made triall by light skirmishes with his horsemen what the enemy could do and what his owne men durst doe And when he found that his men were nothing inferiour to the Belgae he chose a conuenient place before his campe and put his Armie in battell the banke where he was incamped rising somewhat from a plaine leuell was no larger then would suffice the front of the battell the two sides were steepe and the front rose a slope by little little vntill it came againe to a plaine where the legions were imbattailed And least the enemie abounding in multitude should circumuent his men and charge them in flanke as they were fighting he drew an ouerthwart ditch behind his Armie from one side of the hill to the other 600 paces in length the ends wherof he fortified with bulwarkes and placed therein store of engines and leauing in his campe the two legions which he had last inrolled in Lombardie that they might bee readie to be drawne forth when there should neede any succour he imbattailed his other sixe legions in the front of the hill before his campe The Belgae also bringing forth their power confronted the Romans in order of battell There laie between both the Armies a small Marish ouer which the enemie expected that Caesar should haue passed and Caesar on the other side attended to see if the Belgae would come ouer that his men might haue charged them in that troublesome passage In the meane time the Caualrie on both sides incountered betweene the two battels and after long expectation on either side neither partie aduenturing to passe ouer Caesar hauing got the better in the skirmish betweene the horsemen thought it sufficient for that time both for the incouraging of his owne men and the contesting of so great an Army and therefore he conuaied all his men againe into their campe From that place the enemy immediately tooke his way to the riuer Axona which laie behinde the Romans campe and there finding foordes they attempted to passe ouer part of their forces to the ende they might either take the fortresse which Q. Titurius kept or to breake downe the bridge or to spoile the territories of the state of Rheimes and cut off the Romans from prouision of corne Caesar hauing aduertisement thereof from Titurius transported ouer the riuer by the bridge all his horsemen and light armed Numidians with his slingers and archers and marched with them himselfe the conflict was hoat in that place the Romans charging their enemies as they were troubled in the water slewe a great number of them the rest like desperate persons aduenturing to passe ouer vpon the dead carkases of their fellowes were beaten backe by force of weapons and the horsemen incompassed such as had first got ouer the water and slewe euerie man of them When the Belgae perceiued themselues frustrated of their hopes of winning Bibrax of passing the riuer and of drawing the Romans into places of disaduantage and that their owne prouisions began to faile them they called a councell of war wherein they resolued that it was best for the state in generall and for euerie man in particular to breake vp their campe and to returne home vnto their own houses and into whose confines or territories soeuer the Romans should first enter to depopulate and waste them in hostile maner that thither they should hasten from al parts and there to giue them battell to the end they might rather trie the matter in their own countrie then abroad in a strange and vnknowne place and haue their owne houshold prouision alwaies at hand to maintaine them And this the rather was concluded for as much as they had intelligence that Diuitiacus with a great power of the Hedui approched neare to the borders of the Bellouaci who in that regard made haste homeward to defend their country THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may obserue the Arte which he vsed to counteruaile the strength of so great a multitude by choosing out so conuenient a place which was no broader in front then would suffice the front of his battell and hauing both the sides of the hill so steepe that the enemy could not ascende nor clime vp but to their own ouerthrow hee made the backe part of the hil strong by Art so placed his soldiors as it were in the gate of a fortresse where they might either issue out or retire at their pleasure Whereby it appeareth how much he preferred securitie and safetie before the vaine opinion of foole-hardie resolution which sauoreth of Barbarisme rather then of true wisedome for he euer thought it great gaine to loose nothing and the day brought alwaies good fortune that deliuered vp the army safe vnto the euening attending vntil aduantage had laid sure principles of victory and yet Caesar was neuer thought a coward And now it appeareth what vse hee made by passing his army ouer the riuer and attending the enemie on the further side rather then on the side of the state of Rheimes for by that meanes he brought to passe that whatsoeuer the enemie should attempt in any part or quarter of the lande his forces were readie to trouble their proceedings as it happened in their attempt of Bibrax yet notwithstanding he lost not the opportunitie of making slaughter of thē as they passed ouer the riuer For by the benefitte of the bridge which hee had fortified he transported what forces he woulde to make heade against them as they passed ouer and so hee tooke what aduantage either side of the riuer coulde affoord him THE SECOND OBSERVATION ANd heere the reader may not maruel if when the hils are in labour they bring forth but a mouse for how soone is the courage of this huge army abated or what did it attempt worthy such a multitude or answerable to the report which was bruted of their valour But beeing hastely caried together by the violence of passion were as quickly dispersed vpon the sight of an enemy which is no strange effect of a suddaine humour For as in nature all violent motions are of short continuance and the durabilitie or lasting qualitie of all actions proceedeth from a slowe and temperate progression so the resolutions of the minde that are caried with an vntemperate violence and sauour so much of heat and passion do vanish awaie euen with the smoake thereof and bring forth nothing but leasurable repentaunce and therefore it were no ill counsell for men of such natures to qualifie their hastie resolutions with a mistrustfull lingering that when their iudgement is well informed of the cause they may proceed to a speedie execution But that which most bewraieth their indiscreet intemperāce in the hote pursuit of this enterprise is that before they had scarce seene the enemy or had oportunity to contest him in open field their victual began to faile them for their mindes were so caried away with the conceite of warre that they had no leisure to prouide such necessaries
wherby it may be obtained had directed the course of their proceedinges they might with reason haue drawne backe from such imploiments and valewed their safetie aboue the issue of such an enterprise And hence ariseth that confident opinion which the soldiers haue of a good Generall which is a matter of great importance in the course of a warre CHAP. XIII The Britaines make head with their forces and are beaten by Caesar his returne into Gallia AFTER this for manie daies together there followed such tempests and foule weather that both the Romans were constrained to keepe their campe and the Britaine 's were kept from attempting any thing against them But in the meane time they sent messengers into all quarters publishing the small number of the Roman forces and amplifying the greatnesse of the bootie and the easie means offered vnto them of perpetuall libertie if they could take the Roman campe Shortly vpon this hauing gathered a great companie both of horse and foote they came to the place where the Romans were incamped Caesar although he foresaw the euent by that which before had happened that if the enemie were beaten backe he would auoide the danger by flight yet hauing some 30 horse which Comius of Arras had carried with him at his comming into Britanie he imbattailed his legions before his campe and so gaue them battell The enemie not being able to beare the assault of the Roman souldiers turned their backes and fled the Romans followed them as farre as they could by running on foote and after a great slaughter with the burning of their townes farre and neare they returned to their campe The same daie the Britaines sent messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace whom he commanded to double their number of hostages which he commanded to be carried into Gallia And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand he thought it not safe to put himselfe to the winter sea with such weake shipping and therefore hauing got a conuenient time he hoised saile a little after midnight and brought all his ships safe vnto the continent Two of these ships of burthen not being able to reach the same hauen put in somewhat lower into the land the soldiers that were in them being about 300 being set on shore and marching towardes their campe the Morini with whom Caesar at his going into Britany had made peace in hope of a bootie first with a few of their men stood about them commanding them vpon paine of death to laie downe their weapons and as the Romans by casting themselues into an Orbe began to make defence at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about 6000 of the enemy Which thing being knowen Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieue them in the meane time the Romans sustained the force of the enemie and fought valiantly the space of foure houres and receiuing themselues some few woundes they slew many of the enemie After the Roman horsemen came in sight the enemie cast awaie their weapons and fled and a great number of them fell by the horsemen OBSERVATIONS OF al the figures which the Tactici haue chosen to make vse of in militarie affaires the circle hath euer beene taken for the fittest to be applied in the defensiue part as inclosing with an equall circuit on all partes whatsoeuer is contained within the circumference of that Area and therefore Geometrie tearmeth a circumference a simple line for as much as if you alter the site of the parts and transport one arch into the place of another the figure notwithstanding will remaine the same because of the equall bending of the line throughout the whole circumference Which propertie as it proueth an vniformitie of strength in the whole circuit so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end this is front or this is flanke So doth that which Euclide doth demonstrate in the 3 of his Elements concerning the small affinitie betweene a right line and a circle which being drawen to touch the circumference doth touch it but in a point only shew the greatnes of this strength in regard of any other line by which it may be broken Which howsoeuer they seeme as speculatiue qualities conceiued rather by intellectuall discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension yet forasmuch as experience hath proued the strength of this figure in a defensiue part aboue any other maner of imbattailing let vs not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties which discouer the causes of this effect neither let vs neglect this part of militarie knowledge being so strong a meanes to maintaine valour and the sinew of all our abilitie for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an Armie Neither ought there any action in a well ordered discipline to be irregular or voide of order and therefore the Romans did neither eate nor sleepe without the direction of the Consull or chiefe commander otherwise their valour might rather haue beene tearmed furie then vertue but when their courage was ranged with order and disposed according to the occurrences of the time it neuer failed as long as the said order continued perfect It appeareth therfore how important it is for a commander to looke into the diuersitie of orders for imbattailing and to waigh the nature thereof that hee may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion The Romans tearmed this figure Orbis which signifieth a round body both with a concaue and a conuex surface in resemblance whereof I vnderstand this Orbe of men imbattailed to be so named which might peraduenture consist of fiue or more or fewer rankes inclosing one another after the nature of so manie circles described about one Center so that either the middest thereof remained voide or otherwise contained such cariages and impediments as they had with them in their march This forme of imbattailing was neuer vsed but in great extremitie for as it was the safest of all other so it gaue suspition to the souldiers of exceeding danger which abated much of their heat in battell as wil herafter appeare by the testimonie of Caesar himselfe in the fift Commentarie vpon the occasion which happened vnto Sabinus and Cotta CHAP. XIIII THE next daie Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate with those legions which he had brought out of Britanie against the reuolted Morini who hauing no place of refuge because their bogs fens were dried vp where they had sheltered themselues the yeare before they all fell vnder the power of his mercie Q. Titurîus and A. Cotta the Legats who had led the legions against the Menapij after they had wasted their fieldes cut vp their corne burned their houses for the Menapij were all hid in thicke woods they returned to Caesar these thinges being thus ended Caesar placed the wintering campes of all his legions amongst the Belgae to which place two only of all the cities in Britanie sent hostages
The Ambari complained in like maner of the same hostilitie and so did the Allobroges which inhabited beyond the Rhone Caesar not thinking it conuenient to linger any longer and vnderstanding that three partes of their troupes had alreadie past the riuer Arar and a fourth remained to be transported he thought it not good to forslow that aduantage and therfore at the third watch of the night he marched out of his campe with three legions to the place where they laie and finding them scattered and dispersed he put the greatest part of them to the sword and the rest escaped into the woods neere adioyning This part that was thus defeated was named Pagus Tigurinus THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis defeat being chiefely a seruice of execution vpon such as were taken at a dangerous disaduantage which men call vnaware containeth these two aduisoes First not to neglect that aduantage which Sertorius by the haires of his horse taile hath proued to be very important that beginning with a part it is a matter of no difficulty to ouercome the whole Secondly it may serue for a caueat so to transport an Armie ouer awater where the enemy is within a reasonable march that no part may be so seuered from the bodie of the Armie that aduantage may thereby be taken to cut them off all together and separate them from themselues The safest and most honourable way to transport an Armie ouer a riuer is by a bridge placing at each end sufficient troupes of horse and foote to defend the Armie from sudden assaults as they passe ouer the water and thus went Caesar ouer the Rhene into Germanie two seuerall times THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the circumstance of time when Caesar went out of his campe which is noted to be in the third watch we must vnderstand that the Romans diuided the whole night into foure watches euerie watch containing three houres and these watches were distinguished by seuerall notes sound of cornets or trumpets that by the distinction and diuersitie therof it might easily be knowne what watch was sounded The charge office of sounding the watches belonged to the chiefest Centuriō of a legion whom they called Primipilus or Primus Centurio at whose pauilion the trumpeters attended to be directed by his houre-glasse The first watch began alwaies at sunne-setting and continued three houres I vnderstand such houres as the night contained being diuided into twelue for the Romans diuided their night as well as their day into twelue equall spaces which they called houres the second watch continued vntill midnight and then the third watch began and contained likewise three houres the fourth was equall to the rest and continued vntill sunne rising So that by this phrase de tertia vigilia we vnderstand that Caesar went out of his campe in the third watch which was after midnight and so we must conceiue of the rest of the watches as often as we shal finde them mentioned in historie CAP. V. Caesar passeth ouer the riuer Arar his horsemen incountred with the Heluetians and were put to the worst THE Heluetians hauing passed the riuer Caesar made haste to followe after and making a bridge he transported ouer his legions in one day which the Heluetians could scarce doe in twentie And sending all his horse to the number of foure thousand which he had raised in the Prouince and amongst the Hedui to discouer what waie the enemie tooke it happened that they fell so neare vpon the reregard of the Heluetians that they were forced to giue battell in a place of disaduantage and by that meanes some of them were slaine and the rest put to flight The Heluetians made insolent with this victory for as much as 500 of their men had put to route so great a multitude began now boldly to resist and sometimes part of their rereward would violently assault the Roman legions Caesar held his men from giuing battell thinking it sufffcient for the present to keepe the enemie from pillaging forrage and depopulation and so they marched fifteene daies together in such sort that there was not aboue fiue or six miles between the rereward of the Heluetians and the vangard of the Romans THE OBSERVATION THis example of the Heluetians maie lesson a commander not to waxe insolent vpon euery ouerthrow which the enemie taketh but duely to waie the true causes of a victorie gotten or an ouerthrowe taken that apprehending the right currant of the action he maie neither vaunt of a blinde victorie nor be dismaied at a casuall mishappe And herein let a heedfull warines so moderate the sequels of victorie in a triumphing spirit that the care and ielousie to keepe still that sweete sounding fame on foot maie as farre surpasse the industrie which he first vsed to obtaine it as the continuance of happinesse doth exceede the beginning of good fortunes For such is the nature of our soule that although from her infancy euen to the manhood of her age she neuer found want of that which she lusted after yet when she meeteth with a counterbuffe to checke her appetite and restraine her affections from their satisfaction she is as much troubled in that want as if she had neuer receiued anie contentment at all for our will to euerie obiect which it seeketh after begetteth alwaies a new appetite which is not satisfied with a former quittance but either seeketh present paiment or returneth discontentment vnto the minde And as our soule is of an euerlasting being and cannot thinke of an end to her beginning so she seeketh a perpetuall continuance of such thinges which she lusteth after which hee that meaneth to holde fortune his friend will endeuour to maintaine CHAP. VI. Caesar sendeth to get the aduantage of a hill and so to giue the Heluetians battell but was put off by false intelligence the oportunitie being lost hee intendeth prouision of corne CAESAR being aduertised by his discouerers that the Heluetians laie vnder a hill about eight miles distant from his campe and vnderstanding that the ascent vnto the toppe of the hill on the further side from the enemie was readie and easie in the third watch he sent Labienus with two legions to possesse themselues of the said hill and he himselfe followed with the rest of the Armie in the fourth watch His direction to Labienus was that assoon as he perceiued him to charge the enemy below in the valley that then he should descend with as violent a shocke as he could and so the Heluetians should bee charged both in front and flancke at one instant But this intent was at that time frustrated through the causelesse feare of one Publius Considius a man helde very skilfull in matter of warre for his experience first vnder Sulla and afterward with Crassus who being sent by Caesar to discouer whether Labienus had tooke the Hill was stroken with such a terrour being so neare an enemie of that fame that seeing the Roman ensignes displaied vpon the
Ambuscado of these Numidians charging the legions vpon a suddaine the history saieth that primo impetu legionis Equitatus leuis armatura hostium nullo negotio loco pulsa deiecta est de colle And as they sometimes retired and sometimes charged vpon the rerewarde of the armie according to the manner of the Numidian fight the historie saieth Caesariani interim non amplius tres aut quatuor milites veterani si se conuertissent pila viribus contorta in Numidas infestos coniecissent amplius duorum millium ad vnum terga vertebant So that to free himselfe of this inconuenience he tooke his horsemen out of the rereward and placed his legions there ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat And euer as he marched hee caused 300. soldiours of euerie legion to bee free and without burthen that they might be ready vpon all occasions Quos in Equitum Labieni immisit Tum Labienus conuersis equis signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere multis eius occisis compluribus vulneratis milites legionarij ad sua se recipiunt signa atque iter inceptum ire caeperunt I alleage the verie wordes of the historie to take awaie all suspicion of falsifying or wresting anie thing to an affected opinion If any man will looke into the reason of this disparitie he shall finde it to be chiefely the worke of the Roman pile an vnresistable weapon and the terrour of horsemen especially when they were cast with the aduantage of the place and fell so thicke that there was no meanes to auoid them But to make it plaine that any light armed footmen could better make head against a troupe of horse then the Caualry of their owne partie although they bare but the same weapons Let vs consider how nimble and readie they were that fought on foote either to take an aduantage or to shunne and auoide anie danger casting their darts with farre greater strength and more certaintie then the horsemen could doe For as the force of all the engines of olde time as the Balistae Catapultae and Tolenones proceedeth from that stabilitie and resting Center which nature affordeth as the onely strength and life of the engine so what force soeuer a man maketh must principally proceede from that firmenes stay which nature by the earth or some other vnmoueable rest giueth to the body from whence it taketh more or lesse strength according to the violence which it performeth as he that lifteth vp a waight from the ground by so much treadeth heauier vpon the earth by how much the thing is heauier then his bodie The footmen therfore hauing a surer staie to counterpoise their forced motion then the horsemen had cast their dartes with greater violence and consequently with more certainty CHAP. XVIII Caesar preuenteth Ariouistus of his purpose by making two Campes The superstition of the Germans WHEN Caesar perceiued that Ariouistus meant nothing lesse then to fight but kept himselfe within his campe least peraduenture he should intercept the Sequani and other of his associates as they came with conuoies of corne to the Romans beyond that place wherein the Germans abode about 600 paces frō their campe he chose a ground meete to incampe in and marched thither in three battels commanding two of them to stand readie in Armes and the third to fortifie the campe Ariouistus sent 15000 footmen and all his horse to disturbe the souldiers and to hinder the intrenchment Notwithstanding Caesar as he had before determined caused two battels to withstand the enemie and the third to go through with the worke which being ended he left there two legions and part of the associate forces and led the other foure legions backe againe into his greater campe and so he rested secure concerning the conuoies from the Sequani and by his greater campe cut off the passages betweene Ariouistus and the Rhene The next day Caesar according to his custome brought his whole power out of both his campes and marching a little from the greater campe he put his men in aray and profered battell to the enemie but perceiuing that Ariouistus would not stir out of his trenches about noone he conuaied his Armie into their seuerall campes Then at length Ariouistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser campe the incounter continued very sharpe on both parts vntill the euening and at sunsetting after many woundes giuen and taken Ariouistus conuaied his armie againe into their campe And as Caesar made inquirie of the captaines what the reason was that Ariouistus refused battell he found this to be the cause The Germans had a custome that their women should by casting of lots and southsaying declare whether it were for their behoofe to fight or no and that they found by their Arte the Germans could not get the victorie if they fought before the newe moone THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may obserue what especiall importance this manner of incamping carried in that absolute discipline which the Romans obserued and by which they conquered so many nations for besides the safetie which it affoorded their own troupes it serued for a hold well fenced and manned or as it were a strong fortified towne in any part of the field where they saw aduantage and as oft as they thought it expedient either to fortifie themselues or impeach the enemie by cutting off his passages hindering his attempts blocking vp his campe besides many other aduantages all auetring the saying of Domitius Corbulo dolabra vincendum esse hostem a thing long time neglected but of late happely renewed by the commanders of such forces as serue the states in the vnited prouinces of Belgia whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertaine the vse of the spade and to hold it in as great reputation as any weapons whatsoeuer which maie bee thought worthie executioners of the deedes of Armes THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN the second place we may obserue that there was no nation so barbarous for I vnderstand the Germans to be as barbarous in regard of the motions of religion as any knowne nation of that time being in a Climate so neare the North that it afforded no contemplation at al that could not make vse in their greatest affaires of that superstition to which their minde was naturally inthralled and forge prophesies and diuinations as well to stir vp as to moderate the irregular motions of a multitude according as they might best serue to aduantage their proceedings Neither did Caesar let slip the occasion of making vse of this their religion for vnderstanding by their prisoners that their diuinations forbad them to fight before the newe moone he vsed all the meanes he could to prouoke them to battell that their religious opinion of mischieuing might preiudice their resolution to returne conquerers Which may serue to proue that a superstitious people are subiect to many inconueniences which industry or fortune may discouer to
their ouerthrow It is recorded that Columbus being Generall of some forces which Ferdinando king of Castile sent to discouer the west Indies suffering great penury for want of victuals in the I le of Iamaica after that he had obserued how the Ilanders worshipped the moone and hauing knowledge of an Eclipse that was shortly after to happen he tolde the inhabitants that vnlesse they would furnish him with such necessaries as he wanted for the time the wrath of their God should quickly appeare towardes them by changing his bright shining face into obscuritie and darkenesse which was no sooner happened but the poore Indians stroken with a superstitious feare of that which the course of nature required kept nothing backe that might assist their enemies to depopulate and ouer runne their owne countrie CHAP. XIX Caesar seeketh meanes to giue them battell and the Germans dispose themselues thereunto CAESAR foreslowed not that aduantage but the next daie in the morning leauing a sufficient garrison in each of his campes for as much as the number of his legionarie souldiers was small in respect of the multitude of the Germans he placed al the auxiliarie troupes for a shew before the lesser campe and putting his legions into a triple battell he marched towardes the campe of Ariouistus And then at length were the Germans constrained to bring out their power setting euery tribe people by it selfe in a like distance and order of battell and inuironing their whole Armie with their cartes and cariage that there might be no hope at all left to saue any man by flight that durst not abide the fortune of the battell In these chariots they placed their women that they by their outstretched handes and teares mouing pitty might implore the souldiers as they descended by course into the battell not to deliuer them the authors of their life and being into the bondage and thraldome of the Romans Caesar assigned to euerie legion a Legate and a Questor that euerie man might haue an eie witnesse of his valour and he himselfe began the battell with the right cornet for as much as he perceiued that part of Ariouistus Armie to be the weakest THE FIRST OBSERVATION THE Romaines euen from the infancie of their state were euer zealous admirers of true honour and alwaies desired to beholde with the eye to what measure of vertue euerie man had attained that the toung with greater feruency of spirit might sounde out the celebration of Macte virtute which imported more honour then any wealth that could be heaped vpon them Neither was this the least part of their wisedom considering that the most pretious things that are loose much of their worth if they be not suted with other correspondent natures whose sympathie addeth much more excellencie then is discerned when they appeare by themselues without such assistance For how small is the beauty which nature hath giuen to the eie-pleasing diamond when it is not adorned with an artificiall forme or what perfection can the forme giue without a foile to strengthten it or what good is in either of them if the light doe not illuminate it or what auaile all these where there wanteth an eye to admire it a iudgement to value it and an heart to imbrace it such a vnion hath nature imprinted in the diuersitie of creatures concurring to perfection and especially in morall actions in whose cariage there is a far greater exactnes of correspondency required to approue them honorable then was requisite to make the iewell beautiful And this did Caesar in all his battels amongst the rest that at Alesia is particularly noted in this manner Quod in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur neque recte aut turpiter factum celari poterat vtrosque laudis cupiditas timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabat And when Liuie would expresse how valiantly an action was caried he saith no more but in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur which is as much to saie that forasmuch as the Romaines were diligent obseruers of euerie mans worth rewarding vertue with honor and cowardice vvith reproch euerie man bent his vvhole indeuour to deserue the good opinion of his Generall by discharging that duty which he owed to the common wealth with all loyalty and faithfulnes of spirit THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Romaines had foure formes of the front of their battell the first was called Acies recta when neither the cornets nor the battell was aduanced one before another but were all caried in a right line and made a straight front and this was their most vsuall manner of imbattailing The second forme of the front was called obliqua when as one of the cornets was aduanced neerer vnto the enemy then the rest to beginne the battell and this was commonly as Vegetius noteth the right cornet for the right cornet of an army had great aduantage against the left of the enemies in regarde of their weapons and furniture But Caesar did it in this place because hee perceiued that the enemy was weakest in that part following a maxime of great authoritie that the weakest part of an enemie is in the beginning to be charged with the strength of an army for so fauorable are mens iudgementes to that which is already happened that the sequell of euery action dependeth for the most part vpon the beginning Dimidium facti qui bene caepit habet saith a Poet and not without great reason so forcible continually is the beginning and so connexed to the sequel by the nature of a precedent cause that the ende must needes erre from the common course when it doth not participate of that qualitie which was in the beginning Neither can there be any good ende without a good beginning for although the beginning bee oftentimes disastrous and vnlucky and the end fortunate and happie yet before it came to that end there was a fortunate beginning for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good but of an euill end And therefore that his men might foresee a happy ende in a good beginning it behooued him with the best of his armie to assault the weakest part of the enemy The third forme of the front is called Sinuata when both the cornets are aduanced forward and the battell standeth backwarde off from the enemy after the fashion of a halfe moone Scipio vsed it in Spaine hauing obserued some daies before that the enemy continually so disposed of the battell that his best soldiours were alwaies in the midst and therefore Scipio put all his old soldiours in the cornets and brought them out first to charge vpon the weakest part of the enemy that those might decide the controuersie before the other that were in the midst could come to fight The last forme is called gibbosa or gibbera Acies when the battel is aduanced and the two cornets lag behinde This forme did Haniball vse in the battell of Cannas but with this Art that he strengthened his
side of the Rhene had promised to send them succour yea their madnesse was so great that they themselues were not able to hold backe the Suessones from that attempt being their brethren and kinsmen in bloud and vsing the same lawes and customes as they did hauing both one magistrate and one forme of gouernment but they would needs support the same quarrel which the rest of the Belgae had vndertaken THE OBSERVATION I Might heere take occasion to speake somwhat of a particular reuoult in a generall cause and howe a confederate state may in regarde of their owne safetie forsake a common quarrell or whatsoeuer the vniuersall societie hath enacted preiudiciall to their common weale but that I onely intende to discouer warlike practises leauing these questions of lawe and policie to men of greater iudgement and better experience Onlie I obserue in the behalfe of the Romaine gouernment that such cities as yeelded to the Empire and became tributarie to their treasury howsoeuer they were otherwise combined by confederacy seldome or neuer repented them of their facte in regard of the noble patronage which they found in that state and of the due respect obserued towards them CHAP. II. The power of the Belgae and their preparation for this warre CAesar inquiring of the Ambassadors which came frō Rheimes what the states were that had taken armes and what they were able to do in matter of war found the Belgae to be descended from the Germaines who passing ouer the Rhene time out of minde droue away the Galles and seated themselues in their possessions and that these only of al the Galles kept the Cimbri and Teutoni frō entering into their country and in that regard they chalenged to themselues great authoritie vaunted much in their feats of armes Concerning their number they had these aduertisements the Bellouaci exceeded all the Belgae in prowesse authoritie and number of men and promised 60000. men and in that regard they demanded the administration of the whole warre The Suessones inhabiting a large and fertile countrey and hauing 12. walled towns promised to set out 50000. The Neruij as many the Attrebatij 15000. the Ambiani 10000. the Velocassij and Veromandui as many the Morini 25000. the Menapij 7000. the Caletani 10000. the Catuaci 19000. the Eburones Condrusones and others 40000. Caesar incouraging the men of Rheimes to persist their faithfulnes to the Romaine Empire propounded vnto them great offers and liberall promises of recompence and commanded all their senate to come before him and bring with them their noble mens sonnes to be giuen vp for hostages which they diligently perfourmed by a day appointed And hauing receiued two especial aduertisements from the men of Rheimes the one concerning the multitude of the enemy and the other touching the singular opinion which was generally held of their manhood hee prouided for the first by persuading Diuitiacus the Heduan that it much imported the whole course of those businesses to keepe asunder the powre of the enemy and to withhold their forces from making a head that so he might auoide the dange of incountering so great a power at one instant Which might easilie be brought to passe if the Hedui woulde enter with a strong power into the marches of the Bellouaci and sacke their territories with sword and confusion which Diuitiacus promised to performe and to that purpose he speedily returned into his country Vpon the second aduertisement which presented vnto him the great valour and manhood of his enemies he resolued not to be too hastie in giuing them battell but first to proue by skirmishing with his horsemen what his enemies by their prowesse could do and what his own men durst doe THE OBSERVATION THis rule of making triall of the worth of an enemy hath alwaies been obserued by prudent and graue commanders as the surest principle whereon the true iudgment of the euent may be grounded For if the doctrine of the old Philosophers which teacheth that the worde non putabam was neuer heard out of a wise mās mouth haue any place in the course of humane actions it ought especiallie to be regarded in managing these main points whereon the state of kingdomes and empires dependeth For vnlesse we be persuaded that blind chance directeth the course of this worlde vvith an vncertaine confusion and that no foresight can swaie the balance of our hap into either part of our fortune I see no reason why we should not by al meanes indeuor to grounde our knowledge vpon true causes and leuel our proceedings to that certainty which riseth from the things thēselues And this is the rather to be vrged inasmuch as our leaders are oftentimes deceiued when they look no further then to match an enemy vvith equalitie of number referring their valour to bee tried in the battell not considering that the eye of it selfe cannot discerne the difference betweene two champions of like presence and outward cariage vnlesse it see their strength compared together and waied as it were in the scale of triall which Caesar omitted not diligently to obserue before he would aduenture the hazard of battell For besides his owne satisfaction it gaue great incouragement to his men when they sawe themselues able to countermatch an enemie and knew their taske to be subiect to their strength Neither did he obserue it onely at this instant but throughout the whole course of his actions for we finde that he neuer incountered any enemie but with sufficient power either in number or in valour to make head against them which equality of strength being first laide as a sure foundation he vsed his owne industrie and skill and the discipline wherein his men were trained as aduantages to ouersway his aduersarie and so drew victorie maugre fortune vnto himselfe and seldome failed in any of his battels CHAP. III. Caesar passeth his Armie ouer the riuer Axona leauing Titurius Sabinus incamped on the other side with sixe cohorts ASSOONE as Caesar vnderstood as well by his discourers as from the men of Rheimes that all the power of the Belgae was assembled together into one place and was now making towardes him no great destance off he made all the haste he could to passe his Armie ouer the riuer Axona which deuided the men of Rheimes from the other Belgae Wherby he brought to passe that no enemie could come on the backe of him to worke any disaduantage and that corne might be brought vnto him from Rheimes and other cities without danger And further that he might command the passage backe againe as occasion should serue to his best aduantage he fortified a bridge which he found on the riuer with a strong garrison of men and caused Titurius Sabinus a Legate to incampe himselfe on the other side of the riuer with sixe cohortes commaunding him to fortifie his campe with a rampier of 12 foote in altitude and a trench of 18 foote in breadth
it cannot bee denied but that these centuries were in themselues so sensiblie distinguished that euerie Soldiour caried in his minde the particular Mappe of his whole centurie for in imbtttailing euerie centurie was disposed into 5. files contayning twelue in a file whereof the leaders were alwayes certaine and neuer changed but by death or some other especiall occasion and euerie leader knew his follower and euerie second knewe the third man and so consequently vnto the last Vpon these particularities it plainly appeareth how easie a matter it was to reduce their troupes into any order of a march or a battell to make the front the flanke or flanke front when they were broken and disrankt to rallie them into any forme when euery man knew both his owne and his fellowes station If any companies were to be imploied vpon sudden seruice the generall Idea of the Armie being so deepely imprinted in the minde of the commanders would not suffer them to erre in taking out such conuenient troupes both for number and quality as might best agree with the safetie of the Armie or nature of the action At all occasions and oportunities these principles of aduantage offered themselues as readie meanes to put in execution any dessigne or stratagem whatsoeuer the proiect was no sooner resolued of but euerie man could readily point out the companies that were fit to execute the intention And which is more important in regard of the life and spirit of euerie such part their sodalitie was sweetned or rather strengthened with the mutuall acquaintance and friendshippe one of another the captaine marching alwaies in the head of the troupe the ensigne in the middest and the lieutenant in the rereward and euerie man accompanied with his neighbour and his friend which bred a true and vnfained courage both in regard of themselues and of their followers Besides these specialities the places of title and dignity depending vpon this order were no small meanes to cutte off all matter of ciuill discorde and intestine dissention for here euerie man knew his place in the file and euerie file knewe his place in the Centurie and euerie Centurie in the Maniple and euerie Maniple in the Cohort and euerie Cohort in the Legion and euerie Legion in the Armie and so euerie souldier had his place according to his vertue and euerie place gaue honour to the man according as their discipline had determined thereof The vvant of this discipline hath dishonoured the martiall gouernment of this age with bloudshed and murthers whereof France is too true a witnesse as well in regard of the French themselues as of our English forces that haue beene sent thither to appease their tumults for through defect of this order which allotteth to euerie man his due place the controuersie grew between Sir William Drurie and Sir Iohn Bowrowes the issue whereof is too well known to the world wherein as our commanders in France haue been negligent so I may not forget to giue due commēdation to the care which is had of this point amongst the English troups in the seruice of the states in the vnited prouinces where they are very curious in appointing euerie man his place in the file and euerie file in the troupe and find much benefit thereby besides the honour of reuiuing the Roman discipline To conclude this point I will onely touch in a word the benefite which the Romans found in their small battailions and the disaduantage which we haue in making great squadrons And first it cannot be denied but that such troupes stand best appointed for disposition and array of battell which standing strong to receiue a shocke bring most men to fight with the enemie for the principall thinges which are required in setting of a battell are so to order the troupes that the depth in flanke may serue conueniently to withstand the assault taking vp no more men then may well serue for that purpose and giuing meanes to the rest to fight with the enemie and in these two points were both their defensiue and offensiue considerations comprehended But smaller troupes and battailons afforde this conueniencie better then great squadrons which drowne vp manie able men in the depth of their flankes and neuer suffer them to appeare but when the breaking of the squadron doth present them to the butcherie of the enemie The Macedonian Phalanx as I haue noted in the first booke neuer caried aboue 16 in flanke and brought 500 to fight in front And these little battailons considering them as they stood in battell ray made as great a front or greater then that of the Phalanx keeping a depth answerable to the same besides the 2 and 3 battell which alwaies were to succour them which the Phalanx wanted neither would their thicke and close imbattailing admit any such succour behind them Now if we cōpare the aduantages discommodities which by place and accident were incident to either of these we shall find great ods betweene them These great squadrons are not faisable but in plaine and open places where they may either stand immoueable or make easie and slow motions without shaking or disordering their bodie but the lesser are a scantling for all places champion or wooddie leuell or vneuen or of what site or quality soeuer And to conclude if two or three rankes of these great battailons chance to be broken and disordered the whole body is as much interessed in the disorder as the said rankes are and hath lesse meanes to rally it selfe then any other lesser companie but if any violence chance to rout a maniple it proceedeth no further in the Armie then that part which it taketh Neither can the disranking of any one part betraie the safetie of the Armie to disorder and confusion for as much as their distinction serued to cut off such inconueniences and yet no waie hindered the generall vniting of their strength into one body More may be said concerning this matter but I onely point at it and leaue the due consideration thereof to the iudgment of our commanders returne to our history CHAP. IIII. The Belgae attempt the surprise of Bibrax Caesar sendeth succour vnto it THere was a towne called Bibrax belonging to the state of Rheimes about eight mile from Caesars campe which the Belgae thought to haue surprised as they came along to meete with Caesar and suddenly assaulted it with such furie that the townesmen could hardly hold out the first daie The Celtae and Belgae vse one and the same manner in assaulting a towne for hauing beset the whole compasse of the wall with rankes of souldiers they neuer cease flinging of stones vntill they finde the wall naked of defendantes and then casting themselues into a Testudo they approch to the gate and vndermine the walles Assoone as the night had made an end of the assault Iccius of Rheimes a man of great birth and authoritie in his countrey who at that time was gouernour of the towne and had
left side but with great trouble and annoiance And if any man say that if it hang on the right side it must bee verie short otherwise it will neuer bee readilie drawne out I saie that the sworde of the Targetiers in regard of the vse of that weapon ought to be of a very short scantling when as the Targetier is to command the point of his sword within the compasse of his Target as such as looke into the true vse of this weapon wil easily discouer But let this suffice concerning the vse of the pike and the Target CHAP. XI The battell continueth and in the ende Caesar ouercommeth AT the presence of their Generall the soldiours conceiued some better hopes and gathering strength and courage againe when as euery man bestirred himselfe in the sight of the Emperour the brunt of the enemie was a litle staied Caesar perceiuing likewise the seuenth legion which stood next vnto him to bee sore ouerlaide by the enemy commaunded the Tribunes by little and little to ioine the two legions together and so by ioining backe to backe to make two contrarie fronts and beeing thus secured one by another from feare of being circumuented they began to make resistance with greater courage In the meane time the two legions that were in the rerewarde to guarde the cariages hearing of the battell doubled their pace and were discried by the enemy vpon the top of the hill And Titus Labienus hauing won the campe of the Neruij and beholding from the higher ground what was done on the other side of the reuer sent the tenth legion to helpe their fellowes who vnderstanding by the horsemen and Lackies that fled in what case the matter stood and in what daunger the campe the legions and the Generall was made all the haste they possibly could At whose comming there happened such an alteration and change of things that euen such as were sunke downe through extreame griefe of their woundes or leaned vpon their Targets began againe to fight a fresh and the Pages and the boies perceiuing the enemie amazed ran vpon them vnarmed not fearing their weapons the horsemen also striuing with extraordinarie valour to wipe away the dishonour of their former flight thrust themselues in all places before the legionarie souldiers Howbeit the enemie in the vtmost perill of their liues shewed such manhood that as fast as the formost of them were ouerthrowen the next in place bestrid their carkases and fought vpon their bodies and these being likewise ouerthrowen and their bodies heaped one vpon another they that remained possest themselues of that mount of dead carkases as a place of aduantage and from thence threwe their weapons and intercepting the piles returned them againe to the Romans By which it may be gathered that there was great reason to deeme them men of hautie courage that durst passe ouer so broade a riuer climbe vp such high rockes and aduenture to fight in a place of such inequalitie The battell being thus ended and the nation and name of the Neruij being well neare swallowed vp with destruction the elder sort with the women and children that before the battell were conuaied into Ilands and Bogs when they heard thereof sent ambassadours to Caesar and yeelded themselues to his mercie and in laying open the miserie of their state affirmed that of 600 Senatours they had now left but three and of 60000 fighting men there was scarce fiue hundred that were able to beare Armes Caesar that his clemencie might appeare to a distressed people preserued them with great care granting vnto them the free possession of their townes and country and streightly commanding their borderers not to offer them any wrong or iniurie at all OBSERVATIONS ANd thus endeth the relation of that great and dangerous battell which Ramus complaineth of as a confused narration much differing from the direct and methodicall file of his other Commentaries But if that rule holde good which learned Rhetoritians haue obserued in their Oratorie that an vnperfect thing ought not to be told in a perfect maner then by Ramus leaue if any such confusion do appeare it both sauoureth of eloquence and wel suteth the turbulent cariage of the action wherein order and skill gaue place to fortune and prouidence was swallowed vp with peraduenture For that which Hirtius saith of the ouerthrow he gaue to Pharnaces may as well be said of this that he got the victorie plurimum adiuuante deorum benignitate qui cum omnibus belli casibus intersunt tum praecipue ijs quibus nihil ratione potuit administrari For so it fell out in this battell and the danger proceeded from the same cause that brought him to that push in the battell with Pharnaces for he well vnderstood that the Neruij attended his comming on the other side the riuer Sabis Neither was he ignorant how to fortifie his camp in the face of an enemy without feare or danger as we haue seene in his war with Ariouistus when he marched to the place where he purposed to incamp himselfe with 3 battels and caused two of them to stand ready in armes to receiue any charge which the enemy should offer to giue that the third battell in the meane time might fortifie the camp Which course would easily haue frustrated this stratagem of the Neruij and made the hazard lesse dangerous but he little expected any such resolution so contrarie to the rules of militarie discipline that an enemie should not sticke to passe ouer so broad a riuer to clime vp such steepe and high rocks to aduenture battell in a place so disaduantagious and to hazard their fortune vppon such inequalities And therefore hee little mistrusted any such vnlikelie attempt wherein the enemy had plotted his owne ouerthrow if the legions had beene ready to receiue them Which may teach a generall that which Caesar had not yet learned that a leader cannot be too secure in his most assured courses nor too carefull in his best aduised directions considering that the greatest means may easily bee preuented and the safest course weakened with an vnrespected circumstance so powerful are weake occurrences in the maine course of the waightiest actions and so infinite are the waies wherby either wisdom or fortune may worke Neither did this warne him to prouide for that which an enemy might do how vnlikelie soeuer it might seeme vnto him as appeareth by that accident in the battel with Pharnaces which practise of attempting a thing against reason and the arte of warre hath found good successe in our moderne wars as appeareth by the French histories notwithstanding it is to be handeled sparingly as no way sauoring of circumspect and good direction forasmuch as temeritas non semper felix as Fabius the great answered Scipio The chiefest helpes which the Romaines founde were first the aduantage of the place whereof I spake in the Heluetian warre Secondlie the experience which the soldiours had got in the former battailes
persuaded that they might aduenture battel both in regard of their multitude and ancient prowes of warre as also in respect of the paucitie of the Romains yet they though it better to blocke vp the passages and so cut off all cariages and conuoies of corne and so the victory would follow without bloudshed and if the Romans for want of corne should offer to make a retreit they would then set vpon them as they marched wearied with trauell and heauilie laden with their burthens This resolution being approued by the whole councell of the Galles when the Romans imbattailed their forces they kept their men within their campe THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Sertorius had followed the faction of Marius and Cinna and when Sylla had ouerthrowne both the elder and yonger Marius hee fled into Spaine and there maintained the quarrell on foote against Pompeie and Metellus and ouerthrew them in many battels but in the end was trecherously slaine by Perpanna at a banket He was a man of great spirit and of admirable dispatch and vnder him were these captaines brought vp which Caesar commendeth for their skil in armes THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN histories propounding to our consideration the deedes and moniments of former ages we may obserue two especiall meanes which the great commanders of the world haue entertained to atchieue victory and ouermaster their enemies the first by cunning and wise cariage of a matter before it come to triall by blowes the second by forceable meanes waging of battel the one proceeding from wisdom and the better faculties of the soule and the other depending vpon the strength and ability of the body Concerning the first it hath euer bin held more honorable as better suting the worth of the spirit and the diuine essence of our nature so to direct the course of an action that the aduerse part may be weakened by wit and preuented in the proiects of their better fortunes by anticipation of meanes and occasions so through aduantages taken from their owne proceedings to be driuen to that exigent which may determine of the controuersie before they come to blowes conclude the matter by tearmes of arte taken from the directions of good prouidence For to speake a truth the action of battel as it is the last part in that facultie so it is the worst in regarde of christian duty and better fitteth the progeny of Lamech his second wife which the Diuines do note to be borne to the ruine and destruction of mankind then the children of grace whose ioy consisteth in peace and loue Caesar in the first of the ciuill warres respected the same thing but from other grounds for hauing shut vp Afranius and Petreius in a place of disaduantage and might haue cut them off without further trouble yet forasmuch as he foresaw the victorie comming towards him without blow or wound he thus answered his Captaines that were earnest vpon the enemie Cur etiam secundo praelio aliquos ex suis amitteret cur vulnerari pateretur optime de se meritos milites cur denique fortunam periclitaretur And this course did these Galles take which vnder Sertorius had learned the Romaine Arte and the Romaine industry and were now become so expert that they had almost beaten the Romains at their owne weapon This first meanes is principally to be imbraced as the safest waie in these vncertaine and casual euentes for that which resteth vpon corporall strength and maketh execution the meanes to a conclusion is verie terrible euen to the better party full of hazard and of little certaintie For it were a miracle of fortune neuer heard of yet so to carrie a battaile vpon what aduantage or meanes whatsoeuer that the victor army shoulde buie so great a fortune without bloudshed or losse of men and erect a Trophee to honour at the sole cost of the enemy without losse or expence of his owne treasure And for the vncertaintie in a battell who knoweth not what infinite chances and changes may happen in euery small moment of time to turne the fortune of the day to this or that party and make both sides vnconstant in their affections by presenting them interchangeably with hope and feare ioy and sorrow and therefore Caesar thought it not best to tempt the waie-wardnes of fortune when by other meanes he might obtaine his desires This I say is chiefely to be imbraced if our meanes wil affoord vs that happinesse but howsoeuer I holde it wisedome so to entertaine this course of victorie that we omit not the chiefest helpes of furtherance when it commeth to blowes but to thinke of this conquest by arte and wit as necessarie if our meanes will serue vs to compasse it and of the other as necessarie whether we will or no for the historie maketh it plaine that when Brutus found himselfe destitute of meanes to vndertake that course of victorie which proceedeth from prouidence and discreete cariage hee then betooke himselfe necessarilie to the latter and by the helpe of battell sought to free himselfe from those disaduantages into which the Galles had brought him THE THIRD OBSERVATION I Obserue further out of this place that what course soeuer be taken a discreet leader wil not easily forgo an aduantage without great assurance of a better fortune nor change the certainty of a benefit vpon probabilities of other hopes vntill it haue paid him the interest of his expectation and wrought that effect which it promised to performe For so he might forgo his fortune by presuming too much vpon the fauour of future chances which are oftner seene to crosse our purposes rather then to further the way which is taken THE FOVRTH OBSERVATION FVrther I obserue this double battell to be answerable to the paucity of the Roman forces for their vsuall manner was to make a triple battell that the first might haue a second and a third helpe but where their number would not affoord that commoditie they then made two battels that there might be the succour of a second supplie But they neuer fought with one single battell for ought that may bee gathered by their histories THE FIFT OBSERVATION THe last thing which I obserue is the place where Crassus bestowed the Auxiliarie forces in the disposition of his troupes to battell which is here said to be in mediam Aciem for as their Armies were diuided into three battels so euerie battell was deuided into three partes the two cornets and the battell wherein these Auxiliarie forces were in this seruice bestowed of these he afterward saith that in as much as he durst not put any confidence in them he commanded them to serue the Romans in time of battell with stones and weapons and to carrie earth and turfe to the mount The reason why suspected troupes are placed in the battell rather then in either of the cornets is for that the battell hath not such scope to fling out or take aduantage of place to doe
mischiefe as the corners haue for wheresoeuer there hath beene set battels fought the strength of their armie consisted alwaies in the cornets as the two principall instruments of the battell and as long as these stood sound the victorie went alwaies certaine on that part for the cornets kept the enemie both from incompassing about the bodie of their Armie and had the aduantage also of charging vpon the open side of their aduersarie At the battell of Cannas Hanniball put the weakest of his forces in the battell and aduancing them towards the enemie left the two cornets behind so that when the enemie came to charge vpon the battell they easily beat them backe and as they followed the retrait fell in betweene the two cornets wherein the strength of the Armie consisted and being by them incompassed on each side were defeated and ouerthrowen And thus we see the aduantage which a Generall hath when his two cornets stand firme although the battell shrinke in the incounter Hanniball in the battell he had with Scipio in Africke placed the strangers in the front and in the rereward according peraduenture as he found their number and the vse of their Armes which are circumstances to be considered in this case and depend rather vpon the iudgment of a generall then of anie prescription that can be giuen in this matter CHAP. XI Crassus taketh the campe of the Galles and with their ouerthrow endeth that warre CRASSVS vnderstanding their drift and finding his men willing to set vpon their campe incouraged his soldiers and to the contentment of all men went directly to the place where they were lodged and as some began to fill vp the ditch and others with casting weapons to beate the Galles from the rampier he commanded the Auxiliarie forces of whom he had no great assurance to bring stones and weapons to the soldiers that fought and to carrie earth and turfe to the mount that so they might make a shew of fighting And on the other side as the enemy began valiantly to make resistance and to caste their weapon from the higher ground to the great hurt of the Roman souldier the horsemen in the meane time riding about the campe of the Galles brought worde to Crassus that the rampier at the Decumane port was not fortified with such diligence as they found it in other places but would admit an easie entrance Crassus dealt earnestly with the commanders of the horse to incourage their men with great promises and rewardes and instructed them what he would haue done they according to their instructions tooke foure cohorts that were left in the campe and carrying them a further waie about that they might not be discouered by the enemy while all mens eies and mindes were intent vpon the fight they speedely came to the place of the fortifications which the horsmen had found to be weake which being easily broken down they had entered the campe before the enemie could well tell what was done And then a great clamour shout being heard about that place the Roman legions renuing their force as it falleth out alwaies in hope of victorie began to charge them a fresh with great furie the Galles being circumuented on each side and despairing of their safetie casting themselues ouer the rampier sought by flight to escape the danger But for as much as the country was open and champion the horsemen pursued them with that execution that of 50000 there scarce remaineth the fourth part THE OBSERVATION FRom this place Brancatio taketh occasion to dispute how an enemie that is strongly incamped and for some aduantage will not remoue may be dislodged whether he will or no. A point of great cōsequence in matter of warre and therefore deserueth due consideration Concerning which he laieth this downe for a maxime that all forts and strong holds are taken by the foot and that campes and lodgings are taken by the head By which is meant that he who purposeth to winne a fortresse well manned and prouided must first get the foot and take hold of the ditch and then sease himselfe vpon the rampier and so get the place for he saith that mounts and eminent eleuations are of little vse against fortresses or sconses vnlesse they ouertop them which may be easily preuented by raising the parapet of the fortresse in front and the curtaine in flanke according as the enemy shall carie his mounts aloft and so they shall neuer come to ouertop the holdes But all campes and lodgings are taken by the head That is by mountes and eleuations which by the aduantage of their height command the champion For he holdeth it impossible to raise a mount within the campe in so short a time to contest that which the enemie shall make without This foundation being laide he proceedeth to discouer a waie how to raise a mount maugre the enemie which shall dislodge them by force of Artillerie or murther them all within their trenches And this he taketh from Caesar at the siege of Gergobia The substance of the matter consisteth in a double ditch running like vnto the line which the Geometricians call Helicall by this double ditch he maketh his approch to anie place of most aduantage where he maie in a night raise a mount high enough for the ordinance to plaie vpon any quarter of the campe The censure of this practise I referre to our iudicious souldiers which may if it please them take a better view of the particularities of this stratagem in Brancatio himselfe This much I dare affirme in the behalfe of these workes that they were of high esteeme amongst the Romans when daily experience and exigents of hazard had taught to finde out the readiest meanes both for security and victorie And if our souldiers could be brought to taste the commoditie of these workes either by perswasion or impulsion it were the best part of their warlike practises but our men had rather flie vpon desperat aduentures and seeke victory in the iawes of death then to cleare all hazard with paines and diligence CHAP. XII Caesar vndertaketh the warre with the Menapij and Morini AT the same time also although the sommer was almost at an end yet for as much as all Gallia was in peace and the Morini only with the Menapij stood out in armes and had neuer either sent ambassadour or otherwise treated of peace Caesar thinking that warre might quickly be ended lead his Armie into their country At his comming he found them to carrie the wars farre otherwise then the rest of the Galles had done for vnderstanding that the greatest nations of Gallia which had waged battell with the Romans were beaten and ouerthrowen and hauing whole continents of woods and bogs in their territories they conuaied both themselues and their goods into those quarters Caesar comming to the beginning of the woods began to fortifie his campe not discouering any enemy neare about him but as his men were dispearsed in
their charges they suddenly sallied out of the woods and assaulted the Romans but being speedely driuen in againe with the losse of manie of them as the Romans followed them farre into the woods had some few of their men slaine The time that remained Caesar resolued to spend in cutting downe the woods and least the souldiers might bee taken vnawares while they were busied in that worke he caused them to place all the trees which they cut downe on either side of the Armie that they might serue for a defence against sudden assaultes A great quantitie of ground was thus rid within a few daies so that their goods and cattell was taken by the Romans but they themselues were fled into thicker woods At which time there happened such a continuall raine as forced them to leaue of the worke and the souldiers could no longer indure to lie in tentes of skins and therefore Caesar after he had wasted and spoiled their country burned their townes and their houses he carried backe his Armie and placed them in such citties to winter in as were subdued by the late warres OBSERVATIONS THe Irish rebels hauing the like commoditie of woods and bogs doe entertaine the like course of warre as the Morini did with Caesar the meanes which he vsed to disappoint them of that practise was to cutte downe the woods which if it be thought monstrous in this age or ridiculous to our men of warre let them consider that the Roman discipline wrought greater effectes of valour then can bee made credible by the vse of these times For besides their exquisite discipline which of it selfe was able to frame patterns of vnexampled magnanimitie their industrie was admirable in the execution thereof and carried it with such vncessant trauell that the souldiers thought it great happines when they came to wage battell with the enemie and could haue meanes to quit their continuall trauell with the hazard of their liues Neither let it seeme strange that the Romans vndertooke to cut down the woods but rather let vs admire their facilitie in so difficult a taske for as the historie witnesseth magno spacio paucis diebus confecto incredibili celeritate a great quantitie of ground was rid in a few daies with incredible speede And after the woods were cut downe they tooke more paines in placing it on each side of the legions to hinder anie sudden assault then they did in cutting it downe which deserueth as great admiration as the former part There is another place in the sixt booke of these Commentaries which expresseth more particularly the nature of such warres and may serue to acquaint vs with that which Caesar did in these difficulties The Eburones or the men of Liege had the like commoditie of woods and bogges and made vse of them in the warre they had with Caesar The matter saith hee required great diligence not so much in regard of the perill of the whole Armie for there could no danger come from an enemie that was frighted and dispersed as the safetie of euerie particular souldier which in part did pertaine to the welfare of the whole Armie For the desire of bootie caried manie of the souldiers farre from the bodie of the Armie and the woods being full of vnknowne and secret passages would not suffer them to go either thicke together or close imbattailed If he desired to haue the warre ended and the race of those wicked men to bee rooted out hee must of force make manie small companies and deuide his men into many bodies but if hee would haue the maniples to keepe at their ensignes as the discipline and custome of the Roman Army required then the place was a shelter and defence to the enemie neither did they want courage to laie ambushments and to circumuent such as they found alone stragling from their companies In these difficulties there was as much done as diligence could doe prouiding rather to be wanting in the offensiue part although all mens mindes were set on fire with reuenge then to hurt the enemie with the losse of the Roman souldier Caesar sent messengers to the bordering states to come out and sacke the Eburones and they should haue all the praie for their labour that the life of the Galles rather then his legionarie souldiers might be hazarded in those woods as also that with so great a multitude both the race and name of that people might bee quite extinguished There are many particularities in this relation which concerne the true motion of the Irish warres which may be better obserued by such as know those warres by experience then by my selfe that vnderstand them onely by relation and therefore to preuent such exceptions as my rule shall make of the parallell in these two cases I will leaue it to be done by themselues And thus endeth the third Commentarie THE FOVRTH COMMENTARIE THE ARGVMENT THe Vsipetes and Tenchtheri are driuen to seeke newe seates in Gallia they driue the Menapij out of their territories but in the end are ouerthrowen by Caesar That warre being ended he made a bridge vpon the Rhene and carried his Armie ouer into Germanie He taketh reuenge vpon the Sicambri and giueth libertie to the Vbij returneth into Gallia and carrieth his Armie ouer into Britanie with the occurrences of that warre CHAP. I. The Vsipetes and Tenchtheri bring great multitudes of peoples ouer the Rhene into Gallia the nature of the Sueui THE winter following Pompeie and Crassus being Consuls the Vsipetes and Tenchtheri two Germaine nations passed ouer the Rhene with great multitudes of people not far from the place where it falleth into the sea The reason of their flitting was the ill intreatie which for manie yeares together they had receiued of the Sueui the greatest warlikest nation amongst the Germains For these Sueui had one hundred Cantons or shires which yearely furnished their warres with 1000 men a piece and kept as manie at home to maintaine both themselues and their Armies abroad and these the yeare following were in Armes and the other staied at home and performed the like dutie and so by this meanes they all continued their experience both of tillage and matter of warre They liued chiefly vpon cattell and milke and vsed much hunting which was the cause what through the qualitie of their diet their continuall exercise and libertie of life being neuer tied to any discipline nor vrged to any thing against their disposition that they were strong and of a large stature vsing skins and hides for their cloathing which couered but part of their body the rest being naked Their horsmen oftentimes in time of battell forsooke their horse and fought on foot being taught to stand still in one place that when they would they might returne vnto them Neither was there any thing more base or dishonest in the course of their life then to vse furniture for horses would aduenture to charge vpon great troups of horse that vsed
and as Zonaras in his second Tome saith was neuer giuen but vpon some great exploite and after a iust victorie obtained and then in the place where the battaile was fought and the enemie ouerthrowne the Generall was saluted by the name of Imperator with the triumphant shoute of the whole armie by which acclamation the soldiours gaue testimonie of his worth and made it equiualent with the most fortunate Commaunders This ceremonie was of great antiquitie in the Romaine Empire as appeareth by manie histories and namelie by Tacitus where hee saith that Tyberius gaue that honour to Blesus that hee should be saluted Imperator by the legions which hee sheweth to bee an ancient dignitie belonging to great Captaines after they had foiled the enemy with an eminent ouerthrowe For euerie victorie was not sufficient whereby they might chalenge so great an honour but there was required as it seemeth a certaine number of the enemies to be slaine Apian in his second booke saieth that in olde time the name of Imperator was neuer taken but vpon great and admirable exploits but in his time 10000 of the enemy being slaine in one battell was a sufficient ground of that honour Cicero saith that 2000 slaine in the place especiallie of Thracians Spaniards or Galles did worthely merit the name of Imperator Howsoeuer it seemeth by the same author that there was a certain number of the enemy required to be slaine where he saith Se insta victoria Imperatorem appellatum CHAP. XI The Britains make peace with Caesar but breake it againe vpon the losse of the Romain shipping THE Britaines being ouerthrowne in this battaile assoone as they had recouered their safety by flight they presently dispatched messengers to Caesar to intreate for peace promising hostages and obedience in whatsoeuer he commanded And with these ambassadors returned Comius of Arras whom Caesar had sent before into Britanie Caesar complained that whereas they sent vnto him into Gallia to desire peace notwithstanding at his comming they made warre against him without any cause or reason at all but excusing it by their ignorance he commanded hostages to be deliuered vnto him which they presently performed in parte and the rest being to bee fet further off shoulde likewise be rendered within a short time in the meane while they commanded their people to returne to their possessions and their Rulers and Princes came out of all quarters to commende themselues and their states to Caesar The peace being thus concluded foure daies after that Caesar came into Britanie the eighteen shippes which were appointed for the horsemen put out to sea with a gentle winde and approaching so neere the coast of Britanie that they were within viewe of the Romaine campe there arose such a sodaine tempest that none of them were able to holde their course but some of them returned to the porte from whence they came othersome were cast vpon the lower part of the Ilande which lieth to the West warde and there casting anchor tooke in such seas that they were forced to commit themselues againe to the sea and direct their course to the coast of Gallia The same night it happened that the moone being in the full the tides were verie high in those seas whereof the Romaines being altogether ignorant both the Gallies which were drawne vp vpon the shore were filde with the tide and the shippes of burthen that laie at anchor were shaken with the tempest neither was there anie helpe to be giuen vnto them so that many of them were rent and split in peeces and the rest lost both their anchors Gables and other tackling and by that meanes became altogether vnseruiceable Whereat the whole armie was exceedinglie troubled for there was no other shipping to recarrie them bcke againe Neither had they anie necessaries to newe furnish the olde and euerie man knew that they must needes winter in Gallia for as much as there was no prouision of corn in those places where they were Which thing beeing knowne to the Princes of Britanie that were assembled to confer of such thinges as Caesar had commanded them to performe when they vnderstood that the Romaines wanted both their horsemen shipping and prouision of corne and coniecturing of the paucitie of their forces by the small circuit of their camp and that which was more important then all the rest that Caesar had transported his soldiours without such necessarie cariages as they vsed to take with them they thought it their best course to rebell and to keepe the Romaines from corne and conuoies of prouision and so prolong the matter vntil winter came on For they thought that if these were once ouerthrown and cut off from returning into Gallia neuer any man would afterward aduenture to bring an army into Britanie therefore they conspired againe the second time and conuaied themselues by stealth out of the campe and got their men priuily out of the fields to make head in some conuenient place against the Romans THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning the ebbing and flowing of the sea and the causes thereof it hath already beene handled in the second booke to which I will adde this much as may serue to shew how the Romaines became so ignorant of the spring tides which happen in the full and new of the moone It is obserued by experience that the motion of this waterie element is altogither directed by the course of the moon wherin she exerciseth her regency according as shee findeth the matter qualified for her influence And for asmuch as all mediterrean seas and such gulfes as are inclosed in sinues and bosomes of the earth are both abridged of the liberty of their course and through the smallnes of their quantity are not so capable of celestiall power as the Ocean it selfe it consequently followeth that the Tuskane seas wherwith the Romains were chiefly acquainted were not so answerable in effect to the operation of the moon as the maine sea whose bounds are ranged in a more spacious circuit and through the plenteous abundance of his parts better answereth the vertue of the moone The Ocean therfore being thus obedient to the course of the celestial bodies taking hir course of flowing from the North falleth with such a currant between the Orcades and the maine of Noruegia that she filleth our channel between England and France with great swelling tides and maketh her motion more eminent in these quarters then in any other partes of the world And hence it happeneth that our riuer of Thames lying with her mouth so ready to receiue the tyde as it commeth and hauing withall a plaine leuelled belly and a very smal fresh currant taketh the tide as far into the land as any other known riuer of Europe And for this cause the Romans were ignorant of the spring tides in the ful of the moone THE SECOND OBSERVATION SVch as either by their own experience or otherwise by obseruation of that which history recordeth are acquainted with
attained to the perfection of ciuill gouernment So we find that first Assirians and Babilonians as neerest to the mountaines of Armenia where the Arke rested and people first inhabited reduced their states into common weales of monarchies of exquisite gouernment florishing with al maner of learning and knowledge when as yet other countries laie either waste or ouerwhelmed with Barbarisme From thence it flowed into Egypt out of Egypt into Greece out of Greece into Italie out of Italie into Gallia and from thence into England where our Kentishmen first entertained it as bordering vpon France and frequented with marchants of those countries CHAP. V. Diuers skirmishes betweene the Romans and the Britaines THE Caualrie of the enemy and their chariots gaile a sharpe conflict to the Romaine horsemen in their march but so that the Romaines got the better euery way driuing them with great slaughter to the woods and hils and loosing also some of their owne men beeing too venturous in the pursuit The Britaine 's after some intermission of time when the Romans litle thought of them were busied in fortifying their cāpe came sodainly out of the woods and charged vpon those that kept station before the campe Caesar sent out two the thickest cohorts of two legions to second their fellowes these two cohortes standing with a small alley betweene them the other that were first charged being terrified with that strange kinde of fight boldelie brake through the chiefest of the enemy and so retired in safetie to their fellowes That daie Quintus Laberius Durus a Tribune of the soldiours was slaine the Britaines were repelled with moe cohortes which Caesar sent to second the former And for asmuch as the fight happened in the vewe of all the campe it was plainly perceiued that the legionarie soldiors being neither able for the waight of their armor to follow the enemy as he retired nor yet daring to go far from his ensigne was not a fit aduersarie to contest this kind of enemy and that the horsemen likewise fought with no lesse danger inasmuch as the enemy would retire backe of purpose and when they had drawne them a little from the legions they woulde then light from their chariots and incounter thē with that aduantage which is between a footeman and a horseman Furthermore they neuer fought thicke and close together but thin and in great distances hauing stations of men to succour one another to receiue the wearie and to send out fresh supplies OBSERVATIONS VPpon this occasion of their heauie armour I will describe a legionarie soldior in his compleat furniture that we may better iudge of their maner of warfare and vnderstand wherein their greatest strength consisted And first we are to learne that their legionarie soldiors were called Milites grauis armaturae soldiors wearing heauie armour to distinguish them from the Velites the Archers slingers and other light armed men Their offensiue armes were a couple of Piles or as some wil but one Pile and a Spanish sword short and strong to strike rather with the point then with the edge Their defensiue armes were a helmet a corslet and boots of brasse with a large Target which in some sort was offensiue in regarde of that vmbonem which stucke out in the middest thereof The Pile is described at large in the first booke and the Target in the second the sworde as Polybius witnesseth was short two edged yerie sharpe and of a strong point and therefore Liuie in his 22. Booke saieth that the Galles vsed verie long swordes without pointes but the Romaines had short swordes readier for vse these they called Spanish swordes because they borrowed that fashion from the Spaniarde The olde Romaines were so girt with their swordes as appeareth by Polybius and their monuments in Marble that from their left shoulder it hung vpon their right thigh contrary to the vse of these times which as I haue noted before was in regard of their target which they caried on their left arme this sworde was hung with a belt of leather beset with studs as Varro noteth and these were their offensiue weapons Their Helmet was of brasse adorned with three Ostrich feathers of a cubite in length by which the soldiour appeared of a large stature and more terrible to the enemie as Polybius saieth in his 6. booke Their brest plate was either of brasse or Iron ioynted together after the maner of scales or platted with little ringes of yron their bootes were made of barres of brasse from the foote vp to the knee And thus were the legionarie soldiours armed to stand firme rather then to vse any nimble motion and to combine themselues into a bodie of that strength which might not easilie recoile at the opposition of anie confrontment for agilitie standeth indifferent to helpe either a retreit or a pursuit and nimble footed soldiors are as readie to flie backe as to march forward but a waighty body keepeth a more regular motion and is not hindered with a common counterbuffe so that whensoeuer they came to firme buckeling and felt the enemy stand stiffe before them such was their practise and exercise in continual workes that they neuer fainted vnder any such taske but the victorie went alwayes cleere on their side But if the enemy gaue waie to their violence and came not in but for aduantage and then as speedilie retired before the counterbuffe were well discharged then did their nimblenesse much helpe their weakenesse and frustrate the greatest parte of the Romaine discipline This is also proued in the ouerthrowe of Sabinus and Cotta where Ambiorix finding the inconuenience of buckeling at handy blowes commaunded his men to fight a far off and if they were assaulted to giue backe and to come on againe as they saw occasion which so wearied out the Romaines that they all fell vnder the execution of the Galles Let this suffice therefore to shew how vnapt the Romans were to flie vpon any occasion when their armour was such that it kept them from al starting motions and made thē sutable to the staied and wel assured rules of their discipline which were as certaine principles in the execution of a standing battaile and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit or a flight Concerning the vnequall combat betweene a horseman and a footeman it may be thought strange that a footeman shoulde haue such an aduantage against a horseman beeing ouermatched at least with a Sextuple proportion both of strength and agilitie but wee must vnderstande that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere so in speedie and nimble turning at hand wherein the substance of the combate consisteth the footeman farre exceedeth the horseman in aduantage hauing a larger marke to hit by the Horse then the other hath Besides the horseman ingageth both his valour and his fortune in the good speede of his horse his woundes and his death doe consequentlie pull the rider after his feare or furie maketh his maister
somwhat incline to the partialitie of a strong affection so powerfull is passion in the gouernment of the soule and so interessed in the other faculties And this is one cause of the vncertainty of mans iudgement from whence all contrarie and different opinions do arise Neither is this so strange a matter that a councell of warre should so much varie in case of deliberation when as many especiall points of military discipline remaine yet vndecided hauing the authoritie of the great Commaunders of all ages to ratifie the trueth on either parte whereof I coulde alleage many examples But concerning the issue and euent of our deliberations what can bee more truelie saide then that of the Poet Et malè consultis pretium est prudentia fallax Nec fortuna probat causas sequiturque merentes Sed vaga per cunctos nullo discrimine fertur Scilicet est aliuà quod nos cogatque regatque Maius in proprias ducat mortalia leges Notwithstanding forasmuch as our wisdome is not so subiect to fortune but that it may comprehend within it selfe the good direction of most of the occurrences which fall within the course of our businesse or if we must needes miscarrie yet it somwhat helpeth our ill fortune to thinke that we went vpon best probabilities it shall not be amisse to set down some rules for the better directing of a mature consultation Wherein we are to vnderstand that as all our knowledge ariseth from some of our senses and our senses comprehende onely particularities which being caried vnto the apprehension are disposed into formes and degrees according as they either concur or disagree in their seuerall properties from whence there arise intellectual notions and rules of Arte wherein the science of the said particulars consisteth so hee that intendeth to debate a matter with sound deliberation must descend from confused conceptions and a knowledge in generall to the exact distinction of particular parts which are the occurrences to be directed and the materiall substance of euery action he therfore that can giue best direction either by experience or iudicious discourse concerning such particularities as are incident to the matter propounded can best aduise which is the safest way to auoid the opposition of contradicting natures But to make this somewhat plainer I will alleage 2. examples the one moderne in case of consultation the other ancient and may seeme not so pertinent to this matter in regard it is a meere Apology yet forasmuch as it freely censureth the quality of particular circumstances it may giue great light to that which we seeke after The moderne example is taken out of Guicherdin from the warres which Lewis the French King had with the Pope and the Venetians concerning the state of Ferrara and the Duchie of Milan wherein there arose a controuersie among the French captaines whether it were better to go directlie to seeke the enemy who albeit were lodged in a strong and secure place yet there was hope that with the virtue of armes and importunitie of artillerie they might bee dislodged and driuen to a retreit or otherwise to take the way either of Modina or Bolognia that so the enemy for feare of loosing either of those townes might quit their holde and by that meanes Ferrara should bee freed from the warre Monsieur Chaumont the Generall of the French inclined to the former aduise But Triuulce a man of great authoritie and experience hauing beene an executioner in 18. battailes reasoned thus in particulars to the contrary We debate saith he to go seeke the enemy to fight with him and I haue alwaies heard great captaines holde this as a firme principle Not to attempt the fortune of a battell vnlesse there be either an offer of an especiall aduantage or otherwise compulsion by necessitie The rules of warre giue it to the enemy that is the inuader and hath vndertaken the conquest of Ferrar to seeke to assaile and charge vs but to vs to whom it is sufficient to defende our selues it cannot be but impertinent to vndertake an action contrary to all direction and discipline of war I am of opinion which is confirmed by euident reason that there is no possibility to execute that deuise but to our harmes and disaduantage for we cannot go to their campe but by the side of a hill a streight and narrowe way where all our forces cannot be imploied and yet they with small numbers will make resistance hauing the oportunitie of the place fauourable to their vertues wee must march by the rising of a hill one horse after another neither haue we anie other waie to draw our Artillerie our baggage our cartes and bridges but by the streight of the hill and who doubteth not but in a waie so narrowe and combrous euerie artillerie euerie carte or euery wheele that shall breake will not stay the Armie a whole houre at the least By which impediments euerie contrarie accident may put vs to disorder The enemie is lodged in couert prouided of victuals and forrage and wee must incampe all bare and naked not carying with vs that which should serue for our necessarie nouriture but expect the things to come after which in reason ought to go with vs. To attempt newe enterprises whereof the victorie is lesse certaine then the perill is contrarie to the grauitie and reputation of a leader and in actions of the warre those enterprises are put to aduenture that are done by will and not by reason Many difficulties may compell vs to make our aboade there two or three daies yea the snowes and raines ioyned with the extremitie of the season may suffice to detaine vs how shall we then doe for victuals and forrages What shall we be able to doe in the warres wanting the thinges that should giue vs strength and sustenance What is he that considereth not how dangerous it is to go seeke the enemie in a strong campe and to be driuen at one time to fight against them and against the discommoditie of the place If we compell them not to abandon their campe wee cannot but be inforced to retire a matter of great difficultie in a countrey so wholy against vs and where euerie little disfauour will turne to our great disaduantage c. And thus proceeded that graue discourse in the discouerie of the particular occurrences incident to that enterprise which being laied open to their confused iudgments did manifestly point at the great disaduantages which were to be vndergone by that attempt The other example is of more antiquitie taken out of Tacitus and concerneth the araignment of certaine senatours for the friendship that had past betweene Scianus and them Amongst whom M. Terentius thus answered for himselfe according as it hath of late been published by translation It would be peraduenture lesse behoouefull for my estate to acknowledge then to denie the crime I am charged with but happe what happe maie I will confesse that I haue beene Seianus friend and that I
the Arte militarie wherein euery small and vnrespected circumstance quite altereth the nature of the Action and breedeth such disparitie and difference that the resemblance of their equall participating properties is blemished with the dissimilitude of their disagreeing partes it cannot be denied but he that is acquainted with most of these particular occurrences and best knoweth the varietie of chances in the course of warre must needes be thought a more perfect souldier and deserueth a title of greater dignity in the profession of Armes then such as content themselues with a fewe common precepts and ouer-worne rules without which as they cannot be said at all to be souldiers so with them and no more they no way deserue the name of skilfull and perfect men of war Now whether meere experience or experience ioyned with reading and discourse doe feast the minde with more variety and choise of matter or entertaine knowledge with greater plentie of nouelties incident to expeditions and vse of Armes I will vse no other reason to determine of this question then that which Franciscus Patricius alleadgeth in his parallely where he handleth this argument which I intreat of He that followeth a warre saith he doth see either the course of the whole or but a part onely If his knowledge extend no farther then a part he hath learned lesse then he that sawe the whole but admit he hath seene and learned the instructions of one whole warre he hath notwithstanding learned lesse then he that hath seene the proceeding of two such warres And hee againe hath not seene so much as another that hath serued in three seuerall warres and so by degrees a souldier that hath serued ten yeares must needes knowe more then one that hath not serued so long And to conclude he that hath receiued 22 yeares stipend which was the iust time of seruice amongst the Romans before a souldier could be dismist hath greater meanes of experience than another that hath not so long a time followed the campe and cannot challenge a discharge by order and custome And hence it consequently followeth that if in one or more or all these warres there haue happened few or no actions of seruice which might teach a souldier the practise of Armes that then his learning doth not counteruaile his labour And if the warre through the negligence or ignorance of the chiefe commanders haue beene ill caried he can boast of no knowledge but that which acquainted him with the corruptions of militarie discipline if the part which he followed were defeated and ouerthrowne he knoweth by experience howe to loose but not how to gaine And therefore it is not onely experience and practice which maketh a souldier worthie of his name but the knowledge of the manifold accidents which rise from the variety of humane actions wherein reason and error like merchants in trafficke enterchange contrarie euentes of fortune giuing sometime copper for siluer and balme for poyson and repaying againe the like commoditie as time and circumstances doe answere their directions And this knowledge is onely to be learned in the registers of antiquitie and in histories recording the motions of former ages Caius Iulius Caesar whose actions are the subiect of these discourses after his famous victories in France and that he had gotten the prouinces of Spaine broken the strength of the Romaine Empire at Pharsalia was held a souldier surmounting enuie and all her exceptions and yet notwithstanding all this the battell he had with Pharnaces king of Pontus was like to haue buried the glorie of his former conquestes in the dishonourable memorie of a wilfull ouerthrow for hauing possest himselfe of a hill of great aduantage he began to encampe himselfe in the toppe thereof Which Pharnaces perceiuing being lodged likewise with his campe vpon a mountaine confronting the Romaines imbattelled his men marched down from his campe into the valley and mounted his forces vp the hill where the Romaines were busied about their intrenchments to giue them battel All which Caesar tooke but for a brauado and measuring the enemie by himselfe could not be perswaded that any such foole-hardines could carrie men headlong into so dangerous an aduenture vntill they were come so neere that he had scarce any time to call the legions from their worke and to giue order for the battell which so amazed the Romaines that vnlesse as Caesar himselfe saith the aduantage of the place and the benignitie of the gods had greatly fauoured them Pharnaces had at that time reuenged the ouerthrow of Pompei and the Senat and restored the Romaine Empire to libertie Which maie learne vs how necessary it is besides experience which in Caesar was infinit to perfect our knowledge with variety of chances and to meditate vpon the effectes of other mens aduentures that their harmes maie be our warnings and their happie proceedings our fortunate directions And albeit amongst so manie decades of Historie which pregnant wits haue presented to these latter ages we seldome or neuer meete with any one accident which iumpeth in all pointes with an other of the like nature that shall happen to fall out in managing a warre or setting forth of an armie and so doe seeme to reape little benefit by that we reade and make small vse of our great trauell Yet we must vnderstand that in the Audit of Reason there are many offices which through the soueraigne power of the discoursiue faculty receiue great commodities by whatsoeuer falleth vnder their iurisdiction and suffer no action to passe without due triall of his nature and examination of his state that so the iudgment maie not be defrauded of her reuenues nor the minde of her learning for notwithstanding disagreeing circumstances and differences of formes which seeme to cut off the priuiledge of imitation and frustrate the knowledge we haue obtained by reading the intellectuall facultie hath authoritie to examine the vse and looke into the inconueniences of these wants and diuersities and by the helpe of reason to turne it to her aduantage or so to counterpoise the defect that in triall and execution it shall not appeare anie disaduantage For as in all other sciences and namely in geometrie of certaine bare elements and common sentences which sense admitteth to the apprehension the powers of the soule frame admirable Theoremes and Problemes of infinit vse proceeding with certaintie of demonstration from proposition to proposition and from conclusion to conclusion and still make new wonders as they go besides the strangenesse of their Architecture that vpon such plaine and easie foundations they should erect such curious and beautifull buildings so in the Arte Military these examples which are taken from histories are but plaine kinde of principles on which the minde worketh to her best aduantage and vseth reason with such dexterity that of inequalities she concludeth an equality and of dissimilitudes most sweete resemblances and so she worketh out her owne perfection by discourse and in time groweth so absolute in knowledge
Their prouinces and the next confederate states furnished their Armies continually with corne as it appeareth by this place that for prouision of graine he depended altogether vpon the Hedui And when they were in the enemies countrey in the time of haruest the souldiers went out to reape and gather corne and deliuered it threshed and clensed to the treasurer that it might be kept vntill the daie of paiment But to leaue this frugall and prouident manner of prouision as vnpossible to be imitated by this age let vs returne to our historie and see how the Heluetians were led by a probable errour to their last ouerthrow CHAP. VII The Heluetians follow after Caesar and ouertake the rereward He imbattaileth his legions vpon the side of a hill and giueth order for the battell THE Heluetians vnderstanding of the Romans departure by fugitiues that came vnto them were fullie perswaded that feare was the greatest cause of their retraite for the daie before hauing the vpper ground they durst not vse the aduantage of the same and hoping withall to intercept them from victuals they followed after them with what speed they could as they ouertooke them they charged vpon the rereward Which when Caesar perceiued he sent his horsemen to sustaine the assault in the meane time he drew his forces vnto the next hill and in the side thereof about the middle of the hill hee made a triple battell of foure olde legions on the toppe of the hill he placed two newe legions which he had last inrolled in Italie with the associate forces and to these hee commended the baggage and impediments of the whole Armie and filled all the rest of the hill with light armed men The Heluetians on the other side conuaied their cariage and impedimentes into one place and hauing beaten backe Caesars horsemen with a thicke thronged batallion they put themselues into a phalanx and so pressed vnder the first battell of the Roman legions THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning the true sense of this triple battell which Caesar made vpon the side of the hill I vnderstand it according to the ancient custome of the Romans who in the infancie of their militarie discipline diuided their Armie into three sortes of souldiers Hastati Principes and Triarij for I omit the velites as no part of their standing battels and of these they made three seuerall battels from front to backe in the first battell were the Hastati and they possessed the whole front of the Armie and were called Acies prima Behinde these in a conuenient distance stood the Principes in like sort and order disposed and were called Acies secunda and lastly in a like correspondent distance were the Triarij imbattelled and made Aciem tertiam Their legion consisted of ten companies which they called cohortes and euerie cohort consisted of three small companies which they named Manipuli a maniple of the Hastati a maniple of the Principes and an other of the Triarij as I will more particularly set downe in the second booke And as these three kindes of souldiers were separated by distance of place from front to backe so was euerie battell deuided into his maniples and these were deuided by little allies and waies one from an other which were vsed to this purpose The Hastati being in front did euer begin the battell and if they found themselues too weake to repell the enemie or were happily forced to a retrait they drew themselues through these allies or distances which were in the second battell betweene the maniples of the Principes into the space which was betweene the Principes and the Triarij and there they rested themselues whilest the Princes tooke their place and charged the enemie Or otherwise if the commanders found it needfull they filde vp those distances of the Principes and so vnited with them into one bodie they charged the enemy all in grosse and then if they preuailed not they retired into the spaces between the Triarij and so they gaue the last assault all the three bodies being ioyned all into one Now if we examine by the current of the historie whether Caesar obserued the same order and diuisions in his warres we shall find little or no alteration at all for first this triplex Acies here mentioned was no other thing but the diuision of the Hastati Principes and Triarij according to the manner of the first institution And least any man should dreame of that ordinarie diuision which is likewise threefold the two cornets and the battell and in that sence he might saie to haue made triplicem Aciem let him vnderstand that the circumstances of the diuision haue no coherence with that diuision for in that he saith of the Heluetians successerunt Aciem primam pressed neare the first battel or vangard he maketh it cleare that the Armie was deuided into a triple battell from front to backe for otherwise he would haue said successerint dextrum aut sinistrum cornu aut mediam Aciem for so were the partes of that diuision tearmed Againe in the retrait which the Heluetians made to the hill when hee saith that the first and second battell followed close vpon the enemie and the third opposed it selfe against the Boij and Tulingi and stood readie at the foote of the hill to charge the legions in the flanke and on the backe It is manifest that no other diuision can so fitly be applied to this circumstance as that from front to backe But that place in the first of the ciuill warres taketh away all scruple of controuersie where he vseth the verie same tearmes of prima secunda and tertia Acies for being to incampe himselfe neare vnto Afranius and fearing least his souldiers should be interrupted in their worke he caused the first and second battel to stand in Armes and keepe their distance to the end they might shroud and couer the third battel which was imploied in making a ditch behind them from the view of the enemie and this kind of imbattailing Caesar obserued in most of his fightes by which it appeareth that he vseth the verie same order and discipline for imbattailing as was instituted by the old Romans Concerning the auncient names of Hastati Principes and Triarij which Ramus in his Militia Iulij Caesaris vrgeth to be omitted throughout the whole historie I grant they are seldome vsed in these Commentaries in the sense of their first institution for the Hastati when the discipline was first erected were the youngest and poorest of the legionarie souldiers The Principes were the lustie and able bodied men and the Triarij the eldest and best experienced But in Caesars campe there was little or no difference either of valour or yeares betweene the Hastati Principes or Triarij which he nameth Prima Secunda and Tertia Acies and therefore were neuer tearmed by those names in respect of that difference Notwithstanding in regard of order and degrees of discipline that
to a faithfull and serious execution of such an action to prepare the mindes of their men with wordes of encouragement and to take away all scruple out of their conceites either of the vnlawfulnesse of the cause or disaduantage against the enemie for if at anie time that saying be true that oratio plus potest quam pecunia it is here more powerfull and of greater effect For a donatiue or liberanca can but procure a mercenarie indeuour euer yeelding to a better offer and doe oftentimes breede a suspicion of wrong euen amongst those that are willingly enriched with them and so maketh them flacke to discharge their seruice with loialtie yea oftentimes of friendes to become enemies But in as much as speech discloseth the secrets of the soule and discouereth the intent and drift of euerie action a few good wordes laying open the iniurie which is offered to innocencie how equity is controlled with wrong and iustice controlled by iniquitie for it is necessarie that a commander approue his cause and settle an opinion of right in the minde of his souldiers as it is easie to make that seeme probable which so many offer to defend with their bloud when indeed euerie man relieth vpon anothers knowledge and respecteth nothing lesse the right a few good words I say will so stirre vp their mindes in the feruentnes of the cause that euery man will take himselfe particularly ingaged in the action by the title of equity and the rather for that it iumpeth with the necessitie of their condition For men are willing to doe well when weldoing agreeth with that they would doe otherwise the Acte may formerly be effected but the mind neuer approueth it by assent And this maner of exhortation or speech of incouragement was neuer omitted by Caesar in any conflict mentioned in this historie but he still vsed it as a necessarie instrument to set vertue on foote and the only meanes to stirre vp alacrity Or if it happened that his men were at any time discouraged by disaster or crosse accident as they were at Gergobia and at the two ouerthrowes he had at Dirrachium he neuer would aduēture to giue battell vntill he had incouraged them againe and confirmed their mindes in valour and resolution But this age hath put on so scornfull a humor that it cannot heare a speech in this key sound it neuer so grauely without scoffing and derision and on the other side discontinuance of so necessarie a part hath bred at length such an inutilem pudorem in our chiefe commanders that they had rather loose the gaine of a great aduantage then buy it with wordes to be deliuered in publike THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN this Chapter we may further obserue the violence of the Roman pile which being a heauie deadly weapon could hardly be frustrated with any resistance and in that respect was very proper and effectual against a phalanx or any other thicke and close battell or wheresoeeuer els the stroke was certaine or could hardly deceiue the aime of the caster for in such incounters it so galled the enemy that they were neither able to keepe their order nor answere the assault with a resisting counterbuffe By which it appeareth that the only remedie against the pile was to make the rankes thin allowing to euery souldier a large podisme or place to stand in that so the stroke might of it selfe fall without hurt or by foresight be preuented as it shal plainly appeare by the sequell of this historie which I will not omit to note as the places shall offer themselues to the examination of this discourse But as touching the pile which is so often mentioned in the Roman historie Polybius describeth it in this manner A pile saith he is a casting weapon the staffe whereof is almost 3 cubites long and it hath palmarem diametrum a hand breadth in thicknesse The staues were armed with an head of yron equall in length to the staffe it selfe But in that sort that halfe the head was fastened vp to the middle of the staffe with plates of yron like the head of a Halbert and the other halfe stucke out at the ende of the staffe like a pike containing a fingers breadth in thicknes and so decreasing lesse and lesse vnto the point which was barbed This head was so slender toward the point that the waight of the staffe would bend it as it stucke as appeareth in this battell of the Heluetians This weapon was peculiar to the Romans and was called Pilum as Varro noteth of Pilum a Pestell quod Hostes feriret vt Pilum Lipsius finding that Palmarem diametrum was too great a thicknesse to be managed by any mans hand interpreteth it to be foure inches in circuit if the staffe were either round or square for they had of both sortes and so he maketh it very manageable but nothing answerable to the description giuen by Polybius either in forme or waight Patricius in his Paralleli maketh the staffe to haue palmarem diametrum in the butte end but the rest of the staffe he maketh to decrease taper wise vnto the head of yron where it hath the thicknesse of a mans finger and so it answereth both in forme and waight to a Pestell as may be seene by the figure and I take it to be the meaning of Polybius Patricius in that place setteth downe foure discommodities of the Pile First a furious and hoat spirited enemie will easily preuent the darting of the pile with a nimble and speedie close And so we read that in the battell which Caesar had with Ariouistus the Germans came so violently vpon them that the souldiers cast away their piles and betooke them to their swordes And likewise in that worthy battell betweene Cateline and Marcus Petreius they cast away their piles on either part The second discommoditie was that the piles being so heauie could not be cast any distance but were only seruiceable at hand Thirdly they could not be cast with any aime or as they say point blanke And lastly the souldiers were to take aduantage of ground backward when they threw them which might easily disorder their troups if they were not very wel experienced THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe last thing which I obserue in this speciality is that the legionarie souldiers had no other offensiue weapon but one pile or two at the most and their swordes By which it may be gathered that all their victories came by buckling at handy-blowes for they came alwaies so neare before they cast their pile that they left themselues no more time then might conueniently serue them to drawe their swordes neither would their armes of defence which was compleat besides a large target which they carried on their left arme suffer them to make any long pursuit or continued chase whensoeuer a light armed enemie did make any speedy retrait as will more plainly appeare by that which followeth CHAP. IX The Heluetians fainting in
many strong and nimble footmen whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host euerie man one for his safegard these they had alwaies at hand with them in battell and vnto these they resorted for succour if the horsemen were ouercharged these euer stept into helpe them if anie one were wounded and vnhorsed they stood about him and succoured him if the matter required either to aduenture forward or to retire speedilie backe againe their swiftnesse was such through continuall exercise that hanging on the horse maine by the one hand they would run as fast as the horses THE OBSERVATION IT may seeme strange vnto the soldiours of our time that the footemen should bee mingled pell mell amongst the horsemen without hurte and disaduantage to themselues so vnlikely it is that they shoulde either succour the horsemen in any danger or annoy the enemy and therefore some haue imagined that these footmen in the incounter cast themselues into one bodie and so charging the enemy assisted the horsemen But the circumstances of this place and of others which I wil alleage to this purpose plainly euince that these footemen were mingled indifferently amongst the horsemen to assist euery particular man as his fortune and occasion required and therfore the choise of these footemen was permitted to the horsemen in whose seruice they were to be imploied that euery man might take his friend in whom he reposed greatest confidence When they were ouercharged these stept in to helpe them if anie man were wounded or vnhorsed he had his footeman ready to assist him and when they were to go vpon any speedie seruice or suddainly to retire vpon aduantage they staied themselues vpon the maine of the horses with one hande and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go which seruices they could not possiblie haue performed without confusion and disorder if the footemen had not seuerally attended vpon them according to the affection specified in their particular election The principall vse of these footmen of the Germaines consisted in the aide of their owne horsemen vpon any necessity not so much regarding their seruice vppon the enemie as the assistance of their horsemen But the Romains had long before practised the same Arte to a more effectuall purpose namely as a principall remedy not onely to resist but to defeat far greater troupes of horse then the enemy was able to oppose against them Wherof the most ancient memory which history mentioneth is recorded by Liuie in the second punicke war at the siege of Capua vnder the regiment of Quintus Fuluius the Consul where it is said that in all their conflicts as the Romaine legions returned with the better so their caualry was alwaies put to the worst therfore they inuented this means to make that good by Art which was wanting in force Out of the whole army were taken the choisest young men both for strength agilitie and to them were giuen little round bucklers and seuen darts apeece in steed of their other weapons these soldiours practised to ride behind the horsemen and speedily to light from the horses at a watchword giuen so to charge the enemy on foot And when by exercise they were made so expert that the nouelty of the inuention no whit affrighted them the Romaine horsemen went forth to incounter with the enemy euery man carying his foot soldior behinde him who at the encounter suddainly alightning charged vpon the enemy with such a fury that they followed thē in slaughter to the gates of Capua And hence saith Liuie grew the first institution of the Velites which euer after that time were inrolled with the legions The author of this strategem is said to be one Q. Nauius a Centurion was honorably rewarded by Fuluius the consull for the same Salust in the history of Iugurth saieth that Marius mingled the Velites with the Caualrie of the associates vt quacunque inuaderent equitatus hostium propulsarent The like practise was vsed by Caesar as appeareth in the thirde booke of the Ciuill warre sauing that insteed of the velites hee mingled with his horsemen 400. of the lustiest of his legionarie soldiours to resist the caualrie of Pompei while the rest of his armie passed ouer the riuer Genusum after the ouerthrow he had at Dirrachium qui tantum profecere saith the text Vt equestri praelio commisso pellerent omnes complures interficerent ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent Many other places might be recited but these are sufficient to proue that the greatest Captaines of auncient times strengthened their caualrie with footemen dispersed amongst them The Romaine horsemen saith Polibius at the first caried but a weake limber pole or staffe and a little round buckler but afterwards they vsed the furniture of the Grecians which Iosephus affirmeth to bee a strong launce or staffe and three or foure dartes in a quiuer with a buckler and a long sword by their right side The vse of their launce was most effectuall when they charged in troupe pouldron to pouldron and that maner of fight afforded no meanes to intermingle footmen but when they vsed their dartes euerie man got what aduantage of ground he coulde as our Carbins for the most part do and so the footemen might haue place among them or otherwise for so good an aduantage they woulde easilie make place for the footmen to serue among them But howsoeuer it was it appeareth by this circumstance howe little the Romaines feared troupes of horse considering that the best meanes to defeate their horse was by their foote companies But to make it more plaine of many examples I will onely alleage two the one out of Liuie to proue that the Romaine horsemen were not comparable for seruice to footemen the other out of Hirtius to shewe the same effect against strangers and Numidian horsemen In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Marcus Horatius Valerius hauing fortunatelie ouerthrowne the Equi and the Volsci Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the warre against the Sabines wherein it happened that in the day of battell the Sabines reserued 2000. of their men to giue a fresh assault vpon the lefte cornet of the Romaines as they were in conflict which tooke such effect that the legionarie footemen of that cornet were forced to retreit Which the Romaine horsemen beeing in number 600. perceiuing and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy they presently forsooke their horses and made haste to make good the place on foote wherein they caried themselues so valiantly that in a moment of time they gaue the like aduantage to their footemen against the Sabines and thē betooke themselues againe to their horses to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled For the second point The Numidians as Caesar witnesseth were the best horsemen that euer hee met with and vsed the same Arte as the Germaines did mingling among them light armed footemen an
two cornets with the best of his soldiours and placed his weakest in the middest that the Romaines following the retreit of the battell which was easily repeld might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets CHAP. XX. The battell betweene Caesar and Ariouistus THE signe of battel was no sooner giuen but the Romaines charged vpō the enemy so fiercely as though they ment to giue themselues the lye for seeming to acknowledge that they once conceiued any feare of the Germaines and the enemie on the other side returned so speedie a counterbuffe that the legions had no time to cast their Piles and therefore they speedilie betooke them to their swordes But the Germaines putting themselues according to their manner into a Phalanx receiued the force of their swords without any daunger or losse at all In the battell there were many legionarie souldiers that were seene to keepe vpon the phalanx to pull vp with their hands the targets that couered it and so to wound kil those that were vnderneath and by that means they brake dispersed it and so the left cornet of the enemy was ouerthrowne put to flight Now while the right cornet was thus busied the left cornet was ouercharged with an vnequall multitude of the Germans which young Crassus the Prefect of the horsemen no sooner perceiued hauing more scope and libertie then any of the commanders that were in the battell he sent tertiam Aciem the third battell to rescue and aide their fellowes that were in danger by meanes whereof the fight was renewed and all the enemie was put to flight and neuer looked backe vntill they came to the Rhene which was about fiue miles from the place where they fought where some few of them saued themselues by swimming others found a fewe boates and so escaped Ariouistus lighting vpon a little barke tied to the shore with much a doe recouered the other side of the Rhene and so saued himselfe the rest were all slaine by the horsemen As Caesar pursued the German horsemen it was his chance to light vpon Valerius Procillus as he was drawne vp and downe by his keepers bound with three chaines which accident was as gratefull to him as the victorie it selfe being so fortunate to recouer his familiar friend whom the barbarous enemie contrarie to the law of nations had cast into prison in his own presence had three seuerall times cast lots vpon his life whether he should be then burned or repriued vnto another time and still he was saued by the fortune of the lots and Marcus Titius was found in like manner and brought vnto him The fame of this battell being caried beyond the Rhene the Sueui that were come to the bankes of Rhene returned home againe whom the inhabitants belonging to the saide riuer pursued and slew a great number of them Caesar hauing thus ended two great warres in one sommer he brought his Armie into their wintering campes somewhat sooner then the time of the yeare required THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proued to be the right Macedonian Phalanx but we are rather to vnderstand it to be so tearmed by reason of the close and compact imbattailing rather then in any other respect and it resembled much a testudo as I said of the Heluetian phalanx Secondly I obserue that Caesar kept the olde rule concerning their discipline in fight for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his historie yet he omitted not the substance which was to haue primam secundam tertiam Aciem and that prima Acies should begin the battell and the second should come fresh and assist them or peraduenture if the enemie were many and strong the first and second battell were ioyned together and so charged vpon the enemie with greater furie and violence but at all aduentures the third battell was euer in subsidio as they tearmed it to succour any part that should be ouercharged which was a thing of much consequence and of great wisedome For if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers or the casualtie of fortune what could be more added to their discipline in this behalfe then to haue a second a third succour to giue strength to the fainting weaknes of their men and to repaire the disaduantage which any accident should cast vpon them or if their valour were equally balanced and victorie stood doubtfull which of the two parties shee should honour these alwaies stept in being fresh against wearie and ouer laboured spirits and so drew victorie in despite of casualtie vnto themselues THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning vse of lots it shall not be amisse to looke into the nature of them being in former times so generall that there was no nation ciuill or barbarous but were directed in their greatest affaires by the sentence of lots As we may not refuse for an vndoubted truth that which Salomon saith the 16 of Prouerbs The lots are cast into the lap but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord Through the knowledge whereof Iosua was directed to take Achan the Mariners Ionas and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias So whether the heathen and barbarous people whose blindnes in the way of truth could direct them no further then to sencelesse superstition and put them in minde of a dutie which they owed but could not tell them what it was nor how to be performed whether these I say were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries which directed the action to the decree of destenie and as the Gods would haue it it remaineth doubtfull Aristotle the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall nameth that euent casuall or proceeding from fortune of which the reason of man could assigne no cause or as he saith which hath no cause So that whatsoeuer happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workeman was tearmed an effect of fortune or chance of habnab For all other effects which depended vpon a certaine and definite cause were necessarily produced and therefore could not be casuall or subiect to the inconstancie of chance And because manie and sundrie such chances daily happened which like terrae filij had no father and could not be warranted as lawfull children either to nature or to reason by the appearance of an efficient cause they reduced them all to the power of fortune as the principall efficient and soueraigne Motor of all such vnexpected euents that is they made nothing else the gouernesse and directresse of many things which afterward grew to such credit amongst men that it surpassed in dignity all naturall causes and was deified with celestiall honour as the Poet saith Nos te facimus fortuna deam caeloque locamus By the prouidence of this blinde goddesse which held her deity by the tenure of mens ignorance were all casuall actions directed and especially lots the euent whereof depended onely vpon her pleasure and decree neither could
reduced them into smaller companies to make them fitter for command and fight and so they deuided the Hastati Principes and Triarii each of them into 10 companies making of those 3. sortes of soldiours 30. small regiments vvhich they called Manipuli And againe they subdeuided euerie maniple into two equall parts and called them Ordo vvhich was the least companie in a legion and according to the rate set down by Polybius contained 60. soldiours In euerie Ordo there was a Centurion or Captaine and a Lieuetenant whom they named Optio or Tergiductor The maniples of the Triarii were much lesser then the maniples of either the Hastati or the Principes for as much as their whole band consisted but of 600. men The Velites were put into no such companies but were equally distributed amongst the other Maniples and therefore the Hastati Principes and Triarij were called subsignanos milites to make a difference between them and the Velites which were not deuided into bandes and so consequently had no ensigne of their own but were distributed amongst the other companies so that euery Maniple had 40. Velites attending vpon it And now I come to the description of a cohort which the history heere mentioneth The worde Cohors in latine doth signifie that part of grounde which is commonly inclosed before the gate of a house which from the same word we call a court and Varro giueth this reason of the metaphor As in a farme house saith he many out-buildings ioined together make one inclosure so a cohort consisteth of seuerall maniples ioined together in one body This cohort consisted of three maniples for euerie legion had ten cohorts which must necessarily comprehend those thirty maniples but these 3. maniples were not al of one and the same kind of soldiors as three maniples of the Hastati 3. of the Principes and 3. of the Triarij as Patricius in his Paralleli seemeth to affirme for so there would haue remained an odde maniple in euery kind that could not haue been brought into any cohort But a cohort contained a maniple of the Hastati a maniple of the Principes and a maniple of the Triarij and so al the 30. maniples were included into 10. cohorts euery cohort was as a little legion forasmuch as it consisted of al those sortes of soldiours that were in a legion So that making a legion to containe 5000. men a cohort had 500. and so these 6. cohorts which he incamped on the other side of the riuer vnder the command of Titurius Sabinus contayned 3000. soldiours but if you make a legion to consist but of 4200. which was the more vsuall rate there were 2520. soldiours in these sixe cohortes By this therefore it may appeare that a legion consisted of foure sorts of soldiours which were reduced into ten cohorts and euery cohort contained 3. maniples euery maniple 2. orders and euery order had his Centurion marching in the head of the troupe and euery Centurion had his optionem or Lieutenāt that stood in the taile of the troupe When a legion stoode ranged in battell ready to confront the enemy the least body or squadron that it contained was a maniple wherein the two orders were ioined together making iointly ten in front and twelue in file and so euerie fiue files had their Centurion in front and Lieutenant in the rereward to direct them in all aduentures In the time of the Emperours their battailions consisted of a cohort and neuer exceeded that number how great soeuer the army were Polybius distinguishing a maniple into two centuries or orders saith that the Centurion first chosen by the Tribunes commanded the right order which was that order which stoode on the right hand knowne by the name of Primus ordo and the Centurion elected in the second course commanded the left order and in the absence of either of them hee that was present of them two commaunded the whole maniple And so wee finde that the Centurion of the first place was called Prior Centurio in which sense Caesar is to be vnderstood where hee saith that all the Centurions of the first cohorte were slaine praeter principem priorem From whence we gather two specialities first the prioritie betweene the Centurions of the same maniple for a cohorte consisting of 3. maniples vvhereof the first maniple vvere Triarij the second Principes and the thirde Hastati and euerie maniple containing two orders and euerie order a Centurion he saith that all the Centurions of this cohort vvere slaine sauing the first or vpper Centurion of the Principes The second thing vvhich I obserue is the title of the first cohort for these 10. cohortes vvhereof a legion consisted vvere distinguished by degrees of worthinesse and that vvhich vvas held the vvorthiest in the censure of the Electors tooke the prioritie both of place and name and vvas called the first cohort the next the second cohort so consequently vnto the tenth and last Neither did the legions want their degrees of preheminēce both in imbattailing in incāping according either to the seniority of their inrolement or their fauor of their General or their own vertue And so we read that in these vvars in Gallia the tenth legion had the first place in Caesars army And thus much concerning the diuisions and seuerall companies of a legion and the degrees of honour which they held in the same Vpon this description it shall not be amisse briefelie to laie open the most apparant commodities depending vpon this discipline the excellency vvhereof more plainely appeareth bein compared to that order vvhich nature hath obserued in the frame of her vvorthiest creatures for it is euident that such workes of nature come neerest to perfect excellencie vvhose material substance is most particularlie distinguished into parts and hath euery part indued vvith that propertie which best agreeth to his peculiar seruice For beeing thus furnished with diuersitie of instruments and these directed vvith fitting abilities the creature must needs expresse many admirable effects and discouer the vvorth of an excellent nature vvhereas those other bodies that are but slenderly laboured and find lesse fauour in natures forge being as abortiues or barbarously composed vvanting the diuersitie both of partes and faculties are no vvay capable of such excellent vses nor fit for such distinct seruices as the former that are directed vvith so many properties and inabled vvith the power of so wel distinguished faculties Which better works of nature the Romains imitated in the Architecture of their army deuiding it into such necessary seruiceable partes as were best fitting all vses and imploiments as first into legions and legions into cohorts and cohorts into maniples and maniples into centuries or orders and these into files wherein euery man knewe his place and kept the same without exchange or confusion And thus the vniuersall multitude was by order disposed into partes vntill it came vnto a vnitie for
the women and such as were vnmeete for the fielde they bestowed in a place vnaccessible for any armie by reason of fens and bogs and marishes Vpon this intelligence Caesar sent his discouerers and Centurions before to choose out a fit place to incampe in Now whereas many of the surrendred Belgae and other Galles were continuallie in the Romaine army certaine of these as it was afterward known by the captiues obseruing the order which the Romaines vsed in marching came by night to the Neruij and tolde them that betweene euerie legion went a great sort of cariages and that it was no matter of difficultie assoone as the first legion was come into the campe and the other legions yet a great way off to set vpon them vpon a suddaine before they were disburdened of their cariages and so to ouerthrowe them which legion being thus cut off and their stuffe taken the rest would haue smal courage to stande against them It much furthered this aduice that forasmuch as the Neruij were not able to make any power of horse that they might the better resist the caualrie of their borderers whensoeuer they made any roade into their marches their manner was to cut yong trees halfe asunder bowing the tops down to the ground plashed the boughes in breadth and with thornes and briers planted between them they made them so thicke that it was impossible to see through them so hard it was to enter or passe through them so that when by this occasion the passage of the Romaine army must needes be hindred the Neruij thought the foresaid counsell not to be neglected CAESARS march where in euery Legion had his Cariadges in front CAESARS march where the Enemy was neerer at hand The place which the Romaines chose to incampe in was a hill of like leuell from the top to the bottome at the foot whereof ran the riuer Sabis and with the like leuell on the other side rose an other hill directly against this to the quantity of 200. paces the bottom whereof was plaine and open and the vpper part so thicke with wood that it could not easilie be looked into within these woods the Neruians kept themselues close and in the open grounde by the riuer side were onely seene a fewe troupes of horse and the riuer in that place was about 3. foot deepe Caesar sending his horsemen before followed after with all his power but the maner of his march differed from the report which was brought to the Neruii for inasmuch as the enemy was at hand Caesar as his custom was led 6. legions alwaies in areadines without burthen or cariage of any thing but their armes after them hee placed the impediments of the whole army And the two legions which were last inrolled were a rereward to the army and garded the stuffe OBSERVATIONS THis trecherous practise of the surrendred Belgae hath fortunatelie discouered the maner of Caesars march as well in safe passages as in dangerous and suspected places which is a point of no smal consequence in martiall discipline being subiect to so many inconueniences and capable of the greatest arte that may be shewed in managing a war Concerning the discreet cariage of a march by this circumstance it may bee gathered that Caesar principally respected safetie and secondly conueniency If the place affoorded a secure passage and gaue no suspicion of hostilitie hee was content in regarde of conueniency to suffer euery legion to haue the ouersight of their particular cariages and to insert them among the troupes that euery man might haue at hand such necessaries as were requisite either for their priuate vse or publike discipline But if he were in danger of any sodain attempt or stood in hazard to be impeached by an enemy hee then omitted conuenient disposition in regard of particular vse as disaduantageous to their safety caried his legions in that readines that if they chanced to be ingaged by an enemy they might without any alteration of their march or incumbrance of their cariages receiue the charge in that forme of battell as was best approoued by their military rules the ancient practise of their fortunate progenitors The old Romains obserued likewise the same respects for in vnsafe suspected places they caried their troupes agmine quadrato which as Liuie seemeth to note was free from all cariage and impediments which might hinder them in any sodaine alarum Neither doth that of Hirtius any way cōtradict this interpretation where he saith that Caesar so disposed his troupes against the Bellouaci that 3. legions marched in front after them came al the cariages to which the 10. legion serued as a rereward so they marched pene agmine quadrato Seneca in like maner noteth the safety of agmen quadratū where he saith that where an enemie is expected wee ought to march agmine quadrato readie to fight The most material consequence of these places alleadged is that as ofte as they suspected anie onset or charge their order in a march little or nothing differed from their vsuall maner of imbattailing and therefore it was called agmen quadratum or a square march inasmuch as it kept the same disposition of parts as were obserued in quadrata Acie For that triple forme of imbattailing which the Romaines generally obserued in their fights hauing respect to the distances between each battel contained almost an equal dimension of front and file and so it made Aciem quadratam and when it marched Agmen quadratum Polybius expresseth the same in effect as often as the place required circumspection but altereth it somewhat in regard of the cariages for he saith that in time of danger especially where the countrey was plaine and Chāpion and gaue space free scope to cleere themselues vpon anie accident the Romains marched in a triple battel of equal distāce one behind an other euery battel hauing his seueral cariages in front And if they were by chance attacked by an enemy they turned themselues according to the oportunity of the place either to the right or left hande and so placing their cariages on the one side of their army they stood imbattailed ready to receiue the charge The contrary forme of marching where the place afforded more security gaue scope to conueniency they named agmen longum when almost euery maniple or order had their seueral cariages attending vpon them stroue to keep that way which they found most easie both for thēselues their impediments Which order of a march as it was more commodius then the former in regard of particularity so was it vnsafe and dangerous where the enemy was expected And therfore Caesar much blamed Sabinus and Cotta for marching when they were deluded by Ambiorix longissimo agmine as though they had receiued their aduertisements from a friend and not from an enemy And albeit our moderne wars are far different in quality frō them of
ancient times yet in this point of discipline they cannot haue a more perfect direction then that which the Romaines obserued as the two poles of their motions safety and conueniency whereof the first dependeth chiefely vpon the prouident disposition of the leaders and the other wil easily follow on as the commodity of euerie particular shal giue occasion Concerning safety in place of danger what better course can bee taken then that maner of imbattailing which shall be thought most conuenient if an enemy were present to confront them for a well ordered march must either carie the perfect forme of a battell or containe the distinct principles and elements thereof that with little alteration it may receiue that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can affoord it First therefore a prudent and circumspect leader that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march is diligentlie to obserue the nature and vse of each weapon in his army howe they may be placed for greatest vse and aduantage both in respect of their different and concurring qualities as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed and this knowledge will consequentlie inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattailing as the said forces are capable of which if it may be obserued in a march is no way to be altered But if this exactnes of imbattailing wil not admit conuenient cariage of such necessarie adiuncts as pertaine to an armie the inconuenience is to bee relieued with as little alteration from that rule as in a warie iudgment shall be found expedient that albeit the forme be somewhat changed yet the principles and ground wherein their strength and safetie consisteth maie still be retained Neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point he may exemplifie the practises of manie great and experienced commanders what sort of weapon marched in front and what in the rereward in what part of the Armie the Munition marched and where the rest of the cariage was bestowed according as their seuerall iudgments thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences But the issue of all will fall out thus that he that obserued this rule before prescribed did seldome miscarrie through an vnsafe march Let a good Martialist well know their proper vse in that diuersity of weapons in his Armie how they are seruiceable or disaduantageous in this or that place against such or such an enemie and he will speedily order his battell dispose of his march and bestow his cariages as shall best fall out both for his safetie and conueniencie Caesars custome was to send his Caualrie and light armed footmen before the body of his Armie both to discouer and impeach an enemie for these troupes were nimble in motion and fit for such seruices but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front the horsemen marched in the tayle of the Armie and gaue securitie where there was most cause of feare But if it happened that they were found vnfit to make good the seruice in that place as oftentimes it fell out and especially in Africa against the Numidians he then remoued them as he best found it conuenient and brought his legionarie souldiers which were the sinewes and strength of his forces and marched continually in the bulke of the Armie to make good that which his horsemen could not performe And thus he altered the antique prescription and vniformitie of custome according as he found himselfe best able to disaduantage an enemie or make waie to victorie CHAP. IX The Romans begin to fortifie their campe but are interrupted by the Neruij Caesar maketh haste to prepare his forces to battell THE Roman horsemen with the slingers and archers passed ouer the riuer and incountered the Caualrie of the enemie who at first retired backe to their companies in the wood and from thence sallied out againe vpon them but the Romans durst not pursue them further then the plaine and open ground in the meane time the sixe legions that were in front hauing their worke measured out vnto them began to fortifie their campe But assoone as the Neruij perceiued their former cariages to be come in sight which was the time appointed amongst them to giue the charge as they stood imbattailed within the thicket so they rushed out with all their forces and assaulted the Roman horsemen which being easily beaten backe the Neruij ranne downe to the riuer with such an incredible swiftnesse that they seemed at the same instant of time to bee in the woods at the riuer and charging the legions on the other side For with the same violence hauing passed the riuer they ranne vp the hill to the Roman campe where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment Caesar had all partes to plaie at one instant the flagge to be hung out by which they gaue the souldiers warning to take armes the battell to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet the souldiers to be recalled from their worke and such as were gone farre off to get turfe and matter for the rampier to bee sent for the battell to be ordered his men to be incouraged and the signe of battell to be giuen the most of which were cut off by shortnesse of time and the sudden assault of the enemie THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS the Romans excelled all other nations in many good customes so especially in their campe-discipline they stroue to be singular for it seemed rather an Academie or a citie of ciuill gouernment then a campe of souldiers so carefull were they both for the safetie and skilfull experience of their men at armes For touching the first they neuer suffered their souldiers to lodge one night without a campe wherein they were inclosed with ditch and a rampier as in a walled towne neither was it any newe inuention or late found out custome in their state but in vse amongst the auncient Romans and in the time of their kinges their manner of incamping was included within these circumstances The Centurions that went before to choose out a conuenient place hauing found a fit situation for their campe first assigned the standing for the Emperours pauillion which was commonly in the most eminent place of the campe from whence he might easily ouerview all the other partes or any alarum or signum pugnae might from thence be discouered to all quarters This pauillion was knowne by the name of Praetorium for as much as amongst the auncient Romans the Generall of their Armie was called Praetor in this place where the Praetorium was to be erected they stucke vp a white ensigne and from it they measured euerie waie 100 foote and so they made a square containing 200 foot in euerie side the Area or content whereof was almost an acre of ground the forme of the Praetorium was round and high being as eminent among the other tentes as a temple is amongst the priuate buildings of a cittie and therefore
Iosephus compareth it to a church In this Praetorium was their Tribunal or chaire of the estate and the place of diuination which they called Augurale with other appendices of maiestie and authoritie Betweene the tentes of the first maniples in euerie legion and the Praetorium there went a waie of 100 foote in breadth throughout the whole campe which was called Principia in this place the Tribunes sate to heare matters of iustice the souldiers exercised themselues at their weapons and the leaders and chiefe commanders frequented it as a publike place of meeting and it was helde for a reuerent and sacred place and so kept with a correspondent decencie On either side the Emperours pauillion in a direct line to make euen straight the vpper side of the Principia the Tribunes had their tentes pitched euerie Tribune confronting the head of the legion whereof he was Tribune aboue them towardes the head of the campe were the Legates and Treasurer the vpper part of the campe was strengthened with some select cohorts and troupes of horse according to the number of legions that were in the Armie Polybius describing the manner of incamping which the Romans vsed in his time when as they had commonly but two legions in their Armie with as manie associates placeth the Ablecti and extraordinarij which were select bandes and companies in the vpper part of the campe and the associates on the outsides of the legions The ditch and the rampier that compassed the whole campe about was 200 foote distant from any tent vvhere of Polybius giueth these reasons first that the souldiers marching into the campe in battell array might there dissolue themselues into maniples centuries and decuries without tumult or confusion for order was the thing which they principally respected as the life and strength of their martiall body And againe if occasion vvere offered to sallie out vpon an enemie they might verie conueniently in that spatious roome put themselues into companies and troupes and if they vvere assaulted in the night the dartes and fire vvorkes vvhich the enemie should cast into their campe would little indammage them by reason of the distance betweene the rampier and the tentes Their tentes were all of skinnes and hides helde vp with props and fastened with ropes there were 11 souldiers as Vegetius saith in euerie tent and that societie was called Contubernium of whom the chiefest was named Decanus or Caput Contubernij The ditch and the rampier were made by the legions euerie maniple hauing his part measured out and euerie Centurion ouerseeing his Centurie the approbation of the whole worke belonged to the Tribunes Their maner of intrenching was this the soldiors being girt with their swords and daggers digged the ditch about the campe which was alwaies 8 foot in breadth at the least and as much in depth casting the earth thereof inward but if the enemy were not farre off the ditch was alwaies 11. or 15. or 18. foot in latitude altitude according to the discretion of the General but what scantling soueer was kept the ditch was made directis lateribus that is as broad in the bottome as at the top The rampier from the brim of the ditch was three foot in heighth and sometimes foure made after the maner of a wall with greene turfes cut all to one measure halfe a foot in thicknesse a foot in breadth and a foot and a halfe in length But if the place wherein they were incamped would afford no such turfe they then strengthened the loose earth which was cast out of the ditch with boughs and fagots that it might be strong and wel fastened The rampier they properly called Agger the outside whereof which hung ouer the ditch they vsed to stick with thicke and sharpe stakes fastened deep in the mound that they might be firme and these for the most part were forked stakes which made the rampier very strong and not to be assaulted but with great difficulty Varro saith that the front of the rampier thus stucke with stakes was called vallum a varicando for that no man could stride or get ouer it The campe had foure gates the first was called praetoria porta which was alwaies behind the Emperours tent and this gate did vsually looke either toward the east or to the enemy or that way that the army was to march The gate on the other side of the campe opposite to this was called Porta Decumana a decimis cohortibus for the tenth or last Cohort of euery legion was lodged to confront this gate by this gate the soldiours went out to fetch their wood their water and their forrage and this waie their offendours were caried to execution The other two gates were called Portae principales forasmuch as they stoode opposite to either ende of that so much respected place which they called principia onely distinguished by these titles laeua principalis and dextra all these gates were shut with doores and in standing Campes fortified with Turrets vpon which were planted Engines of defence as Balistae Catapultae Tolenones and such like Porta Proetoria THE ROMAINE CAMPE The vse and commodity of this incamping I briefely touched in my first booke But if I were worthie any way to commend the excellency thereof to our moderne soldiours or able by perswasion to restablish the vse of incamping in our warres I woulde spare no paines to atchieue so great a good and vaunt more in the conquest of negligence then if my sense had compassed a new found out meanes and yet reason would deeme it a matter of small difficultie to gaine a point of such worth in the opinion of our men especiallie when my discourse shall present security to our forces and honour to our leaders maiestie to our armies and terrour to our enmies wonderment to strangers and victorie to our nation But sloth hath such interest in this age that it commendeth vaine glory and foole-hardinesse contempt of vertue and derision of good discipline to repugne the dessignes of honour and so far to ouermaister reason that it suffereth not former harmes to beare witnesse against errour nor correct the ill atchieuements of ill directions and therefore ceasing to vrge this pointe anie further I wil leaue it to the careful respect of the wise THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe fury of the enemy and their sodaine assault so disturbed the ceremonies which the Romaine discipline obserued to make the soldiours trulie apprehend the waight and importance of that action which might cast vppon their state either soueraignty or bondage that they were all for the most part omitted notwithstanding they are here noted vnder these titles the first was vexillum proponendum quod erat insigne cum ad Arma concurri oporteret for when the Generall had determined to fight hee caused a skarlet coate or red flag to bee hung out vpon the top of his tent that by it
the soldiours might be warned to prepare themselues for the battell and this was the first warning they had which by a silent aspect presented bloud and execution to their eyes as the onlie meanes to worke out their owne safetie and purchase eternall honour The second was Signum tuba dandum this warning was a noise of manie trumpets which they tearmed by the name of classicum a calando which signifieth calling for after the eie was filled with species sutable to the matter intended they then hasted to possesse the eare and by the sense of hearing to stir vp warlike motions and fil them with resolute thoughts that no diffident or base conceites might take hold of their mindes The third was milites cohortandi for it was thought conuenient to confirme this valour with motiues of reason which is the strength and perfection of al such motions the vse and benefit whereof I somewhat inlarged in the Heluetian warre and could affoord much more labour to demonstrate the commoditie of this part if my speech might carrie credit in the opinion of our souldiers or be thought worthie regard to men so much addicted to their owne fashions The last was signum dandum which as some thinke was nothing but a word by which they might distinguish and know themselues from their enemies Hirtius in the war of Afrike saith that Caesar gaue the word Felicitie Brutus and Cassius gaue Libertie others haue giuen Virtus Deus nobiscum Triumphus Imperatoris and such like wordes as might be ominous to a good successe Besides these particularities the manner of their deliuerie gaue a great grace to the matter And that was distinguished by times and cues whereof Caesar now complaineth that all these were to be done at one instant of time for without all controuersie there is no matter of such consequence in it selfe but may bee much graced with ceremonies and complements which like officers or attendants ad much respect and maiestie to the action which otherwise being but barely presented appeareth farre meaner and of lesse regard CHAP. X. The battell betweene Caesar and the Neruij IN these difficulties two things were a help to the Romans the one was the knowledge and experience of the souldiers for by reason of their practise in former battels they could as well prescribe vnto themselues what was to be done as any other commander could teach them The other was that notwithstanding Caesar had giuen commandement to euerie Legate not to leaue the worke or forsake the legions vntill the fortifications were perfited yet when they sawe extremitie of danger they attended no countermaund from Caesar but ordered all thinges as it seemed best to their owne discretion Caesar hauing commanded such thinges as he thought necessarie ranne hastelie to incourage his souldiers and by fortune came to the tenth legion where he vsed no further speech then that they should remember their ancient valour and valiantly withstand the brunt of their enemies And for as much as the enemie was no further off then a weapon might be cast to incounter them he gaue them the signe of battell and hastening from thence to another quarter he found them alreadie closed and at the incounter For the time was so short and the enemie so violent that they wanted leasure to put on their headpieces or to vncase their targets and what part they lighted into from their worke or what ensigne they first met withall there they staied least in seeking out their owne companies they should loose that time as was to be spent in fighting The Armie being imbattailed rather according to the nature of the place the decliuitie of the hill and the breuitie of time then according to the rules of art as the legions incountered the enemie in diuers places at once the perfect view of the battell being hindered by those thicke hedges before spoken of there could no succors be placed any where neither could any man see what was needful to be done therfore in so great vncertainty of things there happened diuers casualties of fortune The soldiers of the ninth and tenth legion as they stood in the left part of the Army casting their piles with the aduantage of the hil did driue the Attrebatij breathles with running wounded in the incounter down into the riuer as they passed ouer the water slew many of them with their swordes Neither did they sticke to follow after them ouer the riuer and aduenture into a place of disaduantage where the battell being renewed againe by the enemie they put them to flight the second time In like maner two other legions the 11 and the 8 hauing put the Veromandui from the vpper ground fought with them vpon the bankes of the riuer and so the front the left part of the campe was well neere left naked For in the right cornet were the 12 and the 7 legions where as all the Neruij vnder the conduct of Boduognatus were heaped together and some of them began to assault the legions on the open side and other some to possesse themselues of the highest part of the campe At the same time the Roman horsemen and the light armed footmen that were intermingled amongst them and were at first all put to flight by the enemie as they were entering into the campe met with their enemies in the face and so were driuen to flie out another way In like manner the pages and souldiers boies that from the Decumane port and toppe of the hill had seene the tenth legion follow their enemies in pursuit ouer the riuer and were gone out to gather pillage when they looked behind them and saw the enemie in their campe betooke them to their heeles as fast as they could Which accident so terrified the horsemen of the Treuiri who for their prowesse were reputed singular amongst the Galles and were sent thither by their state to aide the Romans first when they perceiued the Roman campe to be possest by a great multitude of the enemie the legions to be ouercharged and almost inclosed about the horsemen slingers and Numidians to be dispersed and fled that without anie further expectation they tooke their waie homeward and reported to their state that the Romans were vtterly ouerthrowen Caesar departing from the tenth legion to the right cornet found his men exceedingly ouercharged the ensignes crowded together into one place and the souldiers of the 12 legion so thicke thronged on a heape that they hindered one another all the Centurions of the fourth cohort being slaine the ensigne bearer kild and the ensigne taken and the Centurions of the other cohorts either slaine or sore wounded amongst whom Pub. Sextus Baculus the Primipile of that legion a valiant man so grieuously wounded that he could scarce stand vpon his feete the rest not verie forward but many of the hindmost turning taile and forsaking the field the enemie on the other side giuing no respite in front although he fought against the
hill nor yet sparing the open side and the matter brought to a narrow issue without any meanes or succour to relieue them he tooke a target from one of the hindmost souldiers for he himselfe was come thither without one and pressing to the front of the battell called the Centurions by name and incouraging the rest commanded the ensignes to be aduanced toward the enemie and the Maniples to be inlarged that they might with greater facilitie and readinesse vse their swordes THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Publius Sextus Baculus was the chiefest Centurion of the 12 legion being the first Centurion of that Maniple of the Triarij that was of the first Cohort in that legion for that place was the greatest dignitie that could happen to a Centurion and therefore he was called by the name of Centurio primipili or simplie Primipilus and sometimes Primopilus or Primus Centurio By him were commonly published the mandates and edicts of the Emperour and Tribunes and therefore the rest of the Centurions at all times had an eie vnto him and the rather for that the eagle which was the peculiar ensigne of euerie legion was committed to his charge and carried in his Maniple Neither was this dignitie without speciall commoditie as may be gathered out of diuers authors We reade further that it was no disparagement for a Tribune after his Tribunality was expired to be a Primipile in a legion notwithstanding there was a law made I know not vpon what occasion that no Tribune should afterward be Primipile But let this suffice concerning the office and title of P. S. Baculus THE SECOND OBSERVATION ANd heere I may not omit to giue the Target any honour I may and therefore I will take occasion to describe it in Caesars hand as in the place of greatest dignitie and much honouring the excellencie therof Polybius maketh the Target to containe two foot and an halfe in breadth ouerthwart the conuexsurface thereof and the length foure foote of what forme or fashion soeuer they were of for the Romans had two sortes of Targets amongst their legionarie the first caried the proportion of that figure which the Geometricians call Ouall a figure of an vnequall latitude broadest in the midst and narrow at both the endes like vnto an egge described in Plano the other sorte was of an equall latitude and resembled the fashion of a guttertile and thereupon was called Scutum imbricatum The matter whereof a target was made was a double board one fastened vpon another with lint and Buls glew and couered with an Oxe hide or some other stiffe leather the vpper and lower part of the target were bound about with a plate of yron to keepe it from cleauing and in the middest there was a bosse of yron or brasse which they called Vmbo Romulus brought them in first amongst the Romans taking the vse of them from the Sabines The wood whereof they were made was for the most part either sallow alder or figtree whereof Plinie giueth this reason for as much as these trees are colde and waterish and therefore any blow or thrust that was made vpon the wood was presently contracted and shut vp againe But for as much as the Target was of such reputation amongst the Roman Armes and challenged such interest in the greatest of their Empire let vs enter a little into the consideration of the vse and commoditie thereof which cannot be better vnderstood then by that conference which Polybius hath made betweene the weapons of the Romans and the Macedonians and therefore I haue thought it good to insert it in these discourses And thus it followeth Of the difference of the Roman and Macedonian Weapons I Promised in my sixt book that I would make a comparison between the weapons of the Romans and Macedonians And that I would likewise write of the disposition of either of their armies how they do differ one from another in what regard the one or the other were either inferiour or superiour which promise I wil now with diligence endeuour to performe And for as much as the armies of the Macedonians haue giuen so good testimonies of themselues by their actions by ouercomming the armies as wel of those of Asia as of Greece and that the battailes of the Romans haue conquered as well those of Africa as all the Easterne countries of Europe It shall not be amisse but very profitable to search out the difference of either especially seeing that these our times haue not once but many times seene triall both of their battailes and forces that knowing the reason why the Romans do ouercome and in their battailes carie awaie the better we doe not as vaine men were wont to do attribute the same to fortune and esteeme them without reason happy victors but rather looking into the true causes we giue them their due praises according to the direction of reason and sound iudgment Concerning the battels betweene Hanniball and the Romans and concerning the Romans their losses there is no neede that I speake much For their losses are neither to be imputed to the defect of their Armes or disposition of their Armies but to the dexteritie and industrie of Hanniball but wee haue entreated therof when we made mention of the battels themselues and the end it selfe of that warre doth especiallie confirme this our opinion For vvhen they had gotten a captaine equall vvith Hanniball euen consequentlie vvith all his victories vanished And hee had no sooner ouercome the Romans but by and by reiecting his owne weapons hee trained his Armie to their weapons and so taking them vp in the beginning he continued them on vnto the ende And Pyrrhus in his war against the Romans did vse both their weapons and order and made as it were a medlie both of the cohort and phalanx but notwithstanding it serued him not to get the victory but alwaies the euent by some meanes or other made the same doubtfull concerning whom it were not vnfit that I should saie something least in being altogether silent it might seeme to preiudice this mine opinion But notwithstanding I will hasten to my purposed comparison Now touching the phalanx if it haue the disposition and forces proper to it nothing is able to oppose it selfe against it or to sustaine the violence thereof as maie easily by many documents be approued For when an armed man doth stand firme in the space of three foote in so thicke an array of battell and the length of their pikes being according to the first basis or scantling sixteene foote but according to the true and right conueniencie of them 14 cubits out of which are taken foure allowed for the space betweene the left hand which supporteth the same and the butte ende thereof vvhiles he standes in a readinesse to attend the incounter being thus ordered I saie it is manifest that the length of tenne cubites doth extend it selfe before the bodie of euerie armed man where with both his
handes he doth aduance it readie to charge the enemie By vvhich meanes it followeth that some of the pikes doe not onely extend themselues before the second third and fourth ranke but some before the formost if the phalanx haue his proper and due thicknesse according to his naturall disposition both on the sides and behinde as Homer maketh mention vvhen he saith that one target doth enclose and fortifie another one headpiece is ioyned to another that they maie stande vnited and close together These circumstances being rightly and truely set downe it must follow that the pikes of euerie former ranke in the phalanx doe extend themselues two cubites before each other which proportion of difference they haue betweene themselues by which maie euidently be seene the assault and impression of the whole phalanx what it is and what force it hath consisting of 16 rankes in depth or thicknesse the excesse of which number of rankes aboue fiue For as much as they cannot commodiously couch their pikes without the disturbance of the former the points of them not being long inough to enlarge themselues beyond the formost rankes they grow vtterly vnprofitable and cannot man by man make any impression or assault but serue onely by laying their pikes vpon the shoulders of those which stand before them to sustaine and hold vp the swaies and giuing backe of the former rankes which stand before them to this end that the front may stand firme and sure and with the thicknes of their pikes they doe repell all those dartes which passing ouer the heads of those that stand before would annoy those rankes which are more backward And farther by mouing forward with the force of their bodies they doe so presse vpon the former that they doe make a most violent impression For it is impossible that the formost rankes should giue backe This therefore being the generall and particular disposition of the phalanx we must now speake on the contrarie part touching the properties and differences as well of the armes as of the whole disposition of the Roman battell For euerie Roman soldier for himselfe and his weapon is allowed three foot to stand in and in the incounter are moued man by man euery one couering himselfe with his target and mutually moouing whensoeuer there is occasion offered But those which vse their swordes do fight in a more thinne and distinct order so that it is manifest that they haue three foote more allowed them to stand in both from shoulder to shoulder and from backe to bellie that they maie vse their weapons with the better commoditie And hence it commeth to passe that one Romaine soldiour taketh vp as much ground as two of those which are to encounter him of the Macedonian Phalanx so that one Romain is as it were to oppose himselfe against tenne pikes which pikes the said one soldior can neither by any agilitie come to offende or else at handy blowes otherwise annoy And those which are behinde him are not onely vnable to repell their force but also with conueniencie to vse their owne weapons Whereby it may easily be gathered that it is impossible that any battaile being assaulted by the front of a phalanx should be able to sustaine the violence thereof if it haue his due and proper composition What then is the cause that the Romaines do ouercome and that those that doe vse the phalanx are voyde of the hope of victorie Euen from hence that the Romaine armies haue infinite commodities both of places and of times to fight in But the the phalanx hath only one time one place and one kinde whereto it may profitablie applie it selfe so that if it were of necessitie that their enemy shoulde incounter them at that instant especiallie with their whole forces it were questionlesse not only not without danger but in al probabilitie likelie that the phalanx should euer carrie away the better But if that may be auoided which is easily done shal not that disposition then be vtterlie vnprofitable and free from all terror And it is farther euident that the phalanx must necessarily haue plaine champion places without any hinderances or impediments as ditches vneuen places vallies little hils and riuers for al these may hinder disioine it And it is almost impossible to haue a plaine of the capacity of 20. stadia much lesse more where there shall bee found none of these impediments But suppose there bee found such places as are proper for the phalanx If the enemy refuse to come vnto them and in the meane time spoile and sacke the cities and countrie round about what commodity or profit shal arise by an army so ordered for if it remaine in such places as hath beene before spoken of it can neither relieue their friends nor preserue themselues For the Conuoies which they expect from their friends are easily cut off by the enemy whiles they remaine in those open places And if it happen at any time that they leaue them vpon any enterprise they are then exposed to the enemy But suppose that the Romaine army should find the phalanx in such places yet would it not aduēture it selfe in grosse at one instant but would by little little retire it selfe as doth plainly appeare by their vsual practise For there must not bee a coniecture of these things by my words only but especially by that which they do For they do not so equally frame their battaile that they doe assault the enemy altogether making as it were but one front but part make a stande and parte charge the enemie that if at any time the Phalanx doe presse them that come to assault them and bee repelled the force of their order is dissolued For whether they pursue those that retire or flie from those that do assault them these doe disioyne themselues from part of their armie by which meanes there is a gap opened to their enemies stauding and attending their opportunitie so that nowe they neede not anie more to charge them in the front where the force of the phalanx consisteth but to assault where the breach is made both behind and vpon the sides But if at any time the Romaine armie may keepe his due proprietie and disposition the phalanx by the disaduantage of the place being not able to doe the like doth it not then manifestlie demonstrate the difference to be great betweene the goodnes of their disposition and the disposition of the phalanx To this may bee added the necessities imposed vppon an army which is to march through places of all natures to encampe themselues to possesse places of aduantage to besiege and to be besieged and also contrary to expectation sometimes to come in viewe of the enemie For all these occasions necessarilie accompanie an armie and oftentimes are the especial causes of victory to which the Macedonian phalanx is no way fit or conuenient Forasmuch as neither in their generall order nor in their particular disposition without a conuenient
which much directed them in this turbulent assault wherein they caried themselues as men acquainted with such casualties lastly the valour and vndanted iudgment of the General which ouerswaied the peril of the battel and brought it to so fortunate an end Wherin we may obserue that as in a temperate course when the issue of the battel rested vpon his directions he wholy intended warines circumspection so in the hazard and peril of good hap he confronted extremity of danger with extremity of valor and ouertopt fury with a higher resolution CHAP. XII The Aduatici betake themselues to a strong hold and are taken by Caesar THE * Aduatici before mentioned comming with all their power to aide the Neruij and vnderstanding by the way of their ouerthrow returned home againe and forsaking all the rest of their townes and castles conuaied themselues and their wealth into one strong and wel fortified town which was compassed about with mighty rocks and stiepe downefals sauing in one place of 200. foot in breadth where there was an entry by a gentle and easie ascent which passage they had fortified with a double wal of a large altitude and had placed mightie great stones and sharpe beames vpon the walles readie for an assault This people descended from the Cimbri and Teutoni who in their iourney into Italy had left such cariages on this side of the Rhene as they coulde not conueniently take along with them in the custodie of these forces who after the death of their fellowes being many yeares disquieted by their neighbours somtimes inuading other states and sometimes defending themselues at length procured a peace and chose this place to settle themselues in At the first comming of the Romaine army they sallied out of the towne made many light skirmishes with them but after that Caesar had drawne a rampier about the towne of 12 foot in height 15 miles in compasse and had fortified it with castles very thicke about the towne they kept themselues within the wall And as they beheld the vines framed the mount raised and a towre in building a far off at first they began to laugh at it and with scoffing speeches frō the wal began to aske with what hands with what strength especially by men of that stature for the Romaines were but little men in respect of the Galles a towre of that huge massie waight should bee brought vnto the walles But when they saw it remoued and approching neere vnto the towne as men astonished at the strange and vnaccustomed sight thereof they sent ambassadors to Caesar to intreat a peace with this message They beleeued that the Romaines did not make war without the special assistance of the gods that could with such facility transport engines of that height bring them to incounter at hand against the strongest part of their town and therfore they submitted both themselues and all that they had to Caesars mercy desiring one thing of his meere clemency that he would not take away their armes forasmuch as al their neighbors were enemies vnto them and enuied at their valour neither were they able to defend themselues if they shoulde deliuer vp their armor so that they had rather suffer any inconuenience by the people of Rome then to be butcherly murthered by them whom in former time they had held subiect to their command To this Caesar answered that hee would saue the city rather of his owne custome thē for any desert of theirs so that they yeelded before the Ram touched the wal but no condition of remedy should be accepted without present deliuery of their armes for he would do by thē as he had done by the Neruij and giue cōmandement to their neighbours that they should offer no wrong to such as had commended their safety to the people of Rome This answere being returned to the city they seemed contented to doe whatsoeuer hee commanded them and thereupon casting a great part of their armour ouer the wall into the ditch insomuch as they fild it almost to the top of the rampier and yet as afterward was known concealing the third part they set open the gates and for that daie caried themselues peaceably Towards night Caesar commanded the gates to be shut and the soldiours to be drawn out of the towne But the Aduatici hauing consulted together before forasmuch as they beleeued that vpon their submission the Romaines woulde either set no watch at all or at the least keepe it verie careleslie partlie with such armour as they had retained and partly with Targets made of barke or wrought of wicker which vppon the sodaine they had couered ouer with leather about the third watch where the ascent to our fortifications was easiest they issued sodainly out of the towne with al their power but signification thereof being giuen by fiers as Caesar had commanded the Romains hasted speedilie to that place The enemy fought very desperatelie as men in the last hope of their welfare incountering the Romains in a place of disaduantage at length with the slaughter of 4000. the rest were driuen backe into the towne The next daie when Caesar came to breake open the gates and found no man at defence he sent in the soldiors and sold al the people and spoile of the towne the number of persons in the towne amounted to 53000. bondslaues THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the surprise attempted by the Belgae vpon Bibract I set downe the maner which both the Galles and the Romaines vsed in their sodaine surprising of a towne whereof if they failed the place importing any aduantage in the course of the war they then prepared for the siege in that maner as Caesar hath described in this place They inuironed the town about with a ditch and a rampier and fortified the saide rampier with many castles and fortresses erected in a conuenient distance one from another and so they kept the town from any forraine succor or reliefe and withal secured themselues frō sallies or other stratagerns which the townsmen might practise against them And this manner of siege was called circumuallatio the particular description wherof I refer vnto the history of Alesia where I will handle it according to the particulars there set down by Caesar THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Ram which Caesar heere mentioneth was of greatest note amongst all the Romaine Engines and helde that place which the Canon hath in our warres Vitruuius doth attribute the inuention thereof to the Carthagimans who at the taking of Cadiz wanting a fit instrument to raze and ouerthrow a castle they tooke a long beame or timber tree and bearing it vpon their armes and shoulders with the one end thereof they first brake downe the vppermost ranke of stones and so descending by degrees they ouerthrewe the whole towre The Romaines had two sortes of Rams the one was rude and plaine the other artificial and compound the first is that which the Carthaginians
come to the hurt they speedily in a trice of time wound themselues from betweene them and the two Triremes met with such a carriere one against another that one brake her beakehead and the other split with the blowe For this skill and fortune withall Euphranor the Rodian was of great fame in Caesars time although his ende found too true the saying of the Historian that Whom fortune honoureth with many good haps she oftentimes reserueth to a harder destinie as other seamen besides Euphranor can truely witnesse This first brunt being ended when they came to grapple and boording one of another then the art and practises of their land seruices came in vse for they erected turrets vpon their deckes and from them they fought with engines and casting weapons as slinges arrowes and piles and when they entered they fought with sword and target Neither did the legionarie souldier finde any difference when he came to the point betweene their fight at sea and that at land sauing that they could not be martialed in troupes and bandes in regard wherof the sea seruice was counted more base and dishonourable and the rather in as much as it decided the controuersie by slinges and casting weapons which kinde of fight was of lesse honour then buckling at handy-blowes CHAP. VII The battell continueth and Caesar ouercommeth THE maner of their fightes being this as I haue described neither Brutus nor any Tribune or Centurion in his nauie knewe what to doe or what course of fight to take for the shipping of the Galles was so strong that the beake-head of their Quinqueremes could performe no seruice vpon them and although they should raise turrets according to their vse yet these would not equall in height the poupe of the enemies shipping so that therein also the Galles had aduantage neither had they any meanes whereby they might foile so great a nauie which amounted to the number of 230 shippes of warre One thing there was amongst their prouisions which stood them in great steed for the Romans had prouided great sharpe hookes or sickles which they put vpon great and long poles these they fastened to the tackling which held the maine yarde to the mast and then haling away their ship with force of Oares they cutte the said tackling and the maine yard fell downe Whereby the Galles whose onely hope consisted in sayling and yare turning of their ships lost at one instant both their sailes and the vse of their shipping And then the controuersie fell within the compasse of valour wherein the Romans exceeded the Gals and the rather inasmuch as they fought in the sight of Caesar and the whole Armie no valiant act could be smothered in secret for all the hilles and clifts which affoorded neare prospect into the sea were couered with the Roman Armie Their maine yardes being cutte downe and the Romans indeuouring with great furie to boord them failed not to take manie of their ships which the Galles perceiuing and finding no remedie nor hope of resistance began all to flie turning their ships to a forewind were vpon a sudden so becalmed that they were able to make no waie at all Which fell out so fitly for the Romans that of so great a nauie verie few through the helpe of the euening escaped to land after they had fought the space of 8 houres with which battell ended the warre with the Veneti and the rest of the maritimate nations For all sort of people both young and olde in whom there was either courage counsell or dignitie were present at this battell and all their shipping was taken and lost so that such as remained knew not whither to go nor how to defend their townes any longer and therefore yeelded themselues to Caesar in whom he vsed the greater seueritie that he might thereby teach all other barbarous people not to violate the law of nations for he slew all the Senat with the sword and solde the people for bondslaues THE OBSERVATION IN this battell I chiefly obserue the good fortune which vsually attendeth vpon industrie for amongst other prouisions which the diligence of the Romans had furnished out to the vse of this war they had made readie these hookes not for this intent wherin they were imploied but at all occasions chances that might happen as seruice able complements rather then principall instruments and yet it so fell out that they proued the only meanes to ouerthrow the Galles Which proueth true the saying of Caesar that industrie commaundeth fortune and buyeth good successe with extraordinary labour for industrie in action is as importunitie in speech which forceth an assent beyond the strength of reason and striueth through continuall pursuit to make good the motiues by often inculcations and at length findeth that disposition which will easily admit whatsoeuer is required In like manner diligence and laboursome industrie by circumspect and heedefull cariage seldome faile either by hap or cunning to make good that part wherein the maine point of the matter dependeth For euetie action is intangled with many infinite adherents which are so interessed in the matter that it succeedeth according as it is carried answerable to their natures Of these adherentes some of them are by wisedome foreseene and directed to that course which may fortunate the action the rest being vnknowne continue without either direction or preuention and are all vnder the regiment of fortune for as much as they are beyonde the compasse of our wisest reach and stand in the waie either to assist or disaduantage Of these industrie hath greatest authoritie in as much as she armeth her selfe for all chances whereby she is said to command fortune CHAP. VIII Sabinus ouerthroweth the Vnelli with the manner thereof WHILE these things happened in the state of Vannes L. Titurius Sabinus entereth with his forces into the confines of the Vnelli ouer whom Viridouix was made chiefe commander hauing drawne the Aulerci and the Eburonices with a great number of vagabondes and theeues into the same conspiracie Sabinus incamping himselfe in a conuenient place kept his souldiers within the rampier But Viridouix being lodged within lesse then two miles of Sabinus his campe brought out his forces daily and putting them in battell gaue him oportunitie to fight if he would which Sabinus refused in such sort that he began not onely to be suspected by the enemie of cowardice but to be taunted with the reprochfull speeches of his owne souldiers which opinion of feare being once setled in the mindes of the enemie he vsed all meanes to increase it and caried it so wel that the enemie durst approch the verie rampier of the campe The colour that he pretended was that he thought it not the part of a Legate in the absence of the Generall to fight with an enemie of that strength but vpon some good oportunitie or in a place of aduantage In this generall perswasion of feare Sabinus chose out a subtile
witted Gall whom he perswaded with great rewards and further promises to flie to the enemie and there to carrie himselfe according to the instructions which he should giue him This Gall comming as a reuolter to the enemy laide open vnto them the feare of the Romans the extremitie that Caesar was driuen into by the Veneti and that the night before Sabinus was about to withdraw his forces secretly out of his campe and to make all the haste he could to relieue Caesar Vpon which aduertisement they all cried out with one consent that this oportunity was not to be omitted but setting apart all other deuises to go and assault the Roman campe Many circumstances perswaded the Galles to this resolution as first the lingering doubt which Sabinus had made when he was offered battell secondly the intelligence which this fugitiue had brought thirdly the want of victuals wherein they had bin negligent and vnaduisedly carelesse fourthly the hope they conceiued of the warre of Vannes and lastly for that men willingly beleeue that which they would haue come to passe The force of these motiues was so strong that they would not suffer Viridouix nor the rest of the captaines to dismisse the councell vntill they had permitted them to take Armes and go to the Roman campe Which being granted they gathered rubbish and fagots to fill vp the ditch and with cheerefull harts as though the victorie were alreadie gotten they marched to the place where Sabinus was incamped which was the toppe of a hill rising gently from a leuell the quantitie of 1000 paces hither the Gals hasted with all expedition and to the intent the Romans might not haue so much time as to put on their armour the Galles for haste ran themselues out of breath Sabinus incouraging his souldiers gaue the signe of battell and sallying out at two seuerall gates of his campe it fell out that through the oportunitie of the place the wearines and vnexperience of the enemie the valour of the Roman soldier and their exercise in former battels that the Galles could not indure the brunt of the first incounter but presently tooke themselues to flight of whom verie few escaped And so it happened that at one time Sabinus had newes of the ouerthrow at sea and Caesar of Sabinus victory by land Vpon these victories all the cities and states yeelded themselues to Titurius for as the Galles are prompt to vndertake a warre so are they weake in suffering and impatient of the consequents and calamities thereof OBSERVATIONS THis practise of a counterfeit feare was often put in vse by the Roman leaders as well to disappoint the expectation of an enemie as to draw them into an inconuenience so to defeat them of their greatest helpes in time of battell Caesar comming to succour the campe of Cicero made such vse of this Art that he put to route a great Armie of the Galles with a handfull of men which I will referre vnto the place where it is particularly set downe by Caesar The chiefest thing in this place which brought them to their ouerthrow was disappointment for it is a thing hardly to be digested in businesses of smal consequence to be frustrated of a setled expectation when the minde shall dispose her selfe to one only intent and in the vpshot meete with a counterbuffe to crosse her purposes and so defeat her of that hope which the strength of her reason hath entertained how much more then in things of such importance when we shall proceede in a course of victorie and humour our conceites with that we wish and would haue to happen and in the end meete either with bondage or death must our best wittes be appauled hauing neither respite nor means to thinke how the euill may be best preuented Which the wise Romans well vnderstood and counted it no dishonour to be reproched with shamefull cowardice by such as knew not the secrets of wisedome while they in the meane time foresaw their good fortunes shrowded vnder the cloake of a pretended distrust Let these examples instruct a leader so to take the oportunitie of any such fortune that in the execution he omit not the chiefest points of order and discipline as well for the better effecting of the dessigne as for his owne safety and the securitie of his Armie For order is as the sinewes and strength of martiall discipline vniting the particular members into the firme composition of a well proportioned bodie and so it maketh it more powerfull then any number of disunited partes how able or infinite soeuer I might here alleadge infinite examples to confirme this truth but let the battell of Drux serue for all wherein the protestantes ouercharging the catholike Army followed the retrait so hard that they quickly became masters of the field and then neglecting martiall discipline fell in confusedly with the broken multitude to make the victorie more glorious by slaughter and mortalitie the Duke of Guise all this while bouged not a foot but in vnexampled patience kept his regiment close together and would not suffer them to rescue their general that was taken vntill the regiment of the Prince of Condie was likewise dispersed and broken and then perceiuing no difference of order betweene the Victor Protestant and the vanquished Catholike he dissolued that terrible cloud that had hung so long in suspence and so changing the fortune of the daie that he tooke the chiefest of their Princes prisoners with little or no losse of his owne men so powerfull is order in the deedes of Armes and of such consequence in obtaining victorie And thus we haue first seene the inconueniences which a counterfet feare well dissembled may cast vpon a credulous and vnaduised enemie when pretence and appearance hath brought them into an errour which their owne credulitie doth afterward auouch and secondly what strength and safetie consisteth in order and how powerfull it is to throw downe and to set vp CHAP. IX The Proceedings of Crassus in Aquitanie AT the same instant of time it happened also that Pub. Crassus comming into Aquitania which both in regard of the large extension of the countrey as also for the multitude of the inhabitants was named the third part of Gallia and considering that he was to make warre in those partes where L. Valerius Preconius the Legate was slaine and the Armie ouer throwen and where Lucius Manilius was faine to flie with the losse of his cariages he thought that his affaires required no meane diligence and therfore hauing made prouision of corne and mustered many Auxiliarie forces and sent for many valiant and prudent men from Tolouse and Narbone he caried his Army into the confines of the Sontiates which was no sooner knowne but they leuied great forces both of horse foote and with their horse charged vpon the Romans in their march which being easily repelled as they followed the retrait the infanterie of the Galles shewed it selfe in a valley as
it laie in ambush These setting vpon the Romans renewed the battell and there the fight continued hot a long time the Sontiates being animated with the former victories saw all the hope of Aquitanie relie vpon their vertue and the Romans on the other side desired to shew what they were able to doe of themselues without their grand Captaine and vnder the conduction of a young souldier At length the enemy ouerwaged with prowesse and wearied with woundes betooke themselues to flight of whom the Romans slewe a great number And then marched directlie to the towne of the Sontiates and laid siege vnto if the siege grew hot on both sides the Romans approched the walles with vines turrets and mounts the townesmen defended themselues some time by sallying out sometimes by vndermining the mounts and fortifications wherin the Aquitani are very skilfull But when they perceiued the industry of the Romans to exceed all that they were able to do they intreated Crassus to accept their rendry which being granted and al the armie intending the deliuery of their Armes Adcantuanus their chiefe magistrate fled out in the meane time at an other port of the citie with 600. deuoted companions whom they called Soldurij but as they attempted to escape the soldiers that kept that part of the fortification as they signified his cuasion by a clamour and shout the rest be tooke themselues to armes and so repelled him againe into the towne where he desired to bee taken in the number of the submissiue multitude Crassus hauing taken hostages of them went into the confines of the Vocontij THE FIRST OBSERVATION THese skilfull and experienced men which Crassus sent for out of all the Cities in Aquitaine were those whom the Romans called Euocati such as were free from warfare and exempted by their lawes from giuing their names in musters either by reason of their yeares or the magistracy which they had borne or for some other causes which gaue them that priuiledge And in that regard were sent for by letters intreating their assistance in the cariage of that war as men wel acquainted with the nature of such businesses Their places were nothing inferiour to the Centurions for aduise and direction although they had no part in command or authority THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN this fight we may further obserue their maner of defence against Mountes and Caualieros which we find chiefly to bee mines Iosephus in the Iewish warre saith that the Romans hauing raised an exceeding high mount the Iewes vndermined the same with such Art that as they digged vnderneath they supported the mount with huge props and planks that it might not shrinke and watching a time of greatest aduantage they set all the timber worke which vnderpropped the mount on fire which taking fire with the helpe of brimstone and pitch the mount fell vpon a sodaine to the great terrour and amazement of the Romans At the siege of Auaricum we find how the Galles by vndermining did take the earth from the mount as fast as it was caried vnto it by the Romans and so kept it from rising and made it vneffectuall But if it were for the most parte made of woode or other combustible matter they sought then by all meanes to burne it as it happened at the siege of Massilia and oftentimes when both burning and vndermining failed they confronted it with an other mount within the walles to disappoint the disaduantage by equall contesting of it and so made it vnprofitable Concerning mines this much may I saie without preiudice to that Art that the chiefest points to be respected are these First the true distance to a dessigned place which is best got by instrument and helpe of Geometrie where other markes of certainty are wanting secondlie the direction of the myne that wee may not erre in our course which the compasse affoordeth thirdlie the strengthening of the mine with timber worke if neede require lastly the countermining and crossemeeting All which parts haue very many circumstances and require a larger discourse then may bee thought pertinent for this place THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe strange contract betweene these Soldurij and their chiefetaine may wel deserue a place amongst these obseruations especiallie considering the obligatorie conditions which either party stood bound to obserue for the Captaine was to make his Soldurij partakers of all his happines in this life in regard whereof they were to take part of whatsoeuer ill chance or disaster shoulde happen to befall him If death which is the last end of all sensuall miserie tooke hold of their head these deuoted were tied voluntarilie to follow him the selfe same way neither in any memory was there ouer man found that refused to die if he to whom he was deuoted chanced to be slaine Which bloudy league of amitie as it was repugnant to the course of nature multiplying particular destinie to a generall calamitie so was it dangerous in a well ordered state if the ringleader were either ambitious or sought to practise any thing contrarie to good gouernement for hee himselfe would presume much vpon the assistance of his Soldurij and they on the other side must needs wish well to his attempts that were so interessed in his life death CHAP. X. The Galles raise new forces against Crassus THe barbarous Galles were much troubled that a towne of that strength should so soone bee taken and therefore they sent ambassadours into all quarters coniured one with another confirmed their couenants with mutuall hostages and leuied what power they were able to make sending for aide out of Spaine and from other states that bordered vpon Aquitaine at the comming of these forces they began to make warre with a great power and with many soldiours of great fame For they appointed such leaders as had seene the experience of Sertorius his warres and were great in the opinion of men for their skill and knowledge in the arte militarie these according to the custome of the people of Rome beganne to take places of aduantage to fortifie their campe and to intercept the Romaines from free passage of conuâ—ies and necessary entercourses Which when Crassus perceiued and considering withall that his owne forces were so few that hee could not well dismember them vpon any seruice or aduantage and that the enemy went out at his pleasure kept the passages and left notwithstanding a sufficient garison in his campe by which meanes their corne and prouision would in time grow scarce and the enemy waxed euery daie stronger he thought it his best course not to linger any longer but presently to giue them battel The matter being referd to a councel of warre when hee vnderstoode that all men were of the same opinion he appointed the next daie to giue them battaile and in the dawning putting his men in a double battaile and placing the Auxiliarie forces in the middest he attended to see what the enemy would doe The Galles although they were
knowledge of a Generall to enter into the consideration of this learning Wherein first I must laie for a maxime that which long experience hath made authenticall that the motions of the minde are either quicke or slow according as the complexion is tempered either with heat or cold for as the flegmaticall humor is of a moist cold and heauy nature begetting weake and grosse spirits and benumming the instruments with a liueles disability so is the motion of the internall faculties proceeding likewise after a slow maner according to the qualitie of the instruments whereby it moueth and therefore men of this watrish constitution are no way apt to receiue an impression nor to entertaine any sensible apprehension vnles it be beaten into them with often and strong repetitions and then also they proceede as slowlie in discoursing of the consequence and linger in the choise of their resolutions On the contrary part this flaua bilis being of a hote piercing nature and resembling the actiue vertue of the fire doth so purifie the instruments of sense and quicken the spirits with the viuacity of motion that they take the first impression as perfectly as if it had beene oftentimes presented vnto them with many strong circumstances And thence it happeneth that inasmuch as the Species is so readily receiued and possesseth the apprehending facultie with such facility of entrance that it moueth the other powers of the soule with as great efficacie at the first conception as if it had beene brought in with troupes of probabilities and strengthened with manifest arguments of vndoubted truth It followeth therefore by reason of the subtile and fit disposition of the instrumentes which proceedeth from heate the chiefest qualitie in choler that the obiect is at the first moment so strongly setteled in the first receiuing facultie that the other powers of the minde with as great speede manifest their offices concerning the apprehension and deliuer a sentence answerable to the strength of the first conception which maketh them so impatient of delaie and so sodainly to alter their former resolutions not suffering the discoursiue power to examine the substance thereof by conference of circumstances nor to giue iudgment according to the course of our intellectual court It behooueth therefore euery man in that vnsteady disposition especially in matter of moment to be suspicious of his owne credulity and not to giue place to resolution before his iudgement be informed by discourse of the strength or weakenes of the conceiued opinion But to leaue these speculatiue meditations to Philosophers of learned conceit for as much as the right vse of passions is either true wisdome or commeth neerest to the same I will onely touch in a worde what degree of choler best befitteth a soldier or howe it auaileth or disaduantageth in matter of warre And first it cannot bee denied that there is almost no passion that doth more eclips the light of reason or sooner corrupteth the sinceritie of a good iudgement then this of anger which we now speake of Neither is there any motion that more pleaseth it selfe in his owne actions or followeth them with greater heate in the execution And if the trueth chance to shewe it selfe and conuince a false pretended cause as the authour of that passion it oftentimes redoubleth the rage euen against truth and innocency Piso condemned a soldier for returning from forraging without his companion being persuaded that he had slaine him but at the instant of the execution the other that was missing returned and with great ioy of the whole army they were caried to the generall thinking to haue much gratified him with the manifestation of the truth but hee through shame and despight being yet in the torture of his wrath redoubled his anger and by a subtilty which his passion furnished him withall he made three culpable for that he found one innocent the first because the sentence of death was past against him and was not to bee recalled without the breach of law the second for that hee was the cause of the death of his companion and thirdly the executioner for not obeying his commandement Concerning matter of warre as it consisteth of differenced partes so hath choler diuers effectes In case of discourse and consultation when as the powers of the minde ought to bee cleere of all violent affections it greatly darkeneth the vnderstanding and troubleth the sincerity of a good iudgement as Caesar noted in his speech to the senate concerning Cateline and therefore a commander must by al meanes indeuor to auoid euen the least motions of so hurtfull a passion and season his affections with that grauity and constancy of spirit that no turbulent disposition may either hinder his vnderstanding or with-hold his will from following that course which reason appointeth as the best means to a fortunate successe alwaies remembring that al his actions are presented vpon a stage and passe the censure of many curious beholders which applaud graue and patient motions as the greatest proofe of true wisdom and disallow of passionate and headstrong affection as derogating from the sincere cariage of an action how iust soeuer otherwise it seemeth Concerning execution and furie of battaile I take anger to be a necessarie instrument to set valour on foote and to ouerwage the difficulties of terrour with a furious resolution for considering that the noblest actions of the minde stande in neede of the impulsions of passions I take anger to bee the fittest meanes to aduance the valiant carriage of a battaile for as feare is trecherous and vnsafe so anger is confident and of an vnquenchable heate and therefore a Commaunder ought by all meanes to suggest matter of anger against an enemie that his men may behold them with a wrathfull regard and thirst after the daie of battell to satisfie their furie with the bloud of their aduersaries If any vrge that it hath beene heretofore obserued of the Galles that in the beginning of a battel they were more then men and in the latter end they were lesse then women and therfore a cholerick disposition is not so fit for seruice as we seem to make it I answere that there is a difference between a disposition to choler such as was obserued in the Galles and the passion of anger wel kindled in the minde for the first is subiect to alteration and contrarietie of actions but the other is furious inuincible neuer satisfied but with reuenge And so that of Aristotle is proued true that anger serueth oftentimes as a weapon to vertue whereunto some answere very pleasantly saying it is a weapon of a strange nature for wee doe manage other weapons and this doeth manage vs our hande guideth not it but it guideth our hande it possesseth vs and not wee it as it happened in the raigne of Tyberius amongst the mutinous legions at Vetera and therefore a Commaunder ought to take greate heede whome he maketh the obiect of that anger which kindleth in
and them he appointed for the horsemen the rest of the Armie he committed to Q. Titurius Sabinus and L. Arunculeius Cotta commanding them to go to the confines of the Menapij and appointed P. Sulp. Rufus a Legate to keepe the port with a sufficient garrizon CHAP. X. Caesar saileth into Britanie and landeth his men THESE thinges being thus dispatched hauing a good winde in the third watch he put out to sea commanding his horsmen to imbarke themselues at the further port which was but slowlie performed hee himselfe arriued vpon the coast about the fourth houre of the daie where he found all the cliftes possessed with the forces of the enemie The nature of the place was such that the hils laie so steepe ouer the sea that a weapon might easily be cast from the higher ground vpon the lower shore and therefore he thought it no fit landing place notwithstanding he cast anker vntill the rest of the nauie were come vp vnto him In the meane time calling a councell of the Legates and Tribunes he declared vnto them what aduertisements he had receiued by Volusenus and told them what he would haue done and withall admonished them that the course of militarie affaires and especially sea matters that had so sudden and an vnconstant motion required all thinges to be done at a becke and in due time The Councell being dismissed hauing both wind and tide with him he waighed anker and sailed eight miles from that place vnto a plaine and open shore The Britaines perceiuing the Romans determination sent their horse and chariots before and the rest of their forces followed after to the place where the Romans intended to land Caesar found it exceeding difficult to land his men for these respectes the ships were so great that they could not be brought neere vnto the shore the souldiers in strange and vnknowne places hauing their hands laden with great and heauie weapons were at one instant to go out of the shippe to withstand the force of the billow and to fight with the enemie whereas the Britaines either standing vpon the shore or making short sallies into the water did boldly cast their weapons in knowen and frequented places and managed their horses as accustomed to such seruices The Romans being terrified with these thinges and altogether vnskilfull of this kinde of fight did vse the same courage as they were woont to doe in land seruices which when Caesar perceiued he caused the Galleies that were both strange to the Britaines and readier for vse to be remoued from the shippes of burthen and to bee rowed vp and downe and laide against the open side of the enemie that from thence with slinges engines arrowes the enemy might be beaten vp from the water side which stood the Romans in good steede for the Britaines being troubled with the strangenesse of the Galleies the motion of their Oares and the vnusuall kinde of engines were somewhat dismaied and began to retire backe and giue waie to the Romans but the soldiers still lingering and especially for feare of the depth of the sea the Eagle-bearer of the tenth legion desiring the Gods that it might fall out happely to the legion If you will saith he forsake your Eagle O ye souldiers and betraie it to the enemy for mine owne part I will do my duty both to the common weale and to my Imperator and hauing spoken this with a loud voice hee cast himselfe into the sea and caried the Eagle towarde the enemy the Romaines exhorting one another not to suffer such a dishonour to be committed they all leaped out of the ship which when others that were neere at hande perceiued they followed them with as great alacritie and pressed towards the enemy to incounter with them The fight on both partes was very eager the Romaines not being able to keepe any order of battell nor to get any firme footing nor to follow their ensignes forasmuch as euery man kept with those ensignes which he first met withal were wonderfully troubled But the enemy acquainted with the flats and shallowes as they beheld them from the shore to come single out of their ships putting spurs to their horse woulde set vpon them incombred and vnprepared and many of them would ouerlay a few others would get the aduantage of the open side and cast their weapons amongst the thickest troupes of them which when Caesar perceiued he caused the shipboates and smaller vessels to be manned with soldiours and where he sawe neede of helpe he sent them to rescue such as were ouercharged As soone as the Romaines got footing on the firme land they made head together and charged the enemy and so put them to flight but they were not able to follow them nor take the Iland at that time for want of horsemen which thing was only wanting to Caesars fortune THE FIRST OBSERVATION VPon this circumstance of landing I may iustly take occasion to handle that controuersie which hath beene often debated by our English Captaines which is whether it be better in question of an inuasion and in the absence of our shipping to oppose an enemy at his landing vpon our coast or quietly to suffer him to set his men on shore and retire our forces into some inland place and there attend to giue him battell It seemeth that such as first set this question on foot and were of an opinion that we ought not by any meanes to encounter an enemy at his landing for so wee might much endanger our selues and our countrey did ground themselues vpon the authority of Monsieur de Langey not obseruing the difference betweene an Iland and a continent For where he setteth down that position he plainly aimeth at such Princes as border one vpon an other in the same continent but where their territories are disioyned by so great a barre as the Ocean and haue not such meanes to supprise one an other it were meere folly to hold good that rule as shall better appeare by the sequell of this discourse Wherein I will first laie downe the reasons that may be vrged to proue it vnsafe to oppose an enemy at his landing not as beeing vrged by that party for I neuer hearde any probable motiue from them which might induce any such opinion but set down by such as haue looked into the controuersies both with experience and good iudgement And first it may be obiected that it is a hard matter to resist an enemy at his landing as well in regard of the vncertaintie of place as of time for beeing ignorant in what place hee will attempt a landing wee must either defende all places of accesse or our intentions wil proue meere friuolous and to performe that it is requisite that our defensiue forces be sufficient according to the particular qualitie of euery place subiect to danger which considering the large extension of our maritimate parts and the manie landing places on our coast will require a greater number of men then this
vertue might bee rewarded with honour and that time might challenge the priuiledge of a more worthie place the said distinctions and tearmes were religiously obserued for in the battell with Perreius at Ilerda in Spaine he mentioneth the death of Q. Fulginius ex primo Hastato legionis quartae decimae and in the ouerthrow at Dirrachium he saith that the eagle bearer being grieuously wounded commended the safetie of his ensigne to the horsemen all the centurions of the first cohort being slaine praeter principem Priorem And for the Triarij there is no tearme more frequent in Caesar then Primipilus which name by the rules of the ancient discipline but to the chiefest Centurion of the first maniple of the Triarij wherby it appeareth that the maniples kept the same names in regard of a necessarie distinction although peraduenture the Hastati were as good souldiers as either the Principes or the Triarij As touching the spaces betweene the maniples whereinto the first battell did retire it selfe if occasion vrged them I neuer found any mention of them in Caesar Excepting once here in England where in a skirmish the Brittaines so vrged the court of guard which kept watch before the Roman campe that Caesar sent out two other cohortes to succour them who making distance betweene them as they stoode the court of guard retired it selfe in safetie through that space into the campe otherwise we neuer finde that the first battell made any retrait into the allies betweene the maniples of the second battell but when it failed in any part the second and third went presently to second them as appeareth in the battell following with Arionistus and in diuers others Concerning the vse of this triple battell what can be said more then Lipsius hath done where he laieth open the particular commodities thereof as farre forth as a speculatiue iudgment can discerne of thinges so farre remote from the vse of this age which neuer imitateth this triple battell but only in a march for then commonly they make three companies a vangard a battell and a rereward but in imbattailing they drawe these three companies all in front making two cornets and the battel without any other troupes to second them But let this suffice concerning Caesar his manner of imbattailing and his triplex Acies vntill I come to the second booke where I will handle more particularly the parts of a legion and the commodity of their small battailions THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Macedonian Phalanx is described by Polybius to be a square battell of pikemen consisting of 16 in flancke and 500 in front the souldiers standing so close together that the pikes of the fift ranke were extended three foote beyond the front of the battell the rest whose pikes were not seruiceable by reason of their distance from the front couched them vpon the shoulders of those that stoode before them and so locking them in together in file pressed forward to holde vp the swaie or giuing backe of the former rankes and so to make the assault more violent and vnresistable The Grecians were very skilfull in this part of the Arte militarie which containeth order and disposition in imbattailing for they maintained publike professors whom they called Tactici to teach and instruct their youth the practise and Art of al formes conuenient for that purpose And these Tactici found by experience that 16 in flancke so ordered as they were in a phalanx were able to beare any shocke how violently soeuer it charged vpon them which number of 16 they made to consist of foure doubles as first vnitie maketh no order for order consisteth in number and pluralitie but vnitie doubled maketh two the least of all orders and this is the double which doubled againe maketh the second order of foure souldiers in a file which doubled the third time maketh 8 this doubled maketh 16 which is the fourth doubling from a vnite and in it they staied as in an absolute number and square whose roote is 4 the Quadruple in regard of both the extremes for euery one of these places the Tactici had seuerall names by which they were distinctly knowne But the particular description requireth a larger discourse then can be comprehended in these short obseruations he that desireth further knowledge of them may reade Elianus that liued in the time of Adrian the Emperour and Arianus in his historie of Alexander the great with Mauritius and Leo imperator where hee shall haue the diuisions of Tetrafalangia difalangia Phalangia vnto a vnite with all the discipline of the Grecians The chiefest thing to be obserued is that the Grecians hauing such skill in imbattailing preferd a phalanx before all other formes whatsoeuer either because the figure in it selfe was very strong or otherwise in regard that it fitted best their weapons which were long pikes and targets But whether Caesar tearmed the battell of the Heluetians a phalanx in regard of their thicke manner of imbattailing onely or otherwise for as much as besides the forme they vsed the naturall weapon of a phalanx which was the pike it remaineth doubtfull Brancatio in his discourses vpon this place maketh it no controuersie but that euerie souldier carried a pike and a target the target is particularly named in this historie but it cannot so easily be gathered by the same that their offensiue weapons were pikes In the fight at the baggage it is said that manie of the legionarie souldiers were wounded through the cart wheeles with tragulas materas which are commonly interpreted speares and iauelins and I take them to bee weapons longer then common dartes but whether they were so long as the sarissas of the Macedonians I cannot tell Howsoeuer this is certaine that the Heluetians haue euer beene reputed for the true phalangitae next vnto the Macedonians and that in their thicke and close imbattailing they failed not at this time of the forme of a phalanx for they roofed it so thicke with targets that Caesar saith they were sore troubled because many of their targets were fastned and tied together with piles darted through them Which argueth that their phalanx was very thicke thronged whatsoeuer their weapon was CHAP. VIII Caesar sendeth away all the horses of ease exhorteth his men and beginneth the battell BOTH the Armies being in this forwardnesse Caesar to take away all hope of safetie by flight first caused his owne horse and then all the prinate horses of ease of the Legates Tribunes and the rest of the chiefe leaders to be carried out of the battell and vsing some motiues of courage according as the circumstances afforded him occasion he gaue the signe of battell The Romans casting their piles with the aduantage of the hill did easily breake the Heluetian phalanx and then taking themselues to their swordes they did second the furie of the pile with a rude and violent close THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe ancient sages found it necessary
an army by an vnknown and vndiscouered way and marcheth blindfold vpon vncertaine aduentures is subiect to as many casualties and disaduantages as the other hath opportunitie of good fortune Let euery man therefore persuade himselfe that good discouerers are as the eyes of an army and serue for lights in the darkenesse of ignorance to direct the resolutions of good prouidence and make the path of safetie so manifest that we neede not stumble vpon casualties Caesar in his iourney to Ariouistus vsed the helpe of Diuitiacus the Heduan in whome amongst all the Galles he reposed greatest confidence to discouer the waie and acquaint him with the passages and before hee would vndertake his voyage vnto Britanie he well enformed himselfe by marchants and trauailers of the quantity of the Iland the quality of the people their vse of warre and the oportunitie of their hauens Neither was he satisfied with their relations but hee sent Caius Volusenus in a ship of warre to see what hee could further discouer concerning these points Suetonius addeth moreouer that hee neuer caried his army per insidiosa itinera vnlesse he had first well discouered the places Concerning the order which skilfull leaders haue obserued in discoueries we are to knowe that this point consisteth of two partes the one in vnderstanding the perfect description of the countrey and the second in obseruing the motions of the enemy Touching the first we finde as well by this as other histories that the Romains vsed the inhabitants of the country for guides as best acquainted with their natiue places that they might not erre in so important a matter prouided alwaies that their owne scoutes were euer abroad to vnderstand what they could of themselues that they might not altogither relie vpon a strangers direction The motions of the enemy were obserued by the horsemen and these for the most part were Veterani well experienced in the matter of warre and so the generall receiued sound aduertisements and yet they were not too forward vpon any new motion vnlesse they found it confirmed by diuers waies for some espials may erre either through passion or affection as it happened in the Heluetian warre If therefore the vse and benefit which prudent and wise commanders made of this diligence or the misfortune which the want of this knowledge brought vpon the ignorant haue any authoritie to perswade a circumspect care herein this little that hath beene spoken may be sufficient for this point THE FOVRTH OBSERVATION THe souldiers which Caesar sent to relieue Bibrax were Archers of Creta and Numidia and slingers of the Iles Baleares which are now called Maiorica and Minorica which kinde of weapon because it seemeth ridiculous to the souldiers of these times whose conceites are held vp with the furie of these fierie engines I will in briefe discouer the nature and vse of this weapon The Latines saith Isodore called this weapon funda quod ex ea fundantur lapides Plinie attributeth the inuention thereof to the Insulairs called Baleares Florus in his third booke and eighth chapter saith that these Baleares vsed three sortes of slinges and no other weapon besides for a boy had neuer any meate giuen him before he had first strooke it with a sling Strabo distinguisheth these three sortes of slings which the Baleares vsed and saith that they had one sling with long raines which they vsed when they would cast a farre off and another with short raines which they vsed neere at hand and the third with raines of a meane sise to cast a reasonable distance Lipsius saith that in Columna Antonina at Rome he obserued that the Balearean was made with one sling about his head another about his bellie and the third in his hand which might be their ordinarie manner of carrying them The matter whereof they were made was threefold the first was hempe or cotton the second haire and the third sinewes for of either of these stuffes they commonly made them the forme and fashion of a sling resembled a platted rope somewhat broade in the middest with an Ouall compasse and so by little and little decreasing into two thongs or raines Their manner of slinging was to whirle it twise or thrise about their head and so to cast out the bullet Virgill speaking of Mezentius saith Ipse ter adducta circum caput egit habena But Vegetius preferreth that skill which cast the bullet with once turning it about the head In Suidas we find that these Baleares did commonly cast a stone of a pound waight which agreeth to these dames in Caesar fundas librales The leaden bullets are mentioned by Salust in the warre with Iugurth and by Liuie where he saith that the Consull prouided great store of arrowes of bullets and of small stones to be cast with slings This weapon was in request amongst diuers nations as well in regard of the readines easie reiterating of the blow as also for that the bullet fledde verie farre with great violence the distance which they could easily reach with their sling is expressed in this verse Fundum Varro vocat quem possis mittere funda Which Vegetius interpreteth to be 600 foote Their violence vvas such as the same author affirmeth in his first booke and sixteenth chapter that neither helmet gaberdine nor corselet could beare out the blow but he that was hit with a sling was slaine sine inuidia sanguinis as he saith in the same place Lucrece Ouid and Lucan three of the Latine Poets saie that a bullet skilfully cast out of a sling went with such violence that it melted as it flew vvhereof Seneca giueth this reason motion saith he doth extenuate the aire and that extenuation or subtilitie doth inflame and so a bullet cast out of a sling melteth as it flieth But howsoeuer Diodorus Siculus affirmeth that these Balearean slingers brake both target headpiece or any other armour vvhatsoeuer There are also two other sorts of slings the one mentioned by Liuie and the other by Vegetius that in Liuie is called Cestrophendo vvhich cast a short arrowe with a long thicke head the other in Vegetius is called fustibalus vvhich was a sling made of a coard and a staffe But let this suffice for slinges and slingers vvhich were reckoned amongst their light armed souldiers and vsed chieflie in assaulting and defending townes and fortresses vvhere the heauie armed souldiers could not come to buckle and present the place of our Hargebusiers which in their proper nature are leuis armaturae milites although more terrible then those of ancient times CHAP. V. Caesar confronted the Belgae in forme of battell but without any blow giuen the Belgae attempt the passing of the riuer Axona but in vaine and to their losse they consult of breaking vp the warre CAESAR at the first resolued not to giue them battell as well in regard of their multitude as the generall fame and opinion conceiued of their valour notwithstanding he daily
themselues to the people of Rome The wars being thus ended and all Gallia being setled in peace there went such a fame of this warre among other barbarous people that from nations beyond the Rhene there came ambassadours to Caesar offering both hostages and obedience to whatsoeuer he commanded them But Caesar willed them to repaire vnto him againe in the beginning of the next sommer for as much as he then hasted into Lumbardie after he had placed his legions in their wintering campes For these thinges vpon the sight of Caesars letters a generall supplication was proclaimed in Rome for 15 daies together which honour before that time had happened to no man And thus endeth the second Commentarie OBSERVATIONS VPON THE THIRD BOOKE OF CAESAR HIS COMMENTARIES THE ARGVMENT THis Commentarie beginneth with an Accident which happened in the latter ende of the former sommer wherein the Belgae had so leane a haruest and then it proceedeth to the warre betweene Caesar and the Veneti Crassus and the Aquitani Titurius Sabinus and the Curiosolitae And Titus Labienus with the Treuiri CHAP. I. Sergius Galba being sent to cleere the passage of the Alpes was besieged by the Seduni and Veragri CAESAR taking his iourney into Italie sent Sergius Galba with the twelfth legion and part of the horsemen vnto the Nantuates Veragri Seduni whose territories are extended from the riuer Rhone and the lake Lemanus vnto the tops of the highest Alpes The ende of this voyage was chiefely to cleare the Alpes of theeues and robbers that liued by the spoile of passengers that trauelled betweene Italie and Gallia Galba hauing order if he found it expedient to winter in those partes after some fortunate incounters and the taking of some castles and holdes he concluded a peace and resolued to place two cohortes of his legion amongst the Nantuates and himselfe to winter with the other cohortes in a towne of the Veragri named Octodurus This towne being sited in a narrow valley and incircled about with mightie high hils was deuided by a riuer into two partes whereof he gaue one part to the Galles and the other he chose for his wintering campe and fortified it about with a ditch and a rampier After he had spent many daies of wintering and giuen order that corne should be brought thither for prouision he had intelligence vpon a sudden that the Galles in the night time had all left that part of the towne that was allotted vnto them and that the hils which hung ouer the valley wherein the towne stood were possest with great multitudes of the Seduni and Veragri The reasons of this sudden commotion were cheefly the paucitie of the Roman forces not making a compleat legion for as much as two cohorts wintered amongst the Nantuates besides many particulars that were wanting vpon necessarie occasions And to make them more contemptible in regard of themselues the place affoorded such aduantage that they were perswaded by reason of the steepe decliuitie of the hill that the Romans would not indure the brunt of the first assault besides this it greeued them exceedingly to haue their children taken from them vnder the title of hostages and the Alpes which nature had exempted from habitation and placed as boundes betweene two large kingdomes to be seased vpon by the Roman legions and vnited to their Prouince Vpon these aduertisements Galba not hauing as yet finished the fortification of his campe nor made prouision of corne and forrage for the winter season in that he little feared any motion of warre being secured of their amitie and obedience both by hostages and rendrie he presently called a councell of warre to determine what course was best to be taken In which councell the mindes of many were so amazed with the terrour of so vnexpected a danger when they beheld the hils pestered with armed soldiers the passages taken and intercepted by the enemie and no hope left of any succour or reliefe that they could thinke of no other waie for their safetie then leauing behind them their baggage and impediments to sallie out of their campe and so to saue themselues by the same waie they came thither notwithstanding the greater part concluded to referre that resolution to the last push and in the meane time to attend the fortune of the euent and defend the campe THE OBSERVATION WHich aduise although at this time sorted to small effect yet it better suted the valour of the Romans and sauoured more of tempered magnanimitie then that former hazard which argued the weakenesse of their mindes by their ouer hastie and too forward resolution For as it imported greater danger and discouered a more desperate spirit to breake through the thickest troupes of their enemies and so by strong hand to saue themselues by the helpe of some other fortune so it manifested a greater apprehension of terrour and a stronger impression of feare which can affoord nothing but desperate remedies for desperate and inconsiderate rashnes riseth sooner of feare then of any other passion of the mind But such as beheld the danger with a lesse troubled eie and qualified the terrour of death with the life of their spirite reseruing extremitie of helpe to extremitie of perill and in the meane time attended what chances of aduantage might happen vnto them vpon any enterprise the enemie should attempt I say they so gaue greater scope to fortune and inlarged the boundes of changing accidents CHAP. II. The enemie setteth vpon the wintering campe Galba ouerthroweth them THE councell being dismissed they had scarce time to put in execution such thinges as were agreed vpon for their defence but the enemie at a watchword giuen assaulted the campe on all sides with stones and dartes and other casting weapons the Romans at first when their strength was fresh valiantly resisted the brunt of the charge neither did they spend in vaine any weapon which they cast from the rampier but what part soeuer of their campe seemed to be in greatest danger and want of helpe thither they came with succour and reliefe but herein they were ouermatched For the enemie being spent and wearied with fight whensoeuer anie of them gaue place and forsooke the battell there were alwaies fresh combatants to supplie it but the Romans by reason of their small number had no such helpe For their extremitie in that point was such that no man was permitted neither for wearinesse nor woundes to forsake his station or abandon his charge And hauing thus fought continually the space of sixe houres when both strength and weapons wanted the enemie persisting with greater furie to fill the ditch and breake downe the rampier and their hopes relying vpon the last expectation P. Sex Baculus the Primipile of that legion whom we said to be so sore wounded in the Neruian battell and Caius Volusenus Tribune of the souldiers a man of singular courage and wisedome ranne speedily to Galba and tolde him that the only waie of safetie was to
breake out vpon the enemie and to trie the last refuge in that extremitie Whereupon they called the Centurions and by them admonished the soldiers to surcease a while from fighting and onely to receiue such weapons as were cast into the campe and so to rest themselues a little and recouer their strength and then at a watchword to sallie out of their campe and laie their safety vpon their vertue which the souldiers executed with such alacritie and courage of spirite that breaking out at all the gates of the campe they gaue no leasure to the enemie to consider what was done nor to satisfie his iudgement touching so vnexpected a noueltie And thus fortune being suddenly changed they slewe more then the third part of 30000 and put the rest to flight not suffering them to staie vpon the hils neere about them OBSERVATIONS WHich strange alteration liuely describeth the force of noueltie and the effectuall power of vnexpected aduētures for in the first course of their proceeding wherein the Romans defended the campe and the Galles charged it by assault the victorie held constant with the Galles and threatned death and mortality to the Romans Neither had they any meanes to recouer hope of better successe but by trying another waie which so much the more amazed the Galles in that they had vehemently apprehended an opinion of victorie by a set fight continuing the space of sixe houres without any likelihood of contrarietie or alteration Which practise of frustrating a dessigne intended by an indirect and contrary answere serued the Romans oftentimes to great aduantage as besides this present example in this Commentarie we shall afterward read how Titurius Sabinus defeated the Vnellos with the same stratagem and ouerthrew them by eruption and sallying out when they expected nothing but a defensiue resistance from the rampier From whence a commander may learne to auoide two contrarie inconueniences according as the qualitie of the warre shall offer occasion first if other thinges be answerable which a iudicious eie will easily discouer that a sallie made out at diuers portes of a holde will much mitigate the heate of a charge and controll the furie of an enemie And on the other side he that besiegeth any place what aduantage soeuer he hath of the defendant may much better assure himselfe of good fortune if he appoint certaine troupes in readines to receiue the charge of any eruption that the rest that are busily imploied in the assault may prouide to answere it without disorder or confusion Which order if the Galles had taken they had not in likelihood so often been deceiued CHAP. III. Galba returneth into the Prouince the Vnelli giue occasion of a new warre THE enemie being thus defeated Galba was vnwilling to trie fortune any further and the rather for that he wanted both corne and forrage and therefore hauing burned the towne the next daie he returned towardes the Prouince and without let or resistance brought the legion safe into the Nantuates and from thence to the Allobrogae and there he wintered After these thinges were dispatched Caesar supposing for manie reasons that all Gallia was now in peace and that there was no further feare of anie new warre the Belgae being ouerthrowen the Germans thrust out and the Seduni amongst the Alpes subdued and vanquished in the beginning of the winter as he went into Illyricum hauing a great desire to see those nations there grewe a sudden tumult and dissention in Gallia vpon this occasion Pub. Crassus wintering with the seuenth legion in Aniou neare vnto the Ocean and finding scarcitie of corne in those partes he sent out the Prefects of the horsemen and Tribunes into the next cities to demaund corne and other prouisions for his legion of whom Titus Terrasidius was sent vnto the Venelli Marcus Trebius to the Curiosolitae Q. Velanius and Titus Silius to the Veneti These Veneti were of greatest authoritie amongst all the maritimate nations in that coast by reason of their great store of shipping with which they did trafficke into Britanie and exceeded all their neighbour states in skill and experience of sea-faring matters hauing the most part of such as vsed those seas tributaries to their state These Veneti first aduentured to retaine Silius and Velanius hoping thereby to recouer their hostages which they had giuen to Crassus The finitimate cities induced by their authoritie and example for the same reason laide hold vpon Trebius and Terrasidius and sending speedie ambassages one vnto another coniured by their Princes and chiefest magistrates to approue their fact by common consent and to attend all the same euent of fortune solliciting also other cities and states rather to maintaine that libertie which they had receiued of their Ancestors then to indure the seruile bondage of a stranger THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe circumstance in this historie which noteth the sudden breaking out of warres when the course of thinges made promise of peace sheweth first what small assurance our reason hath of her discourse in calculating the natiuitie of After-chances which so seldome answere the iudgment we giue vpon their beginnings that when we speake of happinesse we finde nothing but miserie and contrariwise it goeth often well with that part which our Art hath condemned to ill fortune And therefore I do not maruel if when almost all nations are at oddes and in our best conceites threaten destruction one to another there happen a sudden motion of peace or if peace be in speech soothing the world with pleasing tranquilitie and through the vncertainty of our weake probabilities promise much rest after many troubles there follow greater wars in the ende then the former time can truely speake of Which being well vnderstood may humble the spirits of our hautie polititians that thinke to comprehend the conclusions of future times vnder the premisses of their weake proiectes and predestinate succeeding ages accorto the course of the present motion when an accident so little thought of shall breake the maine streame of our iudgment and falsifie the Oracles which our vnderstanding hath vttered And it may learne them withall how much it importeth a wise commander to preuent an euill that may crosse his dessigne how vnlikely soeuer it be to happen by handling it in such manner as though it were necessarily to confront the same For then a thing is well done when it hath in it selfe both the causes of his being and the direct meanes to resist the repugnancie of a contrarie nature and so hap what will it hath great possibility to continue the same THE SECOND OBSERVATION THis practise of the Veneti may instruct a circumspect Prince in cases of this nature to haue a more watchfull eie ouer that Prouince or city which shall be found most potent and mightie amongst the rest then of any other inferiour state of the same nature and condition for as example of it selfe is of great Authoritie making improbabilities seeme full
to the places of daunger as might bee answerable to the importance thereof for my meaning is not to lodge them close together but to stretch them out along the coast by regiments and companies as the country might affoord best oportunity to entertaine them Now concerning the latter part of this obiection which vrgeth the vncertainty of time when the enemy shall make his approches I holde it most requisite that our defensiue forces should be drawne into a heade before the enemy should be discouered neere our coast ready to put himselfe on shoare for it were a grosse absurdity to imagine that companies coulde vppon such a sodaine be assembled without confusion and make so long a march with such expedition as the necessity of the occasion would require Nowe for that husbanding respect of her Maiesties coffers which is vrged to such extremity as it would be vnsupportable for this state to beare as I doubt not but good intelligence would much qualifie that supposed immoderate expence so I assure my selfe that men of sound iudgement will deeme it much out of season to dispute about vnnecessary thrift when the whole kingdome is brought in question of being made subiect to a stranger Vt iugulent homines surgunt de nocte latrones Non expergesceris vt te ipsum serues the enemy peraduenture hath kept 30000. men in paie 2. months before to make hauocke of our countrey and to bring vs into perpetuall thraldome shal we thinke it much to maintaine sufficient forces vppon our coast to assure our selues that no such enemy shall enter into our countrey the extremity of this charge woulde bee qualified by our good espiall which would proportion our attendance with the necessity which is imposed vpon vs to bee carefull in businesses of this nature Let this suffice therefore to proue that our forces are sufficient to keepe the sea cost and that the vncertainty of time when the enemy will make his attempts ought not to hinder vs from performing that dutie which the care and respect of our Prince and countrey imposeth vpon euerie good subiect which is the substance of the first reason which I set downe in the beginning of this discourse Now concerning the second reason which vrgeth the disaduantage of the place in regarde of the fury of the enemies artillery True it is that such places as yeelde the enemy commodity of landing are for the most parte plaine and open and affoord naturally no couert at all What then shall a soldiour take euery place as hee findeth it and vse no arte to qualifie the disaduantages thereof or shall a man forgo the benefit of a place of aduantage rather then hee will relieue with industry the discommoditie of some particular circumstance I make no question but an ingenious commander being in seasonable time lodged with conuenient forces vpon any of those places yea vppon the beach it selfe which is vnapt to make defensible as anie place whatsoeuer woulde vse such industrie as might giue sufficient securitie to his forces and ouerwaie the enemie with aduantage of place especially considering that this age hath affoorded such plentifull examples of admirable inuentions in that behalfe but this cannot be done if our forces doe not make head before the instant of the enemies attempt that our commanders may haue some time to make readie store of Gabions handbaskets with such moueable matter as shal be thought fit for that seruice Neither let this trouble anie man for I dare auouch it that if our forces are not drawne into a heade before the enemie bee discouered vppon the coast although wee neuer meane to oppose their landing but attende them in some inlande place to giue them battaile our Commanders will bee farre to seeke of manie important circumstances which are requisite in a matter of that consequence And therefore let vs haue but a reasonable time to bethinke our selues of these necessaries and we will easilie ouercome all these difficulties and vse the benefit of the firme lande to repell an enemie weakened with the sea tossed with the billow troubled with his weapons with manie other hinderances and discouragementes which are presented vnto him both from the land and the sea He that saw the landing of our forces in the Iland of Fiall in the yeere 97. can somewhat iudge of the difficulty of that matter for what with the working of the sea the steepnesse of the cliffes the troublesomnes of their armes the soldiors were so incombred that had not the enemie beene more then a coward he might wel with 200. men haue kept vs from entering any part of that Iland Concerning the thirde obiection this briefelie shall bee sufficient that wee are not so much to regarde that our forces doe equall them in number as to see that they bee sufficient for the nature of the place to make it good against the enemies landing for wee knowe that in places of aduantage and difficult accesse a small number is able to oppose a great and wee doubt not but all circumstances duelie considered wee shall proportionablie equall the enemie both in number and qualitie of their forces alwaies presupposed that our state shall neuer bee destitute of sufficient forces trained and exercised in a competent maner to defende their Countrey from forraine enemies For the neglect thereof were to drawe on such as of themselues are but too forwarde to make a praie of vs and to make vs vnapt not onelie to oppose an enemies landing but to defende our selues from beeing ouerrunne as other nations liuing in security without due regarde thereof haue beene And this much concerning the answere to those three reasons which seeme to prooue that an enemie is not to bee resisted at his landing Nowe if we do but looke a little into the discommodities which follow vpon the landing of an enemy we shall easilie discouer the dangerousnesse of this opinion as first we giue him leaue to liue vpon the spoile of our countrey which cannot be preuented by any wasting spoiling or retiring of our prouisions in so plentiful a countrey as this is especially considering that wee haue no strong townes at all to repose our selues vpon Whereof wee neede no further testimonie then is deliuered vnto vs out of the seuenth booke of these Commentaries in that war which Caesar had with Vercingetorix Secondly obedience which at other times is willingly giuen to Princes is greatly weakened at such times whereby all necessary meanes to maintaine a war is hardly drawn from the subiect Thirdly oportunity is giuen to malecontents and ill disposed persons either to make head themselues or to flie to the enemy Fourthly the madnes to aduenture a kingdom vpon one stroke hauing it in our disposition to do otherwise with many other disaduantages which the oportunity of any such occasion would discouer THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe worde imperator which the Eagle-bearer attributeth to Caesar was the greatest title that could be giuen to a Romaine leader