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A50902 The history of Britain, that part especially now call'd England from the first traditional beginning, continu'd to the Norman conquest / collected out of the antientest and best authours thereof by John Milton. Milton, John, 1608-1674.; Faithorne, William, 1616-1691. 1670 (1670) Wing M2119; ESTC R13663 213,672 366

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pretext of what was due to the religious service wasted and imbezl'd each mans substance upon themselves And Catus Decianus the Procurator endeavour'd to bring all thir goods within the compass of a new confiscation by disavowing the remittment of Claudius Lastly Seneca in his Books a Philosopher having drawn the Britans unwillingly to borrow of him vast summs upon faire promises of easy loan and for repayment to take thir own time on a sudden compells them to pay in all at once with great extortion Thus provock't by heaviest sufferings and thus invited by opportunities in the absence of Paulinus the Icenians and by their Example the Trinobantes and as many else as hated servitude rise up in Armes Of these ensueing troubles many foregoing signes appear'd the image of Victorie at Camalodunum fell down of it self with her face turn'd as it were to the Britans certaine women in a kind of ecstasie foretold of calamities to come in the Counsel-House were heard by night barbarous noises in the Theater hideous howlings in the Creek horrid sights betok'ning the destruction of that Colony heerto the Ocean seeming of a bloody hew and human shapes at a low ebb left imprinted on the sand wrought in the Britans new courage in the Romans unwonted feares Camalodunum where the Romans had seated themselves to dwell pleasantly rather then defensively was not fortifi'd against that therefore the Britans make first assault The Souldiers with in were not very many Decianus the Procurator could send them but 200 those ill arm'd and through the treachery of some among them who secretly favour'd the insurrection they had deferr'd both to entrench and to send out such as bore not Armes such as did flying to the Temple which on the second day was forcibly tak'n were put all to the Sword the Temple made a heap the ●est rifl'd and burnt Petilius Cerealis coming to his succour is in his way met and overthrown his whole Legion cut to peeces he with his Horse hardly escaping to the Roman Camp Decianus whose rapine was the cause of all this fled into Callia But Suetonius at these tideings not dismay'd through the midst of his Enemies Countrie marches to London though not term'd a Colony yet full of Roman Inhabitants and for the frequency of trade and other commodities a Town eev'n then of principal note with purpose to have made there the seat of Warr. But considering the smallness of his numbers and the late rashness of Petilius he chooses rather with the loss of one Town to save the rest Nor was he flexible to any prayers or weeping of them that besought him to tarry there but taking with him such as were willing gave signal to depart they who through weakness of Sex or Age or love of the place went not along perish'd by the Enemie so did Verulam a Roman free Town For the Britans omitting Forts and Castles flew thether first where richest bootie and the hope of pillageing toald them on In this massacre about 70 thousand Romans and thir associats in the places above-mention'd of a certaine lost thir lives None might be spar'd none ransom'd but tasted all either a present or a lingring Death no crueltie that either outrage or the insolence of success put into thir heads was left unacted The Roman Wives and Virgins hang'd up all naked had thir Breasts cut off and sow'd to thir mouthes that in the grimness of Death they might seem to eat thir own flesh while the Britans fell to feasting and carousing in the Temple of Andate thir Goddess of Victorie Suetonius adding to his Legion other old Officers and Souldiers thereabout which gatherd to him were neer upon ten thousand and purposing with those not to deferr Battel had chos'n a place narrow and not to be overwing'd on his rear a Wood being well inform'd that his Enemies were all in Front on a plain unapt for ambush the Legionaries stood thic in order impal'd with light armed the Horse on either Wing The Britans in Companies and Squadrons were every where shouting and swarming such a multitude as at other time never no less reckon'd then 200 and 30 thousand so feirce and confident of Victorie that thir Wives also came in Waggons to sit and behold the sport as they made full account of killing Romans a folly doubtless for the serious Romans to smile at as a sure tok'n of prospering that day a Woeman also was thir Commander in Chief For Boadicea and her Daughters ride about in a Chariot telling the tall Champions as a great encouragement that with the Britans it was usual for Woemen to be thir Leaders A deal of other fondness they put into her mouth not worth recital how she was lash'd how her Daughters were handl'd things worthier silence retirment and a Vail then for a Woeman to repeat as don to hir own person or to hear repeated before an host of men The Greek Historian setts her in the field on a high heap of Turves in a loose-bodied Gown declaming a Spear in her hand a Hare in her bosome which after a long circumlocution she was to let slip among them for luck 's sake then praying to Andate the British Goddess to talk again as fondly as before And this they do out of a vanity hoping to embellish and set out thir Historie with the strangness of our manners not careing in the mean while to brand us with the rankest note of Barbarism as if in Britain Woemen were Men and Men Woemen I affect not set speeches in a Historie unless known for certain to have bin so spok'n in effect as they are writ'n nor then unless worth rehearsal and to invent such though eloquently as some Historians have done is an abuse of posteritie raising in them that read other conceptions of those times and persons then were true Much less therefore do I purpose heer or elsewhere to Copie out tedious Orations without decorum though in thir Authors compos'd ready to my hand Hitherto what we have heard of Cassibelan Togadumnus Venusius and Caractacus hath bin full of magnanimitie soberness and martial skill but the truth is that in this Battel and whole business the Britans never more plainly manifested themselves to be right Barbarians no rule no foresight no forecast experience or estimation either of themselves or of thir Enemies such confusion such impotence as seem'd likest not to a Warr but to the wild hurrey of a distracted Woeman with as mad a Crew at her heeles Therefore Suetonius contemning thir unruly noises and fierce looks heart'ns his men but to stand close a while and strike manfully this headless rabble that stood neerest the rest would be a purchase rather then a toil And so it fell out for the Legion when they saw thir time bursting out like a violent wedge quickly broke and dissipated what oppos'd them all else held only out thir necks to the slayer for thir own Carts and Waggons were so plac'd by themselves
stopping promis'd he would And the other laying his right hand on Edwins head when this sign saith he shall next befall yee remember this time of night and this discourse to perform what thou hast promis'd and with these words disappeering left Edwin much reviv'd but not less fill'd with wonder who this unknown should be When suddenly the friend who had bin gon all this while to list'n furder what was like to be decree'd of Edwin comes back and joyfully bids him rise to his repose for that the Kings mind though for a while drawn aside was now fully resolv'd not only not to betray him but to defend him against all Enemies as he had promis'd This was said to be the cause why Edwin admonish't by the Bishop of a sign which had befaln him so strangely and as he thought so secretly arose to him with that reverence and amazement as to one sent from Heav'n to claim that promise of him which he perceav'd well was due to a Divinepower that had assisted him in his troubles To Paulinus therefore he makes answer that the Christian Beleef he himself ought by promise and intended to receave but would conferr first with his Cheif Peers and Counsellers that if they likewise could be won all at once might be baptiz'd They therfore being ask'd in Counsel what thir opinion was concerning this new Doctrine and well perceaving which way the King enclin'd every one thereafter shap'd his reply The Cheif-Preist speaking first discover'd an old grudge he had against his Gods for advancing others in the Kings Favour above him thir Cheif Preist another hiding his Court-compliance with a grave sentence commended the choise of certain before uncertain upon due examination to like purpose answer'd all the rest of his Sages none op'nly dissenting from what was likely to be the Kings Creed wheras the preaching of Paulinus could work no such effect upon them toiling till that time without success Whereupon Edwin renouncing Heathenism became Christian and the Pagan Preist offring himself freely to demolish the Altars of his former Gods made some amends for his teaching to adore them An. Dom. 627 With Edwin his two Sons Osfrid and Eanfrid born to him by Quenburga Daughter as saith Beda of Kearle King of Mercia in the time of his banishment and with them most of the people both Nobles and Commons easily converted were baptiz'd he with his whole Family at York in a Church hastily built up of Wood the multitude most part in Rivers Northumberland thus christ'nd Paulinus crossing Humber converted also the Province of Lindsey and Blecca the Governour of Lincoln with his Houshold and most of that City wherin he built a Church of Stone curiously wrought but of small continuance for the Roof in Bedas time uncertain whether by neglect or Enemies was down the Walls only standing Mean while in Mercia Kearle a Kinsman of Wibba saith Huntingdon not a Son having long withheld the Kingdome from Penda Wibba's Son left it now at length to the fiftieth year of his Age with whom Kinegils and Cuichelm the West-Saxon Kings An. Dom. 629 two year after having by that time it seems recover'd strength since the Inrode made upon them by Edwin fought at Cirencester then made Truce But Edwin seeking every way to propagate the Faith which with so much deliberation he had receav'd persuaded Eorpwald the Son of Redwald King of East-Angles to imbrace the same beleef An. Dom. 632 willingly or in aw is not known retaining under Edwin the name only of a King But Eorpwald not long surviv'd his conversion slain in fight by Ricbert a Pagan wherby the people having lightly follow'd the Religion of thir King as lightly fell back to thir old superstitions for above 3 years after Edwin in the mean while to his Faith adding vertue by the due administration of justice wrought such peace over all his Territories that from Sea to Sea man or woman might have travail'd in safety His care also was of Fountains by the way side to make them fittest for the use of Travellers And not unmindful of regal State whether in War or Peace he had a Royal Banner carried before him But having reign'd with much honour 17 years he was at length by Kedwalla or Cadwallon King of the Britans who with aid of the Mercian Penda had rebell'd against him slain in a Battel with his Son Osfrid at a place call'd Hethseild and his whole Army overthrown or disperst in the year 633. and the 47th of his Age An. Dom. 633 in the Eye of man worthy a more peacefull end His Head brought to York was there buried in the Church by him begun Sad was this overthrow both to Church and State of the Northumbrians for Penda being a Heathen and the British King though in name a Christian yet in deeds more bloody then the Pagan nothing was omitted of barbarous cruelty in the slaughter of Sex or Age Kedwalla threatning to root out the whole Nation though then newly Christian For the Britans and as Beda saith eev'n to his dayes accounted Saxon Christianity no better then Paganism and with them held as little Communion From these calamities no refuge being left but flight Paulinus taking with him Ethilburga the Queen and her Children aided by Bassus one of Edwins Captains made escape by Sea to Eadbald King of Kent who receaving his Sister with all kindness made Paulinus Bishop of Rochester where he ended his days After Edwin the Kingdom of Northumberland became divided as before each rightfull Heir seising his part in Deira Osric the Son of Elfric Edwins Uncle by profession a Christian and baptiz'd by Paulinus in Bernicia Eanfrid the Son of Ethelfrid who all the time of Edwin with his Brother Oswald and many of the young Nobility liv'd in Scotland exil'd and had bin there taught and baptiz'd No sooner had they gott'n each a Kingdom but both turn'd recreant sliding back into their old Religion and both were the same year slain Osric by a sudden eruption of Kedwalla whom he in a strong Town had unadvisedly beseig'd Eanfrid seeking peace and inconsideratly with a few surrendring himself Kedwalla now rang'd at will through both those Provinces useing cruelly his Conquest when Oswald the Brother of Eanfrid with a small but Christian Army An. Dom. 634 unexpectedly coming on defeated and destroy'd both him and his huge Forces which he boasted to be invincible by a little River running into Tine neer the antient Roman Wall then call'd Denisburn the place afterwards Heav'n field from the Cross reported miraculous for Cures which Oswald there erected before the Battail in tok'n of his Faith against the great number of his Enemies Obtaining the Kingdom he took care to instruct again the people in Christianity Sending therfore to the Scotish Elders Beda so terms them among whom he had receav'd Baptism requested of them som faithfull Teacher who might again settle Religion in his Realm which the late troubles had
so frequent Alarms came to agreement with them for a certain sum of money but ere the peace could be ratifi'd and the money gatherd the Danes impatient of delay by a sudden eruption in the night soon wasted all the East of Kent Mean while or something before Ethelbert deceasing was buried as his Brother at Sherburne Ethelred EThelred the third Son of Ethelwolf at his first An. Dom. 866 coming to the Crown was entertain'd with a fresh invasion of Danes led by Hinguar and Hubba two Brothers who now had got footing among the East-Angles there they winterd and coming to terms of peace with the Inhabitants furnish'd themselves of Horses forming by that means many Troops with Riders of thir own These Pagans Asser saith came from the River Danubius Fitted An. Dom. 867 thus for a long expedition they ventur'd the next year to make thir way over land and over Humber as far as Yorke them they found to thir hands imbroil'd in civil dissentions thir King Osbert they had thrown out and Ella Leader of another faction chosen in his room who both though late admonish'd by thir common danger towards the years end with united powers made head against the Danes and prevail'd but persueing them over-eagerly into Yorke then but slenderly wall'd the Northumbrians were every where slaughter'd both within and without thir Kings also both slain thir City burnt saith Malmsbury the rest as they could made thir peace over-run and vanquisht as far as the River Tine and Egbert of English race appointed King over them Bromton no antient Author for he wrote since Mat. West nor of much credit writes a particular cause of the Danes coming to Yorke that Bruern a Nobleman whose Wife King Osbert had ravisht call'd in Hinguar and Hubba to revenge him The example is remarkable if the truth were as evident Thence victorious the Danes next year enterd into Mercia towards An. Dom. 868 Nottingham where they spent the Winter Burhed then King of that Country unable to resist implores the aid of Ethelred and young Alfred his Brother they assembling thir Forces and joining with the Mercians about Nottingham offer Battel the Danes not daring to come forth kept themselves within that Town and Castle so that no great fight was hazarded there at length the Mercians weary of long suspence enterd into conditions of peace with thir Enemies After which the Danes returning back to Yorke made thir abode there the space of one year committing some say many cruelties An. Dom. 869 An. Dom. 870 Thence imbarking to Lindsey and all the Summer destroying that Country about September they came with like fury into Kesteven another part of Lincolnshire where Algar the Earl of Howland now Holland with his Forces and two hunderd stout Souldiers belonging to the Abbey of Croiland three hunderd from about Boston Morcard Lord of Brunne with his numerous Family well train'd and arm'd Osgot Governour of Lincoln with 500. of that City all joyning together gave Battel to the Danes slew of them a great multitude with three of thir Kings and persu'd the rest to thir Tents but the night following Gothrun Baseg Osketil Halfden and Hamond five Kings and as many Earls Frena Hinguar Hubba Sidroc the Elder and Younger coming in from several parts with great forces and spoils great part of the English began to slink home Nevertheless Algar with such as forsook him not all next day in order of Battel facing the Danes and sustaining unmov'd the brunt of thir assaults could not withhold his men at last from persueing thir counterfitted flight wherby op'nd and disorder'd they fell into the snare of thir Enemies rushing back upon them Algar and those Captains fore-nam'd with him all resolute men retreating to a hill side and slaying of such as follow'd them manifold thir own number dy'd at length upon heaps of dead which they had made round about them The Danes thence passing on into the Country of East-Angles rifl'd and burnt the Monastery of Elie overthrew Earl Wulketul with his whole Army and lodg'd out the Winter at Thetford where King Edmund assailing them was with his whole Army put to flight himself tak'n bound to a stake and shot to Death with Arrows his whole Country subdu'd The next year An. Dom. 871 with great supplies saith Huntingdon bending thir march toward the West-Saxons the only people now left in whom might seem yet to remain strength or courage likely to oppose them they came to Reading fortifi'd there between the two Rivers of Thames and Kenet and about three dayes after sent out wings of Horse under two Earls to forage the Country but Ethelwulf Earl of Barkshire at Englefeild a Village nigh encounterd them slew one of thir Earls and obtain'd a great Victory Four dayes after came the King himself and his Brother Alfred with the main Battail and the Danes issuing forth a bloody fight began on either side great slaughter in which Earl Ethelwulf lost his life but the Danes loosing no ground kept thir place of standing to the end Neither did the English for this make less hast to another conflict at Escesdunc or Ashdown four dayes after where both Armies with thir whole force on either side met The Danes were imbattail'd in two great Bodies the one led by Bascai and Halfden thir two Kings the other by such Earls as were appointed in like manner the English divided thir powers Ethelred the King stood against their Kings and though on the lower ground and coming later into the Battail from his Orisons gave a fierce onset wherin Bascai the Danish History names him Erazus the Son of Regicerus was slain Alfred was plac'd against the Earls and beginning the Battail ere his Brother came into the field with such resolution charg'd them that in the shock most of them were slain they are nam'd Sidroc Elder and Younger Osbern Frean Harald at length in both Divisions the Danes turn thir backs many thousands of them cut off the rest persu'd till night So much the more it may be wonderd to hear next in the Annals that the Danes 14 days after such an over-throw fighting again with Ethelred and his Brother Alfred at Basing under conduct saith the Danish History of Agnerus and Hubbo Brothers of the slain Evacus should obtain the Victory especially since the new supply of Danes mention'd by Asser arriv'd after this action But after two Months the King and his Brother fought with them again at Mertun in two Squadrons as before in which fight hard it is to understand who had the better so darkly do the Saxon Annals deliver thir meaning with more then wonted infancy Yet these I take for Asser is heer silent to be the Chief Fountain of our story the ground and basis upon which the Monks later in time gloss and comment at thir pleasure Nevertheless it appears that on the Saxon part not Heamund the Bishop only but many valiant men
Letters to every Town and Citty wherby they might be ready all at the same hower which till the appointed time being the 9th of July was conceal'd with great silence and perform'd with much unanimity so generally hated were the Danes Mat. West writes that this execution upon the Danes was ten years after that Huna one of Ethelreds Chief Captains complaining of the Danish insolencies in time of peace thir pride thir ravishing of Matrons and Virgins incited the King to this massacher which in the madness of rage made no difference of innocent or nocent Among these Gunhildis the Sister of Swane was not spar'd though much deserving not pitty only but all protection she with her Husband Earl Palingus coming to live in England and receaving Christianity had her Husband and young Son slain before her face her self then beheaded foretelling and denouncing that her blood would cost England dear Some say this was done by the Traitor Edric to whose custody she was committed but the massacher was some years before Edric's advancement and if it were done by him afterward it seems to contradict the privat correspondence which he was thought to hold with the Danes For Swane breathing revenge An. Dom. 1003 hasted the next year into England and by the treason or negligence of Count Hugh whom Emma had recommended to the Government of Devonshire sack'd the City of Exeter her Wall from East to West-gate brok'n down after this wasting Wiltshire the people of that County and of Hamshire came together in great numbers with resolution stoutly to oppose him but Alfric thir General whose Sons Eyes the King had lately put out madly thinking to revenge himself on the King by ruining his own Country when he should have orderd his Battel the Enemy being at hand fain'd himself tak'n with a vomiting wherby his Army in great discontent destitute of a Commander turn'd from the Enemy who streight took Wilton and Salsbury carrying the pillage therof to his Ships An. Dom. 1004 Thence the next year landing on the Coast of Norfolk he wasted the Country and set Norwich on fire Ulfketel Duke of the East-Angles a man of great valour not having space to gather his Forces after consultation had thought it best to make peace with the Dane which he breaking within three weeks issu'd silently out of his Ships came to Thetford staid there a night and in the Morning left it flameing Vlsketel hearing this commanded some to go and break or burn his Ships but they not dareing or neglecting he in the mean while with what secresie and speed was possible drawing together his Forces went out against the Enemy and gave them a feirce onset retreating to thir Ships but much inferiour in number many of the Cheif East-Angles there lost thir lives Nor did the Danes come off without great slaughter of thir own confessing that they never met in England with so rough a charge The next year whom War could An. Dom. 1005 not a great Famin drove Swane out of the Land But the Summer following another great Fleet of Danes enterd the Port of Sandwich thence powrd An. Dom. 1006 out over all Kent and Sussex made prey of what they found The King levying an Army out of Mercia and the West-Saxons took on him for once the Manhood to go out and face them But they who held it safer to live by rapine then to hazard a Battel shifting lightly from place to place frustrated the slow motions of a heavy Camp following thir wonted course of robbery then running to thir Ships Thus all Autumn they wearied out the Kings Army which gone home to winter they carried all thir pillage to the I le of Wight and there staid till Christmas at which time the King being in Shropshire and but ill imploi'd for by the procurement of Edric he caus'd as is thought Alfhelm a noble Duke treacherously to be slain and the Eyes of his two Sons to be put out they came forth again over-running Hamshire and Barkeshire as far as Reading and Wallingford thence to Ashdune and other places thereabout neither known nor of tolerable pronuntiation and returning by another way found many of the people in Armes by the River Kenet but making thir way through they got safe with vast booty to thir Ships The An. Dom. 1007 King and his Courtiers wearied out with thir last Summers jaunt after the nimble Danes to no purpose which by proof they found too toilsome for thir soft Bones more us'd to Beds and Couches had recourse to thir last and only remedy thir Cofers and send now the fourth time to buy a dishonorable peace every time still dearer not to be had now under 36 thousand pound for the Danes knew how to milk such easie Kine in name of Tribute and expences which out of the people over all England already half beggerd was extorted and paid About the same time Ethelred advanc'd Edric surnam'd Streon from obscure condition to be Duke of Mercia and marry Edgitha the Kings Daughter The cause of his advancement Florent of Worster and Mat. West attribute to his great wealth gott'n by fine polices and a plausible tongue he prov'd a main accessory to the ruin of England as his actions will soon declare Ethelred the next year somewhat An. Dom. 1008 rowsing himself ordain'd that every 310 Hides a Hide is so much land as one Plow can sufficiently till should set out a Ship or Gally and every nine Hides find a Corslet and Head-peice new Ships in every Port were builded vittl'd fraught with stout Mariners and Souldiers and appointed to meet all at Sandwich A man might now think that all would go well when suddenly a new mischief sprung up dissention among the great ones which brought all this diligence to as little success as at other times before Bithric the Brother of Edric falsly accus'd Wulnoth a great Officer set over the South-Saxons who fearing the potency of his Enemies with 20 Ships got to Sea and practis'd piracy on the Coast Against whom reported to be in a place where he might be easily surpris'd Bithrie sets forth with 80 Ships all which driv'n back by a Tempest and wrackt upon the shoar were burnt soon after by Wulnoth Disheart'nd with this misfortune the King returns to London the rest of his Navy after him and all this great preparation to nothing Wherupon Turkill a Danish Earl came with a Navy An. Dom. 1009 to the I le of Tanet and in August a far greater led by Heming and Ilaf joyn'd with him Thence coasting to Sandwich and landed they went onward and began to assault Canterbury but the Citizens and East Kentish men coming to composition with them for three thousand pound they departed thence to the I le of Wight robbing and burning by the way Against these the King levies an Army through all the land and in several quarters places them nigh the Sea but so
hazard or to keep up the Battaile if it should need The British powers on the Hill side as might best serve for shew and terrour stood in thir Battalions the first on eeven ground the next rising behind as the Hill ascended The field between rung with the noise of Horse-men and Chariots ranging up and down Agricola doubting to be over wing'd stretches out his front though somwhat with the thinest insomuch that many advis'd to bring up the Legions yet he not altering alights from his Horse and stands on foot before the Ensignes The fight began aloof and the Britans had a certain skill with their broad swashing Swords and short Bucklers either to strike aside or to bear off the Darts of thir Enemies and withall to send back showers of thir own Until Agricola discerning that those little Targets and unweildie Glaves ill pointed would soon become ridiculous against the thrust and close commanded three Batavian Cohorts and two of the Tungrians exercis'd and arm'd for close fight to draw up and come to handy-strokes The Batavians as they were commanded running in upon them now with their long Tucks thrusting at the face now with their piked Targets bearing them down had made good riddance of them that stood below and for hast omitting furder Execution began apace to advance up Hill seconded now by all the other Cohorts Mean while the Horse-men fly the Charioters mixe themselves to fight among the Foot where many of thir Horse also fall'n in disorderly were now more a mischief to thir own then before a terrour to thir Enemies The Battaile was a confus'd heap the ground unequal men horses Chariots crowded pelmel sometimes in little roome by and by in large fighting rushing felling over-bearing over-turning They on the Hill which were not yet come to blows perceaving the fewness of thir Enemies came down amain and had enclos'd the Romans unawares behind but that Agricola with a strong Body of Horse which he reserv'd for such a purpose repell'd them back as fast and others drawn off the front were commanded to wheel about and charge them on the backs Then were the Romans clearly Maisters they follow they wound they take and to take more kill whom they take the Britans in whole Troops with weapons in thir hands one while flying the pursuer anon without weapons desperately running upon the slayer But all of them when once they got the Woods to thir shelter with fresh boldness made head again and the forwardest on a sudden they turn'd and slew the rest so hamper'd as had not Agricola who was every where at hand sent out his readiest Cohorts with part of his Horse to alight and scowr the Woods they had receiv'd a foyle in the midst of Victorie but following with a close and orderly poursuit the Britans fled again and were totally scatter'd till night and weariness ended the chase And of them that day 10 thousand fell of the Romans 340 among whom Aulus Atti●us the Leader of a Cohort carried with heat of youth and the firceness of his Horse too far on The Romans jocond of this Victorie and the spoile they got spent the night the vanquished wandring about the field both men and women some lamenting some calling thir lost friends or carrying off their wounded others forsaking some burning thir own Houses and it was certain enough that there were who with a stern compassion laid violent hands on thir Wives and Children to prevent the more violent hands of hostile injurie Next day appearing manifested more plainly the greatness of thir loss receav'd every where silence desolation houses burning afar off not a man seen all fled and doubtful whether such word the scouts bringing in from all parts and the Summer now spent no fit season to disperse a Warr the Roman General leads his Armie among the Horestians by whom Hostages being giv'n he commands his Admiral with a sufficient Navie to saile round the Coast of Britain himself with slow marches that his delay in passing might serve to awe those new conquer'd Nations bestowes his Armie in their Winter-quarters The Fleet also having fetch 't a prosperous and speedy compass about the I le put in at the Haven Trutulensis now Richborrow neer Sandwich from whence it first set out and now likeliest if not two years before as was mention'd the Romans might discover and subdue the Iles of of Orkney which others with less reason following Eusebius and Orosius attribute to the deeds of Claudius These perpetual exploits abroad won him wide fame with Domitian under whom great virtue was as punishable as op'n crime won him hatred For he maligning the renown of these his acts in shew decreed him honours in secret devis'd his ruin An. Dom. 86 Agricola therefore commanded home for doeing too much of what he was sent to doe left the Province to his Successor quiet and secure Whether he as is conjectured were Salustius Lucullus or before him some other for Suetonius only names him Legat of Britain under Domitian but furder of him or ought else done here until the time of Hadrian is no where plainly to be found Some gather by a Preface in Tacitus to the Book of his Histories that what Agricola won here was soon after by Domitian either through want of valour lost or through envy neglected And Juvenal the Poet speaks of Arviragus in these days and not before King of Britain who stood so well in his resistance as not only to be talk'd of at Rome but to be held matter of a glorious Triumph if Domitian could take him Captive or overcome him Then also Claudia Rufina the Daughter of a Britain and Wife of Pudence a Roman Senator liv'd at Rome famous by the Verse of Martial for beauty wit and learning The next we hear of Britain is that when Trajan was Emperor it revolted and was subdued Under Adrian Julius Severus saith Dion govern'd the Iland a prime Souldier of that Age but he being call'd away to suppress the Jews then in tumult left things at such pass as caus'd the Emperor in person to take a journey hither An. Dom. 122 where many things he reform'd and as Augustus and Tiberius counsel'd to gird the Empire within moderate bounds he rais'd a Wall with great stakes driv'n in deep and fastn'd together in manner of a strong mound fourscore mile in length to devide what was Roman from Barbarian no antient Author names the place but old inscriptions and ruin it self yet testifies where it went along between Solway Frith by Carlile and the mouth of Tine Hadrian having quieted the Iland took it for honour to be titl'd on his Coine the Restorer of Britain In his time also Prisous Licinius as appears by an old inscription was Lieutenant heer Antoninus Pius reigning the Brigantes ever least patient of Foren servitude breaking in upon Genounia which Camden guesses to be Guinethia or North-Wales part of the Roman Province were
at Badon Hill was not the least which they in thir oldest annals mention not at all And because the time of this Battell by any who could do more then guess is not set down or any foundation giv'n from whence to draw a solid compute it cannot be much wide to insert it in this place For such Authors as we have to follow give the conduct and praise of this exploit to Arthur and that this was the last of 12 great Battells which he fought victoriously against the Saxons The several places writt'n by Nennius in thir Welch names were many hunder'd years ago unknown and so heer omitted But who Arthur was and whether every any such reign'd in Britain hath bin doubted heertofore and may again with good reason For the Monk of Malmsbury and others whose credit hath sway'd most with the learneder sort we may well perceave to have known no more of this Arthur 500 years past nor of his doeings then we now living And what they had to say transcrib'd out of Nennius a very trivial writer yet extant which hath already bin related Or out of a British Book the same which he of Monmouth set forth utterly unknown to the World till more then 600 years after the dayes of Arthur of whom as Sigebert in his Chronicle confesses all other Histories were silent both Foren and Domestic except only that fabulous Book Others of later time have sought to assert him by old legends and Cathedrall regests But he who can accept of Legends for good story may quickly swell a volume with trash and had need be furnish'd with two only necessaries leasure and beleif whether it be the writer or he that shall read As to Artur no less is in doubt who was his Father for if it be true as Nennius or his notist avers that Artur was call'd Mab-Vther that is to say a cruel Son for the fierseness that men saw in him of a Child and the intent of his name Arturus imports as much it might well be that som in after ages who sought to turn him into a Fable wrested the word Vther into a proper name and so fain'd him the Son of Vther since we read not in any certain story that ever such person liv'd till Geffry of Monmouth set him off with the sirname of Pendragon And as we doubted of his parentage so may we also of his puissance for whether that Victory at Badon Hill were his or no is uncertain Gildas not naming him as he did Ambrose in the former Next if it be true as Caradoc relates that Melvas King of that Country which is now Summerset kept from him Gueniver his Wife a whole year in the Town of Glaston and restor'd her at the entreaty of Gildas rather then for any enforcement that Artur with all his Chivalry could make against a small Town defended only by a moory situation had either his knowledge in War or the force he had to make bin answerable to the fame they bear that petty King had neither dar'd such an affront nor he bin so long and at last without effect in revenging it Considering lastly how the Saxons gain'd upon him every where all the time of his suppos'd reign which began as som write in the tenth year of Kerdic who wrung from him by long Warr the Countries of Summerset and Hamshire there will remain neither place nor circumstance in story An. Dom. 529 which may administer any likelyhood of those great Acts that are ascrib'd him This only is alleg'd by Nennius in Arturs behalf that the Saxons though vanquish't never so oft grew still more numerous upon him by continual supplies out of Germany And the truth is that valour may be over-toil'd and overcom at last with endless overcoming But as for this Battell of Mount Badon where the Saxons were hemm'd in or beseig'd whether by Artur won or whensoever it seems indeed to have giv'n a most undoubted and important blow to the Saxons and to have stop'd thir proceedings for a good while after Gildas himself witnessing that the Britans having thus compel'd them to sit down with peace fell thereupon to civil discord among themselves Which words may seem to let in som light toward the searching out when this Battell was fought And we shall find no time since the first Saxon War from whence a longer peace ensu'd then from the fight at Kerdics Leage in the year 527. which all the Chronicles mention without Victory to Kerdic and give us argument from the custome they have of magnifying thir own deeds upon all occasions to presume heer his ill speeding And if we look still onward eev'n to the 44th year after wherin Gildas wrote if his obscureutterance be understood we shall meet with very little War between the Britans and Saxons This only remains difficult that the Victory first won by Ambrose was not so long before this at Badon Seige but that the same men living might be eye-witnesses of both and by this rate hardly can the latter be thought won by Artur unless we reck'n him a grown youth at least in the daies of Ambrose and much more then a youth if Malmsbury be heard who affirms all the exploits of Ambrose to have bin don cheifly by Artur as his General which will add much unbeleif to the common assertion of his reigning after Ambrose and Vther especially the fight at Badon being the last of his twelve Battels But to prove by that which follows that the fight at Kerdics Leage though it differ in name from that of Badon may be thought the same by all effects Kerdic 3 years after An. Dom. 530 not proceeding onward as his manner was on the continent turns back his Forces on the I le of Wight which with the slaying of a few only in Withgarburgh he soon maisters and not long surviving left it to his Nefews by the Mothers side Stuff and Withgar An. Dom. 534 the rest of what he had subdu'd Kenric his Son held An. Dom. 544 and reign'd 26 years in whose tenth year Withgar was buried in the Town of that Iland which bore his name Notwithstanding all these unlikelyhoods of Artur's Reign and great acheivments in a narration crept in I know not how among the Laws of Edward the Confessor Artur the famous King of Britans is said not only to have expell'd hence the Saracens who were not then known in Europe but to have conquer'd Freesland and all the North East Iles as far as Russia to have made Lapland the Eastern bound of his Empire and Norway the Chamber of Britain When should this be done from the Saxons till after twelve Battells he had no rest at home after those the Britans contented with the quiet they had from thir Saxon Enemies were so far from seeking Conquests abroad that by report of Gildas above cited they fell to civil Wars at home Surely Artur much better had made War in old Saxony to repress