how to do it First saith he let the front of your Army be Marshal'd equal with that of your Second enemy then says he let your front retire by little and little and your flanks standing still shall environ your enemy I doubt not but Machiavel thought this a squint device but it is a fancy only beseeming a Gentleman of the long robe If he had said let your Battel stand and your wings extend themselves he had spoke some sense but a front to retire is an improper speech and unintelligible in the Art of War for in strict and proper language a Front and a Reer consists but each of them of one rank whether that be of ten a hundred a thousand ten thousand or twenry thousand Men or Horse so the first rank which is the Front cannot retire further than six or three foot allowed to be between it and the second rank unless all the ranks and consequently the whole Batallion retire I grant there be some who will have the half of the ranks to be the Front and the other half the Reer as in our Foot Batallions which are six deep the three first ranks make the Front the other three the Reer but this as I think is not proper language neither will it help Machiavel for his Front of the three first ranks cannot retire till the three last ranks that are behind them retire first Besides all this I doubt if in Machiavels time Captains might well hazard more Third than now to command a Batallion of men to retire for fear they could not get them to advance again at least not so readily Justus Lipsius had reason to accuse Machiavel of gross ignorance for denying the right ordering of a Militia to be an Art and certainly his conceit to do so Fourth was very extravagant â—esides he contradicts himself for he calls his Treatise of War I sette libri del'arte della guerra di Nicolo Machiavelli Seven Books of the Art of War of Nicol Machiavell Indeed Soldiers are very little bound to him for he says neither Prince nor State should suffer any of those who profess to live by the Art of War to dwell under them nor doth saith he any vertuous or good man use it as an art and adds that those who do so must of necessity be false fraudulent treacherous and violent for they must saith this Doctor either obstruct all peace that the War continuing they may thereby be maintained or they must pill plunder and make spoil of other mens goods in the time of War that thereby they may maintain themselves in the time of peace This is bad enough if it be all true These are his goodly arguments which are but his own idle dreams for it is Fifth Observation no difficil matter to keep men who make profession of Arms within the bounds of their duty even when they but seldom receive their wages and this in this age is visible to the whole world Nor can many Instances be given where men of War obstructed that peace which their Masters desir'd or which both parties were contented to make And if after the conclusion of a peace and disbanding of Armies any exorbitancies chance to be committed by the Soldiers as seldom any such thing falls out they have been occasion'd by too great a defalcation of their pay with the half or moity whereof all Modern Soldiers will be heartily well contented so perfectly have they learn'd the Baptists Lesson in the Gospel to be content with their wages But to conclude I know not whether I shall more cry up the lowliness of spirit of those great Statesmen who are pleased to descend from their high Corollary Spheres to learn their Politicks from Machiavell or commend the generosity of those Captains who disdain to stoop so low as to receive their Lessons of the Military Art from the Town Clerk of Florence I suppose all that can be expected from me in the following Discourses is in some places to set down wherein the ordinances and customs of War in all or What the Author promiseth to do most of the several points or parts of it in divers Countries agree or disagree with the practice of the present times and when I give my own opinion it shall be sparingly and with submission neither shall I decline to go as far back in the â—nvestigation of the Customs and Constitutions of War in former times as I have either probable grounds for conjecture or any glimpse of light to conduct me Since I wrote this Chapter I have seen some Frenchmen who having been Soldiers themselves have given us an account of the present French art and order of War as De la Valiere Monsieur Louis de la Saya and some others CHAP. II. Of Levies the manner of several Nations in making them Duties of Soldiers when they are levied their age and how long they are bound to serve ARmies are properly the members of the great Body of War and men are the sinews of Armies The best choice election or levy of men is of Voluntary Levy the subjects of that Prince or State who maketh the War where the Law of the Land imposeth a necessity on men â—it for service to enroll themselves according to their several ranks and qualities And this Levy alters its nature according to the nature of the War for if that be a Defensive one the Levy is Voluntary for ordinarily men rise willingly in arms for the defence of their Country Lives Wives and Children But if the War be an Offensive one intended to invade a stranger and such as leads Natives from their Countries and Homes and carries them to foreign lands it is not universally voluntary and very oft gets the name of a Press In this kind of Levy most Nations followed the custom of Press the Grecians and Romans and chose most of their Cavalry out of the Gentlemen or the better sort and the Infantry out of the Commons but the substance of that custom is now vanished and we have scarce the shadow of it left with us The Emperours of the High Dutch Nation the German Princes and Imperial Towns by the old Constitutions of the Empire made an Election or Levy of their Subjects according to their Laws sometimes the tenth sometimes the sixth or fifth man or according to their Estates in all their Wars both since Manner of the ancient Levy in Germany the Turk became their unwelcome neighbour and before he had footing in Europe It is not above fourscore and ten years since in the raign of Maximilian the Second all that were Enrolled in the German Cavalry were by birth Gentlemen it is true they brought some of them one some two and some three with them who waited on them well horsed and armed for whom they receiv'd wages and were subject to articles of War but these were called in their language Einspanneers to distinguish them from the Masters who
it far His Son Alexander when he cross'd the Hellespont to invade the Persian Monarchy had thirty two thousand Foot and five In the Macedonian Armies thousand Horse above eight thousand more men than in Aelian's Macedonian Phalange At Issus he was stronger and at Arbela he had forty thousand Foot and seven thousand Horse all Grecians besides very many Asians whom he had subdued So we see that Aelians numbers of Horse or Foot did not hold even in the Macedonian Armies Much less will his rule hold in other Grecian Phalanges who drew up their heavy armed Foot but eight deep and so by our Authors method their light armed but four deep for if you allow their heavy armed Phalange to be one thousand twenty four Files these multiplied by eight which is the number of the File that Batallion consisted of eight thousand one hundred ninety two men Their Velites being half of that number they were four thousand ninety six Give the half of that number to their Cavalry they must have been two thousand forty eight And thus by Aelians rule their whole Phalange Nor in the other Grecian Phalanges of both heavy and light armed Foot and Horse should have amounted to neither more nor less than fourteen thousand three hundred thirty six Combatants But they neither observ'd that number nor his rule in the division of that number At Delos the Thebans and Boeotians had an Army consisting of seven thousand heavy armed Foot ten thousand light armed and one thousand Horse If they had been rul'd by Aelian they should have had more than ten thousand heavy armed five thousand and odd Velites and all the rest should have been Horse in this Pâ—â—lange of theirs When the Athenians sent Alcibiades and Nicias to Sicily they did not dream of any such exact numbers At Mantinea Epaminâ—â—das his Army consisted of thirty thousand Foot and three thousand Horse a number exceeding the great Macedonian Phalange by four thousand three hundred twenty eight men The Armies of the Lacedâ—monians and Athenians that fought against him in that last Battel of his were twenty two thousand Foot and Horse and these were more by seven thousand six hundred sixty four than a Grecian Phalange should have been by Aelians method at four deep the light and eight deep the heavy armed and yet came short six thousand six hundred seventy two of the number of the great Macedonian Phalange By this we see our Authors numbers of Phalanges did not always hold and it is a very great question to me if ever they did exactly hold at all I have already told you how he marshals his Phalange of heavy armed Foot without Reserve I have shown you that was not always done and I have demonstrated and instanc'd the inconveniencies of it when it was done Let us now see where he placeth his Cavalry in time of action To this he saith it was marshall'd according to the Generals pleasure sometimes on the Flanks of the heavy armed Foot sometimes before them and sometimes behind them That they were drawn up according to the Generals pleasure he needed not tell us that was not the question but it was where the Generals pleasure was to place them For marshalling the Horse on the Flanks of the Foot there is reason enough for it it was and still is a common practice To marshal them when they are to fight before the Foot is not in Where Aelian marshall'd the Cavalry my opinion advisedly done some to skirmish doth well but if all the Horse fight in the Van of the Foot and be beaten they may readily rout their own Infantry without the Enemies help for something like that I have seen practis'd And though the Macedonian Foot Phalange had as I said before three Intervals through which the Horse might perhaps if worsted have retir'd in good order and drawn up in the Rear of the Foot yet their Flight or Retreat would have infinitely discourag'd the Infantry which was presently to enter into action nor do I think such a manner of fight hath been oft practis'd To draw up the Horse behind the Foot would be in my judgement yet of less use but Aelian in his Figure of the whole Phalanx marshals the heavy armed Foot formost next them the Velites and the Cavalry behind both If he did not intend the Horse should fight in that place why did he marshal them there and if he conceiv'd they might fight there why did he not tell us how they could do it It is true it may be imagin'd the Velites might bestow their Arrows and Stones cast out of Slings upon an Enemy over the heads of the heavy arm'd Phalange but what hurt Horsemen heavily armed could do an Enemy over the heads of both heavy and light arm'd Foot drawn up in two distinct Bodies one behind the other is not so easie to fansie And with permission of Aelian I doubt it can hardly be made appear that any General before his time whether Macedonian Grecian or Barbarian ever drew up an Army in that fashion if they had ground to do it otherwise Cyrus plac'd his Foot in the Battel and his Horse in the Ordinarily Horse fought in the Wings Wings when he fought with the Assyrians saith Xenophon The Grecians at Delos Leuctra and Syracusa put their Horse in the Wings mixed with light armed Foot their heavy armed Phalange in the middle and some of their Velites skirmishing before it with Reserves behind Alexander used that same custome in all his Battels though at Issus the Streights of the Mountains would not suffer him to put his Army in that order he had design'd till he acquir'd a more spatious ground At Arbela where he totally overthrew Darius he marshall'd his Army nothing after Aelians pattern but so that you may almost say that our Modern Generals draw up their Armies now in imitation of him and according to the Copy he cast them there For his Right Wing consisted of Horse mix'd with light armed Foot the Right hand whereof was commanded by Clitus and the Left by Philotas His Left Wing was likewise Horse mix'd with Velites on the Right hand whereof stood Meleager and on the Left Philip with his Thessalian Cavalry Between these two Wings was ranged his Phalange of heavy arm'd Foot some Velites skirmishing before it and behind all these both Phalanae and Wings were those Reserves under Horestes Lincerta Polycarpon and Philagus whereof I formerly told you The altering a Phalange from one form posture or site to another gave Several forms of a Phalange gave it several denominations occasion to the Grecians to give it some new denomination though it was still that same Phalange it was before the motion or evolution made the alteration which perhaps hath given a rice to Aelian to present us with so many several Figures in his Treatise nor would they be hard to be understood if they were illustrated by either smaller or greater
this because he is supported by one who by his other writings hath made himself well enough known and that is Nicâ—l Machiavelli who in the third Book of his Art of War very magisterially tells Machiavelli his assertion us that the Allies Foot never exceeded that of the Romans but their Horse were some more I have spoken to both these in the last Chapter But he adds that the Romans in their greatest necessity never used more than two Consular Armies and that each of them consisted of twenty four thousand Combatants I hope the instances I have used against Vegetius in this same cause may serve sufficiently to confute Machiavelli But here I must observe the Florentines presumption in the modelling his Roman Consular Army First He makes every Legion to consist of five thousand five hundred Foot a thing we never heard from any other Author nor he from Vegetius who is constantly for six thousand one hundred Foot Next he makes the Cavalry of the Allies to be seven hundred for every Legion contrary to most Authors who make them but six But we shall let that pass with him that thereby he may make up his Consular Army of twenty four thousand men thus Two Confuted Roman Legions eleven thousand Foot Allies Foot as many these amount to twenty two thousand then six hundred Roman Horse and fourteen hundred of the Allies are two thousand Horse in all twenty four thousand Let this I say be given but not granted him why concludes he positively that two Consular Armies consisted of fifty thousand fighting men Where did the Secretary of Florence learn this Arithmetick to make fifty the aggregate of twice twenty four Yet if he be not guilty of more dangerous errors we may pardon him this But to return to Vegetius he gives me too oft just occasion to think that Lipsius wrong'd him not much when he said of him that he was Veterum rerum parum firmiter sciens Not throughly acquainted with ancient matters CHAP. XVII Of a Consular Army Marshall'd in the Field and of some general Officers belonging to it IN so important an affair upon the right or wrong managing of which depended the conservation or ruine not only of the Roman Armies but of the State Polybius affords us no more light than what he hath done in marshalling the Legionary Foot and if he be right in that we are to look for little or no help from Vegetius whose ordering of a Legion we have rejected only we admit what he says in the fifteenth Chapter of his second Book though thereby he contradicts himself that Equites locantur in cornibus The Horse are placed in the Wings But having in the several fore-going Chapters shown you how as far as any Authors have given us light the Foot were marshall'd of what number both they and the Horse were and how they were drawn up of what number the Allies were and how they were divided I suppose our business now is how to joyn them in one Body or Army and when it comes to a battel to observe what customes were used by the Romans and other Ancients Though as either occasion offer'd emergency required or necessity forced the Roman Captains used several figures and forms of Battels yet that which was most ordinary and most used was the quadrate or square but I do not at all mean an equilateral one as Terduzzi would gladly have it to be to which purpose he puts himself to more trouble than he needs and in doing so he shews Terduzzi over nice himself more an Engineer as I believe he was to Basta the Emperour Rodolph the Second's Captain General in Transilvania than a Marshal of a Field needs to be But I mean such a Quadrate or Square as the General of the Roman Army imagined that either the ground the posture of the Enemy or his own designs did or might prompt him to make But in regard we can say but little to Marshalling till we condescend of what and how many members ordinarily the Roman Armies were composed and though the numbers of both Roman and Allies Legions varied oft yet because for most part the Legion consisted of four thousand two hundred Foot and the Horse were three hundred and that ordinarily two Legions and six hundred Horse were sent to the Field with a Consul and that also for most part the Foot of the Allies was equal to that of the Romans and almost constantly they were double their number in Horse let us follow Polybius and say the Consular army consisted of sixteen thousand eight hundred Foot and eighteen hundred Horse in all eighteen thousand six hundred Neither do I think I can tell you better how a Roman Army was Marshall'd when it was to fight than to inform you how Scipio the Great or the African Roman Army Marshall'd by Scipio drew up his Army when he was to fight against Syphax and Asdrubal and that out of the Fourteenth Book of Polybius There the Historian tells us that the Roman Consul drew up his Foot in the Body or Battel first his Hastati next his Principes and thirdly his Triarii on the right wing were his Roman Horse and on the left his Numidians And here our Author in one word and once for all tells us that it was the constant custom of the Romans to Marshall their Armies in that fashion His words are Et in hoc Romanae Militiae consuetudinem simpliciter servavit And when the same Scipio fought against his redoubted enemy Hannibal he did the very like only with this alteration that he commanded his Legate Lâ—lius to command the Roman Cavalry on the left wing and set King Masanissa with his Numidian Horse on the right This one example may teach us how the Roman Armies were ordinarily Embatteled But here is no word of the Allies I suppose if Scipio had any as likely he had their Horse were join'd with the Roman Horse in one of the wings in both those Battels since the other wing at both times was given to the Auxiliary Numidians But where an Army was purely composed of Romans and Allies they Army of Romans and Allies Marshal'd together in the Field were Marshalled as we may gather out of Polybius his Sixth Book and other Authors in this manner the Roman six hundred Horse were placed on the right wing upon their left-hand the first Legion of the Allies Foot consisting of three thousand four hundred for eight hundred of it was taken out for Extraordinaries upon the left-hand of the Allies first Legion stood the first Roman Legion and next it the second and upon the left-hand of it was Marshalled the second Legion of the Allies and upon the left-wing stood the Confederates Cavalry to the number of eight hundred for four hundred of their twelve hundred were cull'd out for Extraordinaries Now those eight hundred Horse of the Allies were divided into twenty Turmes or Troops as the Roman six hundred Horse were
likewise but with this difference that in every Troop of the Allies there were forty Riders but in the Roman Troops there were only thirty Thus was the gross or bulk of the Roman armies Marshalled As to the Evocati of the Romans and the Extraordinarii of the Allies Polybius hath told us no more than Station of the Extraordinaries uncertain what I have told you in my Discourse of the Allies that they were Encamped besides the Consul and were to be near him in the field and to wait on the Treasurer also But we are left by him and others to conjecture how in what particular place or places they were ordain'd to fight And truly I shall be easily induced to believe that sometimes the Consul placed three hundred of the Allies Extraordinary Horse on the right hand of the Roman Horse in the right wing and so made that wing stronger by one hundred than the other for otherwise the left wing had been two hundred stronger than the right The fourth hundred of the Extraordinary Horse Terduzzi will have to stay with the Consul and probably they did so The Allies Extraordinary Foot were divided into two great Squadrons one whereof stood between the first Legion of the Allies and the first Legion of the Romans on the right-hand of the Battel the second Squadron stood on the left-hand of the second Roman Legion between it and the second Legion of the Allies Thus Lipsius and Terduzzi will have it to be and I think it may be probable enough that it was so yet I doubt none of these two can tell me who told them that it was so In another place Lipsius thinks that both the Evocati and Extraordinarii at the Consuls command join'd with the Triarii to reinforce the Battel and truly this is not improbable but the question is where they stood before they were commanded to join with the Triarii for as Lipsius Marshals them in the Intervals of the Triarii they would hinder the Principes and Hastati to join with the Triarii What Terduzzi saith on this subject I suppose he hath out of Lipsius for though they were coetaneous yet I find Lipsius often cited by Terduzzi But I shall wrong none of them if I say that neither of them in this particular had more warrant than their own Leves conjecturâ— fallacia vestigia as Lipsius calls them If you will believe Vegetius in the eighteenth Chapter of his Third Book the Consul should have made use of the Extraordinarii both Horse and Foot to environ and surround the Enemies left wing if you ask me why the Consul might not as well have surrounded the enemies right wing as his left I must answer you that Vegetius hath kept up the reason from us as a secret In that same Chapter Vegetius says that the Commander in chief should stand between the right wing of the Horse and the Foot as a fit place from whence he might take up his measures and encourage and relieve both his Horse and Foot Lipsius and Terduzzi fix him to the Aquila or the Eagle on the right Station of a Roman Consul in Battel hand of the Roman Legion But Polybius saith in that Battel I just now spoke of Scipio gave the right wing to Masanissa and the left to Lâ—lius to command It would seem then that himself staid with the Foot and so indeed he did for he caused a retreat to be sounded to the Hastati that he might advance with the Principes But since I may guess as well as others I suppose he stood between the two Roman Legions and consequently besides the Eagle of the second Legion and assuredly that part being directly the Center of the army it was in my opinion the only proper place for a Captain-General but when two Consuls were joined together it was not so for ordinarily the one commanded the right wing of the Horse and the other the left So it was at Cannae where the Romans were beaten by Hannibal so it was at Vesuvius where Manlius got the Victory over the Latins after the death of his Colleague Decius so it was at Metaurus where Nero and Livy defeated and kill'd Asdrubal But indeed where there was but one Consul or General he seldom tyed himself to one place but rode where he saw his Presence was most needful So did that Manlius I just now mentioned so did Caesar and so did many others of the ancient Roman Captains And it had been no prejudice either to Lipsius or Terduzzi to have suffer'd a Consul in a Consular army to have stood where he pleased either besides the first Eagle or the second or besides none of them Vegetius in the ninth tenth and eleventh Chapters of his Second Book speaks of some more Offices in a Consular army than Polybius doth and these were three Praefectus Legionis Praefâ—ctus Castrorum and Praefectus Fabrorum It is strange we do not read of these three great Commanders among the ancient Romans and yet in my opinion they had the two last as by the description of their Officers the Reader will quickly conceive As to the first Polybius makes no mention of Other General Officers in a Consular Army him and if there had been any such Officer in his time he neither could or would have past him when he gave us the particular description of a Legion and all its Officers and more especially when he tells us that the Tribunes received the word or Tessera from the Consul and gave it to the Centurions and that the said Tribunes took on them to judg and give definitive sentence in their Legions which they could not have done if there had been a Praefectus above them So it seems he hath been a new Officer created after the Emperours came in play This Fraefectus Legionis this Brigadier or this Legionary Colonel for I Praefectus Legionâ— know not how to English it according to Vegetius his description in the ninth Chapter of his Second Book was an Officer of great experience was obey'd by all the Tribunes Centurions and Soldiers the care of Men Horses Clothes Colonel of the Legion and Arms belong'd to him By his order they were drill'd and train'd and by his authority the Soldiers were punisht for their misdemeanors by the Tribunes But mark it he had only this power in the absence of the Legate and as his Deputy Legato absente tanquam ejus Vicario saith Vegetiuâ— Now if every Legion had a Legate I should believe the Legate was Colonel the Praefectus Lieutenant Colonel the Tribunes were Captains and the Centurions Corporals as I observed before in my Discourse of the Infantry Polybius indeed speaks of Legates but of no Praefecti except among the Allies The Praefectus Castrorum saith Vegetius had the care of the Position of the Praefectus Castrorum Camp the ordering the depth and breadth of both Ditch and Rampart the care of the Sick and of the
so close that he might have no time to rally and to force him out of his strong holds before he recover'd breath to gather strength But we shall find not only Hannibal defective in this so important a Duty of a Great Captain but many of the Romans themselves even against this Carthaginian Arch-enemy of theirs Livy informs us in his twenty seventh Book that at Canusiâ—m Marcellus beats Not always practis'd by the Romans him Hannibal gets to his Camp and in the night time marches out of it Marcellus not pursuing him got work enough to do with him afterward The same Author tells us in his twenty ninth Book that the Consul Sempronius and Pro-consul Licinius fought with the same Hannibal in the Brâ—tian Countrey and defeated him but they not pursuing he got the rest of his Army safely to Croton next day In his thirty first Book he says Philip of Macedon was worsted by the Romans in two Horse fights but not being pursued by the Consul and leaving great Fires in the Camp he escap'd to the Mountains Caesar defies all his Enemies to challenge or charge him with this oversight for he never Never omitted by Caesar beat one of them in the Field which he did very often but he was sure to be Master of his Camp before he slept But you may read all along in Livy when the Roman State was but beginning to grow that when their Dictators or Consuls had beaten any of their Neighbours Tuscans Veians Volscians Samnites or Latines for most part they made no more ado but march'd back to the City which I suppose the ambition of a Triumph frequently led them to But if these very often Victorious Romans receiv'd the foil as sometimes they did they did even that which many more ancient people did before them and many younger have done since and that is they either fled or retir'd If they fled downright without taking notice of their Camp either their speed carried them away or they saved their lives by submitting to such conditions as themselves often imposed upon those who by the chance of War came to be their Captives of which I shall speak in my discourse of Prisoners Of what advantage or disadvantage flying or retiring to a Camp was Of a Retreat to a Camp shall be touched when I come to view Lipsius his comparison of the Ancient and Modern Militia In this place I shall only say that the Romans did not always leave their Camps fortified and mann'd when they went out to Battel At Ciminia the Consul Fabius made his Baggage-men demolish the fortification of his Camp and fill up the Ditches while he put his Army in Battel array in which he issued out fought the Enemy and beat him as you have it in Livy's ninth Book And it is in that same Book where he tell you that the Dictator Q. Fabius order'd C. â—abius to fall upon the Samnites with his new levied Army while the Dictator himself at another quarter sallied out of his Camp with his whole Army and did not only not leave any to defend the Camp but order'd likewise all his Tents and Baggage to be burnt that by taking away all hopes of a Retreat he might force his Souldiers to fight couragiously both for the safety of their lives and the recovery of their goods or the equivalence of them by the plunder of the Enemies Camp all which came to pass The â—â—â—salus victis nullam sperare salutem like of this action of the Roman Dictator History tells us hath been practis'd by others particularly by William the Conquerour when he invaded England who after his landing caus'd them to burn all his Ships which were not so few as eight hundred CHAP. XX. Of the March of a Consular Army SUpposing that which very often fell out that the Romans gain'd the Victory in their last Battel and had again nestled themselves in their Camp let us see in what order they march'd out of it either to pursue an old Enemy or to find out a new one In this point of the Roman Militia Lipsius puts himself Liâ—sius officious to some needless trouble to comment on Polybius for I think he is so clear in it that Lisius doth him dis-service in offering him his help where he needs it not at all I shall therefore tell you how Polybius ordereth the march of a Consular Army without staying for Lipsius his tedious explications At the first sound of the Trumpets and Horns every man gather'd his Preparations to a March. Baggage Burthens and Fardels together and had them ready to truss up if they were Officers on their Pack and Sumpter horses if common Souldiers on their own Backs At the second sound they loaded either themselves or their Beasts And at the third sound they marched Now though Polybius mentions it not nor Lipsius who will comment on him yet we are to believe that all Consuls were so discreet that they made no great Interval of time between the second and third sound because it could not be very pleasing to either Man or Beast standing under heavy burthens to lose any of that time which they might have sav'd in making their Journey After the third sound they marched in this order First marched the Extraordinaries Order of the Roman March. of the Allies as being nearest the Consuls Pavilion and near to the Praetorian Port. These were followâ—d by the first Legion of the Allies and after it the Baggage of the Extraordinaries and of that first Legion In the third place march'd the first Legion of the Romans and its Baggage after it Fourthly The second Roman Legion followed by both its Baggage and the Baggage of the second Legion of the Allies Which in the fifth place was follow'd by the second Legion of the Allies that was in the Rear of the Infantry The place where the Cavalry was to march was uncertain sometimes both Extraordinary and Ordinary Horse march'd all in the Van sometimes in the Rear sometimes on both the Flanks without the Baggage according as the General resolv'd to make use of them taking up his measures by the nearness of an Enemy in either Van Rear or Flank And sometimes the Cavalry march'd divided into Van and Rear Polybius shews us also that if there were ground enough and great suspicion of an Enemy then the Baggage of the Hastati of every Legion was sent before them which they followed themselves after them came the Baggage of the Principas and then themselves followed in the third place by the Baggage of the Triarii which themselves follow'd If an Enemy appear'd in the Van the Baggage of the Hastati was immediately turn'd to a side and the place where it had been was possess'd by the Hastati themselves the same was done by the Principes and Triarii And we may suppose that if an Enemy appear'd in the Rear the Baggage of the Triarii was turn'd aside and its place possess'd
commands in chief may order if his affairs Two Souldiers may quaâ— in one hut require it that in one row of fity Huts an hundred Souldiers shall quarter it will be no prejudice to them but rather helpful provided they have no wives Between the quarters of the Foot and the fortification of the Camp there is a void place of 200 foot broad this the Ancients call'd Pomerium we name it the Alarm and Paradiâ—g place or place of Arms And though as I told you before many would have the Colours and Arms to stand in that Sâ—reet which traverseth the quarters behind the Colonels Tents yet assuredly in time of Alarms the Souldiers running to their Arms and the Ensigns to their Colours Place of Arms. cannot in so narrow a place but be much embaras'd besides they have not room to draw up therefore it were more fit to have the Colours fixt before the head of the quarter in this place of Arms and to have the Pâ—kes of every Company leaning on a Tree laid across other two Trees fixed in the ground and in fair weather the Muskets also but in time of rain the Souldiers should carry them into their huts and in that case I shall advise Officers to cause the Musqueteers to draw their Ball because when an accidental fire comes careless Souldiers and how many be there of these will be more ready to run out of their huts Muskets chaâ—ged with ball dangerous in huts and carry their Knapsacks and Cloaks with them than their Musquets and these being charg'd with Ball render all endeavours to quench the fire exceeding dangerous if not altogether impossible because the Powder wherewith these Musquets are charged being fired sends their Bullets so extravagantly at random on all quarters that men know not how to shelter themselves from them an experience whereof I once saw in a transient Leaguer which for that reason I speak of was well near burnt to the ground and yet next day I heard of no order given to prevent the like mischief for the future which should have been done After the Regiment Quartermasters have given the Quartermasters and Fouriers Fouriers aâ—â— to mark all the several huts their proportions of grounds and that the four corners of each hut are marked with four twigs or sticks the Souldiers that are not working at the Fortificaon fall to and make their huts but the Officers must see it be done regularly that none take more or less ground than what is allowed them lest thereby they spoil the uniformity of the Quarter If the General can spare none of that spacious ground allow'd for his lodgings for a Market-place and a quarter for Volunteers and strangers then the Castrametator must measure out ground for both not far from the Proviant Office for none of them must be neglected When all is done the Quartermaster General or one of his Engineers is to draw the Fortification of the Camp all the Lines whereof are to be marked by making a furrow in the earth half a foot deep and half a foot broad The whole Trenches are to Souldiers are to work at the Fortificâ—on oâ— thâ— Camp be wrought by the several Regiments of Foot according to their numbers of men because the Retrenchment is for their own safety unless the Prince General get them to be helped by Country people or Pioneers By what is said you see our Quartermaster General should be a person of strong Intellectuals and well seen in the Mathematicks especially Geometry which both Fortification and Castrametation acknowledge to be their Mother For avoiding Infection noysom and contagious Diseases procured by the daily killing and slaughtering Beasts in a plentiful and numerous Leaguer it is convenient that deep pits be dig'd and that all that is not useful be cast into them about the middle of the pit there should be a thick board laid fast thorough which a whole should be cut and what is cast in the pit should be let down through that hole and therefore a board should be laid over that hole and then so much of the earth as was digged out of the pit should be cast in till the mouth of it be made equal with the superfice of the ground and that earth may be taken out as oft as you will till the pit be full of these noisome things up to the board and then it should be closed up and if pits be used in this fashon it matters not if these pits be dig'd among the huts or in the Streets of the Camp The carrying these things three or four hundred foot without the Camp is exceedingly troublesome and the killing the beasts so far without exceedingly inconvenient and of no consequence since thereby the Air may be Infected as well without as within the Camp and that is all one matter Whether pits may not be dig'd for Souldiers to do the works of Nature in and some Cloth Canvas or some such thing put about it as the Turks do or if it be best to continue the custome of going without the leaguer one hundred paces which should be marked by a long pole and a wisp of Straw at the top of it shall not be the Subject of this Discourse for assuredly the dâ—bate of it cannot be very savory Where there is no great danger of a visible enemy a General may quarter his Army in two distinct Bodies Battel and Reserve the distance between them being 4 or 500 ordinary paces the Foot in the middle and the Horse on both Wings as the General thinks most expedient as to these Oblong Quadrangles wherein are encamped several bodies whereof I have so oft spoke you may if you please call them as the French do Parks and that properly enough Know likewise that Custom hath obtained that the outward line of Fortification of Camps that regards the Enemy without is called Ciâ—cumvallation and the inward one towards the Besieged place hath the name of Contravallation Whereas in very deed and in common speech both of them are Circumvallations nor are they so to be termed in strict sence and proper language unless use be made of Stakes or Pallisades which the Old Romans constantly practis'd and are called in Latin Valli whereof I have spoken largely in another place CHAP. XXI Of Guards Watches Parads Sentinels Rounds and Patrovilles IT is to little purpose to fortifie either a Camp or a Castle unless men be appointed to maintain the Fortification and because men cannot watch constantly therefore they must watch by turns either according to the number of the men that are quartered within the fortified place or the danger the place may be in of a near and powerful enemy for though Guards should be kept and strictly kept even when no danger seems to threaten yet it were madness to weary Souldiers as much by watching when no enemy is expâ—cted as when one is assuredly look'd for If the Companies of Horse and Guards to be stronger or
Bodies in the Field as they are by him in Paper When the Phalanx presented their Pikes by half Files to Front and Rear the Greeks called it in that posture Amphistomus When the General commanded the Wings of the Phalange to advance and the Body to make a Bow or Crescent and in that posture to receive the charge of a Wedge Battel then it was called Antistomus And when by facing either by the Right or Left hand about the Rear was made the Front then the Phalange was called Peristomus And so of others needless to rehearse It may be I mistake in the Greek names as having indeed but very little knowledge in that Language CHAP. IX Of the Grecian March Baggage Encamping Guards and of their Paean ALL these belong to the Art of War of any Nation and none will doubt but the Grecians had set rules and orders for them all and every one of them which they did not alter but according to the circumstances of things and emergency of affairs on which depend most of Military actions Aelian gives us little light or indeed none at all in any of these particulars Most of them forgot by Aelian but leaves us to glean what we can out of History and thereon to build our own conjectures It had been convenient for us to have known the manner of their marching where or how the Horse the heavy and light armed and how far every day all of them were obliged to march as also whether the Chiliarchies which were Regiments of Foot and the Hipparchies which were Regiments of March Horse changed day about or if they march'd constantly in one place according to their Antiquity or Precedency For there is no doubt but their Ephipparchies which were Brigades of Horse and their Myriarchies which were Brigades of Foot might have chang'd Van and Rear every day by turns as easily as our Brigades do But since we are left by our leader Aelian in the dark I shall be of the opinion that being there were by Aelians account four Ephipparchies in the Cavalry and four Phalangarchies in the Phalange of the heavy armed Foot they chang'd day about and each of them had the Van every fourth day as also I think it was most consentaneous to Reason that there being four Chiliarchies in every Phalangarchy and four Talentinarchies in every Ephipparchy they likewise daily changed so that every Talentinarchy had the Van in the Ephipparchy every fourth day as every Chiliarchy had in the Phalangarchy I shall likewise believe that the Cavalry march'd either before behind or on the Flanks of the Foot Phalange according to the Enemies motions and so did the light armed Foot By these conjectures I do not offer to impose on any mans belief but leave him that liberty that I have taken to guess as probably as he can How far the heavy armed Phalange was bound to march in one day as I can assert nothing so I may only guess that they could be bound to march but twenty or five and twenty miles as the Roman Legionaries were and therefore I can hardly believe Polianus who saith Philip made his Phalange march in one day three hundred Stadia or Furlongs which make thirty seven Italian miles and a half you will think this the more incredible when you hear immediately what Baggage they carried Concerning the Baggage of a Grecian Army our Author gives us this account first that it was necessary to appoint a judicious and active person to have the conduct of it he saith well Next he tells us that sometimes the Baggage march'd in the Van of the Army and so I think it should if the Baggage Enemy were in the Rear Sometimes saith he it march'd in the Rear when the Army advanc'd towards an Enemy and good reason it should be so Sometimes saith he it march'd in the middle of the Army and there may be strong enough Reasons for that too But sometimes he saith it was order'd to march in the Flanks of the Army and so it might provided it had good Guards on the Flanks of it And lastly he avers the Grecians sent their Baggage sometimes before their Army when they were to enter iuto a declared Enemies Countrey And here I profess I do not at all understand the mystery of this Stratagem of War But I wish Aelian had clear'd us in this whether the Souldiers or Companies of Horse or Foot had Waggons Carts Beasts of Carriage Drudges and Slaves allow'd them to carry their Meat and Drink and Fardles or if they were obliged to carry all themselves for in my next Essay of the Roman Militia I shall let you see a Legionary carry three Magazines on his Head Back and Shoulders the first of Arms Stakes or Pallisadoes the second of Meat and Clothes and the third of Utensils for a Kitchin If of all these three the Greek was only obliged to carry his Arms he had a great advantage of the Roman in all marches and expeditions Yet I suppose my Reader may hazard with me to believe that before Philip of Macedons time the Grecian Souldiers carried no other burthens than their Arms but had The Grecian Souldiers carry'd no Baggage either Carriage-Beasts or Drudges allow'd them for carrying their Victuals and other necessaries and this conjecture I ground upon what I have read in Thucydides who tells us that at Syracusa after the unfortunate Athenians had lost their Navy in which were all or most of their provisions and that they were to march away by Land from the Siege of that potent City to seek new fortunes their Souldiers were necessitated to carry their meat themselves because saith the Historian they had mostly lost their Slaves and Drudges who were accustom'd to carry it and some few whose Slaves had stay'd still with them durst not trust them with so precious a thing as meat then was lest in that sad disaster they should run away with it and so starve them If then their Slaves ran away from Till Philip of Macedons time them then Slaves were allow'd them And it seems King Philip abrogated this custome for he caus'd all his Foot Souldiers to carry their Meat and Baggage themselves allowing only one Soujat to carry a Hand-mill for the use of ten Souldiers and a Drudge to every Horse-man this caus'd the other Grecians to call the Philippians Jumenta Philippi Philips Beasts of Carriage But for all that I have not Faith enough to believe Frontinus who saith that the same Philip caus'd his Foot to carry at one time Triginta dierum farinam meal for thirty days And if his Son Alexander kept up that custome as it is like he did then his Phalangites needed not to have yielded to the Roman Legionaries for heavy burthens in both long and wearisome marches which you will easily grant to be true if you will consider the indefatigable expeditions of that magnanimous King through Persia and India It seems Aelian hath not
do likewise Fear indeed occasions confusion and he will still have Pikemen more fearful than other men Besides he will have them to be ill train'd as if they durst not hazard to charge with their Pikes for fear of hurting either their Commanders or their Companions As to the time of night when the enemy may fall on I know not well what he means by it unless it be that he thinks the darkness or horrour of the night should put a Pikeman in greater danger than a Musqueteer and this I would gladly hear him or any other for him demonstrate His fourth argument is that Pikes are unfit and unserviceable for Convoys In answer to this I ask admit it were so is it therefore not useful at all Fourth Argument Next I say he is mistaken for many Convoys have made use of them and many Convoys must make use of Pikes according to the nature of the ground they Answered are to traverse open Heath and Champain Country or as the enemies strength is fancied to be either in Foot or Horse Many great Convoys are composed only of Firelocks or Fusees I hope Master Lupton will not thence infer that Musquets are useless Fifthly he says The Musqueteer is overtoil'd and discourag'd when he sees Fifth Argument he must do the whole duty in Sallies Skirmishes Convoys and Onslachts as he calls them suppose Infalls or Surprisals from all which the Pikeman is exempted In answer to which I ask who exempted him Truly none that I know Answered but Brancatio and Master Lupton who exempts him from all other duties and makes him unnecessary nor can I divine where our Author hath learn'd this Discipline that he offers to teach us I have shewn the Pikeman is necessary for some Convoys in all Sallies he is serviceable sometimes with his Pike or sometimes with a half Pike or a Halbert sometimes a Morning Star and sometimes Hand granado's with all which the Musqueteer many times must do service for in the medley of a Salley his Musquet is often an unnecessary Weapon unless he be within a Parapet As for Surprizals and Anslachts the Pikeman many times may be very useful and more than the Musqueteer unless he change the Lock of his Musquet as I told you in the last Chapter As to Skirmishes it will be easily granted him that neither the heavy armed Footman who should be the Pikeman nor the heavy armed Horseman who is the Curiassier are proper for them These services were performed in ancient times by the Velites and now by Musquets Fusees Fire-locks and light Horsemen the heavy armed standing ready to sustain them and either to give or receive the Charge Nor did I ever hear Musqueteers make any such complaints as these our Author is pleased to charge them with Sixthly he tells us That in Outworks before or besides an enemy the Pikeman Sixth Argument is useless unless it be to stand Centinel for says he the Musqueteers defend the works and while they are furiously giving fire the Pikeman is sitting in the Trenches taking Tabaco or telling Tales For answer I do not remember that ever I heard a Soldier tell such a tale as this of Mr. Luptons but I know not where this man is he is just now in Out-works and immediately in Trenches It seems they are all one with him but because they are not so I must divide his argument into two parts and give an answer Subdivided to both If it be in Trenches or Approaches to a besieged Fort that the Musqueâ—eers are giving fire furiously it must be either at a Sally of the enemy And answered and then sure the Pikeman is neither sitting nor idle or it is when a Battery is a making near the Counterscarp or that the Zap is begun there and then indeed both Cannon and Musqueâ— should fire furiously upon both Curtains and flanks of the Wall that from thence those who work may be as little disturbed as may be and at that time the Pikeman is busie working with a Spade Shovel or Mattock in his hand or is carefully attending to give obedience to what else he is commanded to do perhaps to receive the Sally of an enemy In the next place I come to Mr. Luptons Outworks and he must mean the Pike is useless either when an Outwork is storm'd or when it is defended from a Storm If the first the Pike is more necessary than any Fire-gun after those who carry them come to the ascending or mounting the work and this is obvious to sense If the second when an enemy is coming on to the Storm it is the Musqueteers part to give fire to keep him off and chace him away but the enemy being already at the foot of the work and mounting the Musquet is useless except from flanks and the Pikâ—man then with stones and Hand-granado's doth the service till the enemy be within push of Pike and then sure the Pike is not useless But he says a Pike is too long a weapon for this service To answer which I shall tell you that Outworks whereof Mr. Lupton speaks confusedly are Tenailles Ravelines Half-moons Crown-works and Horn-works and for the defence of these ordinarily there are other weapons than either Pike or Musquet such are Hand-granado's Stones Halberts Partisans Morning Stars two handed and hangmans Swords which are standing ready within the work that when the Pike cannot be made use of the Pikeman and Musqueteer both may make use of them or any of them And if none of these weapons be in the work a Pikeman may very soon make a Half-Pike of his long Pike which is a weapon much commended by Mr. Lupton But there is no necessity for that either for in these Outworks I have spoke of a Pikeman may with much ease stand on the Rampart and griping his Pike either at half or quarter length tumble down an enemy dead or alive from the top of the Parapet and not cut his Pike at all And because our Author may mean Redoubts and Batteries which are made at Sieges for truly I do not well know where to find him I say the Musqueteers standing on the foot banks of these and doing their work the Pikemen may stand in the body of the Redoubt or Battery and kill or throw over any enemy that is on the head of the Parapet As a Corollary to this sixth argument our Author tells us of a Scout that was lost at the Siege of Stoad where the half of the Soldiers were Pikemen to whom he attributes the loss I suppose he means by Scout some Post and why may not I say the other half of the Defendants who were Musketeers occasion'd the loss and not the Pike-men but because I know not what he means I shall grant him all he says and yet aver that the particular oversight of Pike-men will never conclude the Pike universally useless Seventhly he says Pike-men cannot make a Retreat for saith he an
not seen Brancatio but Terduzzi his Countrey-man for they were both Italians in his Book of Machines says he hath read him Now if he value neither his opinion nor his reasons I think none should for Tâ—rduzzi himself was so little a friend to the Pike that he writes he would have it broken if he knew what better Weapon to put in its room Out of him I shall give you this short description of Brancatio and his Book His Book describ'd The Title of his Book is this Of the true Art of War whereby any Prince may not only resist another in the Field only with his own forces and with little charge but also overcome any Nation A very gloâ—ious Title I think we need expect small performances from so vain promises This man Himself a great undertaker will prove an Alchimist who promiseth to give us mountains of Gold and hath not a six-pence to buy his own dinner His Preface makes up the fourth part of his Book wherein he tells oftner than once that he studied the Theory of the Military Art fifteen years and practis'd it forty so he hath been no young man when he wrote his Book But he concludes and I pray you mark it that in all these fifteen years he had read no Authors but Casar's Commentaries And thereafter he laughs and scoffs at all those Roman Authors and Histories which mention distinct Maniples in the Roman Legions because he had read no such thing in Câ—sar Not only in this Preface of his but all along in his Book he despiseth the Pike and calls it the enervation the weakening and ruine of War I shall for a while leave Brancatio and return to Mr. Lupton's citations out of this great Italian Tactick that I may answer them And in the first place as it was a reflection on Brancatio Mr. Lupton's citations out of Brancatio first to cite Histories which he had either not read or not understood and next not to be acquainted with the customes of War in his own time so Mr. Lupton's credulity is inexcusable for taking things on Brancatio his report the truth whereof he might have found in Books of which many private Answered Gentlemen are Masters I shall very briefly run through the quotations he cites out of this Italian man of War The King of Portugal says he was ruin'd and overthrown in Africk because First he had Squadrons of Pikes But by his favour he was overthrown because neither his Pike-men nor Harquebusiers were rightly Order'd Train'd nor Commanded Next he says Charles the Eighth of France was the first that brought Pikes Second into Italy Indeed there were Pikes in Italy before France was called France and if that French King brought them first there what lost he by it He travers'd it took and conquer'd the Kingdome of Naples and return'd to France and made his passage good at Fornuovo in spite of all Italy then bandied against him and no doubt his Switzers did him good service and Brancatio knew they were armed with Pikes as to their Offensive Arms. Thirdly he says The Turk these forty years by past reckon them to begin Third at the year 1540 and to continue till 1580 hath been Victorious over the Christians Sempre in Ongaria so writes Mr. Lupton only because great Batallions of Pikes both of the Switzer and High Dutch Nation were oppos'd to the Turkish Troops of Horse well arm'd with Pistol and Harquebuss I answer first Brancatio his assertion is false for the Turk was sometimes beaten in Hungary in the time of these forty years and this Mr. Lupton might have learned by perusing Knolles his History if he could light upon no better Next I say If Pikes could not resist the Turks Cavalry Harqâ—ebusiers on foot of which Brancatio would have all his Infantry to consist would have done it much less But what a ridiculous thing is it to impute the loss of all Battels to one cause since Armies may be undone and overthrown by a thousand several occasions What can either Brancatio or Mr. Lupton say against it if I aver that when ever the Turks were beaten and beaten sometimes they were it was because they had no Pike men to resist the charge of a stout and hardy Cavalry Fourthly he avers That John Frederick Duke of Saxe in Germany and Piter Fourth Strozzi in Tuscany were both beaten because of the multitude of their Pikemen To the first I answer I do not remember that Sleidan gives any such reason for his misfortune neither did ever that Prince fight a just Battel with the Emperour Charles the fifth most of whose Infantry consisted of Pike-men as well as that of the Elector of Saxe did To the second of Strozzi I say he was routed because he made his Retreat in the day time in view of a powerful Enemy contrary to the advice given him by Marshal Monluc Finally he says The Battel of Ceresole gives a good proof of the weakness Fifth of the Pike-mens service and the Battels of Dreux and Moncounter prov'd fatal says he to their Leaders who were despis'd by their Enemies because their Foot consisted most of Pikes Here Mr. Lupton does himself an injury to insert such three ignorant and unadvised citations out of Brancatio which I will clear At Ceresole the famous Alphonso Davalo Marquess of Guast commanded Battel of Cerâ—solâ— the Imperial Army and the Duke of Anguien the French The Imperialists were beaten by the cowardise of a Batallion of their own Horse which fled without fighting which a great Batallion of Imperial Pikes seeing open'd and gave them way the French follow the chace through that same lane they being past the Pikes who were no â—ewer than five thousand closed again and kept their ground Another Imperial Batallion of Pikes some Spaniards some Germans fought with a great Body of Grisons belonging to the French and beat it out of the Field and thereafter fought with the Gascone Batallion of Pikes where both parties stood to it valiantly insomuch that the Duc d'Anguien the French General seeing his Grisons overthrown and his Gascons so shrewdly put to it despair'd of the Victory In this charge of the Imperial Pikes and the Gascons almost all the Leaders fell at the first shock but in the mean time there came a Batallion of Switzer Pikes and charged the Imperial Pikes in the flank and notwithstanding they had to do with two stout and redoubted Enemies one in the Van and another in the Flank yet did they keep their Ranks and the Field too after all the Harquebusiers on foot and all their Cavalry with Guast himself wounded as he was had fled and then and not till then they cast down their Arms and cry'd for Quarter which the Switzers gave them sparingly enough At this Charge was Marshal Monluc on foot in the Head of the Gascons with a Pike in his hand and he it is that gives us this relation Will
place of the depth that every Prince appoints for his Foot Before the Reign of the Great Gustavus Adolphus for any thing I could ever learn Foot-Companies were marshal'd ten deep almost universally but he marshal'd Ten deep all his Infantry in six ranks And after he had invaded Germany the Emperour with most of the European Kings and Princes kept their Foot still at ten deep but before the end of that War which he began all of them follow'd his way and made the file of their Foot to consist of six men except the Prince of Six deep Orange who still kept ten in file I should except likewise the Earl of Strafford who in his Instructions for the better Discipline of his Army order'd every Eight deep Captain of Foot to draw up his Company eight deep In a business of this nature where there is difference a man may tell his opinion without affectation of singularity and therefore I suppose it will be granted me that the more hands a Captain can bring to fight the more shrewdly Reasons for six deep he will put his enemy to it provided still his Batallions be of that strength as to receive the shock of a resolute Impression and in case of the worst that he have Reserves to come to his rescue Of Reserves I shall speak hereafter Now I am hopeful it will not be deny'd me but that more hands are brought to fight by eight men in a file than by ten and more by six men in a file than by eight Take a second argument The more able you are to save your self from being surrounded or out-wing'd by an enemy or the more able you make your self to surround and out-out-wing that enemy of yours the greater advantage you have over him Both these are done by a large front now it is undeniable that eight in file enlarge the front more than ten and six more than eight and consequently eight deep contributes more than ten and six more than eight for gaining the victory That more hands are brought to fight is very soon instanced first by a Body The great advantages 1500 Musqueteers six deep have of 1500 Musqueteers ten deep of Musqueteers and next by a Body of Pikemen Let us suppose a Body of fifteen hundred Musqueteers marshal'd ten deep is to fight with a Body of Musqueteers of equal number that is fifteen hundred six deep and that they are equally stout and experienced and equally good Firemen The fifteen hundred ten deep must give fire by ranks as the fifteen hundred six deep must likewise do now the fifteen hundred ten deep can make no more but a hundred and fifty in rank for a hundred and fifty multiplied by ten produceth fifteen hundred but the fifteen hundred six deep make two hundred and fifty in rank for two hundred and fifty multiplied by six produceth fifteen hundred so that the fifteen hundred six deep at every Volley pours one hundred Leaden Bullets more in the Enemies bosom than the fifteen hundred ten deep and consequently when six ranks of both parties have fired the fifteen hundred ten deep have received six hundred Ball more than the fifteen hundred six deep which without all doubt hath made a great many men fall more of the one side than the other Next one hundred and fifty files of the fifteen hundred six deep take just as much ground up in front as the whole Body of the fifteen hundred ten deep and therefore the other hundred files of the fifteen hundred six deep may fall on the sides of the fifteen hundred ten deep if they be not flanked either with Pikes or with Horsemen It is the like case mutatis mutandis between fifteen hundred eight deep and fifteen hundred six deep for fifteen hundred eight deep will make but a hundred and eighty eight in rank for a hundred eighty eight multiplied by eight produceth fifteen hundred and four now the fifteen hundred six deep make two hundred and fifty ranks and so shoots at every Volley sixty two Bullets more than the fifteen hundred eight deep Make the like trial of two Batallions of Pikes each of them fifteen hundred The same advantages Pikemen also have strong equally arm'd for the defensive and their Pikes of equal length the hundred files wherewith the fifteen hundred six deep out-wings the fifteen hundred ten deep will likewise enter on their sides and very soon ruin them if they be not flanked by their friends and though they be yet these hundred files of the fifteen hundred Pikemen six deep being otherwise idle may happily give their flanks some work to do Nor hath the fifteen hundred Pikemen ten deep any advantage of the fifteen hundred six deep in the force of the impression for I have demonstrated in one of my Discourses of the Grecian Militia that six ranks of Pikemen may either give or receive the charge abundantly and therefore where Pikemen are ten deep at their charge the last four ranks should keep their Pikes ported because the presenting the points of them is altogether useless Neither was it the apprehension of the weakness of his Body of Musqueteers drawn up six deep that made the King of Sweden make use of his Feathers to defend his Musqueteers against the Polonian Horse for these Feathers may serve a Body of Firemen drawn up ten deep as well as a Body of Firemen drawn up six deep neither indeed is it the deepness of a Body of Musqueteers that can resist a resolute charge of Horse it must be Pikes Halberts or these Feathers or something like them Nor do I think after the Invention of Gunpowder that ten deep was thought fit for Foot in imitation of the Romans as some fancy for I have shewn in another Reasons for ten deep place that Vegetius who is lookt on by many as the Oracle of the old Roman Militia doth make the Roman file to consist of eleven men but I think it was out of this consideration that after the first rank had fired their Guns they could not be ready to fire again till the other nine ranks had all fired and withal a Musquet rest was taken to help with so much wariness did our Ancestors walk when first they made use of the new found Engines of fire We read of a Count of Vaâ—dâ—mont who within thirty years after the Invention of Gunpowder made use of two Culverines in his Wars with the Duke of Bar and by their help defeated his enemy but at every time the Pieces were discharged the Count himself fell to the ground for fear But as Great Câ—sar says Vsus est rerum Magister Use and Custom over-master things and therefore the Cannon is not now so dreadful as it was nor is the Musquet so unmanageable as it was thought daily experience lets us see that the first rank of six can fire make For fine deep ready and stay for the word of Command before the other five
hand of the Battel Before the Battel begin there use to be fore-parties of both Horse and Forlorn Hopes Foot sent out to skirmish these are called Forlorn Hopes and Enfans Perdues Those of the Foot should advance one hundred paces before the Body those of the Horse further But I find at the Battels fought both at Dreux and St. Dennis between the Protestants and Roman Catholicks of France none of those Forlorn Hopes were made use of at all and as few were used at Lutsen where Gustavus Adolphus lost his life When an Enemy is marshalling his Army your Artillery should incessantly To advance on an Enemy play upon him to hinder him all you may to order his affairs and if your Battel be already marshall'd under the shelter of your Ordnance you should advance and take your advantage of him before his Batallions or Squadrons be drawn up but in so good order that the Scene be not changed that by your precipitation you give not him an opportunity to take advantage of you Your advance on an Enemy in what posture soever he be should be with a constant firm and steady pace the Musketeers whether they be on the Flanks or interlin'd with either the Horse or the Pikes firing all the while but when you come within Pistol-shot you should double your pace till your Pikes closely serr'd together charge these whether Horse or Foot whom they find before them It is true the business very oft comes not to push of Pike but it hath and may come oft to it and then Pike-men are very serviceable If a misfortune fall out that a Brigade Regiment or other part of an Army be beat or begin to run and quit the Field this should be conceal'd from the rest of the Army and the Souldiers told that the Enemy in other places is beaten and if they fight but a little the Victory will be instantly theirs I shall not speak here of what advantage a large Front is having done it so often before but if a General perceive that the business may be quickly decided To marshal the Foot in three Rankâ— I think he should double the Front of his Foot and make but three Ranks where formerly they were six and so being able to out-wing his Enemy he may fall on his Flank for at no extraordinary march an Army may be brought to push of Pike before three Ranks of Musketeers have fired successively if they do not begin to fire till they be within distance less than Musket-shot and after they have given their three Volleys then they may give the fourth which will signifie as much if not more than all the three by kneeling stooping and standing whereof I have spoke in the eleventh and twelfth Chapters When any Regiment or Brigade runs or offers to quit the Field the Reserve behind should be order'd immediately to advance and encounter the Victorious Enemy who will hardly be able to withstand that fresh charge for it may be almost received as a Maxime That a Troop Regiment or Brigade A good Rule but not Infallible how strong soever it be which hath fought with and beaten that Body of equal number that stood against it may be easily routed by a Troop Regiment or Brigade that hath not fought though far inferiour in number If any part of an Army get the Victory of those who stand against it he who commands that part ought to send some Troops in pursuit of the routed Enemy and Not to fall on the Flank of an Enemy a great neglect with the rest fall on the Flank of that Batallion which stands next him and yet keeps ground The neglect of this duty lost the famous General Count Tili the Battel of Leipsick for himself being on the Right hand of the Imperial Army beat the Duke of Saxe and his Army out of the Field whom Tili hotly pursuing did not fall on the Left Flank of the Swedish Army left naked Inflanced by the flight of the Saxons But at that same time the King of Sweden who was on the Right hand of his own Army had routed Count Pappenheim who The doing it contributes to the Victory commanded the Left Wing of the Imperialists upon which that martial King did not fail to charge the Flank of the Imperial Battel which was left naked by Pappenheim's Flight and this help'd to procure the Victory to the Sweed As I told you in another place Banier's Right Wing was well near beaten at Woodstock nor did the Reserve come so soon to his succours About that same Instanced time Lieutenant General King had routed the Right Wing of the Imperial Army and with it bore down the Right hand of their Reserve and â—â—ll on the Right Flank of their Battel which yet disputed their ground with Felt-Marshal Leslie who thereupon cast down their Arms and yielded the Victory to the Swedes And the mentioning this Victory puts me in mind to advertize all Officers of Foot not to teach their Musketeers to neglect the use of their Rammers a lesson too often taught and practis'd for at this Bartel I speak of the Imperial Foot were on a Hill up which Leslie advanced with his Infantry but neither his nor the Imperial Musketers made use of Rammers only as the common custome is when they charg'd with Ball they knock'd the Buts of their Muskets at their Right foot by which means most of the Bullets of the Imperial and Saxish Fire-men fell out at the mouths of their Musket when they presented them down the Hill upon the Sweeds whose Bullets could not run that fortune being presented upward And for this reason it was observ'd that few of the Sweedish Foot fell When a Reserve or a part of it advanceth those who fled have a fair opportunity to rally and in a short time to second the Reserve and though To rally rallying at so near a distance is not frequently seen yet it is not banish'd out of the Modern Wars or Armies At Dreux both Armies rallied twice or thrice with various success the Generals of both Armies being both made Prisoners And at Lutsen both Armies rallied often for they fought from morning till night most of the Imperial Cannon being twice taken was as oft retaken Fresh succours in time of Battel discourage an Enemy Some Great Captains have thought it fit in time of Battel to make a show of their Waggon-men Carters and Baggage-men at a distance as if they were succours newly arrived and certainly nothing terrifies an Army more in time of equal sight than an unexpected Enemy as Robert Duke of Normandy's fortunate arrival in the time of Battel between Godfrey of Bouillâ—n and Instance the Saracens in the Holy Land deliver'd the Victory to the Christians But these feigned Musters of Baggage-men and Carriage-horses produce not always False shews sometimes happy the wished effects Sulpitius a Roman Dictator being to fight with the Gauls order'd
fellows will be hir'd with Money to go through the strictest closest and best guarded approaches and this is ordinarily done in time of a Sally made for that purpose and if the Intelligencer have agreed with the Governour concerning the precise time of his return another Sally is made for his reception At the time of a desperate Sally at the reparation of a dangerous breach at the work of Retrenching in time of a furious Cannonade or when an Assault is assuredly expected a largess of Money with large promises of more hath a wonderful influence upon the hearts of Souldiers Nor should a Governour spare in time of want to A Governour may borrow from the Inhabitants borrow from the Inhabitants for if they be disaffected he may force them to lend and if they be friends it will not be time for them to hoard up their Moneys when they are in danger to lose all as the unhappy Constantinopolitans did when Sultan Mahomet took their City by assault The fourth and fifth things requisite for a Garrison are Munitions of War Ammunitions and Arms. Powder Match and Ball should be frugally husbanded or freely spent according to the quantity and store wherewith the Fort is provided It should not be lavished away in the beginning of the Siege nor should it be spared in the time of Zaps Batteries Galleries and Assaults but no needless waste should be made of it in all or any of these for this purpose a considerable Magazine of Ammunitions should be put in all Forts especially in frontier Garrisons where the attack of an Enemy is soonest expected for many times to supply this want great hazzards are run to convoy Horse men into the besieged place who carry leather bags full of Powder on the croups of their Horses Our Fort should likewise be provided with all manner of Arms Defensive and Offensive Pikes Half-Pikes Halberds Partizans two-handed Swords Hangmens Arms. Swords Morning-Stars with all manner of Fire-works and Hand-Granadoes for resisting a storm against which there should be prepared also huge balks and logs of Timber tyed to Posts with Ropes or Chains to let fall over and pull up again for these as likewise a great number of greater and lesser Stones do good service in time of Assaults when an Enemy is mounting either the Curtain or Bulwark and cannot be reach'd by shot unless from the Flanks which for most part are made useless by the Enemies Cannon before the Assault We read even since the invention of Powder what use our Ancestors made of molten Lead scalding Water and boyl'd Oyl in time of Assaults at which Louis de Montgomery in his French Milece makes good sport and says the Defendants had as good throw handfuls of Ashes at their Enemies But I am nothing Louis de Montgomery his opinion of his opinion for though experience were silent both reason and sense do teach us that Fire doth more hurt than Ashes and is not burning fire in all these I speak of Scalding Water no question doth mischief and may be us'd with no other expence than fire but Lead and Oyl are chargeable and may I think be employed for better and more proper uses The sixth and last but not the least requisite and necessary thing for a besieged Munitions for the mouth place is Munitions for the mouth without which all the rest signifie nothing What several provisions of meats and drinks presupposing there be Water enough in the Fort are necessary for a Garrison I have told you in the eighth Chapter where I have discoursed of Proviant The question is now what quantity of them should be stored up in a Garrison that apprehends a Siege There be some who think that six months provision is enough and For how long time a Town should be provided with meat and drink of these Louis de Montgomery is one because say they in that time either the Winter season will force the Besieger to remove or the relief of the place will be attempted by him to whom it belongs But we have seen in our own times the contrary of both though we had never heard of the Siege of Troy Others speak of three years provision and this doth well but the Governour when he is not besieged should every year lay in one years fresh provisions causing the Souldiers to eat and pay for that which is oldest I believe none will deny but a Garrison should be provided with meat and drink for one whole year at least And no sooner should a provident Governour foresee or apprehend a Siege whereof he may have many grounds for a probable conjecture but he should command all the Inhabitants to provide themselves of a Citizens to provide a years â—â—â—â— whole years food and maintenance that his publick stores may be preserv'd for the Souldiery and all Citizens who are either unable or unwilling to do so as also all unnecessary people should be commanded to remove out of the Town or Fort. But after a place is invested and the Siege formed it is I think an act of inhumanity to thrust out the Inhabitants especially if they have not had time to provide themselves yea I think it is more mercy to cut their throats within than to send them out for it is not to be thought that an Enemy will suffer them to pass but will force them back to the Town-Ditches where they may lamentably languish and starve to death Such an action as this in my opinion was an eternal blemish to the reputation of Monluc that famous Marshal of A merciless act of Marshal Monluc France who after Sienna whereof he was Governour had been strictly besieged shut out of the City four thousand Inhabitants Men and Women young and old The Marquess of Martignan who commanded the Emperours and Cosmo di Medici's forces caused all these miserable wretches to be chaced back to the Ditches Monluc would receive none of them within the Town Some lusty strong fellows broke through Martignan's Trenches and escap'd many Women and Maids were privately contrary to the Marquess his command taken into Tents and Huts to satiate the lust of the Spaniards but there dyed of them of meer hunger near three thousand Upon this woful occasion the same Monluc in his Commentaries hath this expression These are says he the merciless laws of War we must be many times cruel to disappoint our Enemies God be merciful to us for doing so great mischief Indeed he had reason to cry for Gods mercy for committing so horrible a wickedness But in what Codex did he read of such a Law of War Nay where did he hear of such a custome of War Strange it was in him to expel and expose those to a merciless death whom he nor none else had appointed to provide for a Siege and whom he might have expell'd before the Siege was form'd that they might have shifted for themselves or begg'd through Italy for bread If ever