slaying some few of them routed the rest and incompassed them about with their horsemen and Chariots Their manner of fight with Chariots was first to ride up and down and cast their weapons as they saw advantage and with the terrour of their horses and ratling of their wheels to disorder the companies and when they had wound themselves between any troups of horse they forsook their Chariots and fought on foot in the mean time the guiders of their chariots would drive a little aside and so place themselves that if their masters needed any help they might have an easy passage unto them And thus they performed in all their fights both the nimble motion of horsemen and the firm stability of footmen were so ready with daily practice that they could stay in the declivity of a steep hill turn short or moderate their going as it seemed best unto them and run along the beam of the coach rest upon the yoak or harnesse of their horses return as speedily again at their pleasure The Romans being thus troubled Caesar came to rescue them in very good time for at his coming the Enemy stood still the souldiers gathered their spirits unto them began to renew their courage that was almost spent Caesar taking it an unfit time either to provoke the Enemy or to give him battel continued a while in the same place then returned with the legions into the Camp While these things were a doing and the Romans thus busied the Britans that were in the field conveighed themselves all away THE FIRST OBSERVATION BY this we plainly find that there were usually two cohorts which according to the rate of one hundred and twenty in a maniple amounted to the number of 720. men which kept the day-watch before the gate of the Camp and were alwayes in readinesse upon any service The commodity whereof appeareth by this accident for considering that the advertisement required haste and speedy recourse it greatly furthered their rescue to have so many men ready to march forward at the first motion that they might give what help they could untill the rest of their fellowes came in THE SECOND OBSERVATION THeir manner of fight with Chariots is very particularly described by Caesar and needeth not to be stood upon any longer only I observe that neither in Gallia nor any other country of Europe the use of Chariots is ever mentioned but they have ever been attributed as a peculiar fight unto the Eastern Countries as sutable to the plain and levell situation of the place whereof we find often mention in the Scripture Which may serve for an argument of Geoffrey of Monmouth to prove the Britans descent from Troy in Asia where we likewise find mention of such Chariots THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly we may observe the discreet and moderate temper of his valour and the means he used to make his souldiers confident in his directions for notwithstanding the Britans had exceedingly urged him to make hazard of a present revenge yet finding it an unfit time inasmuch as his men had been somewhat troubled with the fury of the Britans he thought it best to expect some other opportunity And again to avoid the inconveniences of a fearfull retreat he continued a while in the same place to imbolden his men with the sight of the Enemy And this manner of proceeding wrought a full perswasion in his souldiers that his actions were directed with knowledge and with a carefull respect of their safety which gave his men resolution when they were carried upon service being assured that what service soever they were imployed upon was most diligently to be performed as a matter much importing the fortunate issue of that war whereas if they had perceived that headstrong fury which carrieth men on with a desire of victory and never looketh into the means whereby it may be obtained had directed the course of their proceedings they might with reason have drawn back from such imployments and valued their safety above the issue of such an enterprise And hence ariseth that confident opinion which the souldiers have of a good Generall which is a matter of great importance in the course of war CHAP. XIII The Britans make head with their forces and are beaten by Caesar his return into Gallia AFter this for many dayes together there followed such tempests and foul weather that both the Romans were constrained to keep their Camp and the Britans were kept from attempting any thing against them But in the mean time they sent messengers into all quarters publishing the small number of the Roman forces and amplifying the greatnesse of the booty and the easy means offered unto them of perpetuall liberty if they could take the Roman Camp Shortly upon this having gathered a great company both of horse foot they came to the place where the Romans were incamped Caesar although he foresaw the event by that which before had hapned that if the Enemy were beaten back he would avoid the danger by
greater assurance then the harquebuse wherein there are many parts belonging to the action as the powder the stone the spring and such like whereof if the least fail of his part we likewise faile of our fortune But how probable soever this seemeth this is certain that in the course of the Roman wars the horse were ever defeated by the foot as is manifestly proved in the first of these books CHAP. VII Caesar giveth the Britans two severall overthrowes THe next day the Enemy made a stand upon the hills a far off from the camp and shewed themselves not so often neither were they so busie with our horsemen as they were the day before But about noon when Caesar had sent out three legions and all his cavalry to get forrage under the conduction of Caius Trebonius a Legate they made a suddain assault upon the forragers and fell in close with the Ensignes the legions The Romans charged very fiercely upon them and beat them back neither did they make an end of following them untill the horsemen trusting to them put them all to flight with the slaughter of a great number of them neither did they give them respite either to make head to make a stand or to forsake their chariots After this overthrow all their Auxiliary forces departed from them neither did they afterward contend with the Romans with any great power Caesar understanding their determination carried his Army to the river Thames and so to the confines of Cassivellaunus which river was passable by foot but in one place only and that very hardly At his coming he found a great power of the Enemy to be imbattelled on the other side and the bank fortified with many sharp stakes and many other also were planted covertly under the water These things being discovered to the Romans by the Captives and fugitives Caesar putting his horse before caused the legions to follow suddenly after who notwithstanding they had but their heads clear above the water went with that violence that the enemy was not able to endure the charge but left the bank and betook themselves to flight OBSERVATION THis attempt of Caesar seemeth so strange to Brancatio that he runneth into strange conclusions concerning this matter as first that he that imitateth Caesar may doubt of his good fortunes for his proceeding in this point was not directed by any order of war and that a great Commander hath nothing common with other Leaders but especially he crieth out at the basenesse of the Britans that would suffer themselves so cowardly to be beaten But if we look into the circumstances of the action we shall find both Art and good direction therein for being assured by the fugitives that the river was passable in that place and in that place only he knew that he must either adventure over there or leave Cassivellaunus for another Summer which was a very strong inducement to urge him to that enterprise The difficulty whereof was much relieved by good direction which consisted of two points First by sending over the horsemen in the front of the legions who might better endure the charge of the enemy then the footmen could that were up to the neck in water and withall to shelter the footmen from the fury of the Enemy Secondly he sent them over with such speed that they were on the other side of the water before the enemy could tell what they attempted for if he had lingered in the service and given the enemy leave to find the advantage which he had by experience his men had never been able to have endured the hazard of so dangerous a service It is hard to conjecture at the place where this service was performed for since the building of London bridge many foords have been scoured with the current and fall of the water which before that time carried not such a depth as now they do CHAP. VIII The conclusion of the Brittish war Caesar returneth into Gallia CAssivellaunus having no courage to contend any longer dismissed his greatest forces and retaining only four thousand chariots observed our journeys keeping the wood-Countries and driving men and cattell out of the fields into the woods where he knew the Romans would come and as their horse strayed out either for forrage or booty he sent his chariots out of the woods by unknown wayes and put their horsemen to great perill in regard whereof the horsemen durst never adventure further then the legions neither was there any more spoil done in the Country then that which the legionary souldiers did of themselves In the mean time the Trinobantes being almost the greatest State of all those Countries from whom Mandubratius had fled to Caesar into Gallia for that his father Imanuentius holding the kingdome was slain by Cassivellaunus sent Embassadours to Caesar to offer their submission and to intreat that Mandubratius might be defended from the oppression of Cassivellaunus sent unto them to take the kingdome Caesar having received from them forty pledges Corn for his Army sent Mandubratius unto them The Trinobantes being thus kept from the violence of the souldiers the Cenimagni Seguntiaci Ancalites Bibroci and Cassi yielded themselves to Caesar By these he understood that Cassivellaunus his town was not far off fortified with woods bogs well stored with men cattell The Britans call a town a thick wood inclosed about with a ditch and a rampier made for a place of retreat when they stood in fear of incursions from the borderers Thither marched Caesar with his Army found it well fortified both by Art and Nature as he assaulted it in two severall places the enemy unable to keep it cast himself out of the town by a back way and so he took it Where he found great store of cattel and slew many of the Britans While these things were a doing Cassivellaunus sent messengers into Kent which as was said lies upon the sea and wherein there were four severall Kings Cingetorix Carvilius Taximagulus and Segonax them he commanded with all the power they could make to set upon the camp where the Navy was kept The Kings coming to the place were overthrown by a sally which the Romans made out upon them many of them being slain and Lugotorix a great commander taken prisoner This battell concurring with the former losses and especially moved thereunto with the revolt of the forenamed cities Cassivellaunus intreated peace of Caesar by Comius of Arras Caesar being determined to winter in the Continent for fear of suddain commotions in Gallia and considering that the Summer was now far spent and might easily be lingred out he commanded pledges to be brought unto him and set down what yearly tribute the Britans should pay to the Romans giving withall a strict charge to Cassivellaunus to do no injury either to Mandubratius or the Tribonantes The hostages being taken he carried back his Army to the sea where he found his shipping repaired which
and the other violent and rash and yet both attain the like good fortune by two contrary courses or otherwise as oftentimes it falleth out the more heedless the more happy have been perswaded that all things are so governed by fortune that the wisdome of man can neither alter nor amend them and therefore to spend much time or tedious labour either in carefull circumspection or heedfull prevention of that which is unchangeable they hold as vain as the washing of an Aethiopian to make him white Of this opinion Sylla seemed to be professing himself better born to fortune then to the wars and acknowledging his happiest victories to have proceeded from his most heedless and unadvised resolutions And the great Alexander so carried himself as though he had been of the same opinion of whom Curtius saith Quoties illum fortuna à morte revocavit quoties temere in pericula vectum perpetua felicitate protexit How many a time did Fortune call him back from the brink of death how often did she happily defend and save him when he had by his rashness brought himself into dangers And Plutarch saith that he had power of time and place Others are not willing to ascribe so much to Fortune as to make themselves the Tennis-ball to her Racket and yet they are content to allow her half of every thing they go about reserving the other moitie to their own directions And so like partners in an adventure they labour to improve their share for their best advantage Some other there are that will allow Fortune no part at all in their actions but do confront her with a goddess of greater power and make industry the means to annul her Deitie Of this opinion was Timotheus the Athenian who having atchieved many notable victories would not allow of the conceipt of the painter that had made a table wherein Fortune was taking in those cities which he had won with a net whilst he himself slept but protested against her in that behalf and would not give her any part in that businesse And thus the heathen world varied as much in their opinions touching Fortune as Fortune her self did in her events to themward which were so divers and changeable as were able to ensnare the deepest wits and confound the wisedome of the greatest judgements whereby the word Fortune usurped a Deity and got an opinion of extraordinary power in the regiment of humane actions But our Christian times have a readier lesson wherein is taught a soveraign Providence guiding and directing the thoughts of mens hearts with the faculties and powers of the Soul together with their externall actions to such ends as shall seem best to that omnipotent wisedome to whom all our abilities serve as instruments and means to effect his purposes notwithstanding our particular intendments or what the heart of man may otherwise determine And therefore such as will make their wayes prosperous unto themselves and receive that contentment which their hope expecteth or their labours would deserve must use those helps which the rules of Christianity do teach in that behalf and may better be learned from a Divine then from him that writeth Treatises of War THE SECOND OBSERVATION QUintus Curtius speaking of Alexander saith Nullam virtutem Regis istius magis quam celeritatem laudaverim I can commend no vertue in this King before his speed celerity whereof this might be a ground that he followed Darius with such speed after the second battell he gave him that in eleven dayes he marched with his army six hundred miles which was a chase well fitting Alexander the Great and might rest unexampled notwithstanding Suetonius giveth this generall report of Caesar that in matter military aut aequavit praestantissimorum gloriam aut excessit he either equalled or exceeded the glory of the best and for this particular he saith quod persaepe nuntius de se praevenit that he was very often the messenger of his own success And to speak truly he seemeth to challenge to himself expedition and speed as his peculiar commendation grounding himself upon the danger which lingering and foreslowing of time doth usually bring to well advised resolutions according to that of Lucan the Poet Nocuit semper differre paratis Delay did alwayes hurt those that were ready For by this speedy execution of well-digested directions he gained two main advantages First the prevention of such helps and means as the enemy would otherwise have had to make the war dangerous and the event doubtfull And secondly the confusion and fear which doth consequently follow such main disappointments being the most dangerous accidents that can happen to any party and the chiefest points to be endeavoured to be cast upon an enemy by him that would make an easie conquest For proof whereof amongst many other examples I will onely alledge his expedition to Rome when he first came against Pompey according to Plutarchs relation In the mean time saith he news came to Rome that Caesar had won Ariminum a great city in Italy and that he came directly to Rome with a great power which was not true for he came but with 3000. horse and 5000. foot and would not tarry for the rest of his armie being on the other side of the Alpes in Gallia but made hast rather to surprize his enemies upon the sudden being afraid and in garboile not looking for him so soon then to give them time to be provided and so to fight with them in the best of their strength which fell out accordingly For this sudden and unexpected approach of his put all Italy and Rome it self into such a tumult and confusion that no man knew what way to take for his safetie for such as were out of Rome came flying thither from all parts and those on the other side that were in Rome went out as fast and forsook the citie And the amazement was such that Pompey and the Senate fled into Greece whereby it happened that Caesar in threescore dayes was Lord of all Italy without any bloudshed Besides this manner of prevention by sudden surprize we may see the like expedition in the very carriage and form of his wars For if the enemy had taken the field he laboured by all means to bring him to sight or otherwise if he refused to take the field he then endeavoured with the like speed to besiege him or block him up in some hold to the end he might bring the matter to a speedy upshot as he did with Vercingetorix at Alesia But that which is most memorable touching this point at the first taking in of Spain in the garboil of the civile wars he defeated two armies overthrew two Generals and took in two Provinces in the space of fourty dayes Neither did he make use of expedition only in his carriage of a war but also in the action and execution of battel for he never forsook an enemy overthrown and
to sight amongst the horse At their arrivall forasmuch as they were not well fitted with horse he took the horses from the Tribunes the Roman Knights and the Evocati and distributed them amongst the Germans OBSERVATIONS THere are three principall means to draw a State into a partie which of it self standeth neutrall or to win the minds of men when they carrie equall or indifferent affections The first is by favour or friendship the second by authoritie and the third by money Friendship relieth upon former respects and the exchange of precedent courtesies Authority concludeth from future dangers and the inconveniences which may follow the refusall Money doth govern the present occasion and is more generall then either favour or authoritie The Galles were not wanting to make their partie good in any of these three perswading motives but as Caesar saith Quantum gratia authoritate pecunia valent ad sollicitandas civitates nâ—tuntur they sollicited the neighbour States as farre as friendship authority and money would go Wherein as they went about to lay the stock upon it so they left themselves but one triall for the right of their cause and joyned issue for all upon the fortune of that action for when they should see their best possibilities too weak and their uttermost endeavours profit nothing against a mighty prevailing enemy the greater their hopes were which they had in the means the greater would be their despair when such means were spent for it is a shrewd thing for men to be out of means and not to drive a hope before them It is usuall upon such main occasions to imploy the chiefest man in a State in whom the souldiers may have most assurance and to accompany him with such means as the strength of the Commonweal may afford him but if their greatest hopes die in his ill successe or wax faint through cold fortune the kingdome receiveth losse and the enemy getteth advantage as may appear by the sequele of this great preparation CHAP. XXIX The Cavalrie of the Galles do set upon the Roman army and are beaten WHile these things were a doing the enemies forces and the horsemen that were commanded to be levied in all Gallia met together and came out of the territories of the Arverni A great number of these being gathered together as Caesar marched against the Sequani by the borders of the Lingones to the end he might the easier relieve the Province Vercingetorix sate down about ten miles from the Romans in three severall camps and calling the Captains and Colonels of horse to counsell he told them that the time of victory was now come for the Romans left Gallia and fled into the Province which was sufficient for the obtaining of their present libertie but availed little for the peace and quiet of future time forasmuch as the Romans did not purpose to make an end of the warre but to return again with greater forces And therefore it was necessary to set upon them in their march ladâ—â— with carriages If the foot did assist their horse then they were not able to make any way or proceed in their journey But if which he hoped would rather happen forsaking their carriages every man shifted for himself they would depart both robbed of their necessaries and of their honour for they need not doubt of the enemies horse of whom he was most assured that they durst not go out from amongst the foot forces And to the end they might be the better incouraged he would draw all the forces in a readinesse out of the camp and place them so as they might be a terror to the enemy The horsemen cried out all together that this resolution might be strengthened with an holy oath Let him never be received under any roof or have accesse to his wife children or parents that did not twice runne through the army of the enemy The thing being well likâ—d of and every man forced to take that oath the next day he divided his cavalrie into three parts two armies shewed themselves on each side and the third began to make stay of the vauward Which being known Caesar divided his horses likewise into three parts and sent them to make head against the enemy At the same time they fought in all parts the army stood still the carriages were received within the Legions if our men were overcharged any where Caesar bent the Legions that way which did both hinder the enemy from following them and assure our men of hope of rescue At length the Germans having possest themselves of a hill on the right side did put the enemy from their place and followed them as they fled even to the river where Vercingetorix stayed with the foot companies and slew many of them Whereupon the rest fearing lest they should be encompassed about betook themselves to flight execution was done in all places Three of the Nobilitie of the Hedui were taken and brought to Caesar Cotus the Generall of the horse who at the last election of Magistrates stood in controversie with Convictolitanis and Cavarillus who after the revolt of Litavicus commanded the foot troups and Eporedorix under whose command before Caesars coming into Gallia the Hedui made warre with the Sequani All the cavalrie being put to flight Vercingetorix drew in his forces which he had imbattelled before his camp and immediately after began to march towards Alesia a town of the Mandubii commanding the baggage to be speedily brought out of the camp and to follow him Caesar having conveyed his carriages to the next hill under the custody of two Legions he followed the enemy as long as the day would give him leave and having slain some three thousand of the rereward the next day following he encamped at Alesia OBSERVATIONS THe Galles were much stronger then the Romans in Cavalry both according to quantitie and qualitie but the Roman Infanterie was greater in vertue and worth then any foot forces of the Galles notwithstanding their inequalitie in number Which sheweth that the Romans did more rely upon their legionary souldiers then upon their Equites and may serve for an argument in the handling of that question which is so much debated amongst men of warre whether the horse or the foot companies be of greater importance in the carriage of a warre Which indeed is a question à male dâ—visis being both so necessary for the perfect execution of martiall purposes as they cannot well be disjoyned And if we look particularly in the nature of their severall services we shall easily discern the differences and be able to judge of the validitie of their parts Wherein first it cannot be denied but that foot companies are serviceable to more purposes then troups of horse for the horsemen are of no use but in open and champain places whereas footmen are not only of importance in fielden couâ—treys but are necessary also in mountainous or woodie places in valleys in ditches
in sieges and in all other parts of what site or nature soever where the horsemen cannot shew themselves Whereby it appeareth that the infanterie extendeth its service to more purposes then the cavalrie and maketh the warre compleat which otherwise would prove lame and uneffectuall Touching the weight of the businesse when it cometh to a day of battel it resteth for the most part upon the foot troups for the horsemen are profitable to the army wherein they serve by making discoveries by harrying the enemies countrey by giving succour or rescue upon a suddain by doing execution upon an overthrow and by confronting the enemies horse but these are but as second services and fall short of the main stroke which for the most part is given by the footmen Neither doth a rout given to the cavalrie serving an army royall concern the body of that army further then the services before mentioned but the armie doth oftentimes go on notwithstanding and may well atchieve a happy victory whereas upon the overthrow of the infanterie the horsemen have nothing to do but to shift for themselves and get away to their own home So that it appeareth that the foot companies are the bulk and bodie of the armie and the horse as the armes and outward parts having expedient and necessary offices but alwayes subordinate to the main stroke given by the foot If any man look for proof hereof by example he shall not need to seek further then the Romans being masters of the art military who by an ancient law interdicting the Dictator to have the use of a horse in the warres for his private case intimated as Plutarch saith the strength of their army to consist in their footmen which the Generall in a day of battell should assist with his presence and in no wise forsake them if he would But touching the use of warre amongst them their Equites were so farre short of the service performed by their foot troups that when they would stand to it indeed they forsook their horses and fought on foot as in the battell with the Latines at the lake Regillus which I have already mentioned in my former observations Neither were the Romans tood horsemen as it seemeth by Caesar for he took the horses from the Tribunes and the Roman Equites and gave them to the Germans as better Rutters then any Romans But howsoever a State that aboundeth in horse and trusteth more in them then in foot companies may harrie a champain countrey but shall never be able to follow a warre with that strength as is requisite to make it fortunate CHAP. XXX Caesar besiegeth Alesia and fighteth with the enemies cavalry CAesar having viewed the site of the town and knowing the enemie to be much troubled for the overthrow of their horse in whom they put all their hopes exhorting the souldiers to take a little pains he determined to inclose the town round about with a ditch and a rampier Alesia was sited on the top of a hill in a very eminent place and not to be taken but by a continued siege At the foot of the hill ran two rivers on each side of the town before the town there lay a plain of three miles in length the other sides were inclosed round about in a reasonable distance with hills of equall height with the town Under the wall on the East side lay all the forces of the Galles having drawn a ditch and a drie wall on that part of eight foot in height the whole circuit of the works which the Romans made to inclose the town about contained eleven miles Their camp was sited in a convenient place where there were made three and twentie castles which in the day time were kept by garrâ—sons to prevent any suddain attempts of the enemy and in the night by strong watches The work being begun there happened a skirmish between the cavalrie of both sides in that plain which lay before the town of three miles in length They fought eagerly on both sides Our men being overcharged Caesar sent the Germans to second them and set the Legions before the camp lest there might happen any suddain sally by the foot of the enemy Upon the safegard of the Legions our men took courage The enemy was put to flight and being many in number one hindred another and stuck in heaps in the streight passage of their gates The Germans followed them close to their fortifications and made a great execution amongst them Many of them forsaking their horses attempted to leap the ditch and to climbe over the drie wall Caesar commanded the legions imbattelled before the camp to advance a little forward The Galles that were within the fortification were no little troubled for thinking the enemie would presently have come unto them they made an alarme some were so frighted that they brake into the town Vercingetorix commanded the gates to be shut lest the camp should be left naked of defendants Many of the enemie being slain and very many horses taken the Germans fell off and returned to Caesar OBSERVATIONS FOrasmuch as casualtie and chance have oftentimes the prerogative of a service and in misdeeming opinions do carrie away the honour from vertue and valour the first triall of a fortune is not of that assurance nor so much to be trusted as when it is seconded again with the like effect for when a matter by often triall falleth out to be of one and the same qualitie it sheweth a certainty of a cause producing ends of like condition The Galles as it seemeth were much discouraged upon the first overthrow of their horse in whom they so much believed and altered the course of their high resolutions so farre as where before they sware the overthrow of the Romans they were now content to take the protection of a strong town but this second foil which they received did so assure them of a harder confrontment and stronger opposition then they were able to bear that they never thought of any further triall but were content to go away losers rather then to hazard their lives in a third combat And thus when a second event backeth a former fortune it taketh away the suspicion of casualtie and maketh the winner bold and the loser desperate Pompey was so transported with joy for the blow which he gave Caesar at Dyrrachium that he sent letters of that daies victory into all parts of the world and made his souldiers so secure touching the issue of that warre ut non de ratione belli cogitarent sed vicisse jam sibi viderentur that they never thought how the warre was to be carried on esteeming themselves already absolute victors not remembring as Caesar saith the ordinary changes of warre wherein oftentimes a small matter either of a false suspicion or of a suddain fright or some other accident doth indanger an army which the enemy taketh to himself perinde ac si virtute vicissent as if
Afranius in the compasse of a few daies triumphed of Caesar's overthrow and fled away for fear of his power Whence we may note the advantage coming to a party when they shake off any eminent distresse for as the extremity thereof threatneth ruine and destruction so the alteration bringeth with it an opinion of victorie And surely such is the condition of all sorts of Miserie that when the storm is over and the bitterness of the affliction alaid good times come redoubled upon the Patients as though the vicissitude of things did inforce contrary effects And therefore a Commander knowing the advantage of such an opportunity must indeavour to improve the same as may best serve to a speedy end CHAP. XXI The Enemy setteth forward and is staied by Caesar THe Enemy thereupon thought it expedient for him to make the more haste and therefore leaving two Auxiliary cohorts for the safe keeping of Ilerda he transported all his forces over the River Sicoris and incamped himself with the two legions which formerly he had carried over There remained nothing for Caesar to do but with his Cavalrie to impeach and trouble the enemy in their march And forasmuch as it was a great compasse about to go by the bridge whereby it would come to passe that the Enemy would get to Iberus a farre nearer way he passed over his horsemen by the foord About the third watch as Petreius and Afranius had raised their Camp upon a suddain the Cavalrie shewed themselves in the rere swarming about them in great multitudes began to stay and hinder their passage As soon as it began to be day-light from the upper ground where Caesar lay incamped it was perceived how the rereward of the enemy was hard laid to by our Cavalrie and how sometimes they turned head again and were neverthelesse broken and routed sometimes their Ensignes stood suddenly still and all their foot troups charged our horse and forc't them to give way and then turning back went on their way again The souldiers walking up and down the Camp were grieved that the enemy should so escape their hands whereby the matter would consequently be spun out into a long war and went unto the Centurions and Tribunes of the souldiers praying them to beseech Caesar not to spare them for any danger or labour for they were ready and willing to passe the River where the horse went over Caesar moved through their desire and importunity albeit he feared to expose his Army to a river of that greatness yet he thought it expedient to put it to triall and therefore commanded that the weakest souldiers of all the Centuries should be taken out whose courage or strength shewed a disabilitie to undertake that service and these he left in the Camp with one legion to defend the same bringing out the other legions without carriage or burden and having set a great number of horses and cattell both above and below in the river he transported his Army over Some few of the souldiers being carried away with the stream were succoured and taken up by the horsemen insomuch as not one man perished The Army carried thus over in safety he ranged them in order and marched forward with a three-fold battell Such was the endeavour of the souldier that albeit they had set a circuit of six miles to the foord and had spent much time in passing the river yet by the ninth houre they did overtake the enemie that rose about the third watch of the night Assoon as Afranius and Petreius had discovered the legions afarre off being terrified with the noveltie of that pursuit they betook themselves to the upper ground and there imbattelled their troups In the mean time Caesar refreshed his Armie in the field and would not suffer them being wearie to give battell and as the enemy tried again to go on in their march he followed after and staied them whereby they were forced to incamp sooner then was purposed for there were hills a little before them and for five miles together the passages were very difficult and narrow By which means being advanced between the hills they hoped to be free from Caesar's Cavalrie and by keeping the passages to hinder the Armie from following after to the end they themselves might without perill or fear put their forces over the river Iberus which by all means was to be effected Neverthelesse being wearied with travailing and fighting all day they put off the business to the next morning Caesar also incamped himself on the next hill and about midnight some of their partie being gone out from the Camp somewhat far off to fetch water were taken by the horsemen By them Caesar was advertised that the Enemy with silence began to remove and to lead their troups out of their Camp Whereupon he commanded the signe of rising to be given and the cry dislodging and trussing up their baggage to be taken up according to the discipline and use of souldiers The Enemy hearing the cry fearing least they should be impeached in the night and forced to fight with their burdens on their backs or to be shut up in those straight passages by Caesar's horsemen staied their journey and kept their forces within their Camp OBSERVATIONS THis passage over Sicoris was in the same manner as he carried his Armie over the River Loire in the seventh Commentarie of the war of Gallia Vado per Equites invento pro rei necessitate opportuno ut Brachia modo atque Humeri ad sustinenda arma liberi ab aqua esse possent disposito equitatu qui vim fluminis frangerent incolumem exercitum transduxit The horsemen having found a foord indifferent convenient in regard of the necessity they were put to to the end that the souldiery might have their arms and shoulders at liberty and not be hindered by the water from carrying their weapons he so disposed his horse that he broke the force of the river with them and so carried his Army over in safety The horse that stood above brake the force of the water and those that were below took up such as were overcome with the stream and withall gave courage to the souldier to venture with better assurance seeing the passage impaled in on each side to keep them from miscarrying His attempt upon Sicoris to abate the swelling pride of that River by dividing it into many streams was in imitation of the first Cyrus who taking displeasure at the River Cyndes next unto Euphrates the greatest River of Assâ—ria drew it into three hundred and threescore channels Croesus not finding the River Halis passable by a foord and having no means to make a bridge sunk a great trench behind the Camp from the upper part of the River and so drew all the water behind his Army Vegetius hath a particular discourse of passing an Army over a River whether it be by bridge or boat or by wading or swimming
down the Hill they dâ—d the more urge and presse upon them and would not suffer them to fall back for that they seemed to forsake the Place for fear It is reported that Pompey should then in a vain-glory say to those that were about him That he would be content to be taken for a Generall of no worthâ— if Caesar's men could make any retreat from thence where they were so rashly ingaged without great losse Caesar fearing the retreat of his souldiers caused Hurdles to be brought and sâ—t against the Enemy in the brimme of the Hill and behind them sunk a trench of an indifferent latitude and incumbered the place as much as possibly he could He lodged also Slingers in convenient places to defend his men in their retreat These things being perfected he caused the legions to be drawn back But Pompey's party began with greater boldness and insolency to presse our people and putting by the Hurdles which were set there as a Barricado they passed over the ditch Which when Caesar perceived fearing least they should rather seem to be beaten off then be brought back whereby a greater scandall might consequently ensue having almost from the mid-way incouraged his men by Antonius who commanded that legion he willed that the signe of charging the Enemy should be given by a Tâ—umpet and gave order to assault them The souldiers of the ninth legion putting themselves suddenly into order threw their Pâ—les and running furiously from the lower ground up the steep of the Hill drave the Enemy headlong from them who found the Hurdles the long poles and the ditches to be a great hinderance unto them in their retreat It contented our men to leave the place without losse so that having slain many of them they came away very quietly with the losse of sive of their fellows And having staied about that place a while they took other hills and perfected the fortifications upon them OBSERVATIONS THis Chapter sheweth that advantage of place and some such industrious courses as may be fitted to the occasion are of great consequence in extremities of war but above all there is nothing more availeable to clear a danger then valour Valour is the Hercules that overcometh so many Monsters and verifieth that saying which cannot be too often repeated Virtute faciendum est quâ—cquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum What a man does in matter of war must be done with valour But of this I have already treated CHAP. XVIII The scarcity which either Partiâ— endured in this siege THe carriage of that war was in a strange and unusuall manner as well in respect of the great number of Forts and Castles containing such a circuit of ground within one continued fortification as also in regard of the whole siege and of other consequents depending thereupon For whosoever goeth about to besiege another doth either take occasion from the weakness of the Enemy daunted or stricken with fear or overcome in battail or otherwise being moved thereunto by some injurie offered whereas now it happened that they were far the stronger both in horse and foot And generally the cause of almost all sieges is to keep an enemy from provision of Corn but Caesar being then far inferiour in number of souldiers did neverthelesse besiege an Army of intire and untouched forces especially at a time when they abounded with all necessary provisions for every day came great store of shipping from all parts bringing plenty of all things needfull neither could there any wind blow which was not good from some part or other On the other side Caesar having spent all the Corn he could get far or near was in great want and scarcity and yet notwithstanding the souldiers did bear it with singular patience for they remembred how they had suffered the like the year before in Spain and yet with patience and labour had ended a great and dangerous war They remembred likewise the exceeding great want they indured at Alesia and much greater at Avaricum and yet for all that they went away Conquerers of many great Nations They refused neither Barlie nor Pease when it was given them in stead of Wheat And of Cattell whereof they were furnished with great store out of Epirus they made great account There was also a kind of root found out by them that were with Valerius called Chara which eaten with Milk did much relieve their want and made withall a kind of bread whereof they had plenty And when Pompey's Party happened in their Colloquies to cast in their teeth their scarcity and misery they would commonly throw this kind of bread at them and scatter it in divers places to discourage them in their hopes And now Corn began to be ripe and hope it self did relieve their want for that they trusted to have plenty within a short time And oftentimes the souldiers in their watches and conferences were heard to let fall speeches that they would rather eat the bark of trees then suffer Pompey to escape out of their hands Besides they understood by such as ran away from the Enemy that their horse of service could scarce be kept alive and that the rest of their Cattell were all dead and that the souldiers themselves were in no good health as well through the narrowness of the place wherein they were pent as also by means of the ill savour and multitude of dead bodies together with continuall labour being unaccustomed to travel and pains but especially through the extreme want of water for all the Rivers and Brooks of that quarter Caesar had either turned another way or dammed up with great works And as the places were mountainous with some intermission and distinction of Valleys in the form and fashion of a Cave or Den so he stopped the same with great piles beaten into the ground and interlated with fagots and hurdles and then strengthened with earth to keep back the water insomuch as they were constrained to seek low grounds and Marish places and there to sink Wells Which labour they were glad to undertake besides their daily works albeit these Wells stood far distant from their Garrisons and were quickly dried up with heat But Caesar's Army was in exceeding good health and had plenty of water together with all kind of provisions excepting Wheat which the season of the year daily brought on and gave them hope of store Harvest being so near at hand In this new course of war new policies and devices of warfare were invented and put in practice by either Partie They perceiving by the fires that our Cohorts in the night time kept watch at the works came stealing out and discharged all their Arrows upon them and then presently retreated Wherewith our men being warned found out this remedy that they made their fires in one place and kept their watch in another THE FIRST OBSERVATION FOrasmuch as all matter of attempt doth much import the fortune of a war we may not omit to take notice
a Maniple was either a Hand or a Dragon a Wolf or a Sphinx as it appeareth besides the testimony of history by the Column of Trajan in Rome wherein the Ensignes are figured with such pourtraitures so that these Ensignes resembling the proportions of living creatures had their fore-parts alwayes carried that way which the legious were to march or where they were to fight And therefore in this history by the aspect and carrying of the Ensignes the front of the Army was commonly noted as in this place it is said that the Ensignes of the first and second battel were carried towards the hill whither the Helvetians had made their retreat and the Ensignes of the third battel looked another way towards the Boii and Tulingi which stood on the foot of the hill By which is signified how the legions were divided to resist the brunt of the double incounter THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the time of the day we are to understand that the Romans used not the same division of the day as we commonly do for they divided their artificiall which is the space between sun-rising and setting into twelve equall parts which the Astronomers called unequall or planetary houres The first houre of the day began alwayes at sun-rising the sixth houre was alwayes high noon and the twelfth houre was sun-setting And as the day waxed longer or shorter so these houres were either greater or lesse neither did they agree with equall or equinoctiall houres such as are now used but only at the Aequinoctium so that by this manner of reckoning Ab hora septima ad vesperum is meant the battel began about one of the clock according to our Computation and continued untill the evening The like we must understand throughout this whole history as often as there is mention made of the circumstance of time Chap. X. The Helvetians continue their fight at the carriages but at length they leave the field and march towards Langres IN like manner the fight was kept on foot at the carriages untill it was far in the night the place being fortified with Carts instead of a Rampier and the Enemy casting their weapons from the upper ground and with Darts and Javelins under the waggons and from between the wheeles did wound and gall many of our men After a long conflict our souldiers took their carriages and their Camp wherein Orgetorix daughter and one of his sons were taken There were saved out of that battel about one hundred and thirty thousand persons who marching continually all that night and making no stay in any place came the fourth day into the confines of the Lingones for by reason of the souldiers hurts and the buriall of the slain wherein there was spent three dayes there was no pursuit made after them OBSERVATION IF we consider the nature of the action and look into the true cause of their overthrow as far as the right sense of the history shall direct our judgement we shall find valour not to be wanting in the Helvetians but rather superlatively abounding in the Romans For that vehement opinion of their valiancy and manhood which carried them out of the starits of the Country to seek larger fortunes in other kingdoms was not so abated with the losse of the fourth part of their Host at the river Arar nor with the terrible fury of those veterane legions but it yielded this effect which Caesar in his estimate of valour thought memorable that for five houres space or more there was not one man seen to have turned his back Their manner of imbattelling had not the Romans been the enemy was unresistable For being cast into a Phâ—lanx which in the Plaines of Asia had made Alexander the great and the Macedomans famous they did as farr surpasse any other form of imbattelling supposing that the conveniency of the place did fit that disposition wherein the strength of the whole is divided into many particulars as the violence of a great body exceedeth the force and motion of his parts when it is divided into smaller cantons For as in a phalanx many particular souldiers are by a close and compact order incorporated into one entire body so their severall vertues are gathered into one head and are as parts united into one generall force which easily swalloweth up the ability of many other lesser quantities into which a greater strength is equally divided The advantage of the place which they got by retreat and the double charge wherewith they ingaged the Romans both in front and flank was able in an indifferent conflict to have made Fortune fugitive and bear armes on their side or at the least so to have stâ—â—med the swelling tide of victory which carried the Romans so violently in the chase that they might have been equall shaters in the honour of the day had it not followed from an Ocean of valour whose course could not be hindered with any stops and oppositions untill it came to that height which true valour and unexampled resolution affected And yet the height of this courage could not so allay the heat of the Helvetians fury but it brake forth into dangerous flames when it came to the place where their carriages were laid and cost much bloud and many mens lives before they quitted the place for they fought with that spirit and industry as though they meant to make triall whether their fortune would prove no better in the might then it had done in the day The overthrow of the Tigâ—râ—e Canton at the river Arar proceeded rather from want of good ducâ—tions which is the lesse to be marvelled at considering they had no chief Commander as we read of then from any defect of valour for the rules of Military government 〈◊〉 especiall care in passing over a water for then especially an Army is in greatest danger when it is disordered and divided And therefore the Romans atchieved this victory by the horrible vigilancy as Tully calleth it of their Commandeâ— who alwayes watched opportunitates reâ— bene gerendae as necessary and speedy meanes to overcome in all his wars Chap. XI Caesar after three dayes respite followeth after the Helvetians he taketh them to mercy and sendeth them back again to the Country Caesar sent Letters and Messengers to the Lingones forbidding to supply them either with Cornor any other thing which if they did he would esteem of them as of the Helvetians Himself after three dayes respite follwed after with all his forces The Helvetians pressed with the want of all necessary provisions sent Commissioners unto him to treat of their rendition Who meeting him on the way cast themselves at his feet and with humble words and tears desired Peace Being commanded to attend in the place they then were they accordingly obeyed Caesar being come up unto them required hostages together with their Arms and servants as also the fugitives that were sled unto them While those things were sought out and brought in the
their exiled judgement discovered their breath of discipline for contrary to the course of Military government they had presumed not only to make inquiry but to give out whether and upon what service they were carried which in the rigour of Camp-policy could not passe without due punishment For what can more contradict the fortunate successe of an expedition then to suffer it to be measured with the vulgar conceit or weighed in the balance of such false judgements especially when those weak Censors are to be Actors and Executioners of the designe for then every man will sute the nature of the action according to his own humour although his humour be led with blindnesse and have no other direction then an uncertain apprehension of profit or disadvantage And in this case there cannot be a better president then Nature hath prescribed for as naturall Agents whilst they concurre to produce a work of absolute perfection neither know what they do nor can discern the things they look upon but yield themselves to be guided by a Moderatour of infinite knowledge so ought a multitude to submit their ability to the direction of some wise and prudent Captain that beholdeth the action in true honour and balanceth the losse of many particulars with the health and safety of the publick good For if every man should prescribe who should obey Tam nescire quaedam milites quam scire oportet saith Otho in Tacitus upon the like disorder and again Parendo potius quam imperia ducum sciscitando res militares continentur Which proveth that the greatest vertue which is required in a souldier is obedience as a thing wherein the force of all discipline consisteth THE THIRD OBSERVATION IN the reason which he useth to prove their disparity of valour in regard of the Romans who were superiour to the Helvetians that had oftentimes overthrown the Germans he strengtheneth the argument with the advantage of the place and saith that the Helvetians had put them to the worst not onely where the Helvetians dwelt themselves but even in their own Country and at home at their own doors as though an enemy were charged with greater fury in the presence of a mans own Country and dearest friends then in a strange and unknown land This question was handled in the Roman Senate by Fabius Maximus and Scipio surnamed Africanus when they sate in councell how to rid their Country of that subtile Carthaginian that for sixteen years space had fretted like a canker the beauty of Italy wasted the land and brought it to desolation sacked their confederates or alienated them from their duty overthrown their Armies slain their Consuls and threatned their imperiall City with ruine and destruction Fabius upon the motion to make war in Africk thought it agreeable to nature first to defend that which was their own before they attempted other mens possessions when peace was established in Italy then let war be set on foot in Africk and first let them be without fear themselves before they went about to terrify others for those forces afforded little hope of victory in another kingdome that were not able to free their own Country from so dangerous an enemy Alcibiades overthrew the Athenian Commonweal with the like counsell and concerning Hannibal let them be sure of this that they should find him a sorer enemy in his own Country then in another kingdome Scipio on the other side carried on with the honour of so glorious an enterprise wanted neither reasons nor example to impugne Fabius his authority for he shewed that Agathocles the Syracusian king being a long time afflicted with the Punick war averted the Carthaginian from Sicily by transporting his forces into Africk But how powerfull it was to take away fear by retorting danger upon the Oppressour could there be a presenter example then Hannibal There was great difference in the nature of the action between the spoil and wast of a strangers Country and to see their own native Country wasted with sword and destruction Plus animi est inferenti periculum quam propulsanti For he that invadeth anothers kingdome easily discovereth both the advantage which may be taken against the enemy and the strength whereupon he resteth And amongst the variable events of war many unexpected occasions arise which present victory to him that is ready to take it and many strange chances so alter the course of things that no foresight can discern what may happen With these and the like remonstrances this question of no lesse doubt then importance was handled by two famous and worthy Captains whose minds as it seemed were intangled with such particular affections for the present as might rather draw them to wrest reason to their own humour then to determine in sincerity of judgement upon what specialities the truth was grounded in the contrariety of their positions But to leave other commodities or disadvantages which were annexed unto either part I will onely set down some reasons to prove how valour and courage may either grow or be abated by the accidents which rise in a war of that nature And first this cannot be denied the testimony of an infallible truth being grounded upon the property of mans nature that as advantage bringeth hope of victory and hope conceiveth such spirits as usually follow when the thing which is hoped for is effected and thereby the courage becometh hardy and resolute in victory so on the other side disadvantage and danger breed fear fear so checketh valour and controuleth the spirits that vertue and honour give place to distrust and yield up their interest to such directours as can afford nothing but diffidence and irresolution Neither can to be denied but he that setteth upon an enemy in a strange country and so preventeth such attempts as might be made upon his own territories hath that advantage which giveth life unto action and steeleth his enterprise with resolution For besides the commodity of leaving when he list and proceeding as far forth as he shall find his means able to fortunate his attempts he knoweth that the strife and controversy is not forth is native Country which he quietly enjoyeth and is reserved at all times to entertain him howsoever Fortune shall favour his designes but for a Strangers kingdome which his ambition thirsteth after wherein forasmuch as the riches and wealth of that State are laid before them as the recompence of their labour besides the honour which is atchieved thereby every mans valour soareth at a high pitch and their courage is increased without any trouble or disturbance of the other faculties of the mind But when a Prince shall be assaulted in his own â—ingdome and in the sight of his subjects have â—is land consumed with ruine and destruction the danger will so disturb the powers of the soul thaâ—â—â—ough the turbulent disorder of the weaker parts the better faculties will lose their prerogative of advising how the enemy may be best resisted when as every
our proceedings to that certainty which riseth from the things themselves And this is the rather to be urged inasmuch as our leaders are oftentimes deceived when they look no further then to match an enemy with equality of number referring their valour to be tried in the battell not considering that the eye of it self cannot discern the difference between two champions of like presence and outward carriage unlesse it see their strength compared together and weighed as it were in the scale of triall which Caesar omitted not diligently to observe before he would adventure the hazard of battell For besides his own satisfaction it gave great encouragement to his men when they saw themselves able to countermatch an enemy and knew their task to be subject to their strength Neither did he observe it only at this instant but throughout the whole course of his actions for we find that he never incountered any enemy but with sufficient power either in number or in valour to make head against them which equality of strength being first laid as a sure foundation he used his own industry and skill and the discipline wherein his men were trained as advantages to oversway his adversarie and so drew victory maugre fortune unto himself and seldome failed in any of his battels Chap. III. Caesar passeth his Army over the river Axona leaving Titerius Sabinus encamped on the other side with six cohorts AS soon as Caesar understood as well by his discovers as from the men of Rhemes that all the power of the Belgae was assembled together into one place and was now making towards him no great distance off he made all the haste he could to passe his Army over the River Axona which divided the men of Rhemes from the other Belgae and there encamped Whereby he brought to passe that no enemy could come on the back of him to work any disadvantage and that corn might be brought unto him from Rhemes and other cities without danger And further that he might command the passage back again as occasion should serve to his best advantage he fortified a bridge which he found on the river with a strong garrison of men and caused Titurius Sabinus a Legate to encamp himself on the other side of the river with six cohorts commanding him to fortify his camp with a rampier of 12 foot in altitude and a trench of 18 foot in breadth OBSERVATION IF it be demanded why Caesar did passe his Army over the river leaving it on his back and did not rather attend the enemy on the other side and so take the advantage of hindring him if he should attempt to passe over I will set down the reasons in the sequele of this warre as the occurrences shall fall out to make them more evident In the mean time let us enter into the particularitie of these six cohorts that we may the better judge of such troups which were employed in the services of this war But that we may the better conjecture what number of souldiers these six cohorts did contain it seemeth expedient a little to discourse of the companies and regiments which the Romans used in their Armies And first we are to understand that the greatest and chiefest regiment in a Roman Armie was termed by the name of Legio as Varro saith quod leguntur milites in delectu or as Plutarch speaketh quod lecti ex omnibus essent militares so that it taketh the name Legio of the choice and selecting of the souldiers Romulus is said to be the first authour and founder of these legions making every legion to contain 3000 souldiers but shortly after they were augmented as Festus recordeth unto 4000 and afterward again from 4000 to 4200. And that number was the common rate of a legion untill Hannibal came into Italy and then it was augmented to 5000 but that proportion continued only for that time And again when Scipio went into Africk the legions were increased to 6200 footmen and 300 horse And shortly after the Macedonian warre the legions that continued in Macedonie to keep the Province from rebellion consisted of 6000 footmen and 300 horse Out of Caesar it cannot be gathered that a legion in his time did exceed the number of 5000 men but oftentimes it was short of that number for he himself saith that in this warre in Gallia his souldiers were so wasted that he had scarce 7000 men in two legions And if we examine that place out of the 3. of the civile warre where he saith that in Pompey his Army were 110 cohorts which amounted to the number of 55000 men and it being manifest as well by this number of cohorts as by the testimony of divers authours that Pompey his Army consisted of 11 legions if we divide 55000 into 11 parts we shall find a legion to consist of 5000 men Which number or thereabout being generally known to be the usuall rate of a legion the Romans alwayes expressed the strength of their Army by the number of legions that were therein as in this warre it is said that Caesar had eight legions which by this account might arise to 40000 men besides associates and such as necessarily attended the Army Further we are to understand that every legion had his peculiar name by which it was known and distinguished from the rest and that it took either from their order of muster or enrollement as that legion which was first enrolled was called the first legion and that which was second in the choice the second legion and so consequently of the rest and so we read in this history the seventh the eighth the ninth the tenth the eleventh and twelfth legion or otherwise from the place of their warfare and so we read of legiones Germanicae Pannonica Britannicae and such others and sometime of their Generall as Augusta Claudia Vitelliana legiones and so forth or to conclude from some accident of quality as Rapax Victrix Fulminifera Plundring Victorious Lightning and such like And thus much of the name and number of a legion which I must necessarily distinguish into divers kinds of souldiers according to the first institution of the old Romans and the continuall observation thereof unto the decay of the Empire before I come to the description of these smaller parts whereof a Legion was compounded First therefore we are to understand that after the Consuls had made a generall choise and sworn the souldiers the Tribunes chose out the youngest and poorest of all the rest and called them by the name of Velites Their place in regard of the other souldiers was both base and dishonourable not only because they fought afar off and were lightly armed but also in regard they were commonly exposed to the enemy as our forlorn hopes are Having chosen out a competent number for this kind they proceeded to the choice of them which they called Hastati a degree above the Velites both in age
and wealth termed them by the name of Hastati forasmuch as at their first institution they fought with a kind of Javelin which the Romans called Hasta but before Polybius his time they used Piles notwithstanding their ancient name continued unto the later time of the Empire The third choice which they made was of the strongest lustiest-bodied men who for the prime of their age were called Principes the rest that remain'd were named Triarii as Varro saith Quod tertio ordine extremis sub sidio deponuntur These were alwayes the eldest and best-experienced men and were placed in the third division of the battell as the last help and refuge in all extremitie Polybius saith that in his time the Velites Hastati and Principes did consist of 1200 men apiece and the Triarii never exceeded the number of 600. although the generall number of a legion were augmented whereof Lâ—psius alledgeth these reasons First because these Triarii consisted of the best of the souldiers and so might countervail a greater number in good worth and valour Secondly they seldome came to buckle with the enemy but when the controversy grew very doubtfull Lastly we may well conjecture that the voluntaries and extraordinary followers ranged themselves amongst these Triaries and so made the third battell equall to either of the former but howsoever they never exceeded the number of 600. And by this it appeareth that in Polybius his time the common rate of a legion was 4200. In this division of their men consisted the ground of that well-ordered discipline for in that they distinguished them according to their yeares and ability they reduced their whole strength into severall classes and so disposed of these different parts that in the generall composition of their whole body every part might be fitted with place and office accâ—â—ding as his worth was answerable to the same and so they made not only a number of grosse but a number distinct by parts and properties that from every accident which met with any part of the Army the judgement might determine how much or how little it imported the whole body besides the great use which they made of this distinction in their degrees of honour and preferment a matter of no small consequence in the excellency of their government The souldiers at their enrollement being thus divided according to their yeares and ability they then reduced them into smaller companies to make them fitter for command and fight and so they divided the Hastatâ— Principes and Triarii each of them into 10 companies making of those three sorts of souldiers 30 small regiments which they called Manipuli And again they subdivided every maniple into two equal parts and called them Ordines which was the least company in a legion and according to the rate set down by Polybius contained 60 souldiers In every Ordo there was a Centurion or Captain and a Lieutenant whom they named Optio or Tergiductor The maniples of the Triarii were much lesser then the maniples of either the Hastati or the Principes forasmuch as their whole band consisted but of 600 men The Velites were put into no such companies but were equally distributed amongst the other maniples and therefore the Hastati Principes and Triarii were called subsignani milites to make a difference between them and the Velites which were not divided into bands and so consequently had no ensigne of their own but were distributed amongst the other companies so that every Maniple had 40 Velites attending upon it And now I come to the description of a Cohort which the history here mentioneth The word Cohors in Latine doth signify that part of ground which is commonly inclosed before the gate of a house which from the same word we call a court and Varro giveth this reason of the metaphor As in a farm house saith he many out-buildings joyned together make one inclosure so a cohort consisteth of severall maniples joyned together in one body This cohort consisted of three maniples for every legion had ten cohorts which must necessarily comprehend those thirty maniples but these three maniples were not all of one and the same kind of souldiers as three maniples of the Hastati three of the Principes and three of the Triarii as Patricius in his Paralleli seemeth to affirm for so there would have remained an odd maniple in every kind that could not have been brought into any cohort But a cohort contained a maniple of the Hastati a maniple of the Principes and a maniple of the Triarii and so all the thirty maniples were included into ten cohorts and every cohort was as a little legion forasmuch as it consisted of all those sorts of souldiers that were in a legion So that making a legion to contain five thousand men a cohort had five hundred and so these six cohorts which he encamped on the other side of the river under the command of Titurius Sabinus contained three thousand souldiers but if you make a legion to consist but of four thousand two hundred which was the more usuall rate there were two thousand five hundred and twenty souldiers in these six cohorts By this therefore it may appear that a legion consisted of four sorts of souldiers which were reduced into ten cohorts and every cohort contained three maniples and every maniple two orders and every order had his Centurion marching in the head of the troup and every Centurion had his Optionem or Lieutenant that stood in the tail of the troup When a legion stood ranged in battell ready to confront the enemy the least body or squadron that it contained was a maniple wherein the two orders were joyned together making joyntly ten in front and twelve in file and so every five files had their Centurion in front and Lieutenant in the rereward to direct them in all adventures In the time of the Emperours their battalions consisted of a cohort and never exceeded that number how great soever the Army were Polybius distinguishing a maniple into two centuries or orders saith that the Centurion first chosen by the Tribunes commanded the right order which was that order which stood on the right hand known by the name of Primus ordo and the Centurion elected in the second course commanded the left order and in the absence of either of them he that was present of them two commanded the whole maniple And so we find that the Centurion of the first place was called Prior Centuriâ— in which sense Caesar is to be understood where he saith that all the Centurions of the first cohort were slain praeter principem priorem From whence we gather two specialities first the priority between the Centurions of the same Maniple for a cohort consisting of three Maniples whereof the first Maniple were Triarii the second Principes and the third Hastati and every Maniple containing two orders and
every order a Centurion he saith that all the Centurions of this cohort were slain saving the first or upper Centurion of the Principes The second thing which I observe is the title of the first cohort for these ten cohorts whereof a Legion consisted were distinguished by degrees of worthinesse and that which was held the worthiest in the censure of the Electors took the priority both of place and name and was called the first cohort the next the second cohort and so consequently unto the tenth and last Neither did the Legions want their degrees of preeminence both in imbattelling and in encamping according either to the seniority of their inrollment or the favour of their Generall or their own vertue And so we read that in these wars in Gallia the tenth Legion had the first place in Caesars Army And thus much concerning the divisions and severall companies of a Legion and the degrees of honour which they held in the same Upon this description it shall not be amisse briefly to lay open the most apparent commodities depending upon this discipline the excellency whereof more plainly appeareth being compared to that order which Nature hath observed in the frame of her worthiest creatures for it is evident that such works of Nature come nearest to perfect excellency whose materiall substance is most particularly distinguished into parts and hath every part indued with that property which best agreeth to his peculiar service For being thus furnished with diversity of instruments and these directed with fitting abilities the creature must needs expresse many admirable effects and discover the worth of an excellent nature whereas those other bodies that are but slenderly laboured and find lesse favour in Natures forge being as abortives or barbarously composed wanting the diversity both of parts and faculties are no way capable of such excellent uses nor fit for such distinct services as the former that are directed with so many properties inabled with the power of so wel-distinguisht faculties Which better works of Nature the Romans imitated in the Architecture of their Army dividing it into such necessary and serviceable parts as were best fitting all uses and imploiments as first Legions and legions into cohorts and cohorts into maniples and maniples into centuries or orders and these into files wherein every man knew his place and kept the same without exchange or confusion and thus the universall multitude was by order disposed into parts untill it came unto a unity For it cannot be denied but that these centuries were in themselves so sensibly distinguished that every souldier carried in his mind the particular Map of his whole century for in imbattelling every century was disposed into five files containing twelve in a file whereof the leaders were alwayes certain and never changed but by death or some other speciall occasion and everie leader knew his follower and every second knew the third man and so consequently unto the last Upon these particularities it plainly appeareth how easy a matter it was to reduce their troups into any order of a march or a battell to make the front the slank or slank front when they were broken and disrankt to rally them into any form when every man knew both his own and his fellows station If any companies were to be imploied upon sudden service the generall Idea of the Army being so deeply imprinted in the mind of the commanders would not suffer them to eâ—re in taking out such convenient troups both for number and quality as might best agree with the safety of the Army or nature of the action At all occasions and opportunities these principles of advantage offered themselves as ready means to put in execution any design or stratagem whatsoever the project was no sooner resolved of but every man could readily point out the companies that were â—it to execute the intention And which is more important in regard of the life and spirit of every such part their sodality was sweetned or rather strengthened with the mutuall acquaintance and friendship one of another the captain marching alwayes in the head of the troup the ensign in the midst and the lieutenant in the rereward and every man accompanied with his neighbour and his friend which bred a true and unfeigned courage both in regard of themselves and of their followers Besides these specialities the places of title and dignity depending upon this order were no small means to cut off all matter of civile discord and intestine dissension for here every man knew his place in the File and every File knew his place in the Century and every Century in the Maniple and every Maniple in the Cohort and every Cohort in the Legion and every Legion in the Army and so every souldier had his place according to his vertue and every place gave honour to the man according as their discipline had determined thereof The want of this discipline hath dishonoured the martiall government of this age with bloâ—dshed and murthers whereof Tâ—ance is too true a witnesse as well in regard of the French themselves as of our English forces that have been sent thither to appeale their tumults for through defect of this order which allotteth to every man his due place the controversy grew between Sir William Drurie and Sir John Burrowes the issue whereof is too well known to the world wherein as our Commanders in France have been negligent so I may not forget to give due commendation to the care which is had of this point amongst the English troups in the service of the States in the United Provinces where they are very curious in appointing every man his place in the File and every File in the Troup and find much benefit thereby besides the honour of reviving the Roman discipline To conclude this point I will only touch in a word the benefit which the Romans found in their small battalions and the disadvantage which we have in making great squadrons And first it cannot be denied but that such troups stand best appointed for disposition and array of battell which standing strong to receive a shock bring most men to â—ight with the enemy for the principall things which are required in setting of a battell are so to order the troups that the depth in slank may serve conveniently to withstand the assault taking up no more men then may well serve for that purpose and giving means to the rest to fight with the enemy and in these two points were both their defensive and offensive considerations comprehended But smaller troups and battalions afford this conveniency better then great squadrons which drown up many able men in the depth of their â—lanks and never suffer them to appear but when the breaking of the squadron doth present them to the butchery of the enemy The Macedonian Phalanx as I have noted in the first book never carried above sixteen in slank and brought five hundred to fight in front And these
little battalions considering them as they stood in battell ray made as great a front or greater then that of the Phalanx keeping a depth answerable to the same besides the second and third battell which alwayes were to succour them which the Phalanx wanted neither would their thick and close imbattelling admit any such succour behind them Now if we compare the advantages and discommodities which by place and accident were incident to either of these we shall find great odds between them These great squadrons are not feasible but in plain and open places where they may either stand immoveable or make easy and slow motions without shaking or disordering their body but the lesser are a scantling for all places champain or wooddy levell or uneven or of what site or quality soever And to conclude if two or three ranks of these great battalions chance to be broken and disordered the whole body is as much interessed in the disorder as the said ranks are and hath lesse means to rally it self then any other lesser company but if any violence chance to rout a Maniple it proceedeth no further in the Army then that part which it taketh Neithe can the disranking of any one part betray the safety of the Army to disorder and confusion forasmuch as their distinction served to cut off such inconveniences and yet no way hindered the generall uniting of their strength into one body More may be said concerning this matter but I only point at it and leave the due consideration thereof to the judgement of our Commanders and return to our history CHAP. IV. The Belgae attempt the surprize of Bibrax Caesar sendeth succour unto it THere was a town called Bibrax belonging to the state of Rhemes about eight miles from Caesars camp which the Belgae thought to have surprised as they came along to meet with Caesar and suddenly assaulted it with such fury that the townsmen could hardly hold out the first day The Celtae and Belgae use one and the same manner in assaulting a town For having beset the whole compasse of the wall with rankes of souldiers they never cease flinging of stones untill they find the wall naked of defendants and then casting themselves into a Testudo they approach to the gate and undermine the walls Which thing was easily effected here for so great was the number of them that threw stones and darts that it was impossible for the defendants to abide upon the walls Assoone as the night had made an end of the assault Iccius of Rhemes a man of great birth and authority in his countrey who at that time was governour of the town and had been before with Caesar to treat and conclude a Peace sent him word by messengers that if there came not present succour he was not able to hold out any longer The same night about midnight using the same messengers for guides he sent both Numidian and Cretian Archers Slingers of the Iles of Baleares to relieve the town by meanes whereof the townsmen were put in good hope to make their party strong and the enemy made hopelesse of winning the town and therefore after a small stay having depopulated their fields and burned their villages and out-buildings they marched with all their power towards Caesars Camp and within lesse then two miles of the Army they incamped their whole host which as was gathered by the smoke and fire took up more ground then eight miles in breadth THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the description of their assault we are to observe two circumstances The first is the manner they used in a sudden surprise The second is the form and quality of a Testudo Although Caesar seemeth to attribute this manner of assaulting a town as peculiar to the Galles yet we may not think but that the Romans used it as often as they had occasion to surprise any city but because the Galles knew no other means to take a town but this therefore he setteth it down as peculiar unto them The Romans called this manner of assault Corona and so we read oftentimes this phrase Cingere urbem corona forasmuch as the souldiers inclosed the town with a circle and so resembled a crown or garland Ammianus speaketh of a triple crown of souldiers which encompassed a town And Josephus telleth of Jotapata which the Romans besieged duplici peditum corona with a double circle of footmen and besides these there was a third circle of horsemen outmost of all There is no further matter to be observed but this that in surprising a town they incircled it round about with thick continued ranks of men and where they found the wall weakest there they entred as they could THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Testudo requireth a larger discourse and is lively described in Livie after this manner In the Amphitheatre where the people did often assemble to see strange sights and publick shews were brought in saith he sixty lusty young men who after some motion and seemly march cast themselves into a square troup and roofing their heads close with their targets the first rank which made the front of the Testudo stood up right on their feet the second rank bowed it self somewhat lower the third and fourth ranks did more incline themselves and so consequently unto the last rank which kneeled on the ground and so they made a body resembling halfe the side of an house which they called Testudo Unto this squadron so strongly combined together came two souldiers running some an hundred and fifty foot off and threatning each other with their weapons ran nimbly up the side of the roof and sometimes making as though they would defend it against an enemy that would have entred upon it sometimes again encountering each other in the midst of it leaped up and down as steadily as if they had been upon firm ground And which is more strange the front of a Testudo being applyed to the side of a wall there ascended many armed men upon the said Testudo and fought in an equall height with other souldiers that stood upon the said wall to defend it The dissimilitude in the composition was this that the souldiers that were in front and in the sides of the square carried not their Targets over their heads as the other did but covered their bodies with them and so no weapons either cast from the wall or otherwise thrown against it could any way hurt them and whatsoever weight fell upon the Testudo it quickly glyded down by the declivity of the roof without any hurt or annoiance at all Thus far Livie goeth neither do I know what to say further of it the chiefest use thereof was in a surprise or sudden attempt against a town before the townsmen were throughly prepared to defend the same This invention served them to approach the wall with safety and so either to undermine it or to climb up and to that end they oftentimes erected one Testudo
off to get turf and matter for the rampier to be sent for the battel to be ordered his men to be incouraged and the sign of battel to be given the most of which were cut off by shortnesse of time and the sudden assault of the Enemy THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS the Romans excelled all other nations in many good customes so especially in their camp-discipline they strove to be singular for it seemed rather an Academy or a City of civile government then a camp of souldiers so carefull were they both for the safety and skilfull experience of their men at Arms. For touching the first they never suffered their souldiers to lodge one night without a camp wherein they were inclosed with ditch and rampier as in a walled town neither was it any new invention or late found out custome in their State but in use amongst the ancient Romans and in the time of their kings Their manner of encamping was included within these circumstances Porta Praetoria THE ROMAINE CAMPE Porta Dceumana The Generals tent being thus placed they considered which side of the pavilion lay most commodious for forrage and water and on that side they lodged the legions every legion divided one from another by a street or lane of fifty foot in breadth and according to the degree of honour that every legion had in the Army so were they lodged in the camp either in the midst which was counted most honourable or towards the side which was of meaner reputation And again according to the place of every cohort in his legion so was it lodged nearer the pavilion of the Emperour towards the heart of the camp and so consequently every maniple took place in the cohort distinguishing their preeminence by lodging them either toward the middle or to the outsideward according as they distinguished the place of their legions There went a street of fifty in breadth overthwart the midst of all the legions which was called Quintana for that it divided the fifth cohort of every legion from the sixth Between the tents of the first maniples in every legion and the Praetorium there went a way of a hundred foot in breadth throughout the whole camp which was called Principia in this place the Tribunes sat to hear matters of justice the souldiers exercised themselves at their weapons and the leaders and chief commanders frequented it is as a publick place of meeting and it was held for a reverent and sacred place and so kept with a correspondent decency On either side the Emperours pavilion in a direct line to make even and straight the upper side of the Principia the Tribunes had their Tents pitched every Tribune confronting the head of the legion whereof he was Tribune above them towards the head of the camp were the Legates and Treasurer the upper part of the camp was strengthened with some select cohorts and troups of horse according to the number of legions that were in the Army Polybius describing the manner of encamping which the Romans used in his time when as they had commonly but two legions in their Army with as many associates placeth the Ablecti and Extraordinarii which were select bands and companies in the upper part of the camp and the associates on the outside of the legions The ditch and the rampier that compassed the whole camp about was two hundred foot distant from any tent whereof Polybius giveth these reasons first that the souldiers marching into the camp in battell array might there dissolve themselves into maniples centuries and decuries without tumult or confusion for order was the thing which they principally respected as the life and strength of their martiall body And again if occasion were offered to sally out upon an Enemy they might very conveniently in that spacious room put themselves into companies and troups and if they were assaulted in the night the darts and fire-works which the Enemy should cast into their camp would little indamage them by reason of the distance between the rampier and the tents Their tents were all of skins and hides held up with props and fastened with ropes there were eleven souldiers as Vegetius saith in every tent and that society was called Contubernium of whom the chiefest was named Decanus or Caput Contubernii The ditch and the rampier were made by the legions every maniple having his part measured out and every Centurion overseeing his Century the approbation of the whole work belonged to the Tribunes Their manner of intrenching was this the souldiers being girt with their swords and daggers digged the ditch about the camp which was alwayes eight foot in breadth at the least and as much in depth casting the earth thereof inward but if the enemy were not far off the ditch was alwayes eleven or fifteen or eighteen foot in latitude and altitude according to the discretion of the Generall but what scantling soever was kept the ditch was made directis lateribus that is as broad in the bottom as at the top The rampier from the brim of the ditch was three foot in height and sometimes four made after the manner of a wall with green turfes cut all to one measure half a foot in thicknesse a foot in breadth and a foot and a halfe in length But if the place wherein they were incamped would afford no such turfe they then strengthened the loose earth which was cast out of the ditch with boughs and faggots that it might be strong and well-fastened The rampier they properly called Agger the outside whereof which hung over the ditch they used to stick with thick and sharp stakes fastened deep in the mound that they might be firm and these for the most part were forked stakes which made the rampier very strong and not to be assaulted but with great difficulty Varro saith that the front of the rampier thus stuck with stakes was called vallum a varicando for that no man could stride or get over it The camp had four gates the first was called praetoria Portae which was alwayes behind the Emperours tent and this gate did usually look either toward the east or to the Enemy or that way that the Army was to march The gate on the otherside of the camp opposite to this was called Portae Decumana a decimis cohortibus for the tenth or last Cohort of every legion was lodged to confront this gate by this gate the souldiers went out to fetch their wood their water and their forrage and this way their offendours were carried to execution The other two gates were called Portae principales forasmuch as they stood opposite to either end of that so much respected place which they called principia only distinguished by these titles laeva principalis and dextra the left and the right-hand principall gate All these gates were shut with doors and in standing Camps fortified with Turrets upon
first met withall there they stayed least in seeking out their own companies they should lose that time as was to be spent in fighting The Army being imbattelled rather according to the nature of the place the declivity of the hill and the brevity of time then according to the rules of art as the legions incountred the enemy in divers places at once the perfect view of the battel being hindred by those thick hedges before spoken of there could no succours be placed any where neither could any man see what was needfull to be done and therefore in so great uncertainty of things there happened divers casualties of fortune The souldiers of the ninth and tenth legion as they stood in the left part of the Army casting their piles with the advantage of the hill did drive the Atrebates breathlesse with running and wounded in the incounter down into the river and as they passed over the water slew many of them with their swords Neither did they stick to follow after them over the river and adventure into a place of disadvantage where the battel being renewed again by the Enemy they put them to flight the second time In like manner two other legions the eleventh and the eighth having put the Veromandui from the upper ground fought with them upon the banks of the river and so the front and the left part of the camp was well-near left naked For in the right cornet were the twelfth and seventh legions whereas all the Nervii under the conduct of Boduognatus were heaped together and some of them began to assault the legions on the open side and other some to possesse themselves of the highest part of the camp At the same time the Roman horsemen and the light-armed footmen that were intermingled amongst them and were at first all put to flight by the Enemy as they were entering into the camp met with their enemies in the face and so were driven to fly out another way In like manner the pages and souldiers boyes that from the Decumane port and top of the hill had seen the tenth legion follow their enemies in pursuit over the river and were gone out to gather pillage when they looked behind them and saw the enemy in their camp betook them to their heels as fast as they could At the same time rose a great hubbub and outcry of those that came along with the carriages who being extremely troubled and dismayed at the businesse ran some one way and some another Which accident so terrified the horsemen of the Treviri who for their prowesse were reputed singular amongst the Galles and were sent thither by their State to aid the Romans first when they perceived the Roman camp to be possesst by a great multitude of the Enemy the legions to be overcharged and almost inclosed about the horsemen slingers and Numidians to be dispersed and fled that without any further expectation they took their way homeward and reported to their State that the Romans were utterly overthrown and that the Enemy had taken their carriages Caesar departing from the tenth legion to the right cornet finding his men exceedingly overcharged the ensignes crowded together into one place and the souldiers of the twelfth legion so thick thronged on a heap that they hindred one another all the Centurions of the fourth cohort being slain the ensign-bearer kill'd and the ensign taken and the Centurions of the other cohorts either slain or sore wounded amongst whom Pub. Sextus Baculus the Primipile of that legion a valiant man so grievously wounded that he could scarce stand upon his feet the rest not very forward but many of the hindmost turning taile and forsaking the field the Enemy 〈◊〉 the other side giving no respite in front although he fought against the hill nor yet sparing the open side and the matter brought to a narrow issue without any means or succour to relieve them he took a target from one of the hindmost souldiers for he himself was come thither without one and pressing to the front of the battel called the Centurions by name and incouraging the rest commanded the ensignes to be advanced toward the enemy and the Maniples to be inlarged that they might with greater facility and readinesse use their swords THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Publius Sextus Baculus was the chiefest Centurion of the twelfth legion being the first Centurion of that Maniple of the Triarn that was of the first Cohort in that legion for that place was the greatest dignity that could happen to a Centurion and therefore he was called by the name of Centurio primipili or simply Primipilus and sometimes Primiopilus or Primus Centurio By him were commonly published the mandates and edicts of the Emperour and Tribunes and therefore the rest of the Centurions at all times had an eye unto him and the rather for that the eagle which was the peculiar ensign of every legion was committed to his charge and carried in his Maniple Neither was this dignity without speciall commodity as may be gathered out of divers Authours We read farther that it was no disparagement for a Tribune after his Tribuneship was expired to be a Primipile in a legion notwithstanding there was a law made I know not upon what occasion that no Tribune should afterward be Primipile But let this suffice concerning the office and title of P. S. Baculus THE SECOND OBSERVATION ANd here I may not omit to give the Target any honour I may and therefore I will take occasion to describe it in Caesars hand as in the place of greatest dignity and much honouring the excellency thereof Polybius maketh the Target to contain two foot and an half in breadth overthwart the convex surface thereof and the length four foot of what form or fashion soever they were of for the Romans had two sorts of Targets amongst their legionaries the first carried the proportion of that figure which the Geometricians call Ovall a figure of an unequall latitude broadest in the 〈◊〉 and narrow at both the ends like unto an egge described in plano the other sort was of an equall latitude and resembled the fashion of a gutter-tile and thereupon was called Scutum imbricatum The matter whereof a target was made was a double board one fastened upon another with lint and Buls glew and covered with an Oxe hide or some other stiffe leather the upper and lower part of the target were bound about with a plate of iron to keep it from cleaving and in the midst there was a bosse of iron or brasse which they called Umbo Romulus brought them in first among the Romans taking the use of them from the Sabines The wood whereof they were made was for the most part either sallow alder or fig-tree whereof Plinie giveth this reason forasmuch as these trees are cold and waterish and therefore any blow or thrust that was made upon the wood was presently contracted and shut up again But forasmuch as the
forces followed after to the place where the Romans intended to land Caesar found it exceeding difficult to land his men for these respects the ships were so great that they could not be brought near unto the shore the souldiers in strange and unknown places having their hands laden with great and heavy weapons were at one instant to go out of the ship to withstand the force of the billow and to fight with the enemy whereas the Britains either standing upon the shore or making short sallies into the water did boldly cast their weapons in known and frequented places and managed their horses accustomed to such services The Romans being terrified with these things and altogether unskilfull of this kind of fight did not use the same courage as they were wont to do in land-services Which when Caesar perceived he caused the Gallies that were both strange to the Britains readier for use to be removed from the shâ—ps of burthen and to be rowed up and down and laid against the open side of the enemy that from thence with slings engines and arrowes the Enemy might be beaten up from the water side which stood the Romans in good stead For the Britains being troubled with the strangenesse of the Gallies the motion of their Oares and the unusuall kind of engines were somewhat dismayed and began to retire back and give way to the Romans But the souldiers still lingering and especially for fear of the depth of the sea the Eagle-bearer of the tenth legion desiring the Gods that it might fall out happily to the legion If you will saith he forsake your Eagle O ye souldiers and betray it to the enemy for mine own part I will do my duty both to the Commonweal and to my Imperator And havâ—ng spoken this with a loud voice he cast himself into the Sea and carried the Eagle towards the Enemy The Romans exhorting one another not to suffer such a dishonour to be committed they all leaped out of the ship which when others that were near at hand perceived they followed them with as great alacrity and pressed towards the enemy to encounter with them The fight on both parts was very eager the Romans not being able to keep any order of battel nor to get any firm footing nor to follow their Ensignes forasmuch as every man kept with those Ensignes which he first met withall were wonderfully troubled But the Enemy acquainted with the flats and shallows as they beheld them from the shore to come single out of their ships putting spurs to their horse would set upon them incumbred and unprepared and many of them would over-lay a few others would get the advantage of the open side and cast their weapons amongst the thickest troups of them Which when Caesar perceived he caused the shipboats and smaller vessels to be manned with souldiers and where he saw need of help he sent them to rescue such as were overcharged Assoon as the Romans got footing on the firm land they made head together and charged the enemy and so put them to flight but they were not able to follow them nor take the Island at that time for want of horsemen which thing was only wanting to Caesars wonted fortune THE FIFTH OBSERVATION UPon this circumstance of landing I may justly take occasion to handle that controversy which hath been often debated by our English Captains which is whether is be better in question of an invasion and in the absence of our shipping to oppose an enemy at his landing upon our Coast or quietly to suffer him to set his men on shore and retire our forces into some inland place and there attend to give him battel It seemeth that such as first set this question on foot and were of an opinion that we ought not by any meanes to incounter an enemy at his landing for so we might much endanger our selves and our Countrey did ground themselves upon the authority of Monsieur de Langey not observing the difference between an Island and a Continent For where he setteth down that position he plainly aimeth at such Princes as border one upon another in the same Continent but where their territories are disjoyned by so great a bar as the Ocean they have not such means to surprise one another it were mere folly to hold good that rule as shall better appear by the sequele of this discourse Wherein I will first lay down the reasons that may be urged to prove it unsafe to oppose an enemy at his landing not as being urged by that party for I never heard any probable motive from them which might induce any such opinion but set down by such as have looked into the controversies both with experience and good judgement And first it may be objected that it is a hard matter to resist an enemy at his landing as well in regard of the uncertainty of place as of time for being ignorant in what place he will attempt a landing we must either defend all places of accesse or our intentions will prove mâ—re frivolous and to perform that it is requisite that our defensive forces be sufficient according to the particular quality of every place subject to danger which considering the large extension of our maritime parts and the many landing-places on our Coast will require a greater number of men then this Island can afford And although it could furnish such a competent number as might seem in some sort sufficient yet the uncertainty of the time of the enemies arrivall would require that they should be lodged either upon or near the places of danger many dayes at least if not many weeks before the instant of their attempt which would exhaust a greater masse of Treasure then could be well afforded by the State Secondly it may be objected that all our landing-places are of such disadvantage for the defendants that it were no safety at all to make head against him at the landing for inasmuch as such places are open and plain they yield no commodity to shelter the defendants from the fury of the artillery wherewith the Enemy will plentifully furnish their long boats and landing vessels which beating upon the beach for most of our landing-places are of that quality will so scatter them that no man shall be able to endure the inconvenience thereof The third objection may arise from the disparity both of numbers and condition of the forces of either party For the first it must needs be granted that the defendants being to guard so many places at once cannot furnish such numbers to every particular place for defence as the assailants may for offence Concerning the quality of the forces it is without question that a great and potent Prince for such a one it must be that undertaketh to invade the territories of so absolute and well-obeyed a Princesse as her Majesty is would draw out the 〈◊〉 of his souldiery wheresoever besides the gaâ—â—ant troups of voluntaries which do commonly attend
Roman valour he would not suffer his men to hazzard themselves in the passage of a bogge of fifty foot in breadth lying between both the armies but rather perswaded his souldiers disdaining the confrontment of the enemy to endure their contumely rather then to buy a victory with the danger of so many worthy men and patiently to attend some further opportunity Which passage of Caesar even in the said terms as it is there related was urged to good purpose by Sir Francis Vere in the year one thousand six hundred at a consultation before the battel of Newport For the army of the Netherlanders being possest of the Downs which are small swelling hils rising unevenly along the sea shore upon the coast of Flanders and the enemy making a stand upon the sands at the foot of those hils and so cutting off the passage to Osâ—end it was disputed by the Commanders whether they should leave the Downes and go charge the enemy where he stood imbattelled upon the sands or attend him in the fastnesse of the Downes whereof they were possest The whole Councell of war were earnestly bent to forsake the Downes and to hazzard the fight on equall terms as impatient that their passage and retreat to Ostend should be cut off But Sir Francis Vere well knowing how much it imported the businesse of that day to hold a place of such gain and advantage perswaded Count Maurice by many reasons and specially by this of Caesar which I last alledged not to forgo the help of the Downs but to expect the enemy in that place and so make use of that benefit upon the first encounter rather then to adventure the successe of the battel in worse terms in hope of clearing the passage and shewing also many probable conjectures that the enemy would not continue long in that gaze Wherein as his opinion then prevailed so all that were present were eye-witnesses both of the truth of his conjecture and the soundnesse of his judgement For the enemy within a while after coming on to charge the troups of the States was received with such a counterbuffe from the hils and were violently beaten back in such rude manner as our men had the execution of them for the space of a quarter of a mile or more which was no small advantage to the fortune of that day Touching the opportunity of time which Pindarus calleth the Mother of worthy exploits and oftentimes dependeth upon the circumstance of place a Generall ought carefully to advise that he neither precipitate nor foreslow the occasion which is well expressed in this particular service of Labienus For where his purpose was to draw the enemy over a river that had steep and uneasy banks and thereby of a hard and difficult passage he would not shew his resolution untill he had drawn them all over the river for he was well assured that the Roman legions would so charge the enemy upon their first encounter with the unresistable weight of their piles that in their giving back they could not escape the danger of the river And therefore to make the victory more absolute and compleat he suffered them all to come over the water that all might be endangered in their passage back again And this is the benefit which opportunity bringeth which is the rather to be attended with all carefulnesse forasmuch as Non saepe ac dâ—u eadem occasio est a man hath neither often nor long the same opportunity Concerning the last circumstance of the apt and fit disposition of the forces according to time and place which is necessarily required in the duty of a General it is referred to this end only that they may be ranged in such manner that as one man is assistant to another in their severall files and ranks so one troup may be in subsidiis assistant to another to the end that no part may stand naked or fall in the singlenesse of its own strength but that one may second another from the first to the last C. Sempronâ—us a Roman Consul having fought unadvisedly and received an overthrow Julius the Tribune of the people caused Tempanius a horseman that was present at the battel to be called and as Livie reporteth it Coram eis Sexte Tempani inquit arbitreris ne C. Sempronium Consulem aut in tempore pugnam intisse aut firmasse subsidiis aciem he said thus before them Sextus Tempanius do you believe that C. Sempronius the Consul chose a good time to fight or that he took order for assistant supplies to his army for Livie saith he fought incaute inconsulteque non subsidiis firmata acie non equite apte locato heedlesly and without good advice neither strengthening his army with supplies nor well placing his cavalry And of these three circumstances consisteth the duty and office of a Generall touching the direction of a battel wherein whosoever faileth doth hazzard the prerogative of his command over that army whic he leadeth according to that of Caesar in the first of his Commentaries Se scire quibuscunque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit aut male re gesta fortunam defuisse aut aliquo facinore comperto avaritiae esse convictum that he knew well whensoever an army refused to be obedient to their Commander it was either because upon some ill successe they saw he was unfortunate or that by the discovery of some notorious matter they found him convict of avarice Which Caesar himself needed not to fear if we may believe Plutarch who writeth that he was indowed by nature with an excellent promptitude and aptnesse to take opportunity in any businesse THE SECOND OBSERVATION I May not omit to insist a little upon this noise or shout which the souldiers took up in the instant of the charge and is related in this place as a materiall point in their carriage at this service A matter ancient and usuall in the Roman armies as well in the time of their first Kings as their first Consuls Fusi primo impetu clamore hostes the enemies were overthrown at the first onset and shout saith Livie concerning Romulus And not long after Consul nec promovit aciem nec clamorem reddi passus the Consul neither marched his army forward nor suffered them at all to shout Caesar in the censure which he gâ—ve concerning Pompey his direction for the battel at Pharsalia doth expresse a double use of this clamour or shouting first the terrour of the enemy and secondly the encouragement or assurance of themselves Est quaedam animi incitatio saith he atque alacritas naturaliter innata omnibus quae studâ—o pugnae incenditur hanc non reprimere sed augere imperaâ—ores debent neque 〈◊〉 ant qu tus institutum est ut signa und que concinerent clamorem universi tollerent quibus rebus hostes terreri suos incitari existimaverunt There is a certain raising and chearfulnesse of the mind imbred naturally in all
therefore they may well go together to make a triplicity of evils according to the saying Ignis mare populus tria mala Fire the Sea and the rabble multitude are three evils Vercingetorix had both his hands full in this service for his care was no less to keep the Galles from being distasted then to make his party good against Caesar It is disputed touching the government of a multitude whether it be fitter to be severe or obsequious Tacitus saith peremptorily that In multitudine regenda plus poena quam obsequium valet foul means does more then fair to the governing of a multitude But he understandeth such a multitude as are subject to their Commander either by ancient service or the interest of regall authority whereby they are tied to obedience by hereditary duty and cannot refuse that which custome prescribeth For otherwise where the people stand free from such bonds and have submitted themselves to government for some speciall service there clemency or obsequious smoothing prevaileth more then the severity of command according to the saying Homines duci volunt non cogi Men will be led by fair means not compelled Upon a dissension which happened at Rome between the people and the Senate the people were presently sent into the field under the leading of two Senators Quintius and Appius Claudius Appius by reason of his cruelty and severity was not obeyed by his souldiers but forsook his Province and returned non proficient they will do nothing Quintius being curteous and benigne had an obedient army and came home a Conquerour In the like terms did Vercingetorix stand with the Galles who not long before were all of equall authority and for the defence of the common cause had submitted themselves to order and government and therefore he carried himself accordingly but with some cunning too for he made no scruple to abuse the beast and to present them with a lesson of deceit taught to servants and Roman slaves as the confession of legionarie souldiers which is a liberty that hath ever been allowed to such as had the managing of an unruly multitude who have made as much use of the false rein as the bit or the spur or any other help belonging to that art CHAP. XI Caesar continueth the siege at Avaricum and describeth the walls of the towns in Gallia BY the singular valour of our souldiers all the counsels and devices of the Galles were made void and of none effect For they are a Nation of great dexterity apt to imitate and make any thing which they see other men do before them for they turned aside the hooks with ropes and drew them into the town with engines they withdrew the earth from the Mount with Mines with their great skill by reason of their iron mines wherein they are much practised they set up towers upon every part of the wall and covered them with raw hides they sallied out of the town night and day and either set fire to the Mount or assaulted the souldiers as they were at work they did every day make their towers equal to that height of our towers which the daily increase of the Mount had added to their height they hindred the open trenches and kept them from approaching the walls with sharp burned stakes cast into them with hot pitch and with great stones All their walls are almost of this fashion Long strait beams are placed upon the ground with an equall distance of two foot one from another and bound together on the inside of the wall and fastned with great store of earth the distances between the beams are filled and fitted with great stones in the front of the wall These being thus placed and fastned with morter another such a course is laid upon that keeping alwayes the same distance so as one beam be not laid upon another but in the second rank placing them upon the distances filled up with stones and so forward untill the wall be raised to the due height This fashion as it is a work not deformed either in shew or variety observing alternate courses of beams and stones which keep their order by even lines so is it profitable also and very much advantaging the defence of the town for as the stone keeps it from burning so doth the wood from the violence of the ramme forasmuch as the beams are for the most part fourty foot long and can neither be broken nor pull'd out THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Chapter doth in some part express the manner of their siege in ancient time and the means which the defendant had to frustrate the assaults and approaches of the enemy Besides the Ram which the Romans used to shake and overthrow the wall whereof I have already spoken they had commonly great hooks of iron to catch hold of a turret and to pull it over the wall or to pull down the parapet or to disturb any work which was to be made upon the wall These hooks were used by the legionary souldiers being covered with vines in the same manner as they handled the Ram and were averted and put off by the ingenious practises of the Galles with ropes cast and insnared about them and then by force of engines drawn into the town In like manner the open trenches by which the Romans made their approaches to the wall were answered from the town with stakes or piles hardned at the end with fire and then cast into them to hinder such as were at work together with seething pitch and great stones Furthermore as the Romans raised their Mount and brought matter unto it to enlarge it in breadth and height so did the Galles undermine it and drew the earth away or set it on fire to burn it for as I have already noted in the description of a mount it was made as well with wood and timber as with earth and stones They strengthened their walls with turrets and towers and covered them with raw hides to keep them from burning and as the Romans mounted in height with their turrets and engines so the Galles raised their towers answerable unto them that in the defence of the town they might sight with equall advantage And thus they proceeded both in the offensive and defensive part as farre as either valour or wit could improve those means which were then in use in besieging a town THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT was the use of all nations to fortify their strong towns with such walls as might make best defence against the practice of those times wherein they lived touching the taking and besieging of townes So the Galles as it appeareth by Caesar raised their walls of wood and stone laid in mutuall courses one with another that the wood might make void the violence of the Ram and the stone keep it from burning with fire which in those dayes were the means to assault and overthrow a wall In these times the walls of strong and fortified townes are only made
and raised of earth as the best defence against the fury of the artillery But forasmuch as the old manner of fortification is here in part delivered by Caesar give me leave to have a word or two touching the fortifications of these times And first touching the art it self in respect of the matter and the manner it is a member of architecture but the end is military for to fortify is nothing else but to make a building answerable to necessity and the occurrences of war Neither is it the end of fortification to make a place inexpugnable or unpossible to be taken for so it were Ars artium but to reduce it to a good and reasonable defence Wheresoever then any such defence is required the mystery of fortification is to raise such a fort and to apply such a figure answering the quality and site of that place as may give greatest strength thereunto for as all places are not capable in the disposition of their best strength of all sorts of figures so there is a difference of strength between this and that figure And as the place wanteth the advantage of motion and agility for its own defence so is it requisite it should be furnished with the best means and commodities both to annoy the enemy and to defend its own people And in that respect all circular forms as compounded of parts of one and the same nature are unfit for fortification for where a fort ought so to be disposed that it may have as many hands to strike as Briarâ—us and as a Hydra never to want a head it is necessary that the figure thereof be of different and unlike parts as apt to work divers effects For unlesse it be able to discover a far off to command the country about as far as the artillery will play to stop the passages to hinder approaches and assaults to damnify the enemy at hand and far off sometimes with the artillery sometimes with small shot sometimes with fire-works and other times by sallies it hath not that perfection as is requisite Admitting therefore composition of parts next unto the circle the triangular fortresse is most unperfect first in regard it is a figure of lesse capacity then any other of equall bounds which is a great inconvenience in a hold when the souldiers shall be pinn'd up for want of room and through the straightnesse of the place not to be able to avoid confusion Secondly the bulwarks of all such triangular fortresses have alwayes such sharp cantons as are easily subject to breaking which giveth the enemy means to approach them without disturbance from the fort The quadrangle fortresse hath almost the same imperfection of angles as the triangle hath but is more spacious within and of greater capacity And therefore Pentagons or Hexagons or any other that hath more angles is fittest for fortification understanding the place to be capable of them as being of a greater content and having their angles more obtuse and by consequence more solid and strong A plain champain level doth admit all sorts of figures and may take the best having these advantages it easily hindereth an enemy from approaching near unto it or incamping before it and is not subject to mines by reason of the water rising in such levels But on the other side a small troup will besiege it and battery may be laid to divers places of it it is alwayes subject to mounts of earth and needeth many bulwarks â—ditches and much cost to keep it A fortresse upon a hill hath these advantages an enemy can hardly lodge near unto it or lay battery against it it requireth more men to besiege it and is not subject to mounts The disadvantages are that it is not in our choice to make it in the best form of strength but must give it such a figure as may best fit the place being sometimes too large and spacious and sometimes too strait The enemies artillery hath greater force against it playing upward and the artillery of the fort playeth not so sure downward The hands of all forts are the bulwarks from whence the artillery playeth the supplements to the bulwarks are the ravelins the platforms the casmates and the cavaleros The walls are made in scarp canting inwards the better to bear the weight of the earth with this proportion that to every five foot and half or six foot in height there be one foot allowed in scarp The counterscarp is another wall outward to the first and stopeth inward in the same manner as the former And thus much touching the generall view of fortification which is as much as may well be comprehended in these short observations reserving the further consideration thereof to a particular treatise by it self CHAP. XII The siege of Avaricum continued THe siege being hindered by so many disturbances and the souldiers afflicted all the time with cold and continuall rain yet they overcame all these lets with continuall labour and in five and twenty dayes they raised a mount of three hundred and thirty foot in breadth and fourscore in height When it came almost to touch the wall Caesar himself attending the work as his custome was and encouraging the souldiers to omit no time from the same a little before the third watch of the night the mount was seen to smoak the enemy having set it on fire with a mine And at the same instant of time a shout being taken up by them that stood upon the wall they made a sally out at two gates on both sides the towers Some cast firebrands and dry matter from the wall unto the mount pouring pitch and other things to nourish the fire that no man knew whither to run first or where to give help Notwithstanding forasmuch as Caesar had appointed two legions by turn to watch before the camp and two other to follow the works it happened and that quickly that some were ready to confront the sallies and others to draw back the towers from the front of the mount and to cut the mount asunder the whole multitude coming out of the camp to quench the fire The rest of the night being now spent the fight continued every where and ever the enemy took new spirits and had hope of victory the rather because they saw the sheds or hovels belonging to the towers burnt and that the souldiers could not come near the said towers to manage them as was fitting without shelter and covert and that they ever sent fresh men to take the rooms of such as were weary and over-laboured supposing the safety of all Gallia to consist in that instant of time There happened our selves beholding it an accident worthy memory which I think not fit to omit A certain Gall before the gate of the town casting with his hands balls of tallow and pitch to increase the fire right over against the tower was shot through the right side
with a cros-bow and fell down dead One that stood next him stept over him and began to do the like service he likewise was slain with a shot out of a cros-bow Him a third man succeeded and the third a fourth Neither was the place forsaken untill the mount was quenched the enemy removed and the fight ceased THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT were a matter worthy observation to consider whether there need not as many men to defend a town as to besiege it Which at the first sight may peradventure seem frivolous forasmuch as the defendants are but to make good the place which they hold and to stand only upon their defensive guard having the advantage of the place the shelter of the walls the strength of the ditch and many other like helps for their defence and safety whereas the assailant is to strive against all these advantages and to oppose himself to the danger of so many difficulties But if we look a little nearer into the matter and consider the service to be performed on either part we shall find that to say As many men are necessary to defend a town as to besiege it is no Paradox For the better understanding thereof we are to know that the defence of a town touching matter of fight consisteth chiefly in these four points First in manning and making good all parts of the wall For if the defendant be not able to strengthen all parts with a competent force then he hath not men enough to defend the town forasmuch as all parts are subject to assault and what part soever is not made good that lieth open to an enemy or otherwise if the assault be only to be made at a breach the rest of the wall being strong enough to defend it self there is required a competent strength within the town to defend that breach In this point there is little difference touching a competent number of men between the assailant and the defendant for if he that layeth siege to a town hath men enough to assault all parts at one instant the enemy must have an answerable proportion to defend all or if he have no use of more men then may serve to give an assault at a breach the defendant must have the like proportion for the defence of the breach The second point is in relieving wearied men either fighting or working with fresh supplies to continue that businesse as oftentimes it falleth out in the siege of a town Wherein likewise there is small or no difference touching an equality between both parties For if the defendant be not as well able to relieve his wearied souldiers with fresh supplies as the enemy is to continue the assault the town may quickly have a new master The third point is in defeating and making void such works as the enemy shall make against the town as mounts mines approaches and such like inconveniences which being suffered to go on without opposition and prevention the town cannot hold out long In this point the defendant hath the disadvantage having need of more men to overthrow and prevent the works then the assailant hath to make them good For there he that besiegeth the place fighteth with the advantage and hath the same helps as the defendant hath in the fastnesse of his hold which caused this extraordinary accident which Caesar noteth touching the successive slaughter of so many Galles who labouring to burn the Roman works with balls of tallow and pitch were all slain with the blow of one mans bow The last point is in sallies which is as necessary for the defence of a town as any thing else whatsoever For if the defendant be not able to sally out the enemy will quickly coop him up and tread upon his belly And herein the defendant needeth more men then the assailant For he that is in the field lyeth in the strength of his trenches whereas the other cometh out naked upon him And thus much touching this question in particular Concerning the generall if it be demanded whether there have been more men lost in the defence of Ostend then in besieging it I answer That neither side can much vaunt of a small losse THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN the second place there are two observable points The one Caesars continuall attendance upon the works being present night and day without any long intermission which did much advantage their proceeding at that time and was as important to a fortunate issue as any other thing whatsoever For where an enemy is extraordinary either in valour or diligence there must needs be extraordinary means to countervail the height of so great a resolution which Caesar overtopt with monstrous and huge works and speeded those works with his continuall attendance The second point is the successive task of the Roman army being eight legions present at that siege for the other two were left at Agendicum with the carriages of the army in such sort as half the army was alwayes at rest and the other half imployed two legions at work and two legions in the watch and thus they eased each other and still continued the work For otherwise they had not been able to have undergone the burthen as the saying is Quod caret alterna requâ—e durabâ—le non est It cannot hold that rests not now and then CHAP. XIII Caesar by an assault taketh Avaricum THe Galles having tried all means and none taking effect the next day they consulted touching their leaving of the town Vercingetorix both commanding and perswading them unto it which they hoped they might do in the night time without any great loss unto themselves forasmuch as Vercingetorix was not far off with his camp and all the way thither was a continuall bog which would hinder the Romans from following after them And for that purpose they prepared themselves against the next night Which the women perceiving did run suddenly out into the streets and other publick places and cast themselves at the feet of their Husbands and by all means intreated them not to leave them and their children to the cruelty of the enemy whom nature and infirmity of body would not suffer to flie away But finding them to continue resolute in their purpose forasmuch as in extreme perill fear for the most part hath no commiseration they cried out and signified their flight unto the Romans Wherewith the Galles being feared they desisted from their purpose left the wayes should be forestalled and laid by the Roman horsemen The next day Caesar having advanced forward the tower and perfected those works which he had determined to make there happened to fall a great rain which he thought to be a fit occasion for his purpose And forasmuch as he saw the guard upon the wall to be somewhat negligently disposed he commanded his men to work fair and softly and shewed them what he would have done And incouraging the Legions which were hid in a readâ—ness under the Vines at
a knowl exceedingly fortified and hard to be come unto on all sides which if our men could get they were in hope to hinder the enemy both of a great part of their water and also from free forraging but the place was kept with a strong garrison Notwithstanding Caesar went out of his camp in the silence of the night and before any help could come out of the town he put by the garrison possessed himself of the place left two legions there to defend it and drew a double trench of twelve foot in breadth from the greater camp to the lesse that single men might go safe to and fro from any sudden incursion of the enemy OBSERVATIONS FIrst we may observe his manner of passing over the river Elaver without any impediment from the enemy notwithstanding the care which Vercingetorix had to hinder his passage which was plotted with as great dexterity as could be devised in such a matter and to shaddow his purpose the better that the number of legions marching up the river might appear to be the same he took the fourth part of every cohort which in the whole amounted to two legions For as I have already delivered in my former Observations a legion consisted of ten cohorts and every cohort contained three maniples and every maniple had two companies which they called orders so that every cohort having six companies the fourth part of a cohort was a company and a half and in a legion came to fifteen companies and in eight legions to one hundred and twenty companies which being reduced make threescore maniples which were equall to two legions and proveth that which I have already noted the fit and convenient disposition of their troups to take out at all times competent forces for any service without seeming to lessen any part Secondly I observe the phrase which he useth in this place Quintis castris Gergoviam pervenit he came to Gergovia at five incampings which implyeth their infallible custome of encamping every night within a ditch and a rampier for as we usually say that to such a place is so many dayes journey because an ordinarie traveller maketh so many journeys before he come thither so the Romans reckoned their journeys with their army by their incampings which were as duly kept as their journeys and were the most signall part of their dayes journey CHAP. XVIII Convictolitanis moveth the Hedui to a revolt WHâ—lst these things were a doing at Gergovia Convictolitanis the Heduan to whom the magistracy was adâ—udged by Caesar being wrought upon by the Arverni with mony brake the matter to certain young men amongst whom Litavicus was chief and his brethren being youths of a great house with them he treated at first and wished them to remember that they were not only born free-men but also to empire and government The Hedui were the only State which kept Gallia from a most assured victorie for by their authority and example the rest would be concluded which being fet over there would be no place in Gallia for the Romans to abide in Touching himself he had received a good turn from Caesar but in such sort as he had but his right but he owed more to the common liberty For why should the Hedui rather dispute of their customes and laws before Caesar then the Romans come before the Hedui These young men were quickly perswaded as well by the speech of the Magistrate as by rewards insomuch as they offered themselves to be the authours of that Counsell But now the means was to be thought on forasmuch as they were perswaded that the State would not easily be drawn to undertake that war They determined at last that Litavicus should have the leading of those ten thousand men that were to be sent to Caesar and that his brethren should be sent before to Caesar and concluded likewise in what sort they would have other things carrâ—ed Litavicus having received the army when he was about thirty miles from Gergovia calling the souldiers suddenly together and weeping Whither do we go saith he fellow souldiers all our horsemen and our Nobility are slain the Princes of our State Eporedorix and Viridomarus being falsly accused of treason are put to death by the Romans without calling them to their answer Understand these things from them that are escaped from the slaughter for I my self my brethren and kinsmen being slain am hindred with grief from telling you what hath happened Presently those were brought forth whom he had taught beforehand what he would have said who verified to the multitude those things which Litavicus had spoken that all the horsemen of the Hedui were slain forasmuch as they were said to have had speech with the Arverni for themselves they were hid amongst the multitude of souldiers and were escaped out of the midst of the slaughter The Hedui cry out all together and do beseech Litavicus to look to himself and to them also As though saith he the matter needeth any advice or counsell and that it were not necessary for us to go directly to Gergovia and to joyn our selves with the Arverni For do we doubt but that the Romans having begun so wickedly will run presently upon us to take away our lives And therefore if there be any courage at all in us let us persecute their death that have perished so undeservedly and let us kill these thieves He shewed them divers Roman citizens that were in the troups for safety of convoy and forthwith he seized upon a great quantity of corn and other provisions and tortured them cruelly to death He sent out messengers throughout all the State of the Hedui continuing the same false suggestion touching the slaughter of the horsemen and the Princes perswading them to revenge their injuries in like manner as he had done THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis treacherous practise of Convictolitanis who a little before as we may remember had received so great a benefit from Caesar proveth true the saying of Cornel. Tacitus That men are readier to revenge an injury then to requite a good turn forasmuch as Gratia oneri ultio in quaestu habetur A good turn is as a burthen and a debt to a man whereas revenge is reckoned a gain The debt of loyalty and good affection wherein Convictolitanis stood engaged to Caesar for confirming that right unto him which civile dissension had made doubtfull together with the respect of the generall cause made him so willing to revolt from the Romans and in lieu of thankfull acknowledgement to requite him with hostility A part so odious and detestable that vertue grieveth to think that a man should be capable of any such wickedness or be stained with the infamy of so horrible a crime Other vices are faults in speciall and are branded with the severall marks of ignominy but ingratitude is equall to the body of evill and doth countervail the whole nature of hatefull affections according to that of the
he propoundeth to the world as an absolute pattern both of military and civile vertue CHAP. XXIII The Romans continue the assault and are beaten off with losse THe contention was not indifferent to the Romans neither in place nor in number of combatants being wearied withall both with the long race which they had run and with the continuance of their fight whereby they did not so easily bear the enemy being whole and fresh Caesar seeing the fight to be in an unequall place and the enemy still to increase their forces fearing his people he sent to T. Sextius the legate whom he had left to command the lesser camp to bring out the cohorts speedily and to place them at the foot of the hill on the right side of the enemy to the end that if our men were forced to forsake their place yet the enemy might be terrified from following them over freely he himself removing a little out of that place where he stood with the legion attended the event of the battel And as they fought at hand very fiercely the enemy trusting in the place and in the multitude and our men in their valour the Hedui suddenly appeared on the open side of our men whom Caesar had sent up by another ascent on the right hand to keep off part of the enemy These by the likenesse of their armour did wonderfully astonish our men who although they saw their right arms shewed or put forth which was a sign of peace yet they doubted lest the enemy had used that policy to deceive them At the same instant L. Fabius the Centurion and those that climbed up upon the wall with him being slain were cast down from the wall again and M. Petreius a Centurion of the same legion as he was about to cut down the gates being oppressed with the multitude and despairing of his own life having received many wounds Forasmuch saith he to his souldiers that followed him as I cannot save my self and you too I will certainly provide for your safety whom I have brought into danger whilst I thirsted after honour You while you may shift for your selves And withall he brake through the thickest of the enemy and with the slaughter of a couple he removed the rest from the gate And as his souldiers went about to help him In vain saith he do you endeavour to save my life which bloud and strength have already forsaken and therefore get you hence while you have means and betake your selves to the legion and so fighting fell down dead but saved his men Our men being overcharge don all sides with the losse of six and fourty Centurions were beaten down from the place but the tenth legion which stood for a rescue in a more equall place hindred the Galles from following over eagerly And again the cohorts of the thirteenth legion which Sextius had brought out of the camp seconded that legion having got the advantage of the upper ground The legions assoon as they came into the plain stood still and turned head to the enemy Vercingetorix drew back his men from the foot of the hill and brought them into their camps That day few lesse then seven hundred souldiers were wanting OBSERVATIONS ANd this is the end of presumptuous rashnesse when men are become so pregnant as to take upon them more then is required But as they say of fair weather that it is pity it should do hurt so is it great pity that valour and resolution should prove disadvantageous For this over-doing of a service is but the spirit of valiant carriage and the very motion of prowesse and courage memorable in the offenders themselves as we may see by this particular report of Fabius and Petreius and much to be pitied that vertue should at any time be overquelled with a greater strength At this service the Romans stood in these terms they were overmatched in number they had spent their strength in speedy running to the place which in it self was not favourable unto them but almost as great an enemy as the Galls only they trusted in their valour and thought by vertue to clear all difficulties The Galles had the favour of the place a far greater number of fighting men they came fresh to the battel and were alwaies seconded with fresh supplies Caesar seeing the two armies ingaged one with another could neither part them nor recall his souldiers but set such forces as were free in such convenient places as might rescue his people in the retreat and keep the Galles from following the chase or making any great slaughter of the Roman souldier Whereby it happened that in so great an inequality where there were so many swords drawn to make way to death there were not seven hundred men lost of the Roman army And yet it happened to be the greatest losse that ever he received in those wars in his own presence when the issue of the conflict gave the enemy the better of the day CHAP. XXIIII Caesar rebuketh the rashnesse of his souldiers and maketh light but successfull skirmishes upon the enemy CAesar the next day calling the army before him rebuked the temerity and cupidity of the souldiers forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge how far they were to go or what they were to do neither would they stay upon the sounding of a retreat nor hearken to the Tribunes nor the Legates that would have kept them back He laid open unto them how avaiâ—eable the inequality of the place was and what he himself thought of it when at Avaricum he took the enemy without a Generall and without cavalry yet did forgo a most assured victory lest in the buckling he might have received a small losse through the inequitie of the place How admirable was the greatnesse of their spirit whom neither the fortifications of the camps the height of the hill nor the wall of the town could stop or hinder Wherein he blamed their licentious arrogancy the more forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge better of the victory and the successe of that service then the Generall himself neither did he so much desire to find courage and vertue in his souldiers as modesty and sobriety This speech being delivered and in the end confirming their minds that they might not be discouraged at the matter nor attribute that to the worth of the enemy which indeed was in the nature of the place keeping his former purpose of departure he brought the legions out of the camp imbattelled them in a convenient place and finding that Vercingetorix would not be drawn into an indifferent place after a light skirmish of horse wherein the Romans had the better he caried his armie back again into the camp and doing the like the next day thinking it sufficient to abate the pride of the Galles and to strengthen the courage of his souldiers he removed his camp into the State of the Hedui the enemy refusing to make after him OBSERVATIONS
he had overcome by his valour CHAP. XXXI Vercingetorix sendeth away the horse Caesar incloseth Alesia with a strong wall VErcingetorix thought it best to dismisse all the horse and send them away in the night before the fortifications were perfected by the Romans At their departure he commanded them that every man should repair unto his own State and send all to the warre that were able to bear arms He layeth open his deserts towards them and doth adjure them to have regard to his safety and not to suffer him to be delivered over to the torture of the enemy that had so well deserved of the common libertie wherein if they should prove negligent fourscore thousand chosen men would perish with him in that place And looking into their provisions he found that they had corn scarce for thirty dayes but by sparing and good husbandry it might be made to serve longer With these mandates he sent out the horsemen in silence about the second watch of the night at that part of the town where the works were not perfected he commanded all the corn to be brought unto him upon pain of death The cattel he distributed to the souldiers by pole whereof there was great store brought out from the Mandubii the corn he began to measure out very sparingly All the forces which he had placed before the town he received within the walls and so he purposed to attend the supplies of Gallia Which being known by therunne-awayes and captives Caesar appointed to make these fortifications He drew a ditch of twenty foot in breadth and depth with streight sides as broad at the bottome as at the top The rest of the work he made fourty foot short of that ditch which he did for these reasons that the whole body of the Romans might not easily be inclosed about with an army of souldiers which he thought to prevent by taking in so great a circuit of ground and secondly lest the enemy sallying out upon a suddain should in the night come to destroy the works or in the day-time trouble the souldiers with darts and casting weapons as they were busied about the works This space of fourty foot being left he made two ditches of fifteen foot in breadth and depth the innermost whereof being carried through the fields and the lower ground he filled with water drawn out of the river Behind them he made a ditch and a rampier of twelve foot and strengthened it with a parapet and pinacles and with great boughes of trees cut in cags like unto a Harts horn which he set where the hovels were joyned to the rampier to hinder the enemy from climbing up and made towers round about the whole work in the distance of fourscore foot one from another At the same time the Roman souldiers were both to get stuffe for the fortification to go a harvesting for provision of corn and to make such great works Our forces being much weakened and being to seek corn and stuffe farre off from the camp the Galles also oftentimes attempting to destroy the works and to sally out of the town at divers ports therefore Caesar thought it fit to adde thus much more to the foresaid works that the fortifications might be made good with the lesse number of men He made ditches round about the works of five foot deep and in them he planted either the bodies of trees or great firm boughs sharpened into many pikes and snags being bound together at the bottome that they might not be easily plucked up and spreading themselves at the top into very sharp cags There were of these five ranks so combined and infolded one in another that which way soever the enemy should enter upon them he would necessarily runne himself upon a sharp stake these they called Cippi Before these in oblique courses after the manner of a quincunce were digged holes of three foot deep narrow at the bottome like a sugar loaf these they set with round stakes of the bignesse of a mans thigh with a sharp hardened point in such sort that they stuck not above four fingers out of the earth and for the better fastening of them they stuck all a foot within the ground the rest of the hole for the better ordering of the matter was hid with osiers and spreads Of these were eight courses three foot distant one from another and these they called Lillies from the resemblance they had to the figure of that flower Before these were galthrops of a foot long fastened in the earth and headed at the top with barbed hooks of iron sowed up and down in all places in a reasonable distance one from another and these they called Stimuli The inner fortifications being thus perfected he followed the even and level ground as much as the nature of the place would give him leave and took in fourteen miles in circuit and made the like fortifications in all points against the enemy without as he had done against the town to the end that if he were driven upon occasion to depart and leave the works it might be no danger for him to leave the camp forasmuch as a few men would defend it He commanded every man to have forrage and provision of corn for thirty dayes THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Promised in my former observation to speak somewhat touching the Roman works and to shew the use they made of them in their greatest occasions but this description of the works at Alesia doth so far exceed the inlargement of commenting words that it hath drowned the eloquence of great Historians and in stead of expositions and inforcements hath drawn from them speeches expressing greater admiration then belief Circa Alesiam saith Paterculus tantae res gestae quantas audere vix hominis perficere nullius nisi Dei fuerit So great things were done at Alesia that they might seem too great for any man to attempt or any but a god to effect To inclose a town with a ditch and a rampier of eleven miles in circuit was a matter worthy the Roman army but to adde such variety of works and to make such strange trapes and oppositions against an enemy was admirable to the hearer and not that only but to make the like works without to keep the Galles from raising the siege did double the wonder by which works he did besiege and was besieged took the town and overthrew the enemy in the field Such as since that time have imitated this industry only by a small ditch and a rampier for I think no man ever made such works have wrought wonders in matter of warre Castruccio got the name of renewing the ancient military discipline in Italy chiefly for that he besieged Pistoia and with the help of a double trench according to the example of Caesar he kept in the Pistoyans on the one side and kept out an army on the other side of thirtie thousand foot and three thousand horse in such manner as in the end he
out of curious suspicion or idle fear yet it fell out to be no more then was requisite and expedient Which may teach a Generall to be carefull even of possibilities and to prevent contingencies with the certaintie of industrious directions accounting alwaies that which may happen to be as certain as any thing we most expect THE FOURTH OBSERVATION COncerning Spain we are to note that the Romans at first divided it into two Provinces which they called the Nearer and the Further or according to Strabo the Utter and the Inner and they were separated asunder by the river Iberus now Ebro And thence also they were called Cis Iberum ultra Iberum Spain on this side Ebro and Spain beyond The Nearer Province being the lesser continued without alteration during the Roman's government and was sometimes called Tarraconensis Provincia of Tarraeo the principall town of the same But the Further in processe of time was divided into two parts the one called Betica and the other Lusitania and so the whole Region of Spain came to be divided into three Provinces It was first entered by the Romans by occasion of the notable siedge of Saguntum upon which P. Scipio having subdued the Carthaginians reduced Spain into a Province and left it governed by Proconsuls unto the time of Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Stertinius Afterwards it was governed by Propraetors and sometimes by Praetors according as the Empire came to be inlarged and had thereby many governments for the preferment of such as had supplied the better places of dignitie in the State Neverthelesse in the times of trouble the Governours had alwaies Consularie power as in the warre against Scrtorius Quintus Metellus Proconsul and Cn. Pompeius Questor cum Consulari potestate missi sunt were sent with consular power And at this time Pompey governed it by two Deputies or Legates Touching the form and figure of the Countrey Strabo likeneth it to an Oxe hide the neck whereof joyneth to the Pyrenean hills which rise in towers from one Sea to another as limits and bounds between France and Spain taking their name as some think from Pyrene the Maid that Hercules deflowred whom Sil. Ital. mentioneth lib. 3. Pyrene celsa nimbo si verticis arce Divisos Celtis late prospectat Iberos Atque aeterna tenet magnis divortia terris Nomen Bebrycia duxere à virgine colles Hospitis Alcidae crimen qui sorte laborum Gerionis peteret cum longa tricorporis arva Possessus Baccho saeva Bebrycis in aula Lugendam â—ormae sine virginitate reliquit Pyrenen and a little after Defletumque tenent Montes per secula nomen The lofty tower of Pyren's cloudy head O're looks th' Iberi whom it parts from Celts For aye dividing those two spacious lands From Bebryx daughter first these hills took name Ravish'd by Hercules who as he went The triple-bodied Gerion's land to seize Drunk at the time and lodg'd in Bebryx Court Pyrene left to be bewail'd by beauty No more a Virgin And her lamented name the Hills still keep But according to the opinion more generally received they are so called of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that Shepheards and Heardsmen set them once on fire as witnesseth Diodorus Siculus And Aristotle In Hiberia inquit combustis aliquando pastoribus Sylvis calenteque ignibus terra manifestum argentum defluxisse cumque postmodum terrae-motus supervenisset eruptis hiatibus magnam copiam argenti collectam atque inde Massiliensibus proventus non vulgares obtigisse He saith that on a time in Spain the Shepheards having set fire on the Woods the ground was so heated thereby that plain rills of silver flowed from the hills and that afterwards by reason of earthquakes severall gapings being made in the said place they gathered great plenty of silver which the Marscillians made no small benefit of The Countrey of Spain is commended for many things as may appear by divers Elogies amongst which that of Claudianus the Poet is written as though the Author had been a Pensioner to the Kingdome Quid dignum memorare tuis Hispania terris Vex humana valet primo lavat aequore solem India tu fessos exacta luce jugales Proluis inque tuo respirant sydera fluctu Dives equis frugum facilis pretiosa metallis Principibus foecunda piis What noted thing in Spain can man commend As Indian seas first drench the morning Sun So his tir'd steeds wash here when day is done In Spanish waves the wearied stars take breath Spain store of horse fruits precious metals hath Breeds pious Princes CHAP. XV. Caesar coming to his Armie advanceth forward and incampeth near unto the Enemie WIthin two dayes after Caesar came into the Camp with nine hundred horse which he had kept with him for a convoy The bridge broken by the tempest was almost re-edified and that which remained undone he commanded to be finished in the night And having seen the nature and situation of the place he left six cohorts to keep the Camp and the bridge with all the carriages of the Armie And the next day putting all his forces into a triple battell he marched towards Ilerda and there standing a while in Armes offered battell in an equall and indifferent place Afranius brought out his forces and made a stand in the midst of the hill under his Camp Caesar perceiving that Afranius at that time was not disposed to fight determined to incamp himself some 400 paces from the foot of the hill And least the souldiers should be interrupted in their works by the sudden assaults and incursions of the enemy he forbad them to fortifie it with a rampier or wall which must necessarily be discovered and seen afarre off but caused a ditch to be made of fifteen foot in breadth in the front of the Camp next unto the Enemie The first and second battell according as was directed continued in Armes and the third battell performed the work behind them unseen before it was understood by Afranius that Caesar would incamp in that place Which being finished he drew his legions within the ditch and so stood in Armes all night The next day he kept all his Armie within the ditch And forasmuch as the matter to make the Rampier was to be fetched farre off he kept the like course for the finishing of the rest allotting each side of the Camp to be fortified by a severall legion with a ditch to be sunk about of the same scantling and in the mean time made the other legions to stand ready in Armes against the enemie Afranius and Petreius to the end they might amuse the souldier and hinder the work brought down their forces to the foot of the hill and provoked them to fight Howbeit Caesar intermitted not the work trusting to three legions in Armes and the munition of the ditch The Enemy not making any long stay or advancing further then the foot of the
the Tribune of the souldiers to keep such ordinances as their Militia required untill at length that the corruption of time falsifying the simplicity and truth of words did inforce them to give an oath as the surest bond of faith and obedience as is noted by Livie at large The souldiers saith he which was never before that time practised were sworn by the Tribunes to appear upon summons from the Consuls and not to depart without leave For untill then there was nothing required of them but a solemn promise which the horsemen made by their Decuries and the foot troups by their Centuries not to leave their Colours by flight or through fear not to forsake their rank unlesse it were either to assault an enemy to take up an offensive weapon or to save a Citizen which being at first but the offer of a free mind was now by the Tribunes required by obligation of an oath The form of this oath was diversly varied as appeareth by Aul. Gel. and more specially in the times of the Emperours for Caligula made this addition to the souldiers oath That they should hold neither their lives nor their children dearer unto them then the Emperour Caiâ—s and his sisters Concerning the respect had of this Military oath that which Tully reporteth of Cato is of excellent note Popilius having charge of the Province of Macedonia had amongst other Roman youths Cato's son a young souldier in his Army and being occasioned to dismisse a legion discharged likewise young Cato being one of that legion But he desirous to bear Arms in that war continued still in the Army whereupon Cato writ from Rome to Popilius requiring him that if he suffered his son to remain in that war he would by any means swear him again for being discharged of his first oath he could not lawfully fight against the Enemy Ever since Constantine the great the souldiers were sworn by a Christian oath as Vegetius noteth to obey all things the Emperour should command them not to leave their warfare without license not to shun death for the service of the Publick weal. And at this day amongst other Nations an oath is given to the souldier upon his inrollment to this effect Well and lawfully to serve the King towards all men and against all without exception of persons and if they know any thing concerning his service to reveal the same incontinently not to leave their Colours without leave either of the Generall or his Lieutenant The ancient Romans did charge their solemn and publick oathes with many ceremonies as appeareth by that form which was used in ratifying Treaties and Transactions Their Heralds killed a hog and cried out withall that the like would happen to him that first falsified his faith Polybius reporteth that he that read the oath whereby the Romans and Carthaginians sware their accord had the hair of his head tiedup in an extraordinary manner the parties invocating their Jupiter to grant all prosperity to him that without fraud or deceit did enter into that agreement But if said he that took the oath I shall either doe or purpose otherwise all the rest being safe and sound let me alone in the midst of the laws and justice of my Countrey in my own habitation and dwelling and within my proper Temples and Sepulchers perish most unfortunately even as this stone flieth out of my hand And as he spake those words he cast away a stone I do not â—ind the use of a Military oath in our Nation Howbeit the common form of our oath is as ceremonious and significative as any other whatsoever which may be observed by the 3 parts it containeth as I have seen them allegorized in some Antiquities For first the book being alwayes a part of holy writ implyeth a renunciation of all the promises therein contained Secondly the touching it with our hands inferreth the like defiance of our works never to be successfull or helping unto us Thirdly the kissing of the book importeth a vain mispending of our vows praiers if we falsify any thing thereby averred CHAP. XXV The endeavour which Asranius used to return to Ilerda but failed in his design FHe matter being in this extremity of two means which were left unto them it was thought the readier and more expedient to return to Ilerda For having left there behind them a little Corn they hoped to take some good course for the sequele Tarraco was further off and thereby subject to more casualties concerning their passage In regard whereof they resolved of the former course and so dislodged themselves Caesar having sent his Cavalry before to incumber and retard the rere-guard followed after himself with the legions The hindmost troups of their Army were constrained without any intermission of time to fight with our horsemen And their manner of fight was thus Certain expedite Cohorts free of carriages marched in the rere of their Army and in open and champain places many of these Cohorts made a stand to confront our Cavalry If they were to ascend up a Hill the nature of the place did easily repell the danger wherewith they were threatned forasmuch as such as went before might easily from the higher ground protect them that followed after but when they came to a valley or descent that those that were in the former ranks could not help them in the rere the horsemen from the upper ground did cast their weapons with great ease and facility upon the Enemy And then continually they were in great hazzard danger and still as they approached near unto such places they called to the legions and willed them to make a stand with their Ensignes and so by great force and violence repelled our Cavalry Who being retired back they would suddenly take a running and get all down into the valley And presently again being to ascend into higher ground they would there make a stand for they were so far from having help of their own Cavalry whereof they had a great number that they were glad to take them between their troups being much affrighted with former incounters and so to shelter and protect them of whom if any chanced upon occasion to stray aside out of the rout the Army held they were presently attached by Caesar's horsemen The fight continuing in this manner they proceeded slowly on their way advancing forward but by little and little and oftentimes stood still to succour and reliâ—ve their party as thâ—â— it fell out For having gone but four miles on their way being very hardly laid to and much pressed by our Cavalry they took to an exceeding high hill and there putting themselves into one front of a battel fortified their Camp keeping their carriages laden upon their horses Assoon as they perceived that Caesar's Camp was set and that the tenâ—s were up and their horses put to grasse they rose suddenly about mid-day upon hope of some respite by reason of our horse put
gave argument of his resolution in this kind may be conceived by this passage The second thing which I note is that a Generall must learn especially to disguise his intendments by making shew of that which he meaneth not For albeit the more judicious sort of men are not so well satisfied with pretences as with deeds yet forasmuch as the condition of Princes contrary to the manner of Private persons requireth such a direction of businesse as may rather suit with fame and opinion then with particular ends it behoveth them to use such glosses as may take away all petulant and sinister interpretations howsoever their courses may aim at other purposes And certainly the generality of people are better paid with appearances then with truth according as Machiavill hath observed But concerning Caesar that which Ephicrates said of himself having imbattelled his army to fight That he feared nothing more then that his enemy knew not his valour may more properly be said here For there was nothing abused the Enemy more or made them take up so many Bravadoes or use so much delay before they came to composition but that they knew not Caesar For as the Eagle is able to mount aloft in all seasons and temperatures of the air so was his sword steeled to make way through all resistance THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN the next place the manner of their imbattelling cometh to be observed which generally in all Editions runneth this Acies erat Afraniana duplex legio V. III. in subsidiis locum alariae cohortis obtinebat Caesaris triplex sed primam aciem quaternae cohortes ex V. legione tenebant Has subsidiariae ternae rursus aliae totidem suae cujusque legionis subsequebantur sagittarii funditoresque media continebantur acie equitatus latera cingebat And needeth the help of some excellent Critick to make it have answerable sense to the other parts of this history For first how shall we understand those words Acies Afraniana duplex legio V. III. in subsidiis Afranius his army was in a double battel the fifth legion and the third for succours Shall we take the meaning to be that the first legion stood in front and the other stood for succours behind Or shall we take it with Faernus Acies Afraniana duplex ex legione prima tertia in subsidiis locum alariae cohortes obtinebant Afranius c. out of the first legion and the third the cohorts which use to be in the wings were put in place of the succours But neither by the one or by the other is there found more then two legions whereas there is expresse mention of five besides the cohorts of the Countrey And therefore as not knowing other more probable I have translated it according to Lipsius correction and made the text thus Acies erat Afraniana duplex legionum quinque in subsidiis locum alariae cohortes obtinebant Afranius had put his army in a double battel the first consisting of five legions and the auxiliary cohorts which usually served in the wings were now placed for succours and made the second battel The first battel consisted of five legions and the second of the Spanish and Auxiliary forces The like help must be lent to Caesar for otherwise the text doth afford him but few cohorts standing thus Primam aciem quaternae cohortes ex quinta legione tenebant Has ternae rursus aliae c. The first battel was of four cohorts out of the fifth legion then followed three and then as many others c. For undoubtedly Caesar had five legions equall to Afranius but being farre inferiour unto him in Auxiliary troups was driven to a more artificial division to help his weaknesse in that point And therefore as the same Critick hath mended it we are to read Quaternae cohortes ex quinque legionibus four cohorts out of the five legions which bringeth forth this sense In the first battel were five times four cohorts in the second five times three cohorts and as many in the third battel And by the addition of suae cujusque legionis of every one of the legions it appeareth that every legion was so divided into three parts that it had four cohorts in the first battel three in the second and three in the last Concerning the space which their Armies imbattelled took up it appeareth that the whole distance between their Camps contained two thousand foot whereof either army took up one third being 666 foot or a hundred and eleven pases a little more then a furlong but that altered more or lesse as place and occasion required CHAP. XXVII The Treaty of Peace THe next day Caesar went about to finish and end the fortification which he had begun and the Enemy to try whether they might find a foord in the River Sicoris and so get over Which being perceived Caesar carried over the light-armed Germans and part of the Cavalry and disposed them in guard along the River bank At length being besieged and shut up on all sides and having kept their horses without meat four dayes together besides their extreme want of water wood and corn they required a parlie and that if it might be in some place out of the presence of the souldier Which Caesar denied unlesse it were in publick Whereupon Afraniâ—s his sonne was given in hostage to Caesar and so they presented themselves in a place of Caesar's appointing And in the hearing of both the Armies Afranius spake to this effect That he was not to be offended neither with him nor with the souldier for being faithfull and obedient to the Generall Cn. Pompeius but now having made sufficient proof of their duty they had also throughly suffered for the same having endured the extremity of want in all necessary provisions Insomuch as now they were shut up as women kept from water kept from going out opprest with a greater weight of grief in body and of dishonour in their reputation then they were able to bear and therefore dâ—d confesse themselves to be vanquished and overcome praying and beseeching that if there were any mercy left they might not undergo the extremity of Fortune And this he delivered as humbly and demissively as was possible To which Caesar answered That these terms of complaint and compassion could be used to no man more unproperly then himself for whereas every man else did his duty he only upon fit condâ—tions of time and place refused to fight with them to the end all circumstances might concurre to apeace Albeit his Army had suffered much wrong in the death and slaughter of their fellows yet he had kept and preserved such of their party as were in his power and came of their own accord to move apeace wherein they thought they went about to procure the safety of all their fellows So that the whole course of his proceeding with them consisted of clemency Howbeit their Commanders
multitude ran out to hear the news which being once known there was such a generall mourning and desolation as though the town were instantly to be taken by the Enemy Notwithstanding they left not off to make ready such necessaries as were requisite for defence of the same OBSERVATIONS The benefit a Town besieged receiveth from an open in-let by sea cannot be better manifested then by the siege of Ostend for by that occasion specially it indured the most famous siege that was in Christendome these many years This L. Nasidius was rather a constant friend to the cause then a fortunate Admirall for afterwards he refused not to take the like overthrow for Pompey the son at Leucades as he did now for the father And surely it falleth out whether it be through the uncertainty of sea-faring matters or that men have fairer pretences at sea to avoid occasions of hazard then are found at land or that Pauca digna nascuntur in Mari few things of value come from the Sea according to the proverb or for what other cause I know not that there are few of those which sought honour in this kind who have attained the least part of their desires And yet neverthelesse some there are of famous memorie as Barbarussa a terrour of the Levant seas Andreas Auria of Genua renowned for his great exploits upon the Turk together with divers of our own Nation as namely Sir Francis Drake who for skill and fortune at sea is held matchable with any other whatsoever besides Mr. Candish for voyages to the South and Sir Martin Frobisher for discoveries to the North. Howbeit these later times have advantage without comparison of former ages through the invention of the Sea-compass with the Needle which was found out little more then three hundred years ago by one Flavus born in the kingdome of Naples without which no ship can shape a course in the Ocean and to which nothing can be added more then to find a perfect and ready direction for longitudes CHAP. IIII. The works which the legionary Souldiers made against the Town IT was observed by the legionary souldiers that had the charge of the right part of the work that it would much advantage them against the often eruptions and sallies of the Enemy if they built a tower of Brick under the town wall in stead of a Hold or Receptacle which at first they made low and little onely for the repelling of suddain assaults Thither they usually retreated and from thence if they were over-charged they made defence either by beating back or prosecuting an Enemy This tower was thirty foot square and the walls thereof five foot thick but afterwards as use and experience is the master of all things it was found by insight and industrie of men that this tower might be of great use if it were raised to any height which was accordingly performed in this fashion When it was raised to the height of a story they so framed the floor that the ends of the â—oysts did not â—ittâ—e out beyond the sides of the tower least any thing might be thrust out on which the fire which the enemy should cast might take hold and then paved that floor with as much brick as the Mantelets and Gabions would suffer to be laid Upon this tarras thus made they laid crosse beams along the sides as a foundation to an upper story for the top and covering of the tower And upon these beams they raised crosse timbers thwarting each other for the sides of the tower and coupled them at the top with side beams These crosse timbers were longer and bare further out then the square of the tower that there might be means to fasten coverings and defences against the blows and darts of the Enemy whilest the workmen were finishing the walls and sides of that building The top or upper story of this tower they likewise paved with brick and clay that no fire might fasten on it and laid Matteresses on the top thereof to the end the floor might not be broken with any weapons shot out of Engines nor the pavement shivered in pieces with stones cast out of Catapults Moreover they made three nettings or mats of Hawsers equall in length to the sides of the tower and four foot in breadth And upon those three sides which confronted the Enemie they fastened them upon poles to hang before the tower which kind of defence they had in other places tried to bâ— of proof and not to be pierced with any weapon or engine And as one part of the tower came to be covered finished and fortified against any violence of the enemy they carried their Mantelets and defences to the rest unfinished The top of which tower they framed upon the first story and then raised it up with wrinches or scrues as far as the close netting would serve them for a defence And so covered with these shelters and safeguards they built up the sides with brick and then again scruing up the top higher they fitted the place to build the sides higher and as they came to the height of a story they laid the joysts of the floor in such sort as the ends thereof were hid and covered with the wall or sides that were of brick and so from that story they proceeded to another by scruing up the top and raising their netting By which means they built very safely six stories without any wound or other danger at all and left windows and loop-holes in the sides for the putting out of Engines in such places as they thought convenient When by means of that tower they were in hope to defend the works near about it they then made a Musculum or mouse of sixty foot in length and of two foot timber square to conveigh them safely from this tower of Brick to another of the Enemies and to the town wall whereof this was the form They cut two side groundsils of equall length and made the space between them to contain four foot upon them they erected little columns of five foot high and joyned them together putting braces of an easie sloping in such distances as the rafters were to be placed to bear up the roof and upon those braces they laid rafters of two foot square fastning them both at the ridge and at the eavings with plates and bolts of Iron They lathed the roof with lath of four fingers broad and so the building being made with a gable-ridge handsomly fashioned the top was laid all over with clay to keep the Mouse from burning and then covered with tiles which were fenced with leather to the end they might not be washed away with pipes or gutters of water which might be laid to fall upon them And least those hides should be spoiled either with fire or great stones they laid Matteresses upon them This work being wholly finished near unto the tower through the help and means of defensive mantelets gabions suddenly before
Dâ—ctator Caesar Caius Princeps Domitius Nero infausto ut omnium patuit exâ—tu incepto King Demetrius Caesar the Dictator Caiâ—s the Prince and Domitius Nero all of them attempted to draw through this neck of land with a navigable chanell without any successe as appears by the issue In the time of King Sâ—sostris and since in the Empire of the Ottomans they went about to bring the Red Sea into Nile but fearing it would be a means to drown the Land one Sea being lower then another they gave over the enterprize And it may be upon like consideration or otherwise fearing to correct the works of Nature they forbare to make a passage between Nombre ac Dios and Panama and so to join one sea to the other as was said to be intended CHAP. XXI An accident which fell out by two Brethren of Savoy in Caesar's Army THere were in Caesar's Camp two brethren of Savoy Roscillus and Aegus the sons of Adbucillus who for many years together was accounted the principall and chief man of that State these were men of singular worth and had done Caesar very great service in all the wars of Gallia and in that respect Caesar had advanced them to great honourable Charges in their Country and caused them extraordinarily to be taken in the number of the Senators and bestowed much of the Enemies lands upon them besides great summs of ready mony and of poor had made them rich These men were not only well respected by Caesar but were in good account throughout all the Army Howbeit relying too much on Caesaâ—'s favour and puffed up with foolish and barbarous arrogancy they disdained their own men deceiving the horsemen of their pay and averting all pillage from publick distribution to their own particular The horsemen provoked with these injuries came all to Caesar and complained openly thereof adding farther that their troups were not full nor answerable to the List or Muster-role by which they required paiment Caesar thinking it no fit time of punishment and withall attributing much to the worth of the men put off the whole matter and chid them privately for making a gain of their troups of horse willing them to expect a supply of all their wants from his favour according as their service had well deserved Neverthelesse the matter brought them into great scandall and contempt with all men which they plainly perceived both by the speeches of other men as also by that they might judge themselves their own consciences accusing them With which reproach and shame they were so moved and thinking peradventure that they were not quit thereof but deferred untill some other time that they resolved to leave the Army to seek new fortunes and make proof of other acquaintance And having imparted the matter to a few of their followers to whom they durst communicate so great a disloialty first they went about to kill C. Volusenus Generall of the horse as after the war was ended was discovered that they might come to Pompey upon some deserved service but after they found it hard to accomplish they took up as much mony as they could borrow as though they meant to have paid their troups what they formerly had defrauded them of and having brought many horses they went to Pompey together with such as were acquainted with their purposes Pompey finding them Gentlemen of sort liberally brought up attended with a great retinue and many horses and both of them very valiant and in good account with Caesar and withall for that it was an unusuall and strange accident he led them about the works and shewed them all the fortifications for before that time no man either souldier or horseman had fled from Caesar to Pompey whereas daily they came from Pompey to Caesar especially such as were enrolled in Epirus and Aetolia which countries were at Caesar's devotion These two Brethren exactly understanding all things in Caesar's Camp as well concerning such works as were perfect as such others wherein men skilfull in war might find defect together with the opportunity of time and distances of places as also the diligence of the Guards with the nature and endeavour of every man that had a charge related all particularly to Pompey OBSERVATIONS VVE may here observe the sincerity and direct carriage of inferiour Commanders in the Roman Army by the scandall these two Sâ—voâ—ens ran into for making false Musters and defrauding the souldiers of their due A matter so ordinary in these our times as custome seemeth to justify the Abuse For what more common in the course of our modern wars then to make gain of Companies by mustering more then they have in pay and by turning that which is due to the souldier to their own benefit The first whereof if it be duly weighed is an offence of a high nature against the State and the second such an injury to the souldier as can hardly be answered It is merrily as I take it aid by Columella That in foro concessunâ— latrocinium Robbery is lawfull in courses at Law But for those to whom is committed the safety of a kingdom to betray the trust reposed in them by raising their means with dead paies and consequently steading the Cause with dead service as also by disabling their Companions and fellow-souldiers from doing those duties which are requisite for want of due entertainment is a thing deserving a heavy censure and will doubtlesse fall out unto them as it did to these two Brethren The sequele whereof will appear by the story and confirme that of Xenophon Dii haud impunita relinquunt impâ—a nefaria hominum facta The Gods do not suffer the impieties and wickednesses of men to escape unpunished CHAP. XXII Pompey attempting to break out putteth Caesar's Party to great losse POmpey being informed of these things having formerly resolved to break out as is already declared gave order to the souldiers to make them coverings for their Morions of Osiers and to get some store of Bavins and Fagots Which being prepared he shipped a great number of the light-armed souldiers and Archers together with those fagots in Skiffs and Gallies And about mid-night he drew threescore Cohorts out of the greater Camp and the places of Garrison and sent them to that part of the â—ortification which was next unto the Sea and farthest off from Caesar's greatest Camp Thither also he sent the ships before-mentioned filled with light-armed men and fagots together with as many other Gallies as were at Dyrrachium and gave directions how every man should imploy himself Caesar had left Lentulus Marcellinus the Treasurer with the Legion newly enrolled to keep that fortification who for that he was sickly and of an ill disposition of body had substituted Fulvius Posthumus as his coadâ—utor There was in that place a â—rench of fifteen foot deep and a Rampier against the Enemy of ten foot in 〈◊〉 and as much in breadth And about six hundred
legion that had lost many Centurions and was very weak in souldiers towards Pompey's legion and the lesser camp in a double battel Neither did his opinion deceive him for he came thither before Pompey could perceive it And albeit the fortifications of the Camp were great yet assaulting it speedily with the left Cornet wherein he himself was he drave Pompey's souldiers from the Rampier There stood a Turn-pike in the Gate which gave occasion of resistance for a while and as our men would have entered they valiantly defended the Camp T. Pulcio by whose means C. Antonius Army was betraied as we have formerly declared fighting there most valiantly Yet neverthelesse our men overcame them by valour and cutting up the Turn-pike entered first into the greater Camp and afterwards into the Castle and slew many that resisted of the legion that was forced thither But Fortune that can do much in all things and specially in warre doth in a small moment of time bring great alterations as it then happened For the Cohorts of Caesar's right Cornet ignorant of the place followed the Rampier which went along from the Camp to the River seeking after the Gate and taking it to be the Rampier of the Camp but when they perceived that it joyned to the River they presently got over it no man resisting them and all the cavalry followed after those cohorts OBSERVATIONS POmpey having cleared his Army of that siege it booted not Caesar to prosecute his purpose any longer for when the end is missed for which any course is undertaken it were folly to seek it by that means We must rather chuse new wayes that may lead us to the end of our hopes then follow the old track which sorted to no effect And yet neverthelesse the sufficiency of the Generall is no way disabled for albeit a wise man doth not alwayes keep one pase yet still he holdeth one and the same way Secondly that of Xerxes appeareth to be true that great attempts are alwaies made with great difficulty and danger Wherein the wisdome of the heathen world ascribed all to Fortune as the sole cause of all remarkable events and that which filled up both the pages of all the Books wherein men noted the course of things Clades in bello acceptae non semper ignaviae sed aliquando Fortunae temeritati sunt imputandae Losses received in war are not alwayes to be imputed to slothfull carriage but oftentimes to the temerity of Fortune saith Archidamus and is that which is aimed at by Caesar CHAP. XXIIII The â—ight continueth and Caesar loseth IN the mean while Pompey after so long a respite of time having notice thereof took the first Legion from their works and brought them to succour their fellows and at the same time his Cavalry did approch near our horsemen and our men that possessed the Camp did discover an Army imbattelled coming against them and all things were suddenly changed For Pompey's legion assured with a speedy hope of succour began to make resistance at the Decumane gate and voluntarily charged our men Caesar's Cavalry being got over the rampier into a narrow passage fearing how they might retreat in safety began to fly away The right Cornet secluded and cut off from the left perceiving the terrour of the horsemen least they might be indangered within the fortifications betook themselves to the other side from whence they came and most of them least they should be surprised in the straights cast themselves over works of ten foot high into the ditches and such as first got over being troden under foot by such as followed after the rest saved themselves in passing over their bodies The souldiers of the left Cornet perceiving from the Rampier that Pompey was at hand and that their own side fled away fearing lest they should be shut up in those straights having the Enemy both without and within them thought it their best course to return back the same way they came Whereby there happened nothing but tumult fear and flight insomuch as when Caesar caught hold with his hand of the Ensignes of them that sled and commanded them to stand some for fear left their Ensigns behind them others forsaking their horses kept on their course neither was there any one of them that would stand Notwithstanding in this so great a calamity and mishap these helps fell out to relieve us when the whole army was in danger to be cut off that Pompey fearing some treachery for that as I think it happened beyond his expectation who a little before saw his men flie out of his camp durst not for a good while approach near the fortifications and our men possessing the narrow passages and the Ports did hinder the horsemen from following after And so a small matter fell out to be of great moment in the carriage of that accident on either side For the Rampier which was carried from the Camp to the River Pompey's Camp being already taken was the only hinderance of Caesar's expedite and easy victory and the same thing hindering the speedy following of their horsemen was the onely safety and help of our men In those two fights there were wanting of Caesar's men nine hundred and threescore and horsemen of note R. Felginas Tuticanus Gallus a Senatours sonne C. Felginas of Placentia Agravius of Puteolis Sacrativirus of Capua ten Tribunes of the souldiers and thirty Centurions But the greatest part of these perished in the Trenches in the fortifications and on the River banks prest to death with the fear and â—light of their fellows without any blow or wound given them There were lost at that time thirty two military Ensignes Pompey upon that sight was saluted by the name of Imperator which title he then obtained and so suffered himself to be stiled afterward howbeit he used it not in any of his Missives nor yet wore any Laurell in the bundle of Rods carried before him Labienus having begged all the Captives caused them for greater ostentation to be brought out in publick and to give the more assurance to such as were fled thither from Caesar's party calling them by the name of fellow-souldiers in great derision asked them whether old souldiers were wont to flie and so caused them all to be slain Pompey's party took such an assurance and spirit upon these things that they thought no farther of the course of war but carried themselves as though they were already Victors not respecting as the cause of all this the paucity of our men nor the disadvantage of the place and the streightnesse thereof the Camp being possessed and the doubtfull terrour both within and without the works not yet the Army divided into two parts in such sort as neither of them were able to help or succour the other Neither yet did they adde to this that the fight was not made by any valiant incounter or in form of battell but that they received more hurt from the
desirous to have fought with them yet wondering at the great number of his enemies he pitched his camp directly over against theirs on the other side of a valley which was more in deepnesse downward then in widenesse any way at the bottom This camp he commanded to be fortified with a rampier of twelve foot and an open gallery to be builded upon it according to the measure of the same height and a double ditch to be made of fifteen foot apiece with sides plumme down and many turrets to be reared of three stories high and to be joyned together with draw-Bridges to let down at pleasure the fronts whereof were fenced with grates of wicker to the intent the enemy might be repulsed with double rows of defendants of which the one from the Bridges the more out of danger they were by reason of the height so much the boldlier and the farther off might they send their darts the other the nearer they were placed to their enemy upon the Rampier so much the better should they be covered from the artillery that might fall down upon them and over the gates he made high towers This kind of fortification was to two good purposes for by the greatnesse of his works and his pretence of fear he hoped to put the barbarous Galles into a great confidence and whensoever he should have occasion to send out farre for forrage or victuals he saw that the camp might be defended with a small power the strength of the fortifications was so great In the mean while parties on both sides would severall times go out and skirmish in the marish that was between our two camps the which oftentimes either the Galles and Germans that were of our host would passe and eagerly pursue their enemies or else in like manner our enemies passing over it did send our men farther off It happened in our daily forraging as there was no other shift forasmuch as we were fain to fetch forrage at houses that stood scattering farre a sunder that our forrages being dissevered in disadvantageous places were entrapped The which thing as it was some losse to us of our beasts of carriage and slaves so it heightened the foolish courages of the barbarous Galles and that so much the more because Comius of Arras who we said before was gone to fetch aid of the Germans was returned with some horse of whom although there was not above the number of five hundred yet the Galles were puffed up at the coming of the Germans CHAP. III. Caesar strengthens himself with more forces The men of Rhemes worsted by the Enemy and they again by the Germans on Caesar's party WHen Caesar perceived how his enemies kept themselves many dayes together within their camp which was fortified both with a marish and also with advantage of the ground and that he could neither assault them without manifest perill nor inclose the place where they were with any fortifications without a greater army he directed his letters to Trebonius that he should with all haste possible send for the thirteenth legion which wintered amongst the Bituriges under T. Sextius the Legate and so with three legions make long marches to come to him In the mean season he sent out by turns the horsemen of Rhemes and of the Lingones and other States of whom he had called forth a great number to safe-conduct the forragers and to withstand the suddain assaults of the enemy This being done day by day and our men taking now lesse heed because it was an ordinary matter with them which thing for the most part cometh to passe by daily custome the Bellovaci with a band of chosen footmen knowing the places where our horsemen daily kept their standings laid ambushes in woody places and the next day they sent thither their horsemen first to draw cut our men into the danger of their ambushments and then to assail them as they were enclosed The lot of this ill luck lighted upon the men of Rhemes whose turn it was to perform the duty that day For they when they had espied the horsemen of their enemies upon the suddain despising them because they werelesse in number followed them over-greedily and were enclosed by the footmen Whereby being disordered they retired more hastily then horsemen are accustomed to do in battell with the losse of Vertisco the Prince of their State and Captain of their horsemen Who being scarce able to sit upon a horse by reason of his age would notwithstanding according to the custome of the Galles neither seek to disburden himself of the Captainship by excuse of his age nor suffer the encounter to be fought without him With this lucky battell wherein they slew the Prince and Captain of the men of Rhemes the courages of our enemies were heightened and raised and our men were taught by their own harm to search the places better where they should keep their standings and to follow their enemy more advisedly when he fled In the mean while ceased not the daily skirmishes in the sight of both our Camps which were made at the foords and passages of the marish In this kind of exercise whenas the Germans whom Caesar had for the same purpose fetcht over the Rhene that they should fight intermingled with his horsemen in the battel had all boldly passed the marish and slaying a few that made resistance followed eagerly upon the rest of the multitude not only they that were overthrown at hand or wounded aloof but also they that were wont to succour afarre off were so stricken with fear that they ran away shamefully and never left flying from higher ground to higher which they oftentimes lost before they either recovered into their Camp or as some did for very shame fled farther off With whose danger the rest of the host was so troubled that it can scarcely be judged whether good successe were it never so small would make them more arrogant or a misfortune were it never so mean would make them more cowed and fearfull CHAP. IIII. The Galles discamp and are pursued by Caesar The routing of part of them and the death of Corbeus AFter they had linked many dayes in the same Camp when the Captains of the Bellovaci understood that C. Trebonius one of Caesar's Legates was at hand with mo Legions fearing the like siege as was at Alexia they sent away in the night all such as by reason of yeares or otherwise wanted strength and all such as wanted armour among them and with them they sent away also their carriages While they were setting forth this troubled and confused company for the Galles even when they go lightest are wont to have a great multitude of Carts following them day-light came upon them and therefore they set their men in battel-array in their camp lest the Romans should pursue before the company of their carriages could get any thing forward But Caesar thought it not good to assail them that were ready to defend themselves having so
may be furnished with the next most sufficient men both because of their nearnesse unto danger as also that if their leaders or bringers up shall either be slain or disabled by wounds they may presently succeed in their places and make them good There is also a good decorum to be observed in the middlemen or fifth and sixth ranks both for the men themselves and their armes that in our marches when the middlemen or sixth ranks shall be called up to front with their leaders they may in some sort and proportion answer their places as also when we double our front by calling up middlemen to fight in a greater breadth they may not be unsutable but especially in marches that they may be able to make the best resistance when they shall become the flanks of the Battallions As these respects ought to be observed in ranks so the files also are not without their different degrees of dignity As the leader of the right-hand file is accounted to have the first place of honour in the Battallion for he doth not onely lead the rest in his own file but he is the author and beginner of the motions of the whole Battallion The leader of the left-hand file hath the next place because that he with the leader of the right-hand file do alwaies in their marching and imbattelling rectifie or rank the whole front of the battallion and so consequently all the next of their files as they stand in order even untill the middle who are accounted the last in dignity The Battallion being thus disposed into files and ranks and each file and rank according to his worth and experience rightly advanced it followeth that there should be a just distance proportioned between either that at all times upon all occasions they might be found ready and in comeliest fashion either to offend their enemy or defend themselves These distances which every follower must observe in respect of his leader and every leader and follower in respect of the sidemen may be reduced unto three severall Orders as followeth The first is called open Order the distance whereof is twelve foot between every follower and his leader or between every rank and six foot between them and the sidemen or between every file This order is commonly used upon marches when the enemy is known to be farre off as also in private exercising of souldiers for their severall managing of their armes It differeth somewhat from the Ordinatus Miles amongst the Romans who alwayes observed but four cubits in files and ranks The second distance is called Order when we contract the battallion both in length and breadth and gather the souldiers within a nearer scantling both in files and ranks that is by observing six feet in their files between the follower and leader and three feet between the ranks or sidemen This distance is used when we march toward an enemy near at hand or in marches by reason of the opportunity of the place suspiciously dangerous This is also near unto Densatus ordo but onely that that was but two cubits in both files and ranks The third and last order is when either we attend the enemy his present assault or that we intend to charge him upon our securest and best distance when every follower standeth three feet or his rapier length behind his leader and a foot and a half from the sidemen or files or when every souldier occupieth but one foot and a half for his own station joyning pouldron to pouldron or target to target This differeth from Constipatus ordo because that alloweth but one cubit for files and ranks and this close order alloweth one cubit in the file but two in the ranks This distance doth agree also best with the length of our piles of 15 or 16 feet long For it is thought fit oftentimes that the battallion consisting of ten ranks there should not charge more at one time then the 5 formost so that the pikes of the fifth rank might be three foot over the formost shoulder and the other five ranks should in this close order or nearer if it be possible follow the other charging with their pikes advanced untill some occasion should require their charge In the mean time they should perform their dutie in keeping the five formost ranks from retiring and besides adde strength unto the charge or shock The manner of exercising of composed Battallions with their different motions THe files and ranks being thus understood disposed and ordered and all parts and members of the battallion being joyned in their just proportion and distance able and fit to be altered upon any sodain occasion as if it were but one entire body into severall and divers postures and to make resistance unto what forces soever shall oppugne the same it might be thought needlesse to have made the disposition of the members so exact unlesse by continuall practise and exercise they might be made nimble and ready not onely to defend themselves and their whole body on all sides but also to be able to offend whensoever they shall espie the least occasion of advantage The terms of direction or command which are commonly used in this modern discipline of martiall exercise as they are not many onely answering to the different postures which are required in the Battallion so they are and must be short and perspicuously plain that by this means being sodainly uttered easily apprehended and understood they may as speedily be put in execution by those which shall be commanded First therefore that the Battallion may be commanded into some one fashion or posture from whence it shall be fit to convert it self into all other the Captain or Officer shall bid them stand in front When every particular souldier composing himself after his foremost leader standeth comely in file and rank fronting unto some certain place or to the Captain as shall be thought best for the present In this and all other directions whatsoever it shall be especially observed that every follower attending what is commanded mark his next leader and accordingly move himself as he shall see him move first The Battallion therefore thus fronting if the enemy should suddenly either assault the right or left flank it shall be commanded to turn faces to the right or left hand when every souldier observing his leader shall turn his face and make his flank his front according to the direction There is also a doubled motion or declination to the right or left hand when every souldier observing his leader shall turn their bodies twice to the right or left hand and by that means become turned with their faces where their backs were as if they expected an enemy in the rere or being to perform some other motion that may be offered beginning this alteration from the right or left hand as shall be commanded As every particular souldier in the troup is
men use to fight with afarre off The use whereof is too much neglected by the English of these times considering the honour they have atchieved by it in former ages CHAP. XVI A controversy fell out in the state of the Hedui touching the choise of their chief Magistrate CAesar staâ—ed many dayes at Avaricum for finding there great store of corn and of other provisions he refreshed his army of their former labour and wants The winter now being almost ended and the time of the year being fit for war he determined to follow the enemy to see whether he could draw him out of the woods and bogs or besiege him in some place Being thus resolved divers of the principall men of the Hedui came unto him beseeching him that he would stand to them and assist their State in a time of great need the matter being in extreme danger forasmuch as their ancient usage was for one to be created their annuall Magistrate having regall authority for that year whereas now two had taken upon them the said office both of them affirming themselves to belawfully created the one was Convictolitanis a famous and flourishing young man the other Cotus born of an ancient family and he himself of great power and kindred whose brother Vedeliacus had born the said office the year before All their State was in arms their Senate and their people divided together with their clients and followers if the controversy continued for any time it would come to a battel the prevention whereof consisted in his diligence and authority Caesar though he knew it would be disadvantagious unto him to leave the war and to forsake the enemy yet knowing what inconveniences do usually arise of such discords and dâ—ssensions lest so great a State and so near to the people of Rome which he himself had alwayes favoured and by all means honoured should fall to war amongst themselves and that faction which distrusted their own strength should seek help of Vercingetorix he thought it most necessary to be prevented And forasmuch as such as were created chief Magistrates among the Hedui were by their laws forbidden to go out of their confines to the end he might not seem to derogate any thing from their laws he himself determined to go unto them At his coming he called before him to Decetia all the Senate and those also that were in controversy for the office And finding in an assembly almost of the whole State that one of them was chosen by a few privily called together in another place and at another time then was accustomed the brother pronouncing the brother whereas their laws did not only forbid two of one family both being alive to be created Magistrate but also to be of the Senate together he compelled Cotus to give over his interest in the magistracy and confirmed Convictolitanis being created by their Priests and according to the custome of their State This decree being ratified he adhorted the Hedui to forget their private controversies and dissensions and to give their best help to the war in hand wherein they might challenge and expect the Galles being subdued such rewards as they deserved commanding all their horse and ten thousand foot to be speedily sent unto him which he meant to dispose into garrisons for the better provision of corn And then dividing his army into two parts he sent four Legions towards the Senones the Pariâ—ians under the leading of Labienus the other four he led himself against the Arverni to the town of Gergovia along the râ—ver Elaver sending part of the horse with him and keeping part with himself OBSERVATIONS TO loose the least jot of that which a man hath in possession is more dishonourable then to fail of getting what he hath not And therefore Caesar chose rather to forgo the advantages which a speedy pursuit of the enemy might have afforded him to the ending of that war then to hazzard the losse of so great a State so well-affected to the people of Rome as were the Hedui wherein he carried so equall and indifferent a hand that he would do nothing but what the laws of that State directed him unto as most assured that such directions were without exception CHAP. XVII Caesar passeth his army over the river Elaver and incampeth himself before Gergovia WHich thing being known Vercingetorix having broken down all the bridges of that river took his journey on the other side of Elaver either army being in view each of other and incamping almost over against one another dâ—scoverers being sent out to watch lest the Romans should make a bridge in any place and carry over their forces Caesar was much troubled lest he should be hindered by the river the greatest part of that Summer forasmuch as Elaver is not passable at any foord untill towards the Autumne And therefore to prevent that he encamped himself in a woody place right over against one of those bridges which Vercingetorix had commanded to be broken The next day he kept himself there secretly with two legions and sent forward the rest of the forces with all the carriages as were accustomed taking away the fourth part of each cohort that the number of legions might appear to be the same commanding them to go on as far as they could and making conjecture by the time of the day that they were come to their camping-place upon the same piles the lower part whereof remained there whole he began to reedify the bridge and having speedily ended the work and carried over the Legions and chosen a fit place to encamp in he called back the rest of his forces Vercingetorix having notice thereof lest he should be forced to fight against his will went before by great journeys Casar with five incampings went from that place to Gergovia and after a light skirmish between the horse the same day he came having taken a view of the situation of the town which was built upon a very high hill and had very hard and difficult approaches on all sides he despaired of taking it by assault neither would he determine to besiege it untill he had made provision of corn But Vercingetorix having set his camp on a hill before the town had placed the severall forces of the States by themselves in small distances round about hâ—m and having possest himself of all the tops of that hill made a very terrible shew into all parts where he might be seen he commanded likewise the chiefmen of the States whom he had chosen out to be of the Councell of war to meet alwayes together with hâ—m at the dawning of the day to know if any thing were to be communicated unto them or what else was to be done Neither did he omit any day to skirmish with his horsemen with archers intermingled amongst them to the end he might try what courage and valour was in his people Right over against the town at the foot of the hill there was
hill led back their troups into the Camp The third day Caesar fortified his Camp with a Rampier and commanded the rest of the cohorts and the carriages which were left in the other Camps to be brought unto him OBSERVATION IT may be observed for Caesar's custome throughout the whole course of his wars to approch as near the enemie as conveniently he could that so he might the better observe his passages and be ready to take the favour of any opportunitie which either the nature of the place or the motions of the adversary would afford him Which was the rather his advantage in regard of his dexteritie and superlative knowledge in the use of Armes together with the experience of his old legions whereby he was able not onely to improve his own designes to the utmost of an honourable successe but to return the disgrace of any attempt made upon his Armie upon the heads of them that were authors of the same For otherwise his accosting so near an enemie might have turned to his own losse as being full of hazard and subject to more casualties then he that standeth further off And therefore the rule is That he that desireth to â—it near his adversarie must be exceeding circumspect and sure of some advantage either from the place or the over-awing power of his forces or else out of his own vertue or by some other means to over-sway the inconveniences which attend such ingagements As may appear by that which Frontinus observeth hence touching the straight whereinto Caesar was fallen being either to give battel which the enemie refused or to make good that place from whence he could not retreat but with danger Whereupon a little before night be stole the making of a ditch on the back of his Armie and retiring himself within the same stood in Armes all night for his better safetie The use of such ditches are of much importance and have oftentimes redeemed an Army from great extremities and were so frequent upon all occasions with the Romans that he that shall deny them to be good ditchers shall do them wrong And not onely they but other Nations could tell how to make use of the Spade Pericles of Athens being forced by them of Peloponnesus into a place that had but two out-lets of escape sunk a ditch of a great latitude thwart one of the passages as though he meant to keep out the enemie and set his souldiers to break out the other way The Peloponnesians thinking he could no way escape by the passage where the trench was cut applied themselves wholly to the other place where the souldiers made shew of breaking out whereby through the help of bridges which he had formerly provided he escaped over the ditch without resistance Sometimes they added other helps to these trenches especially when they sought handsome means to get themselves away whereof Sertorius may be an instance who having the enemie pressing him in the rere and being to passe a River drew a ditch and a rampier at his back in the fashion of a half-moon which rampier he heaped with wood and combustible matter and so setting it on fire kept off the enemie and passed with ease over the water In like manner Herculeius one of Sertorius Legates having rashly entered with a small power into a long and narrow passage between two hills and finding himself pursued by great forces of the enemy sunk a crosse trench between the two Mountains and piling the rampier with wood set it on fire and so cut off the enemie CHAP. XVI Caesar's attempt to possesse himself of a small hill what disadvantage he ran into by missing of his purpose what means he used to recover himself BEtween the town of Ilerda and the next hill where Petreius and Afranius were incamped there was a Plain of about three hundred paces in the midst whereof stood a little Mole rising higher then the rest which if Caesar could get and fortifie he hoped to cut off the enemy from the town and the bridge and from such victuals and provisions as were brought to the town Hereupon he took three legions out of the Camp and having put them into order of battell he commanded the Antesignani of one legion to run before possesse the place Which being perceived the cohorts that kept watch before Afranius Camp were presently sent a nearer way to take that Mount The matter came to blows but forasmuch as Afranius partie came first to the place our men were beaten back and by reason of new supplies sent against them were constrained to turn their backs and retire to the legions The manner of fight which those souldiers used was first to run furiously upon an enemy to seize any place boldly and with great courage not much respecting their orders or ranks but fighting in a scattered and dispersed fashion If they chaunc't to be throughly charged they thought it no shame to give way and retire accustomed thereunto by frequenting the Lusitanians and other barbarous people using that kind of fight as it commonly falleth out that where the souldiers have long lived they get much of the usage and condition of those places Notwithstanding our men were much troubled thereat as unaccustomed to that kind of â—ight for seeing every man leave his rank and run up and down they feared least they should be circumvented and set upon inflank and on their bare and open side whereas themselves were to keep their order and not to leave their places but upon extraordinarie occasion Upon the routing of the Antesignani the legion that stood in the corneâ— left the place and retreated to the next Hill almost all the Armie being affrighted upon that which had happened beyond every mans opinion contrary to former use Caesar encouraging his men brought out the ninth legion to second them by that means compelling the enemy insolent of good successe and shrewdly pursuing our men to turn their backs and to retire to the town of Ilerda and there to make a stand under the walls But the souldiers of the ninth legion carried on with endeavour and going about to repair their losse rashly followed the enemy into a place of disadvantage and came under the Hill whereon the town stood and as they would have made their retreat they were charged afresh from the upper ground The front of the place had an uneasie broken ascent and was on each side steep extended onely so much in breadth as would serve three cohorts to imbattell in neither could the Cavalrie come to help them The Hill declined easily from the town about four hundred paces in length and that way our men had some conveniency of retreat from the disadvantage to which their desire had unadvisedly led them The fight continued in this place which was very unequall both in regard of the straightness thereof as also for that they stood under the foot of the Hill whereby no weapon fell in vain amongst them Notwithstanding
by prowesse and valour they patiently endured all the wounds they received The enemies forces were supplied and renewed by such cohorts as were often sent out of the Camp through the town that fresh men might take the place of such as were wearied out And the like was Caesar fain to do sending fresh Cohorts to that place to relieve the wearied After they had thus continually fought for the space of five hours together and that our men were much over-charged with an unequall multitude having spent all their weapons they drew their swords and ascended up the hill to charge and assault the enemy and having slain a few of them the rest were driven to make retreat The cohorts being thus put back to the walls and some of them for fear having taken the town our men found an easie retreat Our Cavalrie did from a low ground get up unto the top of the hill and riding up and down between the two Armies made our souldiers to retreat with better case and so the fight succeeded diversly About seventie of our men were slain in the first on set And amongst these was slain Q. Fulginius Captain of the first Hastaâ—e Centurie of the fourteenth legion who for his exceeding valour was preferred to that place from the lower orders Six hundred at least were wounded And of Afranius party were slain T. Caecilius Centurion of a Primipile order and four Centurions more besides two hundred souldiers But such was the opinion of that dayes businesses that either side believed they left with the better Afranius party was so perswaded for that they long stood to handy-blows and resisted the violence of our souldiers although in all mens judgement they were the weaker as also for that they at first took and held the place which gave occasion of that fight and in the first encounter compelled our men to turn their backs Our men in like manner thought they had the better in regard they had maintained fight for five houres together in a place of disadvantage and with an unequall multitude that they ascended up the hill with their swords drawn and compelled their adversaries to turn their backs and to retreat into the town maugre the disadvantage of the place THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN this direction which Caesar gave to take the little Hill between Ilerda and Afranius Camp we may observe the danger depending upon the mischieving of an action For the failing of a purpose in seeking to obtain that which would prove of great advantage doth oftentimes draw men into as great inconveniences And as the end in every design pretendeth gain so the means thereof do give way to hazard from whence it consequently followeth that such as are imployed in execution had need to use all endeavour not to falsifie the grounds of good directions by negligent or inconsiderate carriage but rather to make good any want or defect by serious and wary prosecution of the same And the rather for that it specially concerneth their good that have the charge and handling of commands for they first are like to feel the smart of any errour committed therein or otherwise to have the honour of any fortunate successe forasmuch as Vertue hath all her praise from Action Concerning the use of running we are to understand that the Romans amongst other their exercises of Armes had speciall practise of this as available in four respects according as Vegetius hath noted First to the end they might charge the enemy with greater force and violence Secondly that they might possesse themselves with speed of places of advantage Thirdly that they might readily discover as should be found expedient upon all occasions And lastly to prosecute a flying enemy to better purpose and effect And this as Seneca saith they practised in peace that being accustomed to needlesse labour they might be able to discharge necessary duties And Livie amongst the military exercises used by Scipio to fit his men for those glorious exploits which he afterwards atchieved saith That the first day the legions ran four miles in Arms. And Suetonius affirmeth that Nero having appointed a race for the Praetorian cohorts carried a Target lifted up before them with his own hand And that Galba did more admirably for being suted of purpose to make himself eminent he directed a field-race with a Target himself running as fast as the Emperours Chariot for twenty miles together THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing to be noted in these specialties is the bold enterprise of Caesar's men in charging the enemy with their swords drawn against the Hill whereby making them to give back they had an easie and safe retreat from the danger wherein they were ingaged Whereby we may observe that difficulties of extremity are never better cleared then by adventurous and desperate undertakings According to the condition of diseases and distemperatures of the body which being light and easy are cured with mild and easy potions but being grievous and doubtfull do require sharp and strong remedies Which doth also in like manner appear throughout the whole course of Nature and particularly in weights for as ponderous and heavy bodies are not moved but with a counterpoise of greater force no more can extremities of hazard be avoided but by like perilous enforcements And hence groweth the difference between true valour and fool-hardy rashnesse being but one and the same thing if they were not distinguished by the subject wherein they are shewed For to run headlong into strange adventures upon no just occasion were to shew more levity then discretion And again to use the like boldnesse in cases of extremity deserveth the opinion of vertuous endeavour As is well observed by Homer in the person of Hector perswading the Trojans that fled away to stand and make a head against the Grecians This is the time saith he considering the danger wherein we are to use that prowesse and courage which we boast of And accordingly Diomedes censured Glaucus in the same place for offering himself to the fury of the Grecians Either thou art some God saith he or else but a lost and forlorn man Which may serve to learn us the true use of courage that ordinarily is never more shewed then in misemployment THE THIRD OBSERVATION I Have already in the observations of the second Commentary of the warres of Gallia discoursed particularly of the parts of a Legion Where it appeareth that in Caesar's time a legion consisted of five thousand men or thereabouts and according to the sufficiency and experience of the souldiers was divided into three parts The first and meanest of such as followed an Ensigne were called Hastati the second Principes and the third and chief sort Triarii and according to this division had their place and precedency in the Army Again each of these three kinds was divided into ten companies which they called Maniples and every Maniple was subdivided into two Centuries or Orders