Selected quad for the lemma: enemy_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
enemy_n	army_n	king_n	retire_v	1,094	5	8.9663	5	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A46402	A justification of the directors of the Netherlands East Indie Company As it was delivered over unto the high and mightly lords the States General of the United Provinces, the 22th of July, 1686. Upon the subject and complaint of Mr. Skelton, Envoye Extraordinary from the King of Great Brittain, touching the affair of Bantam, and other controversies at Macassar, and on the coast of Mallabar and at Gamron, in the Gulf of Persia. Likewise a justification in anwser to the several memorials lately given unto the States General by the Marques of Albeville, touching Meslepatam and other places in the Indies. Translated out of Dutch by a good friend, for the satisfaction of all such as are impartial judges of the matters now in dispute between the two companies.		1687 (1687)	Wing J1258A; ESTC R217123	63,452	144

Government of Batavia were fully assured that these Infractions and Troubles were occasioned to our Company only by the evilaffection and ill will of Madolena and Achena the two Chief Ministers of that Kingdom who had so remarkably injured the said Company and invented a way to incite their King against us without any right information how the case stood betwixt him and us which said Ministers a while after by reason of inward commotions occasioned by their ill management of Affairs came to a most miserable End. However the said Government of Batavia to the end aforementioned sent a Commissarie with full Commission and Power to treat with the King and if it might be to compose all things in a way of amitie But our Commissary was so unsuccessful that the King either could or would not assent to what we judged to be right and equal in so much that to acquire the foresaid reparation and satisfaction we were necessitated by force of Arms to assure and make our selves Master of Maslupatnam in hope thereby to induce the King the sooner to listen to an accommodation which also the 16. of July 1686. was effected without blood shed and the Kings Militia was caused to depart whereupon we fortifyed the City against any invasion which might happen And because the English Company had a Factory and a Lodge there for their Commerce and Traffick we by Letters in August following let them or their Ministers know that however we had the Power and possession of the City in our hands our intention was not in the least to hinder or incommodate their Traffick and that they might consequentially dispose of and lade their goods they had or could make ready in their Ships together with all their Provision and Marchandises which might by Sea be brought unto them and take it into their Lodge only that they should not dispose of them to the Subjects of that King nor after the expiration of six or eight weeks suffer any goods more to be brought to them out of the Country This being thus passed and we perceiving that the Enemy began to stirr and to cast up works to besiege us and gather an Army thereby to deprive us of our water and other means of Livelihood we sent out our men against them and with success raised the Kings forces by driving them out of their Tents and forasmuch as the Enemy had threatned and intended to burn the City which was all built of Combustible matter thereupon the English with diverse others of the Inhabitants for fear of being consumed by fire retired upward into the Country but the King soon after resolving to come to a treatie of accomodation with us which also was at length effected by the promising reparation of our Dammages and that for the future they should no more deal thus unjustly with us but suffer us to enjoy free trading as formerly all which being agreed unto we withdrew our Militia out the City and gave it up again into the hands of the King. This being the true state of the matter hereupon the English Company makes complaints by an Annex to which the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville hath relation over Injuries and Violences offered them at Maslupatnam under the pretext of a War which the Netherlandish Company had undertaken against the King of Golconda but they say they are well acquainted with such Tricks and Designs And that we made our selves Masters of Maslupatnam after the same manner we before haddon of Bantam to no other end then thereby to ruinate and deprive the English of their Traffick That we had play'd such prancks to often especially at Bantam and afterward at Sumatra however they doubted not but we should be responsable for the same That we forbade them after the Expiration of eight weeks to trade any more at Maslupatnam notwithstanding they there have had their place of Residence and Magasin above eighty or ninety years together and had built the same at their expences upon ground bought with their own money That in all the Treaties we have made with the Kings and Princes of those Countries we always endeavoured to exclude their Company from the Trade and Havens of those places thereby wholy to annihilate their Commerce but that notwithstanding the foresaid Insinuation they did intend to keep up their trading at Maslupatnam Truly here is a wonderful kind of Language and by it may be perceived how easy it is to Misconster a sincere and upright intention and wrest it to a bad sense The questions then naturally flowing from hence are these viz. First Whether our Company did undertake this War out of an evil intention and desire under that pretext to offer injury and violence to the English. Secondly Whether it be true that our Design was to make our selves Masters of Maslupatnam after the same manner as we had don of Bantam and with no other end and intention than thereby to effect the ruine of the Commerce of the English. Thirdly Whether it be true that we had forbode them their Traffick at Maslupatnam after the expiring of eight weeks Fourthly Whether it then were or yet is in the power of the Netherlandish Company to enter into such Leagues and Contracts with the Princes of those Countries by which other Nations should be secluded from trading in any of the Wares or Fruits growing in those Countries What concerns the first it is known to all that the East Indie Company of these Lands is the only erected Companie of Commerce for to enjoy by and thro an honest trading in Countries so far remote from us the profits which we hoped might thence ensue But forasmuch as we found by sad experience that we should have to doe with Nations which were not to be too much trusted and had evilly entreated many of our Traders yea murdered some of them which before an Octroy was granted had negotiated with them it seemed good to the States of our Country to prevent such mischiefs to qualify and Authorise by a granted Octroy to this Company to procure reparation by all such meanes as should be judged most convenient by them with further Authority to make Leagues and Contracts with the Princes and Potentates of those Nations and to erect and build Forts and Castles as might serve for their security These Wars then were not to be undertaken but only in case of urgent necessity after all wayes of Accommodation and condescention had in vain been attempted It is a thing that speaks of it self that between Marchandising and War there is no agreement and that Merchants can no wise have any interest thereby and the Companie therefore had precise Orders to shun it as much as possibly might be So that it is most absurd to suppose the Company should have engaged in that War against the King of Golconda so potent a Prince and only out of a jollitie of spirit A War which we knew aforehand that besides the cessation of Traffick would

weaken this assertion he confesseth that what he witnesseth thereof is not of his own knowledge but that he believeth it to be true upon the credit of persons of worth which of it self is enough to reject the same as also it is very observable what on this subject the foresaid Sr. Martin and others with him doe declare to wit that the Contest was not to dispose the King to the ejection of the English but to turn away the wrath and indignation of the King which because of their assistance of his Father and the Rebels he had taken up against them and thereby to deliver them from the loss of all their Goods yea life it self as out of revenge he had determined against them which also was so taken and acknowledged by the English Compagny at Bantam when by their Agent they returned thanks unto the Ministers of the Netherlandish Companie for their protexion But suppose the King had not been so incensed against them as hath been said and that he had not had design at all to be avenged on them yet the mere consideration of his security might have moved him to their ejection as beeing assured they assisted his Rebels and in apprehension that they as wel versed in warkely affaires might from England or Elsewhere reenforce themselves with ships and Soldiers besides the Perillous neighbourhood of their warehouse to his Castle his Father laying round about Bantam with his armie and keeping it yet for som moneths besieged and he as yet by his auxiliarie forces having onely the sea open might if he were not verie circumspect bee again suddenly assaulted or at least the English remayning in Bantam by spying all opportunities make discoveries to the enemies so as in way of providence it was requisite for him to do what he did If the Letters brought in the Processe be reviewed it wil appear whither it be true as is imputed to them that they of their own motion did send succours to the said King yea so as thereby if their most injurious aspersion were true to get him into their Klutches or on the contrarie that is was don at the Great and instant entreaties of the young King after that al wayes of reconciliation had in vain bin attempted But forasmuch as this assistance and succour is thus averslie and after so odious a manner declaimed it will be necessaire to relate the same somewhat more fully and more clearly to discover the occasion and progresse thereof After the Rulers of Batavia had ripely consulted about the constitution of the affaires of the young King they thought meet as also hath before bin specified to proffer their service of Mediation between the Father and the Son to which end they wrote two Letters in civil and obliging termes testifying their purpose and affection in a way of frindship to accommodate and lay by their questions and differences and with that Intention sent thir Plenepotentiaries with Letters the one to the Father and the other to the Son in a Ship prepared to that end after that som dayes before by way of advance they had also sent three other Ships but considering those Plenipotentiaries went unto a place where the parties on both sides were in armes and not being certain whither they might meet with friends or enemies they therfore judged themselves obliged to put them into a posture of defence furnishing them with weapons in case of necessitie to make resistance to sueh as forgetting the right of nations especially in that confused state of things and the respect that ought to be given to publick Persons might possiblie attempt to lay hold on and injurie them and this is that fleet of Ships and Barcks which in these and other of their writings they so much enhance and make a stir about as sent to Bantam to land our Troupes there Our forefayd Plenepotentiaries having wayted some time for an answer from the old King received none and not knowing what properly the intention of these men might as be to them sent a good troop of men to inform themselves more exactly of the State of things but being a little advanced they met some Europeans who by an English Man enquired of them wherefore they came to intermeddle with the differences of the two Kings whereuppon being answered that they came as friends to procure a peace between the Father and the Son they soon perceyved the design they had formed agaynst them for forthwith they saw a great troop of men gathered together making readie some fire Ships and other vessels fitted for warre making a shew as if they would fal foule with us who verilie were to few in number to have thoughts to attempt any thing agaynst so powrful an enemie who seemed to come agaynst them which also they did and came to the deed it self shooting at us and with their Canons which were Managed by the English they much endammaged our Ships whereby they perceived that they not onely did not accept of our Mediation but also that they treated us as enemies upon which they of Baravia soon resolved by force of arms to deliver the young King out of this Miserie and the brinke of death and to this end to send a suffitient power of Ships and Men to this assistance which also had that successe as before is mentioned The assistance which the English gave to the old King whereby the displeasure and wrath of the young King was so kindled agaynst them even to their ejection out of his country is so notoriously known to the world that besides the proofs which the Netherlandish ComPanie have alreadie alledged they yet further could bring hundreds of convincing testimonies but let onely the letters of the young King which he sent from his besieged castle to them of Batavia be produced and you shal hear him complayning in these formal words What reason hath the English Captain to help to shoot at me without once laying to hart that he is resident in my Land and Zea this is yet worse that Mr. Boyer one of the English Marchants at Bantam causes my house to be shot at not once thinking that I desired the King of England that he might be Captaine in the English Lodge Irequest of Capitain Moor Speelman that he wil warn the English not to com on shore to shoot at my house and assist mine enemie also with powder forasmuch as he hath his residence in my Land but not in the Land of Sultan Agon the old King as also to perswade them not to follow mine enemie seeing they drink my water and dwel in my Land and that they close no more with Sultan Agon if Captain Moor have love for me let him be pleased forceably to Insinuate this unto the English that above all things they shoot not at my house nor betake themselves to Land. The which also in a following Letter to the Major St. Martin he further confirmed Beside the said King did afterward make often Complaints

that they only required that the English Company after the expiration of eight weekes should let no more Wares of the Country to be brought into the City or to hold correspondence with the Enemies of the Netherlandish Company For if all what was carried out and brought in into the City should have been at the pleasure of the English Company while the Enemy lay posted with his Army round about the same it would certainly have been of too dangerous a consequence to the Netherlandish Company They might therefore during the time the City was in their power in matters of such a nature order and dispose of things as they judged most convenient Neither can any justly interpret this in an evil sense although it had been don here in Europe Namely to forbid that in a City surrounded and besieged by Land nothing be brought in and out and that thro the Army of the Enemy who undoubtedly neither could nor would permit the same But put the case that it might in some respect be controverted and disputed which certainly in reason can not be imagined yet then it ought to be enquired into whether by that Letter or Insinuation any dammage did accrue unto them For as before hath been said the English did of their own accord retire out of Maslupatnam leaving the City for fear of being burnt by fire And again they do not say that any stop or hinderance was done to them in their Commerce for on the contrary in their Answer unto the Insinuation as may be seen in the foresaid Annex to the Memorial of the Marquis of Albiville they affirm that they would continue their Traffick as before Thirdly the English had divers other Lodges more by or not far from Maslupatnam where they could without any molest drive their trade ●yea Madraspamen it self and the Fort St. George which was their own Place and Fortresse being also in the said Kingdom of Golconda and where they have their Capital or chief House of trading lying also neere thereunto And forasmuch as they could there receive Wares out of that Kingdom as well as out of Maslupatnam hence it manifestly appeareth that the suspition which the English Company would blot us with as if we had remarkablie injured them in their Traffick in the Kingdom of Golconda is altogether ungrounded and frivolous The following fourth Point concerning the making of Contracts Privative or by way of Seclusion with divers Princes in the East-Indies about some kind of Wares and Fruits growing in their Countries shall be spoken to hereafter upon the subject treating of the West Coast of Sumatra Comming then to the second Capital point to wit the Infraction and dammages our men should have done to the D●tch at Batancapas lying on the West-Coast of Sumatra we will with the permission of your Puiss Highnesses first a little speak of the commodiousness and conveniences of those Countries and then come to the Matter it self It is thus the foresaid Coast is divided into divers Regions and Jurisdictions of which Boncoulo Sillebaer and from thence to the South far beyond the Straites of Sunda do belong to the King of Bantam and again from Boncoule Northwards unto Sinckal are under the Command of the Netherlandish Company The Prince and People of these Countries were in part subjected to the Netherlndish Company for and in acknowledgment of the Benefits they had received from us being to our vast expences and trouble freed from oppression and having our promise to take them into our protection And partly by the War these mutinous and unfaithful people waged against us for thereby beeing subdued and brought under our power they were forced not only to acknowledg that Soverainity we had but also by Contract to oblige themselves to deliver unto us at a certain rate all the Pepper and other commodities their Countries yielded with excluding of all other Nations not only Indians but Europians also And what concerns Boncoulo it is true the English some years past came with their Forces and possessed themsclves thereof under pretext that the Old King of Bantam had during the Civil Wars in which he was taken Prisoner granted to them free Trading and Habitation at Sillebaer but were driven out of the last place by the forces of the King that now reigneth in Bantam they retired to Boucoulo and built a Fortresse there where they yet keep their abode and from thence did transport and wrest out of our hands a verie considerable part of Pepper we say wrested forasmuch as it was by Contract with Bantam made over to us whereby although they have intruded into what belonged to us to our great detriment yet we will pass that by as not being ignorant that such manner of Contracts and Obligations made with Princes in whose Countries where we have only Lodges or Factories doe give us no ful right actually to hinder other Nations for to buy and transport their Commodities but must leave it to the disposal of him that is Lord and Master of those Countries But that we should be constrained to suffer other Nations to come and Traffick in the Countries where besides such Contracts we have and exercise Superiority and permit them also for the security of their Commerce to build Forts there is a thing that none who are of a sound and sedate Judgment would so much as imagine and yet this is the question that here must be agitated For the English as hath been said did not only not content themselves to settle at Boucoulo the Territory of Bantam and build a Fortresse there but did advance even to Indraporina took post and erected a Fort there also and this they did notwithstanding the Protestations and friendly Informations of the Netherlandish Company against it as infringing their right in a Country in subjection for many yeares unto the Dutch Company and where they besides the Contracts made with the People doe exercise all Acts of Soverainty and of which they have the Agreements and Contracts lying by them to shew Now this is it for which the Dutch Company doth judge they have reason so greatlie to complain of which by and by we shall more fully speak Of the same nature is that of Batancapas of which in special mention is made in the foresaid Memorial and Annex lying between Indraporina and Sullida neer about three or four Miles from the last place mentioned properly appertaining to this Company where they of the English Company do themselves pretend that by or over against our Fort aforesaid they also erected one but were prevented by us and over which prevention they make heavie complaints in their said Annex but without any ground at all as shall appear by what followeth The Historie according as things were transacted is this After that Sapoele Boahandslaers unto whom Batancapas also was belonging being a perfidious and mutinous people had divers times before and now again of late lift up themselves against the Netherlandish Company breaking the