inquired when this sentence began to take place that in what day soever Adam did eat of the tree he should dye the death 1. Some thinke that a day is not here to bee taken according to mans account of dayes but as it is before God with whom a thousand yeares are but as a day and so Adam died within a thousand yeares after so Iustinus dialog cum Triph. but this sense seemeth to bee strained 2. Neither doe we refer these words in what day soever to the first clause only thou shalt eat and not to the second thou shalt dye the death as though the meaning should not bee they should dye the same day wherein they did eat but at any time after for this seemeth also to be but a forced sense 3. But we rather allow Hieromes interpretation that Adam began in the same day to dye not actually but because then he became mortall and subject to death lib. tradit in Gen. so Symmachus readeth thou shalt bee mortall 4. And beside that then actualâ—y Adam entred into misery and sorrow labour hunger thirst which are the forerunners of death 5. Adde unto this also that in the same day death entred by sinne into the soule of Adam in the very same day of his transgression QVEST. XXX Whether God made death THirdly seeing that by Gods sentence death seased upon Adam the question is whether God made death and whether this corporall death be a punishment of sin We answer 1. that as death is a defect of nature beside the first intention of the Creator brought in by sinne into the world that God is not the â—uthor of it but it is so only the fruit and effect of sinne 2. But as death is a just punishment inflicted for sinne so it is of God who though hee first made not death yet now hee disposeth of it thereby shewing his justice upon mans transgression so that as Augustine saith speaking of the beginning of darkenesse Deus non fâ—â—â—t tenebras sâ—dâ—rdinavit God made not darknesse but ordered them so may it bee said of death 3. Eugubiâ—us objecteth that death is not properly a punishment of sinne because it remaineth in the faithfull and it is not taken away by Christ. in Cosmopeia To which we answer 1. That death also at the last shal be destroyed by Christ 1 Cor. 15.26 The last enemy that shal be destroied is death 2. That although the death of the body remaine yet in the members of Christ in them it is not now as a punishment but as a consequent of their corruptible nature because all flesh is now as grasse Isa. 40.6 and death now unto them is not a curse but turned to a blessing in Christ being both a cessation from labâ—ur and an entrance into rest Rev. 14.13 Blessed are they that dye in the Lord they rest from their labours and their workes follow them QVEST. XXXI Why it was not good for man to be alone Vers. 18. IT is not good for man to be alone 1. not as R. Sâ—l left if man would have beene alone hee might be thought to be chiefe Lord in earth as God was in heaven for if man had beene alone who should have so thought or spoken 2. Neither was it not good in respect of God who by his infinite power and wisdome could otherwayes have multiplyed and increased man but in respect of that order and course of generation which God appointed for other creatures 3. Neither is this so said as though no man could live without a woman as the Hebrewes have these sayings nothing is good but a woman â—e that hath not a wife is not a man for God hath given unto some a speciall gift which may supply this want 4. Neither is S. Paul contrary to Moses where he saith it is not good to touch a woman for he speaketh in respect of those present times of persecution wherein their wives might have beene a let unto them Mercer 5. But this is so said 1. in respect of mutuall society and comfort 2. in respect of the propagation of the world 3. especially for the generation and increase of the Church of God 4. but most of all it was meet that woman should bee joyned to man because of the promised seed of the woman of whom came our Saviour Christ after the flesh QVEST. XXXII Wherein woman was a meet helpe for him Vers. 18. LEt us make an helpe meet for him The word cenâ—gdâ— signifieth as one before him or against him But we neither allow the conceit of some Hebrewes as R. Sâ—lamon that the woman is said to be against man because she is contrary to him 2. Nor yet doe wee like of Tostatus conjecture because the male and female in respect of their naturall parts are contrary 3. Nor yet doe wee approve David Kimchi his collection that the woman is said to bee as before man that is as a servant to attend vpon him for shee is appointed to bee his fellow-helper not his servant neither is it like that if shee had beene ordained to any base use or service that she should have beene framed out of Adams side 4. Therefore shee is called a helpe like to man as Hierome readeth or according to him as the Septuagint or as before him as the Hebrew both because shee was made like unto man as well in proportion of body as in the qualities of the mind being created according to the image of God as also for that she was meet for man necessary for the procreation education of children and profitable for the disposing of houshold affaires 5. This maketh a manifest difference betweene woman which is alwayes before man cohabiting and conversing with him and other females which after their copulation forsake their males Luther QVEST. XXXIII When the woman was formed A Further doubt is moved by some at what time the woman was made where 1. wee reject the conceit of Cajetanus who making an allegory of this story of the framing of the woman out of Adams side is forced to affirme that God made man and woman together upon the sixth day and not the woman out of the man for thus the history of Moses is called into question and as well may the whole discourse of the creation of the world be allegorised as this narration of the making of woman And again it is contrary to the Apostle who saith that the woman was of the man 1 Cor. 11.9 2. We likewise refuse the opinion of Catharinus who thinketh the woman to have been made the seventh day for this also is contrary to the Scripture Exod. 20.11 In six dayes the Lord made heaven and earth the sea and all that in them is 3. So then we hold that the woman was made of a rib out of Adams side as Moses setteth it downe neither made together with him out of the earth nor yet made so long after him upon the seventh day but she was formed upon the sixâ—h day
of his friends as Onkelos Lyranus Tostat. 3. Abimelech commeth a farre journey not of love or good will but partly pricked in conscience for the wrongs which he had offered to Isaack Chrysost. hom 52. in Gen. partly providing for their posterity that Isaack would doe them no hurt Mercer 4. Origen by these three that came to Isaack understandeth the tripartite wisdome of the Gentiles the morall naturall rationall which dissenting at the first from the Christian faith were afterward reconciled to it hom 14. in Genes QUEST XIII Why Isaack made a feast to Abimelech and his company Vers. 3. HE made them a feast 1. Isaack did this of a simple and sincere affection that they might know there remained no grudge or purpose of revenge in his minde for to invite unto feasts is a signe of remitting and forgetting of former wrongs as Augustus Caesar did bid Catullus the railing Poet to supper in token he had forgiven him though Alexander dissemblingly brought Philotas to his table to have the better opportunity to murther him as Absolom served his brother Ammon 2. Some thinke that the next morning the oath before betweene them made was againe ratified Mer. But it is more like that the oath was deferred till the next morning as being the fittest time for serious consultations it was the Persians barbarous manner in the middest of their cups to advise of their weightiest affaires Perer. QUEST XIV Wherefore the well is called Shibah Vers. 33. SO he called it Shiba 1. Some interpret this word abundance or saturity because of the plenty of water that was found as Hierome who findeth fault with the Septuagint because they translate it oath But sabang signifieth to abound not shabang which is here used 2. It is more like that this was both the same well which Abraham digged and the same name derived from the oath which was made betweene Isaack and Abimelech as before betweene Abraham and Abimelech for so this story saith that Isaack gave them the same names which his father gave them vers 18. Mercer Calvin QUEST XV. Of the marriage of Esau. Vers. 34. WHen Esau was forty yeare old c. 1. The Hebrewes thinke that Esau till hee was forty yeare old gave himselfe to a vitious and a licentious life which may well be and that to imitate his father who was married at forty he doth the like 2. This his marrying into the flocke of Canaan was abdicationis praeludium a fore-runner of his casting off and missing of the blessing as it followeth in the next Chapter Calvin 3. Tostatus thinketh that in the forty yeare of Esau which was the hundred of Isaack Sem died but Pererius thinking to correct his oversight falleth into a greater errour referring the death of Sem to the 50. of Esau and 100. of Isaack whereas they are both in a great errour for Sem died in the 50. yeare of Isaacks life 60. yeare before this time which was 502. yeares after the floud QUEST XVI The evill qualities of Esau his wives Vers. 35. THey were a griefe of minde 1. Some read rebellious of marah to rebell sic Chald. But it rather commeth of marra to be bitter 2. And so were the wives of Esau bitter unto Isaack and Rebeckah and a great offence of mind unto them both in respect of their corrupt manners and their divers profession being given to idolatry as the Canaanites were Tharg Hierosol 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. God maketh rich Vers. 12. THe Lord blessed him Gods blessing is given as a reason of Isaacks increasing and growing rich whereupon Augustine noteth Etiam ipsa bona temporalia nec dari posse nec sperari debere c. nisi ab uno Deo That these temporall goods cannot be given or hoped for but from the only God quast 76. in Genes as the wise man saith Prov. 10.22 The blessing of the Lord maketh rich 2. Doct. The soules of the righteous live with God Vers. 24. I Am the God of Abraham Abraham was now dead and yet the Lord professeth himselfe to be his God whereby we are taught that the soules of the righteous after this life doe live with God for as our Saviour saith He is not the God of the dead but of the living Matth. 22.32 Muscul. 5. Places of confutation 1. Confut. Against the breaking of covenants Vers. 15. THe Philistims filled all the wels c. Though that Abimelech had made a covenant with Abraham concerning the well Gen. 21.30 yet after Abrahams death they goe from the covenant such are the enemies of the Church of whom the Prophet speaketh Isa. 33.8 He hath broken the covenant c. he regardeth no man such are the Romanists which hold that faith is not to be kept with heretikes as they brake the safe conduct granted to Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prage Mercer 2. Confut. Of restoring the ancient doctrine with the ancient names Vers. 18. HE gave them the same names which his father gave them The Philistims both stopped the ancient wels and abolished the names Isaack restoreth both so the Church of Rome hath abolished both the true ancient doctrine of the Sacraments as also taken away the name thereof calling it by an idolatrous name of their owne invention of the Masse Muscul. We therefore with Isaack have restored the pure doctrine of the ancient primitive Church together with the names as the Communion the Lords supper the Lords day c. As the Prophet saith Aske for the old way which is the good way and walke therein Ierem. 6.16 6. Places of morall observation 1. Observ. Not to imitate our fathers infirmities Vers. 7. HE said she is my sister Abraham before had offended in the same kinde and yet Isaack cannot take heed so apt children are to imitate the infirmities of their parents Mercer But we should rather learne to decline from our parents errings as the Prophet saith If he beget a sonne that seeth all his fathers sinnes c. and feareth neither doth the like c. Ezek. 18.14 2. Observ. The punishment of adultery Vers. 11. HE that toucheth this man or his wife shall dye the death Thus by the light of nature they were taught that adultery was a grievous sinne and Abimelech pronounceth the sentence of death against such as should violate another mans wife as the Lord had said before to Abimelech Thou art but dead because of the woman which thou hast taken Genes 20. vers 3. 3. Observ. Adversity and prosperity tempered together Vers. 12. ISaack sowed c. Thus the Lord tempereth adversity and prosperity sorrow and joy together like as the night and day summer and winter doe one succeed another Isaack after these grievous tentations concerning his wife is increased and blessed of God likewise vers 20. when his servants had strived for two wels they peaceably enjoy the third calling it Rehoboth roomth as the Psalme saith Weeping may abide in the evening but joy commeth in the morning
Laudabile praise worthie si quis salva fide refugiat periâ—ulum instans If one not violating his faith doth shun the instant danger unlesse we will say that Christ when he escaped out of their hands that sought to stone him did it of feare Luke 4. But I rather preferre the 7. exposition before touched QUEST XXII Why Moses sufferings are called by the Apostle the rebukes of Christ. BUt seeing so oft mention hath beene made of that place to the Hebrewes it shall not be amisse briefly to shew the meaning of those other words of the Apostle vers 26. esteeming the rebuke of Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt 1. We refuse here the exposition of Lyranus that he calleth the rebukes of Moses the rebukes of Christ because by faith foreseeing what Christ should suffer hee by Christs example was confirmed to endure the like for in this sense they are Moses rebukes rather than Christs 2. Neither are they called Christs rebukes because they were such as Christ commendeth Blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousnesse sake Matt. 5. 3. or for that Christ was to come of that people and therefore their rebukes are counted the rebukes of Christ Cajetan 4. or because Moses was a figure of Christ and suffered the like rebukes because that as Moses left the Court and palace of Pharaoh to be partaker of the afflictions of his people so Christ descending from heaven tooke upon him our infirmities Oecumenius Theophylact. 5. But they are called Christs rebukes because he suffereth in his members and accounteth their afflictions as his owne in which sense the Apostle saith he fulfilled the rest of the afflictions of Christ in his flesh for his bodies sake which is the Church Col. 1.24 QUEST 23. Why Pharaoh sought to slay Moses Vers. 15. PHaraoh heard of this matter and sought to slay Moses The causes why Pharaoh sought Moses life Iosephus alleageth to be these three 1. Because the Egyptians envied his prosperous successe in the warres against the Ethiopians 2. They feared him as like to be one that aspired to great matters and might seeke some innovation and change in Egypt 3. The Egyptian Priests did prophesie of him that he was like to prove very dangerous to Egypt By these meanes the King was incensed against him But I rather approve that which Philo writeth that Pharaoh was not so much moved against Moses for the death of one Egyptian as for that by this he perceived that Moses was a friend and favourer of the Hebrewes whom he accounted his enemies and an enemie to the Egyptians his subjects and friends Philo lib. 1. de vita Mosis QUEST XXIV The causes why Moses lived in exile and banishment 40. yeares Vers. 15. THerefore Moses fled Zeiglerus thinketh that whereas at the fortieth yeere of Moses age there were 390. yeeres expired since the promise made to Abraham and that tenne yeeres onely remained of the affliction of the people which was to continue 400. yeeres in one place and other Genes 15.13 Moses thought to prevent the time there being but tenne yeeres to come and therefore God punished his presumption with fortie yeeres exile But this cannot stand with the Apostles testimonie of Moses that by faith he forsooke Egypt if it were a worke of faith how could it be a punishment for his presumption Therefore the causes of Moses flight and exile are better touched by Ferus 1. That the people should not depend upon man but trust in God for their deliverance 2. That Moses might be weaned altogether from the pleasures of Egypt and delicate life in Pharaohs Court 3. That he might be taught that the deliverance of Israel should not be by sword or strength but by the spirit of God 4. To punish the peoples ingratitude for not more thankfully accepting of this benefit that God had stirred them up a deliverer for not onely this Hebrew whom Moses rebuked rejected his calling but generally all the people made light of it as S. Stephen sheweth Act. 7.25 QUEST XXV Of Midian what countrie it was and where situate Vers. 15. ANd dwelt in the land of Midian 1. This was the chiefe Citie of the Midianites so called of Midian one of the sonnes of Keturah by Abraham it was situate in Arabia upon the red sea as Iosephus 2. Hierome saith there were two Cities of this name one on the South part of Arabia by the red sea the other by Arnon and Arcopolis the ruines whereof were to be seene in his time 3. The whole Countrie was called Arabia where the Midianites Amalekites Israelites dwelt together Philo. And these Arabians were called Petrei of their metropolis or chiefe Citie Petra Borrh. 4. This Midian was not farre from Mount Sinai for thereabout did Moses keepe his father in lawes sheepe Exod. 3. and thither came Iethro with Moses wife and children and S. Paul placeth Sinai in Arabia Gal. 4. 5. The women of this Countrie joyning with the Moabites inticed the Israelites to commit fornication Numb 25. These Midianites oppressed Israel seven yeeres of whom Gideon slew 135000. Iud. 8. QUEST XXVI Rehuel Iethro Hobab whether the same Vers. 18. ANd when they came to Rehuel their father c. This Rehuel was not the same with Iethro as the Septuagint and Latine translator here read Iethro and as Hierome thinketh they were two names of the same man 2. Neither had he foure names Iethro Rehuel Hobab Keni as Thostatus Lyranus for Hobab was the sonne of Rehuel Numb 10.29 and hee was called Keni of his nation and countrey because he was a Kenite Numb 24.21 Iunius 3 Pererius also is deceived thinking that Hobab was not Moses father in law but his wives brother and his father in lawes sonne because saith he Moses father in law departed from them at Mount Sinai Exod. 18. but Hobab staied with them still and was their guide in the wildernesse Numb 10.31 But Pererius herein erreth also for these two stories of Iethro and Hobab Exod. 18. and Numb 10. must be joyned together they were both one man and hee tooke his leave of Moses as it is shewed Exod. 18. but he returned againe unto them before they departed from Sinai to be their guide as Moses requested Numb 10. and it is like he brought his kindred and family with him because the Kenites are read afterward to have cohabited with Israel Iudg. 1.16.4 Wherefore Rehuel was grandfather unto Moses wife called also their father after the manner of the Hebrewes Iethro and Hobab are the same for they are both said to be the father in law of Moses Exodus 18. and Num. 10.29 and Hobab and Iethro was the sonne of Rehuel ibid. Iun. QUEST XXVII Whether Rehuel were Prince and Priest of Midian Vers. 16. ANd the Prince of Midian c. The Hebrew word is Cohen which signifieth both Prince and Priest and one that is preferred or exalted in any office or authoritie as Davids sonnes are called
land might be rid of them 4. Therefore it is best to understand death here generally both of the mortalitie of men and the destruction of the fruit and so to comprehend them both Iun. And so Pharaoh desireth for this once to be spared that if he keepe not promise with them afterward then he will desire no favour QUEST XI Of the mysticall application of this plague of Locusts FOr the mysticall application of this plague of Locusts first Origen thereby would have signified obstinate and disobedient men that cannot indure the government of God their King over them as the Locusts are said to have no King Prov. 30. 2. Augustine making a resemblance betweene this ninth plague and the ninth Commandement doth by Locusts that hurt by biting understand the false witnesse and the slanderous tongue and as the Locusts cannot flie of themselves but are carried by the wind so the false tongue is ruled by the spirit of Satan 3 Gregorie findeth out other applications as one while he thereby understandeth the people of the Jewes that like Locusts would leape forward that is make great profession of obedience but fall againe to the ground againe by the Locusts he understandeth the Gentiles that gathering in troupes as Locusts doe fight for the faith Likewise hee doth referre it to Christ that like as a Locust leaped out of the hands of his enemies and by his resurrection escaped out of the bands of death 4. In these applications we may observe three things first the varietie how one differeth from another in their conceits whereas Scripture is alway consonant Secondly the multiplicity of sense which is coined by one and the same man but the sense of Scripture is one Thirdly they accommodate the same Scripture to signifie contrary things as both good and evill whereas the Scripture as a fountaine doth not at one place send forth sweet and bitter 5. Therefore for the mysticâ—ll application leaving these fantasies and devices of men wee will have recourse to the Scripture it selfe which by biting flies and Locusts understandeth both the violent enemies of the Church such as by tyrannie and cruelty oppresse it as the Lord saith he will hisse for the Flie of Egypt and the Bee of Assur and they shall come and light upon the valleies Isa. 7.19 as also the spirituall enemies as false teachers Heretikes Seducers which are compared to Locusts that rise out of the smoke of the bottomlesse pit Apocal. 9.4 Rupert Simler QUEST XII How Moses turned himselfe going out from Pharaoh Vers. 18. THen he went out from Pharaoh 1. Moses is here understood though not expressed because he was the more principall and he at other times had removed the other plagues 2. This may serve to expound that other place vers 6. that Moses turned himselfe and went out from Pharaoh which some doe interpret according to the use and fashions of the East countries as it is observed in Turkey at this day that when they depart from the King for signe of reverence they goe backward and so they thinke that Moses did here But if Moses had gone backward then he had not turned himselfe at all and the word here used phanah signifieth to looke backe or turne the face Num. 16.42 They turned their face and looked toward the Tabernacle if Moses then departing from Pharaoh turned his face then was his backe toward the King 3. Wherefore the meaning of it is that Moses either went out in haste to dispatch that thing which he had foretold Simler Or hee went away in great indignation as not sustaining any longer to talke with such a wicked man as also by this his suddaine departing signifying that the Lord would deale no more with him by messages Ferus Of the ninth plague of the three dayes darknesse QUEST XIII Of the cause of the darknesse of Egypt Vers. 21. STretch out thine hand that there may be darknesse c. Concerning the cause of this darknesse 1. Neither was it caused by an eclipse of the sunne as Philo For though the sunne had beene eclipsed yet other starres might have given light but they had none at all and the eclipse of the sunne is generall this darknesse was onely in Egypt neither doth the sunne continue many houres in the eclipse much lesse three dayes 2. Neither was this darknesse in blinding of the eyes of the Egyptians as the Sodomites were blinded for to what purpose then should it bee said that it was palpable darknesse that might be felt 3. Neither was this darknesse onely a privation of the light of the sunne as Gloss. inter linear but there was some impediment in the aire because it is said it was a thicke and palpable darknesse 4. Neither yet was the cause of this darknesse onely in the aire which was incrassate and thickned with darke mists Paul Burgens Perer. For the stretching of Moses hand toward heaven sheweth that the beginning of this darknesse came from thence and that as at Iosuahs bidding the sunne was stayed in his motion so here by the power of God in the stretching out of Moses hand the sunne withdrew his light as he did in the passion of Christ. 5. So that two causes here concurred both the celestiall lights above were hindred from shining upon Egypt and the aire also was thickned with darke mists like as the cloud which went before Israel on the one side gave light to Israel and on the other it was darknesse to the Egyptians Lyranus Thostatus Cajetan Simler And unto this miracle the Prophet Amos seemeth to allude chap 8.9 In those dayes I will cause the sunne to goe downe at noone and I will darken the earth in the cleare day Ferus Two reasons are yeelded of the darknesse the suppressing of the light of the sunne the privative cause and the bringing of darknesse upon the aire the positive cause QUEST XIV How it is said the darknesse was felt Vers. 21. EVen darknesse that may be felt 1. The Chalde expoundeth the word mashash for recessit the darknesse of the night departed that is the darknesse of the night was obscured by this darknesse but the word properly signifieth to feele as Gen. 27.12 and so the Septuagint and Latine doe here read Paguin Montan. Vatabl. with the rest 2. Philo taketh this to be spoken in respect of the effect because it was so darke that they were faine to goe feeling up and downe but seeing they stirred not out of their places it seemeth that little feeling served their turne 3. Others thinke that it is an hyperbole onely to shew the greatnesse of the darknesse Pellican But where the words admit a plaine sense of themselves wee need not runne unto figures 4. Some thinke they were therefore called palpable not in respect of the darknesse which is properly the object of the sight not of the feeling and so cannot be felt but of the aire the subject of the darknesse which was thickned with grosse mists and
of regality and principality 3. As for that heathenish conceit of the Philosopher that vertue is not properly said to be in women it is contrary to that position of the Apostle that in Christ there is neither male nor female Galath 3.28 the spirit of God can plant grace and vertue in the hearts of women as well as of men nay often the Lord chuseth the weake things of this world to confound the mighty things 1. Cor. 1.27 And the examples of so many vertuous and good women in the Scriptures of Sara Rebecca Anna the Shunamite and the rest in the old of Marie Anna Martha Lydia Dorcas and many other in the new Testament doe evidently confute that prophane paradox of the Philosopher 4. And to deliver the regiment of women from the Cardinals vile and impure slaunder this country and nation of ours as is hath found the government of a woman the worst in the late Marian persecutions when more good men and women Saints of God were put to death than in any three Kings reigne beside so have we seene it in the next change the best of all other Princes reignes that went before famous Queene Elizabeths government as for flourishing peace honourable fame and name enriching of the Land subduing of forraine enemies enacting of good lawes may be compared with the reigne of any former Kings So for the advancing of true religion increasing of learning propagating the Gospell none of her predecessors came neere her That as the refining of coine being reduced from base money to pure silver and gold was her honour in the Civill State so the purging of religion according to the purity of the word of God in the Church shall bee her everlasting fame in the world and is her eternall reward with God 4. Confut. That Christ shall have no Iudges under him at the latter day but shall be the only Iudge himselfe Vers. 22. LEt them judge all small causes Origen upon these words hath this private conceit Hanc sâ—guram Iudicum non solum in hoc seculo sed etiam in futuro servandam c. 〈◊〉 this forme of Iudges shall be observed not only in this world but in the next And then he alleageth that text Matth. 18.28 That when the Sonne of man shall sit in the throne of Majesty yee which have followed me in the regeneration shall sit upon twelve seats and judge the twelve tribes of Israel Whereupon he inferreth that Christ at the day of judgement shall appoint other Judges beside himselfe Qui judicent populum de mineribus causiâ— c. Which shall judge the people in smaller causes referring the greater to him The Rhemisnis and Romanistes whose manner is to scrape all the refuse of the Fathers affirme likewise That the faithfull shall judge and give sentence with Christ at the latter day wresting the same text in Matthew to the same purpose Contra. 1. The Apostles and Saints are said indeed to judge the world but not in that sense as Christ is said to be the Judge of the world but as he saith his Word shall judge them at the latter day Ioh. 12.48 that is be a witnesse against them so the Word preached by the Saints in their life and their conversation following the same shall be a witnesse against the world and so their condemnation like as in the processe of judgement here in earth the evidence that is brought in and the witnesses produced are said to condemne the guilty partie and to judge them though the Judge only give sentence Thus Ambrose fitly expoundeth this phrase Iudicabunt Sancti hunc mundum quia exemplo fidei illorum perfidia mundi damnabitur The Saints shall judge the world because by example of their faith their perfidiousnesse shall be condemned 2. For otherwise if Christ should observe the same forme which Moses did to appoint coadjutors because he alone sufficed not this were to derogate from his all sufficient power who needeth not as man any assistants or fellow helpers Vers. 22. Every great matter let them bring to thee Upon this president the Romanistes would ground the papall reservation of cases from whom no appeale say they is to be made as there was not from Moses Tostat. quaest 11. in 18. cap. Exod. Contra. 1. There is great difference betweene the reservation of matters to Moses and of certaine cases to the Pope for Moses was set over but one nation which at this time encamped together within the compasse of not many miles and so they might with ease bring the weighty causes to him But the Pope challengeth to be the supreme Judge over all the world and so without infinite trouble the greater causes cannot be brought unto him 2. Moses judgement was sought for because hee could not erre having often conference with God to direct him as the Pope hath not and this Testatus confesseth Romanus pontifex c. The Roman Bishop though he have great power sometime is not a man very vertuous and though he be because he hath not God present to answer unto all his demands facilius errare potest he may more easily erre therefore that is but a foppish and fawning conclusion of the Canonists that the Pope hath Omnia jura in scrinio pectoris All lawes in his breast 3. Whereas Iethro intended in this device the peoples ease not to goe farre for their causes and Moses ability to performe his office neither of these inconveniences is helped in making appeales to Rome for neither is the Pope able to amend all such causes and the people would be infinitely molested to be hurried to Rome 4. And if it were not for the advantage of the Court and Consistory of Rome they would desire to bee eased rather of than cumbred with such appeales But Moses herein only sought the profit of Gods people not his owne Simler 6. Morall Observations 1. Obs. To take heed of idle and vaine talke Vers. 8. THen Moses told his father in law c. Moses did conferre with Iethro about the wondrous workes of God which the Lord had wrought for them Vnde arguuntur hi qui vanis colloquiis delectantur They then are reproved which are delighted with vaine talke Ferus Which may serve as a good motive in our dayes to cut off idle if not very prophane conference when wee meet remembring ever that of idle words we must give an account B. Babington 2. Observ. Workes must be joyned with faith Vers. 12. THen Iethro tooke burnt offerings c. Having beene thankfull in words now he addeth deeds for S. Iames calleth that a dead faith where workes want if we joyne both these together as Iethro did we shall fully give assurance both to others and to our selves of our true faith B. Babington 3. Obs. That we should doe all our workes as in Gods sight Vers. 12. THey came to eat bread with Moses father in law before God Hereupon Origen well noteth Sancti manducant bibunt in
master because she must so liberally be provided for But the reason thereof is because shee was sold upon hope of marriage which hope because shee is frustrate of this provision must be made by way of recompense But this maid is not like to have beene abused for then it had not beene enough to let her goe out free but he should endow her also according to the Law chap 23.16 3. Oleaster thus resolveth this text This maid either her master had company with or had not if the first either she displeased afterward and then he was to redeeme her that is to set her free or shee pleased then the father either tooke her to wife and so he was to use her as his wife on his sonne then hee should use her as his daughter or if he tooke another wife he was to provide all necessary things for her Now if her master had not knowne her she was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile unlesse shee before redeemed her selfe Contra. Oleaster faileth here in these points 1. Hee taketh redeeming for setting her free without money whereas redemption of a servant was not without money 2. If he had defiled her he was not only to set her free but to endow her as before is shewed 3. If â—he maid was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile the maid servants should have lesse privilege than the Hebrew men servants that were to serve but six yeeres whereas this Law intendeth them greater favour 4. This then is the summe of the Law A man buyeth a maid servant an Hebrewesse he was either to suffer her friends to redeeme her or to marry her himselfe or give her to his sonne if none of these he was either to keepe her still providing all things necessary for her or to let her goe out free for nothing Iun. QUEST XXXIV Of the end scope and intent of this Law NOw concerning the end of this Law it is to be considered 1. That the father which should either of any unnaturall affection or compelled by necessity sell his daughter might by this meanes be punished by losing all his right and interest in his daughter who did now being sold out of her fathers power in familiam Domini transire passe and was as incorporate into her masters family Iun. And so the father should be as it were bridled hereby from selling of his daughter 2. Beside this Law imposing such hard conditions upon the master in such liberall sort to provide for his servant so bought thereby also provideth ut aut non emerentur ancillae that either maids should not be bought at all though their fathers were so hard hearted to sell them aut meliore conditione servirent or they should serve with better condition otherwise than as common servants Osiand Marbach And so this Law taketh order ut nunquam capite vacent that maids should never be without an head Iun. And so taketh care for them as the weaker sex 3. Further in that the master was permitted to take his maid to his wife though he had another before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 temporis licitum erat that was lawfull by the sufferance and toleration of those times Pelarg 4. Againe though it were simply unlawfull for the parents to sell their children sed ne progrediatur impietat ad intolerabilem iniquitatem c. but lest such impiety should proceed to intolerable iniquity and injury this Law provideth for such as were oppressed pro tanto sed non in totum though not wholly and totally yet to keepe them within some measure Lippom. 5. But this Law was much more equall than that Law of the ancient Romans in the 12. Tables which permitted fathers to sell their sonnes not once but againe and the third time only he was excepted which had married a wife with his fathers consent which was afterward forbidden C. de lib. posth or then that Law of Constantine that one might sell his sonne for extreme need and poverty though the sonne might afterward redeeme himselfe for the condition of children so sold was more tolerable among the Hebrewes their service being but for a time Simler This Law also is more reasonable than that constitution of Iustinian tit 6. de manumission that unlesse the maid servant were married within six moneths ab hero non dimittebatur shee was not at all to be dismissed from her master Pelarg. QUEST XXXV What kinde of smiting is here meant Vers. 12. HE that smiteth a man that hee dye 1. Here percussio accipitur pro occisione smiting is taken for killing Lyran. For if a man were smitten and died not of it there was another punishment than by death vers 19. Tostat. 2. Quamvis aliquo pòst tempore meriatur c. Although he dye not presently but some while after that is so smitten he shall suffer death for it Galas 3. The words are generall He that smiteth a man whether he were an Hebrew or no Hebrew his enemy or friend ex re percussa intquitas percutientis manifestatur the iniquity of the smiter appeareth by the thing that is smitten Cajetan 4. The Latine reads he that smiteth a man volens occidere having a purpose to kill him shall dye But two exceptions are taken to this reading for if a man did smite one non animo occidendi sed animo percutiendi not with a minde to kill him but to smite him only he should dye for it Cajetane And againe if a man intended to kill and did not he was not to dye for it for although before God he be a murtherer that intendeth it in his heart yet the Law of Moses doth not punish the intent only of murther but the effect Simler QUEST XXXVI Why the murtherer was to dye the death SHall dye the death c. 1. That is shall surely dye for this doubling of the word importat majorem certitudinem importeth greater certainty Tostat. The Interlinearie glosse expoundeth Morte spirituali vel corporali Death spirituall or bodily but I preferre the other sense 2. This Law is set downe in generall that whosoever smiteth so that death follow five intendat occidero sive non whether he purposed to kill or not should dye for it but afterward follow certaine exceptions from this Law Oleaster This then is a generall Law that he which killeth should be killed againe Lippom. 3. And this Law is grounded even upon the Law of nature for like as it is agreeable to nature Vt putridum membrum abscindatur ut reliqua conserventur that a rotten member should be cut off that the rest be preserved so a murtherer is to be killed ne plures occidentur lest more should be killed Lippom. This Law is given unto Noah Genes 9. when the world was restored and here it is but repeated and renued Pelarg. 4. The Lawes of other nations herein consent with Moses the Athenians did severely punish murther expelling the murtherer from the Temples of the gods and
intendeth should not be diminished or empaired but made good to the owner But concerning other goods no such restitution was to be made Gallas Lippom. Contra. They are herein deceived for the former generall Law maketh mention of oxen asses sheepe and generally of whatsoever is lost wherein any fraud may be committed 2. Cajetane and Simlerus give this reason because the other Law speaketh expresly of things stollen out of the keepers or depositories house which the owner made choice of for the sure keeping of his goods and therefore if they be stollen it is upon his owne perill because he made no better choice of the place Now living creatures are not committed to the safe keeping of the place but to the keepers diligence and care so that if they be stollen it is through his default and negligence To the same purpose also Calvine But this reason giveth not satisfaction because in the other Law vers 9. mention is made also of oxen asses sheepe and other living creatures 3. This then is the difference that the former Law speaketh of things committed freely to ones trust without any consideration or reward but here of such things which a man is waged or hired to keepe and therefore in this case he is to make good that which was stollen and not in the other Cujus ratio est quia pro custodia habet mercedem The reason is because he had a reward for his keeping Lyran. Tostat. And this appeareth yet more evidently by Iakobs practice Genes 31.39 Laban required it of his hand whether it were stollen by night or by day because he waged with Iakob to keepe his sheepe Iun. Gallasius objecteth against this example that Iakob there had boasted in vaine quod solus ista damna pertulisset that he alone had borne these losses if it had beene an ordinary thing so to doe Contra. Iakob in that place to purge himselfe of all suspition of fraud or negligence alleageth two things one that whatsoever was torne he brought it not to Laban as the manner was but made it good himselfe and herein Iakob did more than he was bound to doe the other is concerning Labans strictnesse that required of him that which was stollen wherein Laban did according to the common use but yet his hard dealing appeared in exacting of his sonne in Law as of a stranger QUEST XIV How the case of theft differeth from other casualties in matters of trust Vers. 10. IF it dye or be hurt or taken away by enemies c. 1. In these cases the keeper was not to make restitution as if it were stollen the reason is because these casualties could not by humane diligence or foresight be prevented as the other might Simler So Thomas Depositivum poterat perdi dupliciter ex causa inevitabili c. The thing committed to ones trust might be lost two wayes either by a cause inevitable which could not be shunned or prevented and the same either naturall as by disease and death or externall as if it were taken of the enemy or devoured of wild beasts or the cause might be evitabilis such as might be prevented as in stealing 2. But such casualty and death is here understood as is not procured by the deceit and craft of the keeper as if he defrauded the beast of his meat or overwrought it or if it became lame and broken by his smiting and abusing of it for in these cases the keeper is to make good the losse yea though he had nothing at all for the keeping he was to make recompence if any kinde of way he had put his hand to his neighbours good vers 8. much more now seeing he was waged for the keeping and so here he is to take his oath that he hath not put his hand to his neighbours good that is that none of these casualties did befall by his default 3. And by these particular accidents which cannot be prevented other like unexpected and inevitable chances are understood Casus fortuitus non imputatur depositorio A case falling out by chance bindeth not the depositorie or keeper in trust though he have somewhat for the keeping as if the house be burned where he laid up anothers goods or the ship suffer wracke wherein such goods were embarked unlesse one of these three culpa pactum mora interciderit the keepers fault some compact or delay come betweene for if the casualty fall out by the keepers default or negligence or he have covenanted to make good what losse soever or keepe the goods longer in his hand than the owner agreed with him to keepe them in all these cases the keeper is bound to make satisfaction what chance soever happeneth Tostat quaest 7. QUEST XV. Whether it were reasonable that the matter should be put upon the parties oath Vers. 11. AN oath of the Lord c. 1. This kinde of probation to put a man to purge himselfe upon his oath was used when no other witnesses could be produced as it is added in the former verse and no man saw it that is alius à custode none beside the keeper Oleaster so that where other proofe might be had a man at the first should not be put upon his owne purgation Tostat. 2. Neither need it seeme strange that the controversie should be decided by the keepers oath for no man will commit a thing to another in trust unlesse he were first well perswaded of his honesty Suo ergo praejudicio testatus est eum esse virum bonum He therefore testified by his fore-judgement of him in trusting him that he is a good man Calvin and therefore it is no wrong unto him to have the matter tried by his oath whom he trusted 3. Here wee see the lawfull use of an oath to be an end of all controversie and strife as the Apostle sheweth Heb. 6. when no other proofe can be had Tostat. 4. And it is called the oath of Iehovah because they only are to sweare by the name of God Genevens QUEST XVI What was to be done if the thing kept in trust were devoured of some wild beast Vers. 13. IF it be torne in peeces he shall bring it in record 1. One way to testifie that it was torne of wild beasts was to bring a part of the prey recovered out of the ravenous beasts mouth as shepheards sometime used to doe Amos 3.11 Iun. This sense is expressed by the Chalde He shall bring that which is torne for a testimony and the Septuagint He shall bring it to his gate that is shew it to the owner And therefore Iacob herein approved his faithfull service to Laban that used not this liberty to bring that unto him which was torne but made it good himselfe Gen. 31.29 Tostat. 2. Another way to prove it to have beene torne with beasts was to bring proofe by witnesses that saw the ravenous beast to carry away the prey for this sentence hath relation to the former clause vers
make any such ditch or trench Tostat. qu. 34. 2. Who therefore thinketh right that these gates were onely the places of entrance into the great streets which went thorow the camp for the host lay in such order as that they had wayes and streets betweene their tents as wee see now in cities and townes as Iosephus also describeth the situation and disposing of the camp 3. Now Moses stood in the gate or entrance not because the use was to give sentence and judgement in the gates Lyran. Borrh. Or because Moses would have the Levites to give the onset in the beginning of a street and so to go thorow as Tostat. ibid. But this was the reason Moses tabernacle or tent was without the camp and so upon that occasion Moses stood in the entrance of the camp going now to his owne tent Iun. QUEST LXVIII Whether all the Levites were free from consenting unto this idolatrie Vers. 26. ANd all the sonnes of Levi. R. Salom. to whom consenteth Tostatus thinketh Quod nullus de Levitis aliquid peccaverit That none of the Levites sinned in this great transgression because it is said All the sonnes of Levi gathered themselves unto him and if the Levites had sinned â—s other tribes there had beene no more cause to advance them to the Priesthood than other tribes Contra. 1. If that generall particle all bee pressed then it would follow that the children and all came which could not be for they were not able to use swords the meaning then is not that all the Levites came but all which came were Levites Iun. Sa. Or all is taken for many as this speech is usually restrained in Scripture as all nations are said to have come and bought corne in Egypt Gen. 41. 2. The Levites were more of Gods favour and grace than of their desert separated and selected for the Priesthood yet it is evident that this tribe was freer from consenting to this idolatrie than other tribes and for this their courage and readinesse in Gods service they received a blessing 2. Some thinke that even these Levites which armed themselves against their brethren were not altogether immunes à reatu free from this sinne but while they did it for feare levius peccarunt their sin was the lesse and so the mercie of the Lord appeared so much the more not only in pardoning their sin sed gloriam suam eorum manu asserere dignatus est but he vouchsafed by their hand to maintaine his glory Calvin Simler But it is not like that God would use their ministerie in the punishing of others which were guiltie of the same punishment themselves and their owne conscience accusing them they would have had no such courage to revenge the Lords cause upon their brethren it had beene also verie offensive to the guiltie parties to be punished by them which had beene alike guiltie And Moses proclaiming who pertaineth to the Lord let him come to me did meane that they only should come who had beene faithfull unto God and had not consented to that sinne 3. Some Hebrewes doe help the matter thus that because they cannot avoid it but that some of the kindred of the Levites were guiltie of this transgression because they did not spare their owne sonnes vers 29. that because it was lawfull for any of the other tribes to take unto them the wives of Levites their husbands being dead those children which they had by them might be said to be the sons of Levi that is grand children on their mothers side But this shift is taken away because Deut. 33.9 it is said that the Levites knew not their owne father or mother or children therefore they must needs bee understood to be Levites not by marriage or in some removed degree of kindred unto them but the immediate fathers and sonnes of Levites 4. Therefore the best opinion is that all of the tribe of Levi were not free from this sin of idolatrie many of them kept themselves as it is like at home and consented not but that a great sort even of Levi offended it may thus appeare 1. Because both Aaron himselfe was a ring-leader who can by no meanes be excused from this sin Lyranus 2. It could not be avoided but that many of the Levites were drawne away by Aarons example Iun. 3. But yet it is more evident because they consecrated their hands upon their owne sonnes and brethren yea their fathers and mothers that divers of the tribe of Levi fell away with the rest Lyran. Iun. Tostatus here answereth that the name of brethren is taken largely Pro fratribus qui sunt de filiis Israel For their brethren which were of the children of Israel qu. 35. Contra. 1. If it be allowed that the name of brethren is sometime so taken what saith he to the other names of father mother sonne These must be taken for the names of kindred or else we shall never have any certaintie in Scripture when we should by these names understand naturall fathers mothers and children 2. The other words companion and neighbour shew that the first is a name of kindred the first word ach signifieth here a brother in affinitie the second râ—ah a companion and friend the third karob Vicinia ratione conjunctum him that was a neighbour in dwelling and vicinitie or neernesse of place Simlerus 5. It is evident then that some of the Levites were accessarie to this great impietie because they were punished among the rest So that R. Salomon is herein greatly deceived who thinketh that the Levites though they were blame-worthy in not resisting the idolaters yet were not idolaters themselves neither consensu mentis nec facto exteriori in consent of minde nor in any outward fact c. for the Levites had beene unjustly punished if they had beene innocent Nay R. Moses Egyptius goeth further saying that although the Israelites often are found to have committed idolatrie yet Levita nunquam idolatraverunt the Levites never committed idolatrie But the contrarie is evident by Aarons fall for hee apparantly was an idolater in his externall act in building an altar unto the golden Calfe and offering sacrifice before it Paulus Burgensis in his reply proceedeth yet further that when our blessed Saviour was put to death the Levites as they are distinguished from the Priests were not principeâ— in crimine illo pâ—ssimo principall agents in that wicked crime whereas it is evident that the Priests were the chiefe enemies that Christ had the Levites indeed are not named but seeing the high Priest with the other Priests which were of the tribe of Levi were the contrivers of Christs death then cannot that whole tribe be exempted from this villanous act which is the intendment of Burgensis a great favourer of that nation QUEST LXIX Of the authoritie which the Levites had to doe execution upon the idolaters and the rules prescribed them Vers. 27. THus saith the Lord c. 1. Tostatus thinketh that it is not