use his armes or aâ—â—â—e in a Priests house where nothing else were to be heard but their Offices and Masses Master Francis perceiv'd how much Castruccio was cheer'd upon the mention of horses and armes yet he standing a little out of countenance Mr. Francis again encouraging him to speak he answerd that if his Patron would therwith be content hee could not have a greater pleasure than to quit this calling of Priest and betake himselfe to that of a Souldier Master Francis was much satisfy'd with this reply and in a short time so negociated in this matter that Master Antony gave him up to his charge whereunto hee was the rather mov'd by the lads inclination judgeing thereby that he could not hold him much longer in his former course Castruccio then being preferr'd from Master Antony Castracani the Priests house to the Palace of Master Francis Guinigi the Commander it was a marvaile to think in how short a time hee attain'd to those vertues and good qualities which are requir'd in a compleate Cavaliere First he became an excellent horseman for he was able to manage the roughest horse at ease and though but a youth in jousts and tournaments hee was of prime remarque so that in any action of strength or activity none could exceed him These perfections besides were season'd with such manners and good qualities as that touching modesty it was incredible how that either in word or deed he gave no distaste to any to his superiours he yeelded reverence he was modest with his equals and pleasant with his inferiours which gain'd him favour not only in the whole Family of Guinigi but also in the whole City of Lucca It chanc'd in those times Castruccio being now arriv'd to eighteen yeares of age that the Gibellins were chasd by the Guelfes from Pavia in favour of whom Master Francis Guinigi was sent for by the Viscounty of Milan with whom went Castruccio as hee on whose shoulders lay the charge of the whole troops in which imployment Castruccio gave such proofs of his judgement and courage that not one in this expedition gain'd so much esteeme as he and his name became honourable not only in Pavia but throughout all Lombardy Castruccio being then return'd to Lucca of far greater esteeme than before his departure he was fayl'd not to his power to gaine himselfe friends practising meanes to win them But Master Francis Guinigi now chancing to dye and having left behind him a son nam'd Paul of 13 yeares of age appointed Castruccio his Tutor and the Governour of his estate having first causd him to bee cald to him before his death and intreated him that he would take upon him the care to bring up his son with that faithfulnesse he had found himselfe and that what kindnesses he could not returne to the father he would requite to the son And now at length Master Francis Guinigi being dead Castruccio left Tutour and Governour to Paul grew in such credit and power that the favour hee was wont to find in Lucca in some part was turn'd into envy and he was calumniated by many as who they doubted had some projects upon a tyranny Among whoÌ„ the principall was M. George Opizi head of the Guelfes faction This man hoping by the death of Mr. Francis to remaine without competitour in Lucca thought that Castruccio being left with that trust by the grace and favour his discret carriage gain'd him had bereav'd him of all meanes to attaine thereto and hereupon sowed many seeds of scandall against him whereby to choake his well-grown credit Which at first Castruccio disdeign'd but afterwards grew jealous of it for he thought that Master George would never rest till he had so far disgrac'd him with King Robert of Naples his Lievftenant as to cause him to chase him out of Lucca At that time there was one Vguccion of Fagginolo of Arezo then Lord of Pisa who by the Pisans was first chosen for their Commander and afterwards made himselfe their Lord. Divers out-law'd Luccheses of the Gibellin faction abode with Vguccion whome Castruccio practis'd to restore againe with Vguccions aid and this designe he communicated also with his friends at home who could no way endure the Opizies autority Having therefore given order as was requisite to this purpose Castruccio fortify'd the tower of the Honesti and furnishd it with munition and store of vittayls whereby upon occasion he might be able to defend himselfe therein for some time and the night being come which was agreed of with Vguccion hee gave the signe to him who was gone down into the plaine with much people between the mountaines and Lucca and having seene the signall hee came close to Saint Peters gate and fir'd the antiport Castruccio on the other side raisd a great cry calling the people â—o armes and forcd the gate on the other side within so that Vguccion entring with his men forcd the towne and slew Mr. George with all those of his Family and many others his friends and partisans and chasd out the governour and changd the State of the City as Vguccion lik'd best to the great dammage thereof for it appeard then that there were above a hundred families chasd out of Lucca Those that fled part went to Florence and part to Pistoya which Cities were then governd by the Guelfes faction and hereupon they became enemies to Vguccion and the Luccheses And upon this the Florentines and the rest of the Guelfes thinking the Gibellines faction growne too mighty in Tuscany accorded together to restore againe these exild Luccheses and having levyed a huge army they came to the vale of Nievole and seizng upon Mount Catino from hence they went to incampe at Mount Carlo whereby to have the passage open to Lucca Whereupon Vguccio having gatherd a good army of Pisans and Luccheses besides many Dutch horse which hee drew out of Lombardy went to find the Florentines campe which perceiving the enimies approach was removd from Mount Carlo and settled between Mount Catino and Pescia and Vguccion sate downe under Mount Carlo about some two miles off the enemy where for some dayes between the Horse of the two Armyes there passd some slight skirmishes for Vguccion being falne sick the Pisans and Luccheses refusd to come to battell with the enemy But Vguccions malady augmenting hee retird to Mount Carlo for his recovery and committed the charge of the army to Castruccio which was the Guelfes destruction for hereupon they tooke courage esteeming the enemies armies as â—eft without a head which Castruccio understood and lay still â—ome few dayes the more to confirme this their opinion making shew of feare and not suffering any one to goe out of the trenches and on the other side the Guelfes the more they saw this â—eare the more insolent they became and every day being orderd for fight they presented themselves before Castruccio's army who thinking hee had now enough emboldned them and having had full notice of what
order they kept resolved to come to the tryall of a day and first with his speeches hee confirmd his souldiers courage and shewd them the victory certaine if they would follow his directions Castruccio had seene how the enemy had plac'd all his strength in the body of the army and the weaker sort in the wings thereof whereupon hee did the cleanâ— contrary for hee put his beâ—â— souldiers in his wings and hiâ— flightest people in the body and issuing out of his trenches with this order so soone as ever heâ— came within view of the enemy which insolently as before they had wont came to find them out hee commanded that thosâ— squadrons in the middle shoulâ— goe on leisurely but that the resâ— should move with speed insomuch that when they came to joyne battell with the enemy only the wings of each army fought and the troops in the middle stood unimployd because the middle part of Castruccio'â— army had lagguerd so much behind that the enemyes body had not yet reach'd to them and thus the ablest of Castruccio's army came to fight with the weakest of the enemies and the enemieâ— strength lay idle not able to endammage those they were to encounter with nor could they â—ayd any of their owne party so that without much difficulty the enemies two winges were both put to flight and they in the middle seeing themselves left naked on each flanke without having whereupon to shew their valour fled likewise The rout and the slaughter were great for there were slaine above ten thousand men with many Officers and great Cavaliers of the Guelfes faction throughout all Tuscany and many Princes who came thither in favour of them to wit Peter King Roberts Brother and Charles his nephew and Philip Lord of Taranto but of Castruccio's side they came not to above three hundred among which Francis Vguccions sonne was slaine who being young and over venturous was killd at the first onset This overthrow much augmented Castruccio's credit so that Vguccion grew so jealous and suspitious of his owne State that hee continually busied his brains how to bring him to destruction thinking with himselfe that that victory had rather taken his poweâ— from him than settled it anâ— being in this thought while heâ— awaited some faire colour to effect his designes it happned thaâ— Pieragnolo Michaeli was slainâ— in Lucca a man of good worth and esteeme and the Assassinâ— fled into Castruccio s house where the Captaines and Serjeants going to apprehend him were affronted and hindred by Cstaruccio so that the murtherer by his ayd escapd which thing Vguccion who was then at Pisa hearing and deeming then heâ— had just occasion to punish him calld unto his owne sonne Neri to whom hee had now given the command of Lucca and chargd him that under colour of inviting Castruccio hee should lay hold on him and put him to death Whereupon Castruccio going familiarly into the commanderâ— pallaces not fearing any injury was first by Neri entertaind at supper and afterwards seizd on And Neri doubting lest by putting him to death without any publick justification the people might bee inrag'd kept him alive till hee were better informd by Vguccion what was farther to be done in that case who blaming his sonnes slownesse and cowardise for the dispatching hereof went out of Pisa with four hundred Horse towards Lucca hardly yet was he arriv'd at the Baths but the Pisans took armes and slew Vguccions Lieutenant and the rest of his family that remaind at Pisa and made Count-Gaddo of Gerardesca their Lord Vguccion before he came to Lucca had notice of this accident befalne in Pisa yet thought he it not fit to turne back lest the Luccheses like as the Pisans should also shut their gates against him But the Luccheses understanding the chance at Pisa notwithstanding that Vguccion was enterd Lucca taking this occasion to free Castruccio first began at their meetings in the Piazze to speake slightly of him afterwards to make some hub-bub and from thence came to armes demanding Castruccio to be set free insomuch that Vguccion for feare of worse drew him out of prison Whereupon Castruccio suddenly rallying his friends with the peoples favour made an assault upon Vguccion who finding no other remedy fled thence with his friends and so went into Lombardy to the Lords of Scala where afterwards hee dy'd poorly But Castruccio being of a prisoner become as Prince of Lucca prevaild so by his friends and with this fresh gale of the peoples favour that hee was made Generall of their Forces for a yeare which being compassd to gaine himselfe further credit in armes hee purposd to recover for the Lucchefes severall townes which rebelld after Vguccions departure and went also by the Pisans favour with whom he had enterd into league at the campe to Serezana and to winne that he had built over it a fort which being afterwards changed by the Florentines is now calld Serezanello and in two monthes space tooke the towne and afterwards in strength of this credit hee wonne Massa Carrara and Lavenza and in short time all Lunigiana and to stop the passage that comes from Lombardy into Luginiana he tooke Pontremoli and drew out thence Mr. Anastasia Palivicini who was Lord thereof Returning then to Lucca with this victory hee was met by the whole people whereupon Castruccio resolving not to deferre longer to make himselfe Prince by meanes of Pazzino of Poggio Puccinello of Porcico Francisco Boccansecchi and Cécco Guinigi at that time of great repute in Lucca but corrupted by him made himselfe Lord thereof and so solemnely and by resolution of the people was elected their Prince At this time Frederick of Baviere King of the Romans came into Italy to take the Imperiall crown whom Castruccio made his friend and went to him with five hundred Horse having left for his Lieutenant at Lucca Paulo Guinigi whom in remembrance of his father hee made account of as his owne child Castruccio was entertaind very honourably by Frederick who gave him many priviledges and made him his Deputy in Tuscany and because the Pisans had expelld Gaddo of Gerardesca and for feare of him askd succours of Frederick hee made Castruccio their Lord whom the Pisans accepted for feare of the Guelfes faction and in particular because of the Florentines Frederick then being returnd into Germany and having left at Rome a governour for his affaires in Italy all the Gibellins as well Tuscans as Lombarbs that followd the Imperial faction had their recourse to Castruccio and each promisd him the Principality of their native country provided that by his meanes they might bee restord among whom was Mattheo Guidi Nardo Scolare Lapo Vberti Gerozzi Nardi and Piero Buonacorsi all Gibellins and outlawd Florentines and Castruccio plotting by helpe of these and with his owne forces to become Lord of all Tuscany to gaine himself credit the more entred into amity with Mr. Mattheo Visconti Prince of Milan and traind up all
not bee put 〈◊〉 make triall of them again he bâ— took himselfe to his sleights anâ— he knew so well to disguise his intention that the Orsins by thâ— mediation of Paul Orsini weâ— reconciled to him to whom thâ— Duke was no way wanting in aâ— manner of courtesies whereby to bring them into security gâ—ving them rich garments mony and horses till their owne simplicities led them all to Sinigallia into his hands These head being then pluck'd off and theiâ— partisans made his friends thâ— Duke had laid very good foundations to build his owne greatnesse on having in his power alâ— Romania with the Dutchy of Vrâ—in and gaind the hearts of those people by beginning to give them â—ome rellish of their well being And because this part is worthy to bee taken notice of and to be â—mitated by others I will not let it scape The Duke when he had taken Romania finding it had been under the hands of poor Lords who had rather pillag'd their subjects than chastis'd or amended them giving them more cause of discord than of peace and union so that the whole country was fraught with robberies quarrells and all other sorts of insolencies thought the best way to reduce them to termes of pacification and obedience to a Princely power was to give them some good government and therefore hee set over them one Remiro D' Orco a cruell hasty man to whom he gave an absolute power This man in a very short time setled peace and union amongst them with very great reputation Afterwards the Duke thought such excessive authority serv'd not so well to his purpose and doubting it would grow odious he erected a Civill Iudicature in the midst of the countrey where one excellent Iudge did precide and thither every City sent their Advocateâ— and because he knew the rigours past had bred some hatred against him to purge the mindes of those people and to gaine them wholly to himselfe he purpos'd to shew that if there was any cruelty used it proceeded not from any order of his but from the harsh disposition of his Officer Whereupon laying hold on him at this occasion hee causd his head to bee struck off one morning early in the market place at Cesena where hee was left upon a gibbet with a bloodie sword by his side the cruelty of which spectacle for a while satisfied and amaz'd those people But to returne from whence wee have digressd I say that the Duke finding himselfe very strong and in part out of doubt of the present dangers because hee was armd after his owne manner and had in some good measure suppressd those forces which because of their vicinity were able to annoy him hee wanted nothing else to goe on with his Conquest but the consideration of France for hee knew that the King who now though late was advisd of his errour would never suffer him and hereupon hee began to seeke after new allyances and to waver with France when the French came towards Naples against the Spaniards who then besiegd Gagetta and his designe was onely to be out of their danger which had been effected for him had Pope Alexander liv'd And thus were his businesses carried touching his present estate As for the future hee had reason to doubt least the new successor to the Papacy would not bee his friend and would indeavour to take that from him that Alexander had bestowd on him and hee thought to provide for this fowre wayes first by rooting out the races of all those Lords hee had dispoyled whereby to take those occasions from the Pope Secondly by gaining all the gentlemen of Rome whereby he might be able with those to keep the Pope iâ— some awe Thirdly to make the Colledge of Cardinals as much at his devotion as possibly might bee Fourthly by making of so large Conquests before the Popes death as that hee might be able of himselfe to withstand the first fury of his enemies Three of these fowre at Pope Alexanders death hee had effected and the fourth hee had neare brought to a point For of those Lords he had stripd hee put to death as many as hee could come at and very few scap'd him hee gaind him the Romane gentlemen and in the Colledge hee had made a great faction And touching his new Conquest hee had a designe to become Lord of Tuscany And he had possessed himselfe already of Perusia and Piombin and taken protection of Pisa and so soone as hee should have cast of his respect to France which now hee meant to hold no longer being the French were now driven out of the Kingdome of Naples by the Spanyards so that each of them was forc'd to buy his friendship at any termes he was then to leape into Pisa After this Lucca and Siena were presently to fall to him partly for envy to the Florentines and partly for feare The Florentines had no way to escape him all which had it succeeded with him as without question it had the very same yeere that Alexander dy'd he had mâ—de himselfe master of so great forces and such reputation that hee would have been able to have stood upon his own bottome without any dependance of fortune or resting upon others helps but only upon his own strength and valour But Alexander dy'd five yeeres after that hee had begun to draw forth his sword and left him settled only in the State of Romania with all his other designes in the ayre sick unto death between two very strong armies of his enemies and yet was there in this Duke such a spirit and courage and hee understood so well how men are to be gaind and how to be lost and so firme were the grounds hee had laid in a short time that had hee not had those armies upon his back or had hee been in health hee would have carried through his purpose in spight of all opposition and that the foundations hee grounded upon were good it appeard in that Romania held for him above a month and hee remaind secure in Rome though even at deaths doore and however the Baglioni Vitelli and Orsini came into Rome yet found they none would take their parts against him And this hee was able to have effected that if hee could not have made him Pope whom hee would he could have hindred him that hee would not should bee Pope But had hee been in health when Alexander dy'd every thing had gone easily with him and hee told mee on that day that Julius the second was created Pope that hee had fore-thought on all that which could happen in case his father chanc'd to dye and for every thing provided its remedy this onely excepted that hee foresaw not that hee himselfe should at the same time be brought unto deaths dore also Having then collected all the Dukes actions me thinks I could not well blame him but rather as I have here done set him as a patterne to be followd by all those who by fortune
can make him vary for necessity comming upon him by reason of adversities thou hast not time given thee to make advantage of thy cruellties and the favours which then thou bestowest will little help thee being taken as if they came from thee perforce and so yeeld no returne of thanks CHAP. IX Of the Civill Principality BUt comming to the otheâ— part when a principall Citizen not by villany or any other insufferable violence but by the favour of his fellow-citizens becomes Prince of his native countrey which we may terme a Civill Principality nor to attaine hereunto is Vertue wholly or Fortune wholly necessary but rather a fortunate cunning I say this Principality is climb'd up to either by the peoples help or the great mens For in every City we finde these two humourâ— differ and they spring from this that the people desire not to be commanded nor oppressed by the great ones and the great oneâ— are desirous to command and oppresse the people and from these two several appetites arises in the City one of these three effects either a Principality or Liberty or Tumultuary licentiousnesse The Principality is caused either by the people or the great ones according as the one or the other of these factions have the occasion offerd for the great ones seeing themselves not able to resist the people begin to turne the whole reputation to one among them and make him Prince whereby â—hey may under his shadow vent their spleenes The people also not being able to support the great mens insolencies converting the whole reputation to one man create him their Prince to â—e protected by his authority He â—hat comes to the Principality by â—he assistance of the great ones â—ubsists with more difficulty than â—e that attaines to it by the peoâ—les favour for he being made â—rince hath many about him who account themselves his eâ—ualls and therefore cannot disâ—ose nor command them at his â—leasure But he that gaines the â—rincipality by the peoples favor finds himselfe alone in his throne and hath none or very few neare him that are not very supple to bend besides this the great ones cannot upon easie termes be satisfied or without doing of wrong to others whereas a small matter contents the people for the end which the people propound to themselves is more honest than that of the great men these desiring to oppresse they only not to be oppressed To this may be added also that the Prince which is the peoples enemy can never well secure himselfe of them because of their multitude well may hee bee sure of the Nobles they being but a few The worst that a Prince can look for of the people become his enemy is to be abandond by them but when the great ones once grow his enemyes he is not only to feare their abandoning of him but their making of a party against him also for there being iâ— them more forecast and craft theâ— alwayes take time by the forelocks whereby to save themselves and seeke credit with him who they hope shall get the mastery The Prince likewise is necessitated alwayes to live with the same people but can doe well enough without the same great men he being able to create new ones and destroy them againe every day and to take from them and give them credit as he pleases and to cleare this part I say that great men ought to be considerd two wayes principally that is if they take thy proceedings so much to heart as to ingage their fortunes wholly in thine in case they lye not alwayes catching at spoyle they ought to bee well honourd and esteem'd those that bind themselves not to thy fortune are to be considerd also two wayes either they doe it for lack of courage and naturall want of spirit and then shouldst thou serve thy selfe of them and of them especially that are men of good advice for if thy affaires prosper thou dost thy self honor thereby if crost thou needst not feare them but when they oblige not themselves to thee of purpose and upon occasion of ambition it is a signe they think more of themselves than of thee and of these the Prince ought to beware and account of them as his discoverd enemyes for alwayes in thy adversity they will give a hand too to ruine thee Therefore ought hee that comes to be Prince by the peoples favour keepe them his friends which he may easily doe they desiring only to live free from oppression but he that becomes Prince by the great mens favour against the will of the people ought above all things to gaine the people to him which he may easily effect when he takes upon him their protection And because men when they find good where they look for evill are thereby more endeard to their benefactour therefore growes the people so pliant in their subjection to him as if by their favours he had attaind his dignity And the Prince is able to gaine them to his side by many wayes which because they vary according to the subject no certaine rule can bee given thereupon wherefore we shall let them passe I will only conclude that it is necessary for a Prince to have the people his friend otherwise in his adversities he hath no helpe Nabis Prince of the Spartans supported the siege of all Greece and an exceeding victorious army of the Romans and against those defended his native countrey and State and this suffic'd him alone that as the danger came upon him he secur'd himselfe of a few whereas if the people had been his enemy this had nothing availd him And let no man think to overthrow this my opinon with that common proverb that he who relyes upon the people layes his foundation in the dirt for that is true where a private Citizen grounds upon them making his account that the people shall free him when either his enemyes or the Magistrates oppresse him In this case he should find himselfe often deceiv'd as it befell the Gracehyes in Rome and in Florence George Scali but he being a Prince that grounds thereupon who can command and is a man of courage who hath his wits about him in his adversityes and wants not other preparations and holds together the whole multitude animated with his valour and orders shall not prove deceiv'd by them and shall find he hath layd good foundations These Principalityes are wont to be upon the point of falling when they goe about to skip from the civill order to the absolute for these Princes either command of themselves or by the Magistrats in this last case their State is more weak and dangerous because they stand wholly at the will and pleasure of these Citizens who then are set over the Magistrates who especially in adverse times are able with facility to take their State from them either by rising up against them or by not obeying them and then the Prince is not at hand in those dangers to take the absolute authority upon
him for the Citizens and subjects that are accustomed to receive the commands from the Magistrates are not like in those fractions to obey his and in doubtfull times hee shall alwayes have greatest penury of whom hee may trust for such a Prince cannot ground upon that which he sees in peaceable times when the Citizens have need of the State for then every one runs and every one promises and every one will venture his life for him when there is no danger neare but in times of hazzard when the State hath need of Citizens there are but few of them then and so much the more is this experience dangerours in that it can be but once made Therefore a prudent Prince ought to devise a way whereby his Citizens alwayes and in any case and quality of time may have need of his government and they shall alwaies after proove faithfull to him CHAP. X. In what maner the forces of al Principalities ought to be measured IT is requisite in examining the quality of those Principalities to have another consideration of them that is if a Prince have such dominions that hee is able in case of necessity to subsist of himselfe or else whether hee hath alwaies need of another to defend him And to cleer this point the better I judge them able to stand of themselves who are of power either for their multitudes of men or quantity of money to bring into the feild a compleat armie and joyne battell with whoever comes to assaile them and so I think those alwayes to stand in need of others help who are not able to appear in the feild against the enemy but are forc'd to retire within their walls and guard them Touching the first case wee have treated already and shall adde somewhat thereto as occasion shall require In the second case wee cannot say other save only to incourage such Princes to fortifie and guard their own Capitall city and of the countrey about not to hold much account and whoever shall have well fortifi'd that towne and touching other matters of governments shall have behav'd himselfe towards his subjects as hath been formerly said and hereafter shall bee shall never be assaild but with great regard for men willingly undertake not enterprises where they see difficulty to work them through nor can much facility bee there found where one assailes him who hath his towne strong and well guarded and is not hated of his people The cities of Germany are very free they have but very little of the countrey about them belonging to them and they obey the Emperour when they please and they stand not in fear neither of him nor any other potentate about them for they are in such a manner fortifi'd that every one thinks the siege of any of them would proove hard and tedious for all of them have ditches and rampires and good store of Artillery and alwayes have their publick sellers well provided with meat and drink and firing for a yeere besides this whereby to feed the common people and without any losse to the publick they have alwayes in common whereby they are able for a yeere to imploy them in the labour of those trades that are the sinews and the life of that city and of that industry whereby the commons ordinarily supported themselves they hold up also the military exercises in repute and hereupon have they many orders to maintaine them A Prince then that is master of a good strong city and causeth not himselfe to be hated cannot bee assaulted and in case hee were he that should assaile him would be faine to quitt him with shame for the affayres of the world are so various that it is almost impossible that an army can lye incampt before a towne for the space of a whole yeere and if any should reply that the people having their possessions abroad in case they should see them afire would not have patience and the tedious siege and their love to themselves would make them forget their Prince I answer that a Prince puissant and couragious will easily master those difficulties now giving his subjects hope that the mischiefe will not bee of durance sometimes affrighting them with the cruelty of their enemies and otherwhiles cunningly securing himself of those whom he thinks too forward to runne to the enemy Besides this by ordinary reason the enemy should burne and waste their country upon his arrivall and at those times while mens minds are yet warme and resolute in their defence and therefore so much the lesse ought a Prince doubt for after some few dayes that their courages grow coole the dammages are all done and mischiefes receivd and there is no help for it and then have they more occasion to cleave faster to their Prince thinking hee is now more bound to them their houses having for his defence been fir'd and their possessions wasted and mens nature is as well to hold themselves oblig'd for the kindnesses they doe as for those they receive whereupon if all bee well weigh'd a wise Prince shall not find much difficulty to keep sure and true to him his Citizens â—earts at the beginning and â—atter end of the siege when â—ee hath no want of provision â—or food and munition CHAP. XI Concerning Ecclesiasticall Principalities THere remaines now only that wee treat of the Eccleâ—iasticall Principalities about which all the difficulties are beâ—ore they are gotten for they are â—ttain'd to either by Vertue or â—ortune and without the one or â—he other they are held for they â—re maintaind by orders inveâ—erated in the religion all which â—re so powerfull and of such naâ—ure that they maintaine their â—rinces in their dominions in â—hat manner soever they proceed â—nd live These only have an Estate and defend it not have â—ubjects and governe them not â—nd yet their States because unâ—efended are not taken from them nor their subjects though not govern'd care not think not neither are able to aliene themselves from them These Principalities then are only happy and secure but they being sustained by superiour causes whereunto humane understanding reaches not I will not meddle with them for being set up and maintaind by God it would be the part of a presumptuous and rash man to enter into discourse of them Yet if any man should aske mee whence it proceeds that the Church in temporall power hath attaind to such greatnesse seeing that till the time of Alexander the sixt the Italian potentates and not only they who are entitled potentates but every Baron and Lord though of the meanest condition in regard of the temporality made but small account of it and now a King of France trembles at the power thereof and it hath been able to drive him out of Italy and ruine the Venetians and however this bee well known me thinks it is not superfluous in some part to recall it to memory Before that Charles King of France past into Italy this countrey was under the rule of
by the â—aws that he exceed not his commissions And by experience wee â—ee that Princes and Republicks of themselves alone make very great conquests but that merceâ—ary armes never doe other than â—arme and more hardly falls a Republick armed with her owne â—rmes under the obedience of one of her owne Citizens than one â—hat is armd by forrein armes Rome and Sparta subsisted many â—ges armd and free The Swissers are exceedingly well armd and yet very free Touching mercenary armes that were of old we have an example of the Carthagians who neare upon were oppressd by their owne mercenary souldiers when the first warre with the Romans was finishd however the Carthagians had their owne Citizens for their Captaines Philip of Macedon was made by the Thebans after Epaminondas his death Generall of their Armies and after the victory he took from them their liberty The Milaneses when Duke Philip was dead entertaind Francis Sforza into their pay against the Venetians who having vanquisht their enemies at Caravaggio afterwards joyned with them whereby to usurp upon the Milaneses his Masters Sforza his father being in Joane the Queen of Naples pay left her on a sudden disarmd whereupon she to save her Kingdome was constraind to cast her selfe into the King of Arragon's bosome And in case the Venetians and the Florentines have formerly augmented their State with these kinde of Armes and their owne Captaines and yet none of them have ever made themselves their Princes but rather defended them I answer that the Florentines in this case have had Fortune much their friend for of valorous Captains which they might any way feare some have not been victors some have had opposition and others have layd the ayme of their ambitions another way Hee who overcame not was John Aeuto of whose faith there could no proofe bee made being he vanquisht not but every one will acknowledge that had he vanquisht the Florentines were at his discretion Sforza had alwayes the Bracceschi for his adversaries so that they were as a guard one upon another Francis converted all his ambition against Lombardy Braccio against the Church and the Kingdome of Naples But let us come to that which followed a while agoe The Florentines made Paul Vitelli their General a throughly advisd man and who from a private fortune had rose to very great reputation had he taken Pisa no man will deny but that the Florentines must have held fast with him for had he been entertaind in their enemyes pay they had had no remedy and they themselves holding of him of force were to obey him The Venetians if wee consider their proceedings wee shall see wrought both warily and gloriously while they themselves made warre which was before their undertakings by land where the gentlemen with their own Commons in armes behav'd themselves bravely but when they began to fight by land they lost their valour and follow'd the customes of Italy and in the beginning of their inlargement by land because they had not much territory and yet were of great reputation they had not much cause to feare their Captaines but as they began to extend their bounds which was under their Commander Carminiola they had a taste of this error for perceiving hee was exceeding valourous having under his conduct beaten the Duke of Milan and knowing on the other side how hee was cold in the warre they judg'd that they could not make any great conquest with him and because they neither would nor could not cashier him that they might not lose what they had gotten they were forc'd for their owne safeties to put him to death Since they have had for their Generall Bartholomew of Berganio Robert of St. Severin â—he Count of Petilian and such like whereby they were to feare their losses as well as to hope for gaine as it fell out afterwards at Vayla wherein one day they â—ost that which with so much â—aines they had gotten in eight â—undred yeeres for from these kind of armes grow slack and â—low weak gaines but sudden â—nd wonderfull losses And because I am now come with these â—xamples into Italy which now â—hese many yeares hath been goâ—ernd by mercenary armes I will â—earch deeper into them to the end that their course and progresse being better discoverd they may be the better amended You have to understand that so soone as in these later times the yoak of the Italian Empire began to be shaken off and the Pope had gotten reputation in the temporalty Italy was divided into severall States for many of the great cities took armes against their Nobility who under the Emperours protection had held them in oppression and the Pope favourd these whereby he might get himselfe reputation in the temporalty of many others their Citizens became Princes so that hereupon Italy being come into the Churches hands as it were and some few Republicks those Priests and Citizens not accustomed to the use of armes began to take strangers to their pay The first that gave reputation to these souldiers was Alberick of Como in Romania From his discipline among others descended Brachio and Sforza who in their time were the arbitres of Italy After these followd all the others who even til our dayes have commanded the armes of Italy and the successe of their valour hath been that it was overrunne by Charles pillagd by Lewis forc'd by Fardinand and disgrac'd by the Swissers The order which they have held hath been first whereby to give reputation to their owne armes to take away the credit of the infantrey This they did because they having no State of their owne but living upon their industry their few foot gave them no reputation and many they were not able to maintaine whereupon they reduc'd themselves to cavalery and so with a supportable number they were intertaind and honourd and matters were brought to such termes that in an army of twenty thousand souldiers you should not find two thousand foot They had moreover usd all industry to free themselves and their souldiers of all paines and feare in their skirmishes not killing but taking one another prisoners and without ransome for their freedomes they repaird not all to their tents by night nor made palizado or trench thereabout nor lay in the feild in the summer and all these things were thus contrivd and agreed of among them in their military orders whereby as is sayd to avoyd paines and dangers insomuch as they have brought Italy into slavery and disgrace CHAP. XIII Of Auxiliary Souldiers mixt and natives THe Auxiliary forces being the other kind of unprofitable armes are when any puissant one is cal'd in who with his forces comes to assist and defend thee such as in these later times did Pope Julius use who having seen the evill proof of his mercenary souldiers in the enterprize of Ferrara appli'd himselfe to the Auxiliaries and agreed with Ferdinand King of Spain that with his forces hee should ayd him These armes may be
army conspird against him Now on the contrary discoursing upon the qualities of Commodus Severus Antonius Caracalla and Maximinus you shall find them exceeding cruell and ravinous who to satisfie their souldiers forbeare no kinde of injury that could be done upon the people and all of them except Severus came to evill ends for in Severus there was such extraordinary valour that while hee held the souldiers his friends however the people were much burthend by him he might alwayes reigne happily for his valour rendred him so admirable in the souldiers and peoples sights that these in a manner stood amazd and astonishd and those others reverencing and honoring him And because the actions of this man were exceeding great being in a new Prince I will briefly shew how well hee knew to act the Foxes and the Lions parts the conditions of which two â— say as before are very necessary for a Prince to imitate Severus having had experience of Iulian the Emperours sloth perswaded his army whereof hee was commander in Sclavonia that they should doe well to goe to Rome to revenge Pertinax his death who was put to death by the Imperiall guard and under this pretence not making any shew that hee aspird unto the Empire set his army in march directly towards Rome and was sooner come into Italy than it was knowne hee had mov'd from his station Being arriv'd at Rome hee was by the Senate chosen Emperour for feare and Julian slaine After this beginning two difficulties yet remaind to Severus before hee could make himselfe Lord of the whole State the one in Asia where Niger the Generall of those armies had gotten the title of Emperour the other in the West with Albinus who also aspird to the Empire and because hee thought there might be some danger to discover himselfe enemy to them both he purposd to set upon Niger and cozen Albinus to whom hee writ that being elected Emperour by the Senate hee would willingly communicate it with him and thereupon sent him the title of Caesar and by resolution of the Senate tooke him to him for his Collegue which things were taken by Albinus in true meaning But afterwards when Severus had overcome and slaine Niger and pacified the affaires in the East being returnd to Rome hee complaind in the Senate of Albinus how little weighing the benefits received from him hee had sought to slay him by treason and therefore was hee forc'd to goe punish his ingratitude afterwards hee went into France where hee bereft him both of his State and life Whoever then shall in particular examine his actions shall finde hee was a very cruell Lion and as crafty a Foxe and shall see that hee was alwayes feard and reverenc'd by every one and by the armies not hated and shall nothing marvell that hee being a new man was able to hold tâ—gether such a great Empire for his extraordinary reputation defended him alwayes from that hatred which the people for his extortions might have conceiv'd against him But Antonius his sonne was also an exceeding brave man and endued with most excellent qualities which causd him to be admird by the people and acceptable to the souldiers because hee was a warrlike man enduring all kind of travell and paines despising all delicate food and all kinde of effeminacy which gaind him the love of all the armies neverthelesse his fiercenesse and cruelty were such and so hideous having upon many particular occasions put to death a great part of the people of Rome and all those of Alexandria that hee grew odious to the world and began to bee feard by those also that were neare about him so that hee was slaine by a Centurion in the very midst of his army Where it is to be noted that these kinde of deaths which follow upon the deliberation of a resolv'd and obstinate minde cannot by a Prince be avoyded for every one that feares not to dye is able to doe it but a Prince ought to be lesse afraid of it because it very seldome falls out Only should hee beware not to doe any extreame injury to any of those of whom he serves himselfe or that hee hath near about him in any imployment of his Principality as Antonius did who had reproachfully slaine a brother of that Centurion also threatned him every day and neverthelesse entertaind him still as one of the guards of his body which was a rash course taken and the way to destruction as befell him But let us come to Commodus for whom it was very easie to hold the Empire by reason it descended upon him by inheritance being Marcus his sonnâ— and it had been enough for him to follow his fathers footsteps and then had hee contented both the people and the souldiers but being of a cruell and savage disposition whereby to excercise his actions upon the people hee gave himselfe to entertaine armies and those in all licentiousnesse On the other part not maintaining his dignity but often descending upon the stages to combate with fencers and doing such other like base things little worthy of the Imperiall majesty hee became contemptible in the souldiers sight and being hated of one part and dispisd of the other he was conspird against and slaine It remaines now that wee declare Maximinus his conditions who was a very warrlike man and the armies loathing Alexanders effeminacy whereof I spake before when they had slain him chose this man Emperour who not long continu'd so because two things there were that brought him into hatred and contempt the one because hee was very base having kept cattell in Thrace which was well knowne to every one and made them to scorne him the other because in the beginning of his Principality having delayd to goe to Rome and enter into possession of the Imperiall throne he had gaind the infamy of being thought exceding cruell having by his Prefects in Rome and in every place of the Empire exercisd many cruelties insomuch that the whole world being provok'd against him to contempt for the basenesse of his blood on the other side upon the hatred conceiv'd against him for feare of his cruelty first Affrica afterwards the Senate with all the people of Rome and all Italy conspird against him with whom his own army took part which incamping before Aquileya and finding some difficulty to take the town being weary of his cruelties because they saw he had so many enemies fearing him the lesse slew him I purpose not to say any thing either of Heliogabalus Macrinus or Julian who because they were throughly base were suudenly extinguishd but I will come to the conclusion of this discourse and I say that the Princes of our times have lesse of this difficulty to satisfie the Souldiers extraordinarily in their governments for notwithstanding that there be some consideration to bee had of them yet presently are those armies dissolv'd because none of these Princes do use to maintaine any armies together which are annex'd and inveterated
the place than by the enimy all tooke them to flight and the flight began from those who were behind towards Pistoya who dispersing themselves all along the plaine every one where hee best could provided for his safegard This defait was very great and bloody many Commanders were taken among which was Bandino of Rossi Prancesco Brunnelleschi and John of Tosa all noble Florentines and many other Tuscans besides divers of the Kingdome of Naples who being sent by King Robert in favour of the Guelfes serv'd under the Florentines The Pistoyeses hearing of this rout without delay chasing out the faction of the Guelfes yeelded themselves to Castruccio Who not contented herewith tooke Piato and all the Castles of the plaine as well on this as on the other side of Arno and set himselfe downe with his army in the plaine of Perettola some two miles of from Florence where hee abode many dayes to divide the spoyle and to feast for joy of the victory gotten causing moneys to be stamp'd in scorne of the Florentines and races to be runne by horse men and queanes neither faild hee to endeavour to corrupt some noble Citizens to open to him in the night the gates of Florence but the conspiracy being discoverd they were taken and beheaded among whom was Thomas Lupacco and Lambertuccio Frescobaldi Hereupon the Florentines being affrighted upon this defeat hardly knew any remedy to preserve their liberty and to the end they might bee sure of ayd sent Ambassadours to Robert King of Naples to give him the City and the dominion thereof Which that King accepted of not somuch for the honour the Florentines had done him as for that hee knew well how much it imported his State that the Guelfes faction should maintaine the State of Tuscany and having agreed with the Florentines to have of them two hundred thousand Florins by the yeare hee sent Charles his sonne with foure thousand Horse to Florence so that the Florentines were somewhat easd of Castruccio's troopes for thâ—y were constraind to leave their territories and to goe to Pisa there to represse a conspiracy made against him by Benedicto Lanfranchi one the cheife of Pisa who not being able to endure that his native country should be enthralld to a Lucchese conspird against him plotting to seize upon the Cittadell and to chace out the garrison and to slay those of Castruccio's party But because in such matters if the small number be fit to keepe the secret yet suffices it not to put it in execution while hee went about to gaine more men to his purpose some there was that bewrayd his plot to Castruccio neither passd this discovery without the infamy of Bonifacio Cerchi and John Guidi Florentines who were neare neighbours to Pisa whereupon Benedicto being layd hand on was put to death and all the rest of that Family banisht and many other Noble Citizens beheaded and thinking with himselfe that Pistoya and Pisa were not very faithfull unto him he tooke care both by his industry and forces to secure himselfe thereof which gave leysure to the Florentines to recover their strength and to be able to attend the returne of Charles who being arriv'd they determined to lose no longer time and gatherd a great number of men for they calld together to their ayd in a manner all the Guelfes in Italy and made an exceeding great army of more than 30000 Foot and 10000 Horse and having advisd which were first to bee assaild either Pistoya or Pisa they resolv'd it were better to set first upon Pisa being a thing more likely to succeed by reason of the late conspiracy there as also of more profit deeming that if Pisa were once gotten Pistoya would soone render of it selfe The Florentines then going forth with this army in the beginning of May 1328 suddenly tooke Lastra Signia Mount Lupo and Empoli and came with their army to St. Miniato Castruccio on the other part perceiving this great army which the Florentines had brought against him was nothing startled but rather thought that this was the time when Fortune was to give him in his hand the whole dominion of Tuscany beleeving they should have no better successe in this of Pisa than formerly they had in that of Serravalle and that now they could not hope to repaire themselves againe as then whereupon assembling twenty thousand Foot and 4000 Horse hee brought his army to Fucechio and sent Paul Guinigi with 5000 Foot to Pisa Fucechio is seated in a stronger place than any other Castle upon the territory of Pisa because it is in the midst between the Gusciana and the Arno and a little raisd from the plaine where he abiding the enemies were not able unlesse they divided their army into two parts to hinder his provision either from Lucca or Pisa neither could they but upon disadvantage either come upon him or goe towards Pisa for in one case they might be inclosd in the midst between Castruccios troopes and those of Pisa in the other case having the Arno to passe they could not doe it with the enemy on their backs without very great danger And Castruccio for their incouragement to undertake the passage had not plac d himselfe with his troopes along the banke of Arno but a little aside neare unto the walls of Fucechio and had left distance enough between the River and him The Florentines having gotten St. Miniato advisd whether were to be done either to goe to Pisa or to find out Castruccio and having measured the difficulties of both courses they resolvd to goe and invest him The river Arno was so low that a man might wade over it but yet not so but that the infantery was wet to the shoulders and the Horse even to the saddle Upon the tenth day then of June in the morning the Florentines in battell array causd part of their Cavalery to begin to passe and a body of ten thousand Foot Castruccio who stood ready and intent to what hee had in his mind to doe with a battalion of five thousand Foot and three thousand Horse fell upon them neither give hee them any time to get out of the water but that hee was at blowes with them hee sent a thousand light armd Foot up by the banke on that part under the Arno and a thousand above it The Florentines Foot were mueh distressed with the water and weight of their armes nor had they all yet got over the channell of the river When some of the Horse had passd by reason that they had moord the bottome of the Arno they made the passage the uneasier for them that came after them for the bottome proving rotten and miry some of the Horse came over and over on their riders and many stuck so fast in the mud that they were there stabled whereupon the Florentine Commanders seeing the difficulty to passe on that part causd them to retire and make proofe of a higher part of the river whereby to finde a sounder
bottome and the channell more favorable for their passage against whom those whom Castruccio had sent under the banke made resistance who slightly armd with targets and darts in their hands with huge outcryes wounded them both in the face and brest insomuch that the horses affrighted both with the cryes and strokes would in no wise passe forwards but fell foule one upon another the fight between Castruccio's men and those that were already past was sharp and terrible and of each side there fell many and every one usd all his skill and strength to overcome his adversary Castruccio's men would force them back into the river the Florentines striv'd to put forwards to make place for others that being come forth of the water they might be able to stand to the fight to which obstinacy there was added the Captaines encouragements Castruccio put his men in mind that these were the same enemies which but a little while agoe they had beaten at Sarravalle The Florentines reproachd theirs that they being many should suffer a few to overcome them But Castruccio perceiving that the fight lasted and that his owne and his adversaries were well wearied and that on each side many were hurt and slaine hee sent out another band of five thousand Foot and when hee brought them up to the very back of his owne that fought hee gave order that they before should open and wheele about one on the right hand the other on the left and so retire which thing done gave roome to the Florentines to advance and gaine some ground But when once they came to handy blowes the fresh men with those that were tir'd they staid not long ere they forc'd them back into the river between the Horse of the one side and the other yet there was not much advantage whereupon Castruccio knowing his owne inferiour had given order to the leaders that they should only maintaine fight as hee that hop'd to overcome the Foot which done he might bee able with more ease to overcome the Horse which fell out as hee purposd for having seene the Foot forc'd back into the river hee sent the rest of his infantery against the enemies Horse who with lances and darts wounding them and the Cavalery also pressing them with greater fury put them to flight The Florentine Commanders seeing the difficulty that their Horse had to passe strove to make their Foot passe on that part beneath the river to fight with the flanke of Castruccio's troops But the channell being deep and all above already possest by his men all this prov'd vaine Whereupon the whole army was put to rout to Castruccio's great glory and honour and of so great a multitude there escap'd not a third Many Chieftaines were taken and Charles sonne of King Robert together with Michaelangelo Falconi and Taddeo of the Albizi Florentine Commissaries fled thence to Empoli The spoyle taken was great the slaughter exeeeding great as a man may imagine in such and so great a conflict for of the Florentine army 20231 and of Castruccio's part 1570 were left dead upon the place But Fortune being enemy to his glory when as she should have given him life took it from him and interrupted those designes which hee a long time before had purposd to put in effect neither could any thing but death hinder him Castruccio had toyld himselfe all that day in the battell when at the end thereof all weary and sweaty he stayd about the port of Fucechio to attend the souldiers as they should returne from the victory and in person receive and thank them and partly if peradventure any thing should arise from the enemyes that they had made head in any place hee might bee ready to give order thereto judgeing it the office of a good Commander to be the first to get a Horse-back and the last to light off Whereupon hee standing exposd to a wind which ordinarily about midday rises upon the Arno and uses to be pestiferous hee was all over chill'd Which thing not being made account of by him was the occasion of his death for the night following hee was taken with a dangerous feaver which continually augmenting and the sicknesse being judg'd mortall by all the Physitians and Castruccio perceiving of it calld Paul Guinigi and spake to him these words Had I beleev'd my sonne that Fortune would have cut off my course in the midst of the way to arrive unto that glory which I by my so many good successes had promisd my selfe I should have lesse wearied my selfe and to thee as I should have left a smaller estate so also fewer enemies and lesse envy for I would have been content with the dominion of Lucca and Pisa and never subdu'd the Pistoyeses nor with so many injuries provoked the Florentines but by making the one and the other of these people my freinds I should have led a life though not longer yet surely more quiet and to thee should I have left an estate though lesse without doubt more secure and firme but Fortune who will dispose of all humane affayres gave mee not so much judgement that I was able first to know it or so much time that I was able to overcome it Thou hast heard for many have told thee and I never denyd it to thee how I came into thy fathers house being yet a young lad and voyd of all those hopes which every generous spirit ought to conceive and how I was by him brought up and belov d by him as much as if I had been of his own blood whereupon under his government I became valourous and grew capable of that fortune in which thou hast and dost see mee and because at his death hee committed thee and all his fortunes to my fidelity I have brought thee up with that affection and increasd them with that fidelity that I was and am bound to And because not only whether that alone which was left thee by thy father but that also which my fortune and valour got were thine I never would marry to the end that the love of children should never take mee off from shewing in any part that thankfullnesse towards thy fathers blood which I thought I was oblig'd to shew I leave thee therefore a very faire State whereat I am much pleasd but for that I leave it thee weake and unsettled I am exceedingly grieved there remaines to thee the City of Lucca which will never be content to live under thy government Pisa is also thine wherein there are men naturally inconstant and full of treachery which however it bee divers times accustomed to serve yet will it alwayes disdaine to have a Lucchese for its Lord. Pistoya likewise is left to thee very little faithfull to thee because it is divided and by fresh injuries provok'd against our Family Thou hast the Florentines for thy neighbours and those offended and divers wayes injuryed by us and not extinguisht to whom the news of my death would be more welcome