Battle And that he would so follow the Enemy as without indangering himself their Army might be inforced to dis-band being consumed through their own Inconveniences And that he should remember that it was the duty of a Commander to overcome the Enemy no less by counsel than by the sword The Senate also charged the Commissaries that they should use all means possible to confirm the Souldiers minds and that in the name of the publick they should thank the Captains and every man of any account in the Army for their good will to the Common-wealth The Souldiers were then quickly drawn out of Padua they took up their first Quarters at Limina where the Brent dividing her self into two branches takes her course by several ways into the Sea This place was made choice of because 't was thought the Enemy could not pass the River lower it being deeper there Our Army being fixt here Andrea Loredano one of the Commissaries having assembled all the Horse Commanders and Captains of Foot and some other of the chiefest Souldiers together spoke thus unto them according to the Order he had received from the Senate The Senate having understood by Letters from us and by the relation of many others with what Courage and hopes You my fellow-Souldiers have taken the Field as if you were assured of Victory but yet with a mind prepared and disposed for all events were all of them so over-joy'd with the News as even with tears in eyes they humbly thanked God that amidst so many blows of adverse Fortune he had afforded them this of comfort that in so calamitous times he had given them proof of your Loyalties and of your singular affection to the Common-wealth Therefore they have commanded us in their Names â—o let you know that our City bears the like good will to you and to witness unto you how great an obligation the whole Common-wealth acknowledgeth to owe unto you for it and that her Citizens will always thankfully remember it which they desire you to take in good part till such time as when Fortune shall better upon us they may witness it better by effects The Common-wealth doth now by me give you many thanks Let nothing then be of force enough to remove you from the affection which you seem to bear her or to make you repent this your purpose You have taken upon you to defend a noble City and her just Empire which is the Seat of the Liberty and the Glory of Italy which City whilst she shall have either Seat or Power you may be sure will not be wanting in rewarding your great deserts for we have ever greatly esteemed and honoured all valiant and honest mâ—n It is too apparent that the Transalpine Nations envy our re-rising greatness out of the memory of the ancient Worth and Empire of the Italians and that therefore they do use all the means they can to ruine our Common-wealth which is the true Glory of Italy But we having formerly made much greater Forces of our Enemies prove vain our City hopes we shall now â—e easily able to beat the remainders thereof which are all now in this Army The Aids which we have had from the Friendship of Forreign Princes and from Trans-Alpine Forces have been of no advantage to us but have often done us more harm than good but our Common-wealth will find all things in your love and affection a ready Will perspicuous Worth and as I hope successful Fortune We are not now to fight with Souldiers but rather Thieves for they do not wage War according to the Custom of Military men nor do they thereby endeavour Empire and Glory but guided by fury are contaminated with all sort of Rascallity God will not suffer their wickedness to remain long unpunished so as our Militia will be crown'd as I trust with Victory and Triumph We have a faithful and loyal Army and in it many gallant Souldiers chosen out of the Flower of all the Italian Militia the Enemy are opprest with much want of Victuals and their men now many moneths accustomed to pillage not to fighting being beyond measure imbased slothful and wanton have made their bodies weak and thâ—ir minds effeminate Yet must not we for all this be the less diligent we must observe all the removes of the Enemy block up their way and finally we must leave nothing undone whereby either by mature advice or forward dâ—â—ing according as time and place shall require we may be able to stay these insolent Enemies â—o take them scatter them and recover what they have got of ours If those things which we have resolved upon be duely put in execution doubtlessly the Enemies Army which is now become so insolent through the prey which they have gotten will become our prey Things are now grown so hopeful as the â—enators and the whole City believing the Victory to be certain begin to think how they shall reward you and pay you the merits of so gallant an action The eyes of all Italy are beâ—t upon this and are big with expectation what the success will be hoping to be one day revenged for all the Injuries which she hath recâ—ived from the Barbarians You must therefore endeavour by all means not to defraud the Senate of the fruit of their hoped for Victory nor â—he rest of the opinion they have conceived of your Gallantry nor yet your selves of Praise and Glory Loredano having said this the whole Army answered with one joynt voice That they were reaâ—y for all things nor would they refuse chearfully to undergo any whatsoever danger for the welfare of the Common-wealth and for their own honour that they wished the Common-wealth might for the future be more prosperous and successful which for their parts they would by all industry endeavour and whatsoever her fortune should be they would think it to be their own That the Common-wealth might many times before have known their Fidelity but that they were glad she should now have tryal both of their Fidelity and Valour Thus with universal consent and great alacrity the Camp removed and the Army was brought to Fontanina two miles distant from Cittadella where our men resolved to wait for the Enemy because the River could not be well waded over any where else They planted their Artillery upon the Banks thereof and placed sufficient Garrisons in every fitting place and not far from hence was the Army encamped betwixt which and the Artillery a large Ditch was drawn that the Souldiers might upon any whatsoever occasion be fenced within a strong Trench The Enemy hearing this began to hasten their March to the end that they might pass the River before those men which they knew were led on by Baglione might joyn with Alviano's Army But as soon as they were come to the Banks of Brent and that they found them to be guarded by many Garrisons and that their passage was stop'd there they resolved without delay to march farther on Cardona
impeded by the Venetian Camp Want of Victuals against which there is no fence will not suffer us to tarry any longer here though otherwise it might be good for us so to do We cannot march any whither be it either by way of the Plains which lead to Verona or back by the Mountains without meeting with many Inconveniences which will be still occasion'd by our Enemies So as whatsâ—ever resolution we shall put on the Danger will be the same but not the Glory But I have always been of opinion that it became a good Commander to have a care of the preservation of his Army so far as he be not unmindful of their Honour And yet not to value that so much as that he have not a like care of their safety If we turning our back upon our Enemies shall take our way by the Mountains we shall not be able to shun many dangers before we can come thither being that the Enemy will always pursue us and when we shall have most need of rest in respect of the journey which we shall have made and of perpetual Skirmishes we shall then being come to the narrowest places be to fight both with the difficulties of the ways and with thâ—se that do guard them Therefore I think it better by much that you who profess Souldiery may fight with those of the like profession in an open and equal place and by your Worth experience the event of Battle then suffer that this Army being molested and outraged by Mountainers be at last consumed But let us suppose that by excessive good Fortune after having left our Artillery Baggage and Booty in the Power of the Enemy we escape safe through the jaws of these Mountains and get into Germany which truly I cannot expect we shall do we may perhaps free our selves from danger but how can we cancel such shame and ignomy or how can that life be dear unto us which we shall have valued more than our Honour And what greater Infamy can we undergo then through base fear to have shamefully abandoned an Enemies Countrey which we have but just now victoriously over-run without being overcome in Battle I think it therefore our best course to fight the Enemy as soon as may be and to make our way with our Swords through the midst of their Camp As this resolution suites best with the Honour of this Army so doth it carry along with it more hopes of safety Whereas if we tarry longer disputing and shall suffer our selves to be over-born by immodederate fear our Enemies will have so much more reason to grow resolute and insolent But if they see us ready to defend our selves I am confident they will soon re-assume the same Cowardliness which they have hitherto shewn If they did confide in their Forces who sees not that being so often provoked and invited by us they would not have staid so long lock'd up within their Cities Walls and now they are come into the field only to make a vain shew of Valour not with any intention of hazarding themselves in Battle They very well know that the Italian Souldiers can no ways stand in comparison with the stout and valiant Spaniards and Dutch who are much better then they at the Militia I have often try'd their Valour in War and their desire of Glory Therefore if you will imitate your domestick Gallantry nay if you will be what you always have been we may assuredly account the Victory already our own These clownish people and unexperienced in War who have neither learnt to observe Order nor to follow their Colours and who practise the Militia for a little gain not out of any desire of Praise cannot long sustain nor retard our Assault Therefore for what I can at the present foresee we may promise our selves assured Victory and by that Victory great and certain rewards But say that we should meet with some ill success and that I should be deceived in my expectation we may miss the fruit of Victory but certainly this our gallant action cannot miss of Praise since having done what was possible for us to do both by Counsel and by Force of Arms all men must confess that neither daring nor Valour was wanting in us but only Fortune The Souldiers being greatly moved by this discourse casting away all doubts and fears began to desire what they had formerly avoided promising the General to do their parts And Cardona finding the Souldiers willing led the Army though the day were far spent out towards Alviano's Camp and being come within two miles of him he made almost all his Chivalry together with some companies of Spanish Foot advance who gave furiously upon those who were upon our Guard But being terrified by our Artillery for the Trees were cut down every where round about so as they had no place to shelter themselves from shot they faced about and having past over the Valley went against those who as it was said were left by Alviano at the Gate of Vicenza Our men made presently towards the Enemy who came to assault them and having stoutly stood their first Onset quickly repuls'd them the Horse staying to skirmish a little while after the Foot were retreated But the night drawing on and being much gall'd by our Artillery they were likewise soon glad to quit the field and retreat to their own men Whilst these things were a doing Cardona was drawn with the rest of his Army very near the Venetian Camp and had kept his Army in posture to fight Alviano's Camp even till Sun set Wherefore the night being already come on and our Quarters being so near Cardona would not suffer the Tents to be set up nor fall to fortifying fearing left his men might be unexpectedly set upon by our men whilst they should be busied about the works The Souldiers did not quit their Arms all that night lying down upon the ground without any light and in great silence to keep from being hurt by the Artillery of the neighbouring Camp This mean while the Commanders possess'd with great fears bethought themselves of many things but could not well say which was the least dangerous course to take amidst so many hazards they stay'd expecting day hoping that it might chalk them out what to do amidst these difficulties Alviano's Souldiers kept in Arms all that night likewise diligently observing every motion of the Enemy as well in their own respects as also for the safety of those other people with whom Baglione having taken them away together with the Artillery to whither we told you he was gone had possess'd himself of the other part of the Valley which stood over against Alviano's Camp Which as soon as the Enemies knew utterly despairing to make their way on that side and being by necessity dictated so to do they alter'd their way and turn'd backwards towards the Mountains of Schio the which they might the more easily do for that they found themselves less incumbred and
not bounded within any Quarters They divided their whole Army into three Squadrons wherewith they marched in close order and that they might march the faster and be the readier to fight if they should be thereunto inforced they left such part of their Booty behind them as was of least value and the greatest part of their other Lumber and though they made great haste yet they marched in good order and with much safety That day being the 9th of December chanc'd to be so dark and cloudy as the Enemy had thereby opportunity of getting out of the ken of our Army unseen by us so as the day was well advanced before our men were aware of their departure which when it was known Alviano being very glad said What have we now to do but to make use of time If we lose this opportunity which is now offer'd us of utterly overthrowing the Enemy when shall we ever meet with the like The Victory is undoubtedly ours the Enemies confess themselves overcome they have already turn'd their backs having no hopes of safety but in running away this is the time for us to recover the Honour and Dignity of our Common-wealth and of all Italy Alviano said this with the greater assurance for that Loredano who had scowr'd up and down the fields all that night had much incouraged the Souldiers to fight and had had such discourse with the Commanders as he appeared to be clearly of Alviano's opinion saying That they were not to refuse the first occasion of Battle which was offer'd for if they should suffer these Rascals their bitter Enemies to depart safely and quietly away now that they were almost routed of themselves it was to be feared that they might incur very much blame for that it being in their Power to free the Common-wealth from a bitter War and the Italian name from great Infamy they had either through negligence or cowardliness let stip so fair an occasion Besides Alviano and the Commissaries had sundry times given such an account of the State of Affairs to the Senate speaking very lowdly of themselves and lewdly of the Enemy as all men had conceived an assured Victory and they began already to feel the fruit of Praise for these their Services Alviano being hereby inflamed and being of himself very hasty and confident thought the Victory so clear and certain as he counted his Glory so much the longer retarded as the Battle was deferr'd So speedily quitting his Quarters he made Nicolo Vandramino and Barnardino Antignivola advance with the Stradiotti a Cavallo or Dragouns to the end that following the Enemy and skirmishing with them they might the more molest and hinder their March to boot with what impediment they were to meet withal by the Mountainers who waited for them on all sides The Venetian Army consisted of about 10000 Italian Foot and 1500 Curassiers and 1000 Light Horse Half the Foot were new men drawn to that purpose out of the Towns and Villages by the Venetians some of them coming by command some of them of their own free will The rest were veterane Souldiers who had been a good while under the Common-wealths pay Of all these Alviano framed three bodies mingling the old and new Souldiers together in some of them but he placed all the stoutest men in the middle Squadron which was the greatest There was therein besides Alviano's own person Guido Rangone Giulio Manfrone Giovan Baâ—tisto da Fano Giovan Paolo da Sant ' Angelo and divers others These did inclose with their several Companies disposed of in two wings 500 Curassiers Antonio di Pio commanded the left wing who had with him the rest of the Foot and on the right wing was Baglione with 1000 Gens d' Armes Things being thus ordered Alviano commanded Pio that he should keep where he was diligently observing what way he should take and expect Orders from him He charged Baglione who had with him the Gens d' Armes as hath been said that fetching a compass he should go beyond the last Squadron of the Enemy and that as soon as he should see the Battle joyn'd he should at unawares assault the Enemy on the Flank He moreover made 20 pieces of Artillery be drawn on before the Army in very good order he himself riding sometime on one hand sometimes on another incouraged the Souldiers to Battle Praying them not to suffer so great a shame as to let the Enemy go away without being reveng'd of them who were a people contaminated with all sorts of wickedness hateful to God and man that therefore they should hasten to an assured prey and victory which was prepared for them That they should not any whâ—t fear that Enemy whom they saw grown so weak and already reduced to the utmost extremity That they should remember what they had by Oath promised to the Commissary Loredano but a little before touching their Loyalty and Courage and then that they fought for a Common-wealth where as in a safe place of refuge valiant and honest men had always been largely rewarded nay that they were to fight for the Liberty and Glory of all Italy that therefore it was expected from that Army wherein were none but Italians that they should shew how excellent that Nation was for Military Knowledg and true Valour This mean while the Enemies Army having marched two miles was come to the same place della Motta from whence we told you it was gone but a little before having our Horse still in their Rear who continually held them play and did much molest them Then Cardona finding that he was followed by our whole Army seeing no other way of safety incouraged by dispair resolved to hazard all upon the event of Battle Whereof the sign being given to the Souldiers he made them all halt and turning his last Squadron upon our men made thereof the Front of his Army wherein were the Dutch Foot who were commanded by Prospero Colonna These men couching their Pikes did stoutly stand the Assault made by our Horse who had first begun the Skirmish whom a great Band of the Enemies Horse coming from two parts did furiously charge seeking to cut off our men in the midst and though they were repulsed at the first Encounter yet the Enemy continuing to press violently upon us and being much the stronger they forc'd us to retreat Which when Alviano saw he hastened his March to bring timely succour to his men wherein he was the more diligent because he feared lest that part of the Horse being made to run all the rest of the Army might thereby be put in disorder Thus the two Armies joyning suddenly together a terrible Battle began Alviano being formest in all dangers endeavour'd both by words and actions to infuse Courage into his men nor was Colonna wanting this mean while in exhorting the Dutch Foot not to forego their ancient Worth telling them often that therein only did all their hopes of safety lye and truly they fought
couragiously but notwithstanding Alviano had given them so fierce an assault at first as they could not possibly long sustain it so as in this first Encounter the Battle began already to favour the Venetians which being seen from above by those Country people who were placed upon the Mountains they in hopes of Prey ran down into the Plain and mixed with the Souldiers But Cardona coming in presently after to the aid of his men who was somewhat advanced with the main body wherein the Spanish Foot led the Van those Countrey people who were come to pillage not to fight being affrighted to see so many Enemies began to cry out they were overcome and at the same time turn'd their backs at which noise and by their sudden running away the Venetian Souldiers began to slacken their former violence and to give over the Battle Wherefore the Enemy still advancing our mens Out-cries Tumult and Fear began to increase throughout the whole Army At first Alviano nothing at all astonished at so strange an accident provided for all things he stay'd his affrighted men re-order'd them call'd every one of them by their names encouraged them excited them to shew their worth in 〈◊〉 left nothing unattempted But the Souldiers were so possest with sudden fear as all that their Commanders could say or pray was in vain they could not be made to stay neither by shame nor by command There was not any one of them that remembered their former worths nor hopes Thus in a moment the fortune of War did so alter as nothing was to be seen in our City which but a little before was as good as Conquerours but fear flight and death The Souldiers being routed and made to run fled towards Vicenza believing that they might there save themselves But those who were upon the Guard fearing lest in such a confusion the Enemy might together with our men enter the City clapp'd to the Gates and kept both Friends and Foes out So as the Venetian Souldiers not being in a condition of re-ordering themselves nor expecting any succour from elsewhere were almost all of them shamefully cut in pieces before the City Walls suffering themselves to be slain without any revenge Many of them also who fled another way towards the River Rorone finding the Bridges broken and not able to overcome the violence of the River were therein drowned But Baglione who as we told you was past forwards by another lower way whilst he hasted to assault the Enemy being intricated and hindered by the Bogs of the neighbouring Vally could neither then according to Alviano's directions assault the main body of the Enemies nor after our mens Rout get himself into any place of safety Wherefore being inviron'd on all sides by the Enemy he together with many of his Horse fell into their Power But those who escaped so many dangers by taking another way got into Padua and Trevigi amongst which were Alviano and Gritti who being gone to Vicenza a little before to raise men was not present at the Battle Of Commanders there dyed Sacramorâ— Viscoâ—te Hermes Bentivoglio Costanzâ— Pio Francisco Sassarello Alfonso da Parma and Meleagro da Forli who amongst others had won very great Praise for thrusting himself into the thickest ranks of the Enemies and killing many of them he himself was at last slain Many also were taken Prisoners either in the Battle or as they ran away among which of the better sort who had any command in the Army were Giovan Paolo Baglione Malatesta Malatesta Oâ—tone Visconte Battista Savella Pamfilo Bentivoglio and Allessandro Fregoso But Commissary Loredano who whilst he endeavour'd to stop the Fugitives had forslowed his departure was wounded and fell into the Power of the Enemy and met with an end far unworthy such a man for two Dutch Souldiers striving which of their Prisoner he should be the one of them by slaying him ended the contention By this days Battle it may be known what various and unexpected chances are occasioned by Fortune in War and what strange turns arise our of slight accidents Those whose hopes lay first more in their flight then in their fighting being of conquered become Conquerours pursued their routed Enemies with great cheerfulness and courage and those who before the Conflict built upon assured Victory being beaten overcome put to flight and having lost all hope found no relief to their miserable condition The nearness of Vicenza was thought to be the chief occasion of this our Armies so great calamity and of so strange a variation for our Souldiers believing that they should there receive sure refuge as soon as disorder arose in our first ranks the rest giving over the Battle placed all their hopes in their 〈◊〉 On the contrary part the Enemies being invironed on every side in an Enemies Countrey were forced to defend themselves and boldly to encounter all danger The place was likewise thought to be very much prejudicial to our men for the Plain being on that part very narrow by the Neighbour-hood of the Vally our men could not be all of them put in good Order nor could they make use of all their Forces for that part of the Army which was as hath been said divided together with Baglione from the rest was not of any help when the Battle began to retreat Alviano was greatly blamed by all men for these things for that un-inforced by any necessity he would forsake the very strong situation which he had first chosen to quarter in and put himself upon the hazard of a Battle when he might more safely have overcome the Enemy by Counsel then by the Sword It is most certain that the importunate sollicitousness of the Venetian Commissary and the immature Counsel of the Commander in chief made amends for the Enemies unadvisedness insomuch as Cardona who was the Authour of their inconsiderate departure won Honour and advantage insteed of the shame and prejudice which he was threatened with As soon as this unfortunate News came to Venice the Senators were greatly afflicted seeing the condition of their Affairs so strangely alter'd in a moment The blow was the greater for that by reason of the Generals and of the Commissaries Letters they had all of them conceived hopes of an undoubted Victory for they had inform'd the Senate but a little before that the Enemies Army was by them besieged and already reduced to such a necessity as they had no means left neither of running away nor of trying their Fortune by Battle so as the Victory was in a short time to be assuredly theirs without loss of blood Yet the Senators were not hereat so much troubled as to make them do any thing mis-becoming the Magnanimity and Dignity of that Order which may be witnessed by this that the very same day wherein they received this unfortunate News the Senate with a joynt consent resolved to write thus to Alviano That they could not deny but that they were somewhat troubled at this
of a wicked perfidious Priest Bartholomeo who being familiarly acquainted with Alessandro Marcello Commissary of Marano prevailed with him that one morning before day a gate of the Town should be opened under pretence of going out early to hunt by which means Frangipane having formerly agreed thereupon with the Priest possess'd himself of the gate before which he was unexpectedly come with some Dutch Foot Companies and a Troop of Horse wherewith he entred the Town For which wickedness the Traytor was justly punished for being taken Prisoner by Nicola Pisaro Podesta of Porto Gruaro he was sent to Venice where he was hung up by one foot and stoned to death by the common people This Town as it was very convenient for the Venetians by reason of the situation thereof being placed in the innermost part of the Gulph and wash'd by salt water on the one side so it being at one and the same time to be assaulted both by Sea and Land it promised speedy and good success to any one that should fall upon it Wherefore the Venetians resolved to make the taking thereof their first business to the end that if they should find easie success therein they might go to the recovery of Goritia which being taken by the like fraud by Frangipane held for the Emperour Baldissera Scipione one of Luca went by order from the Senate to this Enterprize of Marano together with four other Conductors of Gens d' Armes each of which commanded 50 Horse men besides all the light Horse in number 500 under the Conduct of Ulatico Cosazza and of Nicolo da Pesaro who were likewise to be accompanied by Barnardino da Parma with 400 Foot To these Forces were added about 2000 Country people whom Gierolamo Savorgnano who was at this time of great Authority with the people and not less affectionate to his Common-wealth had gathered up from all the parts thereabout Scipione commanded the whole Army who had the charge of all that was done by Land but Bartholomeo da Mâ—sto had the charge of the Maritime Affairs who was then Savio di Terra firma a man famous for his experience by Sea he was followed by order from the Senate by the Podestu's of Murano Torcello Chioggia and by those of Caurle and Pirano and of other Towns of Histria who were all commanded to rig out as many Barks as they could for this Enterprize who being all met at the time appointed the whole Fleet past into the Washes of Marano where when they were come our men sent Heralds to the Citizens and Dutch Souldiers of the Garrison to demand restitution of that Town in the name of the Common-wealth exhorting them not to force them to use violence but rather that they should lay aside all hopes and thoughts of being able to defend themselves But discovering thoughts much of another nature in the Defendants who returned injurious words our men much incensed and being greatly desirous to re-gain the Town they resolved not to stay for the Arrival of some Gallies which were to come up unto them but to advance and assault the Walls But as soon as our armed Barks began to be divided and disordered by their Cannon shot and many that were therein slain the Marriners and Gally-slaves who being unexperienced in War and not acquainted with danger had earnestly desired to be led on to the Assault were strangely terrified and falling to their Oares every one as fast as they might they endeavoured to carry the Barks out of the reach of the Artillery being more indamaged in their flight by the fear and confusion which they were in Our men being thus taught their danger by experience durst make no farther Attempts till more aid was come up unto them but four lesser Gallies being afterwards come up unto the Fleet whereby they were made the stronger and the better incouraged they resolved to assault the Town again The Walls were lower and the Towers much batter'd by the Artillery on the side which was towards the Haven wherefore our men thought they might land the easilier on that side and to the end that the Enemy being kept busied in divers parts might be the less able to resist they thought their Enterprize might prove the more successful since the Town was set upon at the same time by the Fleet by Sea and by Scipione and Savoragnano by Land The business began now to have good success when those Land-men that were with Scipione and some others that were got out of the Gallies and had landed some Artillery were kept from coming nearer the Walls by a great deluge of water which fell from the Skies which fill'd all the Plain and Marrish Grounds which were round about the Town The Defendants being therefore safe on that side ran all to the other side where they were assaulted by the Fleet and repuls'd our men who began already to scale the Walls At the same time that these things were a doing the Souldiers which were sent by Scipione to possess themselves of the Passes and to keep the besieged from being relieved by any succours which might come from Gorilia which is not above 20 miles from thence sent Savoragnano word that Frangipane was drawing near with a great many men so as if they had not more help sent speedily to them they should be forced to quit those places not being able with a few men long to resist a far greater number Savoragnano hearing this and dispairing now to take the Town by Assault marched suddenly with his men thitherward and was hardly advanc'd one mile when he met those very men who had but a little before sent to him for succour for being terrified at the fame and great opinion which was had of the Enemies Forces they durst not tarry till they came Wherefore joyning them with his own men he went to find out the Horse who were within their own quarters in somwhat a higher place not far from the rest of the Army that they might be ready upon any occasion to wait upon the enemy according as they should see them move Savorgnano strove by entreaties and all other means to perswade the Horse-men to come nearer Marano and joyn with the rest of the Army shewing them what had been done and what was to be done which as not concern'd any ways in point of shame they refused to do Some of them being frighted by what was commonly noised in the Camp touching the great Power of the Enemy other mutinying for not receiving their pay in due time so as many began to forsake their Colours and dissolve their Companies Wherefore Savorgnano fearing that the strongest part of the Army might be weakened and that the Common-wealths Forces might be thereby diminished endeavour'd to perswade the Gens d' Armes to retire towards Udine into a place of safety promising to go along with them and to secure the way In this Interim Frangipane meeting with no obstacle advanced and entred safe with all his men
in the Camp scarce 50 escaped free away and but few of 1800 Foot Renzo won much Honour by this Action for though he had tarried long in those parts to ruine the Town of Ombriano sacking the Neighbouring Territories to bring all the Booty that he could get into the City yet Prospero Colonna suffer'd these things to be done before his eyes and his Army looking on not daring so much as once to get out of his Quarters nay hearing some days after that Renzo was coming with 300 Horse to relieve the Town fearing lest he might fall into some greater mishap he raised the Camp and freed Crema from Siege quartering his Souldiers in several Towns of Ceradada The Spaniards though they treated of Peace yet had they not all this while forborn injurious Proceedings wherefore the Senate though they had resolved not to suffer their men to go out of Padua after what you have heard was done in Friuli yet not willing that the Enemy should daily grow more insolent gave way that Alviano who had often desired permission so to do should take men out of the City putting them in mind that they were not now to revenge themselves upon the Enemy but should think they had done enough if they could keep them from committing rapine and plunder But desirous notwithstanding that the Army might be stronger so as it might be ready upon all occasions they commanded Iovan Paolo Maâ—frone who remained in Friuli with a hundred Curassiers that he should forthwith go with his Horse to Alviano's Camp Who before he took the field sent Bernardino Antignola and Hanibale Lencio with 300 light Horse towards Cittadella to keep Bassano and Marostica in Loyalty and to preserve them from being injured having understood that the Enemy were drâ—wing near those Castles He went the next day out of Padua with the rest of the Army consisting of 600 Curassiers 600 cross-bow men 400 Albanese Horse and about 8000 Foot and marching towards the Eugenean-Mouâ—â—â—ins when he waâ— got four miles off to Brassegana he there divided all his men into two bodies and resolved to tarry there till he might better understand what the Enemy did But the Senate when they heard of this writ him word that he should joyn all his men together presently to the end that if peradventure the Enemy should come to assault him he might not be necessitated shamefully to abandon one paâ—t or by asisting it to ingage himself again in a Battle which they wished him by all means possible to avoid These proceedings and resolutions of our men were very well known to the Vice-roy wherefore tarrying at the Torre in the Territories of Vicenza he commanded the Marquess of Pescara to march speedily to Cittadella with 300 light Horse 500 Foot and some pieces of Artillery wherein Antignola was with the Chivalry So as the Enemy being got thither before our men thought they would have done they furiously assaulted the Castle which Antignola did valiantly defend But Pescara understanding that that part of the Town which was opposite to where they fought was left without any men to defend it he sent a Band of his men thither without the knowledg of them that were within to the end that scaling the Walls whilst the Defendants were fighting on the other side they might the more easily overcome them and fall on upon the backs of our men which falling out just as it was designed Antignola's Souldiers being busied in several fights and astonished at so unexpected an accident some of them were slain some taken Prisoners amongst which Antignola's self was one and Francisco Coco the chief Magistrate of the Town another and the Castle was sack'd by the Souldiers As soon as this was known at Venice the Senators being greatly moved both for the present loss and much more for the scorn thereof and the remembrance of their late calamities they commanded Alviano that he should suddenly pass his Army back again over the River Bachillione but he thinking that this might be a dishonour to him and to his Army before this order was obeyed let the Senate know that he was in a very safe place where he could not fear to be indamaged by the Enemy that he was absolutely resolved to abstain from battle whereunto he could not be by the Enemy enforced But some of the Senate continuing in their opinion that he was to remove his quarters it was resolved that Dominico Trevisano and Lunardo Mocenico who were then Savij of the Council should be sent to view his Quarters that they might the better know the Captains Opinion and the reason of this advice These brought word back that the situation was indeed such as Alviano had represented it to be for the Quarters were in the midst between two Rivers Brenta and Bachilone and the Fortifications such as there was no fear to be had of the Enemy for Alviano had been very careful in drawing a Trench and a Ditch and had very well fortified all befitting places so as there was no more speech had of changing Quarters Yet the Spaniards though the Army which was in Padua was drawn out into the field did by continual Inrodes daily vex the Inhabitants of those parts Having heard that a great many Country people had with-drawn themselves and their cattle to Cavarzere that they might be there the freer from Injuries that place being every where environed with Fens they betook themselves in great numbers towards that part in many Barks which were got together upon the Banks of Adice whereof when Andrea Bondelmiero the Podestà or chief Governour of Pioggia heard he caused many Barks to be armed and sent them towards Cavarzere whether also Iovan di Naldo went with the light Horse out of Padua Wherefore the Enemy altering their resolution went to Carigiola and Candiana two very rich Towns by reason of the fruitfulness of the ground from whence they carried away much Booty And as they had sack'd all the Banks of Bachillione on the left hand the year before so doing now the like on the other side they left nothing but bare ground in that Country All this while Alviano kept within his Quarters observing the Enemies Actions and hearing that they had carried great store of corn to the Town of Estâ— and that there was 300 of their Foot and 100 light Horse there he sent Antonio da Castello thither with a good number of Foot and a Troop of light Horse who clapping their Ladders to the Walls by night and entring the Town took all the Enemies that were there Prisoners carrying away as much corn as they could and burning the rest This was of more praise to our Souldiers for that it was done almost in sight of the enemy And soon after Mercurio Bua and Malatesta Baglione as they were marching through the Territories of Padua and Vicenza to secure those parts from being ransack'd by the enemy they met with two companies of Spanish Foot at Camisano whom
greater slaughter But the French soon after perceiving their deceit environ'd the Switzers round who being got so far from their Fellows as that they could not be relieved were all put to the sword No end was put to the slaughter till the Souldiers of both Armies were so very weary as they could wield their Weapons no longer The French and Switzers rested that night in the same place so as two Enemy Camps appeared to be but one Quarter They kept on their Arms all night The King shewing always an invincible spirit amidst such confusion and danger call'd a Council of War to resolve upon what was to be done the next day and with great generosity comforted his Commanders and bad them hope well The whole Army was divided as the day before into three great Squadrons but otherwise ordered for all the most valiantest Souldiers were pick'd out and placed in the Front to the end that keeping close together they might stand the first assault of the Enemy who being pick'd just over against them were ready to give an assault they disposed of all the Artillery in the most convenient places the chief care whereof was given to the Dutch Foot who promised to witness their Valour and Loyalty that day And these men were ordered that keeping quiet at first they should assist those who were first to enter Battle if they should see them give back The Switzers at the first appearing of the sun having allowed almost no time for dressing their wounds re-assumed their Arms and as they had done the day before marched towards the French Artillery for they knew that the greatest hope of Victory on the Switzers side lay in possessing themselves thereon and on the French behalf in defending them the business was therefore long and stoutly disputed about them the Souldiers on both sides shewing great courage The Dutch to cancell the fault they had committed the day before and to remove the jealousie which was had of their truth fought so stoutly as the Switzers dispairing to win the Artillery were forced to alter their way of fight they divided all their men into two Squadrons whereof one stay'd over against the first Squadron of the Enemy the other passing over a Fen near which the French Camp lay assaulted the Rear at unawares Monsieur d'Alanson who had the charge thereof was gone from thence a little before to assist the Dutch Foot who were sorely put to it by the Enemy whereby the French did with greater disadvantage sustain the assault and being set upon on the Flank they were compell'd to disorder their Ranks very much by facing about and the condition of the place was such as they could receive no help from the Horse The French being by these reasons in great danger and disorder Alviano came in in a lucky time to succour the hindmost Ranks who had much ado to withstand the Enemy The Venetian Army had stay'd at Lodi for first they could not march safely the Enemy being so very near and next the King thinking that he had accommodated affairs with the Switzers and that therefore he should not need their assistance had agreed with the Venetian Commanders that they should keep their Army at Lodi and expect the final end of the business for the Armies had this advantage by their being sever'd that they might be the easilier victuall'd and might pass to wheresoever it was most behoveful for the War But the King upon occasion of this Battle had dispatch'd Messengers speedily away to Alviano to acquaint him with the condition of affairs and that they required speedy help wherefore he desired him to make all the haste he could to the French Camp Which when Alviano understood he immediately sent for 200 of his best Curassiers such as were known to be of great birth and worth and went his way with these immediately Leaving order for the rest of the Army to follow after and made what haste he could to the French Camp Alviano knew he could do nothing which would be more acceptable to the Venetians nor whereby he himself might purchase more honour then by helping a puissant King and Friend to the Common-wealth in time of so great need Therefore finding at his first coming that the Battle was already begun â—aving briefly said such things to his men as the time would allow of perswading them to shew their courage and generosity and to hasten the getting assured glory he at his very first arrival assaulted the Switzers on the back and falling furiously upon the Enemy where they were thickest he broke and dissipated their orders then they who were first intent only upon one Battle must now turn both their thoughts and hand against the Venetians and leave the French and not knowing what to do either by way of offence or defence by reason of this unexpected accident they began to slacken that courage wherewith they fought at first On the contrary the French encouraged with greater hopes of Victory gave more furiously upon the Enemy the effects whereof were the greater for that both sides believed the whole Venetian Army was come The Switzers finding themselves fought withal on all sides began by little and little to draw out the Battle and to wheel about endeavouring to joyn with all those who fought the Enemy on the Front And thus having made one strong body of all their Forces they all of them retreated in miraculous good order and safety into Millan and the French being wearied with long fighting for they had fought from the Sun-rising till after twelve a clock suffer'd the Switzers to retreat safely without pursuing them But Alviano's Curassiers following some of the Enemy who retreated later then the rest drove them into a Village not far off where by Alviano's command they were all destroy'd by fire and sword This Battle which hapned on the 17th of September was very great and bloudy and for a while uncertain for it was valiantly fought on all sides and lasted so long as many were slain on both sides and the field was every way covered with dead bodies There is not any one who mentions the number of the dead positively yet all agree in this that the loss was much greater on the Switzers side But many illustrious men were missing of the French as Francis Lord of Tremuglia Imbercatio Sanserio Monsieur Ambaysa the Count de Guise and to boot with these a son of Count Pisiglian a youth of excellent Parts who fought under the Venetians Therefore though the French got the Victory yet was it very sad and bloudy to them and a long time uncertain The French accounted themselves victorious because they were not driven from their Quarters which was the Enemies design to have done and because they had forced the Enemy to retreat to within the Walls of Millan But on the other side since the Switzers had retreated in good order and gotten in such numbers into the chiefest City of that State as that
stand admiring this egregious action and highly celebrate your name you have by a much more glorious Enterprize and that which none other durst to have done out-done your self out-shined your Glory and have left to posterity greater and better memory of the French Gallantry for though your Army was wearied with their long and toilsom march yet you stuck not to joyn Battle presently with most bitter Enemies wherein your Valour was such as you have shewed that those may be beaten who were before thought unconquerable You have routed and put to flight the Switzers who formerly dispising all other Nations did proudly usurpe unto themselves chiefest praise for what concerns the Militia and have forced them to return home whence they are not likely to come so soon again to disturbe your Affairs And that nothing might be left desirable to your praise Fortune which for the most part useth to have the greatest share in Battles dare lay claim to nothing in this your happy success for no cunning no stratagem nothing but meer Worth had any share in this Victory 'T is meerly this Worth then which whilst all things else were equal in Battle hath made you Victor causing fear flight and slaughter to your Enemies and freeing your own Army from the like which hath not only fought under your happy conduct but whilst you your self acted both the Captains and Souldiers part So as it is not the splendor of your Dignity but your own peculiar Worth which hath preserved you amidst the fury of Weapons and hath freed you more then once from danger Your Majesty may therefore promise unto your self all things prosperous and favourable hereafter Those things which are propounded as a reward to Conquerours Glory Wealth and Empire are already yours you have already recovered the State of Millan and your Enemies the Spaniards who being grown more insolent through the courage and labour of other men attempted greater things abandoning the Enterprize and retreating to within their own Confines do hardly believe they can defend them against your victorious Arms but we your true friends well-wishers to your Honour and Greatness being consolated and rejoyced by this your prosperity have raised our Souls to greater hopes and as we were ready to partake with you in any whatsoever fortune of War so you having by Gods good will by your own Worth and we may say partly by our assistance gotten so great a Victory we also promise prosperous success to our own Affairs Which as we know it is much desired by you so we hope that you will be assistant to our fortune with all your forces since thereby your power glory will be greatly confirm'd and increased for to have aided such a Common-wealth after her being opprest by many evils so as she be returned to her ancient state and dignity will be numbred amongst your prime praises and as you have always found us to be your faithful Servants so remaining still such but more powerful your Affairs in Italy may peradventure receive greater security Many therefore are the reasons of our joy that a King who is our friend hath purchased so much glory as will be envied by memory in all ages but peradventure paralell'd by none that we have hopes given â—s of recovering our own State and that Italy is freed from the fear she was in of the Dutch and Spaniards who sought to inthral her Liberty Certainly since your coming into Italy hath been long desired by us and assisted by all our endeavours as you your self know it cannot be doubted 〈…〉 our joy is great in seeing all your designs prosper so successively for we do very much rejoyce that we have had fortune to be aiding to so great a King and do think our selves already sure of those rewards which we assured our selves would be very great when we resolved to adhere unto you even in your dubious condition Then as our Common-wealth thinks that she hath got what soever your Majesty hath won by so great a Victory and is therefore greatly consolated thereat so we desire and hope that your Majesty will have the same respect to her and her Affairs being confident that our State Forces and fortune what soever it shall at any time happen to be shall always be ready to wait upon and to attend your convenience and greatness To this the Lord Chancellour in the Kings name made a very civil and honourable reply the Embassadours had private audience the next day of the King who in a long speech endeavour'd to shew his good will towards the Common-wealth Saying That he took their Embassie in very good part and that the affection of the Common-wealth of Venice towards the Crown of France had been long since witnessed by several Testimonies but that it was more clear by their recent deserts That he had always much valued her Friendship and was naturally given to imbrace it that it was very fitting that they who had had their share of the labour and danger of the War should partake of the fruit of Victory that therefore being mindful both of their ancient amity and of their last service done him he would not fail their expectation in the recovery of their State that he had already destiny'd that many of his men should fight under their Banners and that he would send them greater helps as soon as his Affairs should be brought to a peaceable and safe condition In fine that he would readily do any thing which might increase the Dignity and Power of the Common-wealth The Embassadours though they had ended their Embassie received orders from the Senate to keep with the King and in greater testimony of the honour and observancy which they bore him to wait upon him whithersoever he should go whilst he was in Italy At this time whilst the Castles of Millan and Cremona were besieged Alviano marched with the Venetian Army towards Brescia to attempt the taking of that City He desired very much to follow the Spanish Army after the success of the Battle that he might revenge both their former and late injuries and utterly destroy that bitter Enemy But the Vice-roy was so speedy in removing his Camp as Alviano lost all hopes of encountering with him Moreover this his desire of following the Enemy was sufficiently cooled by Letters which he received from the Senate wherein they signified their will and pleasure to be then setting all other things whatsoever aside he should endeavour the recovery of the Cities they had lost and minde only that That he should make use of the Victory and his late won reputation in things of greater importance and that he should chiefly imploy all his labour and study where greatest good and most hopes of ending the War were promised Wherefore Alviano passing over the Ada went with his whole Army to the taking in of Brescia Bergamo having been soon surrendered to him after the Switzers defeat The Commanders in the Venetian Camp differ'd in their
to be on our side to which purpose I pray you let us weigh a little better not what we would have but what reason tells us we may look for If the service which in all these hard times we have hitherto done the Pope hath not been able to impress one thought of our affairs in him which we see he is rather ready to prejudice then to secure what hopes is there that that which he thinks it is our duty to do should work more upon him And if his desire of Revenge and of restoring his Family to their ancient Greatness in their Country be so prevalent with him as it hath made him forget the grievous and abominable injury which he hath received from the Imperialists how can you think that any reason can do good upon him Moreover Say it be true that as it hath been said we are now to put a greater valuation upon the Pope's friendship because he may favour the League at this present in the affairs of Naples truly I do not see what assistance he can give to this enterprize he having neither money nor men and the enterprize requiring present assistance But on the contrary things appear to me to be so fairly begun and that there is such fair hopes of better success as any Treaty we shall make with the Pope or Emperour will be for our advantage by the prolonging of time and it may be time will make the Pope himself see his errour as we may verily believe it will be acknowledged by the Kings of France and England so as his endeavours will be of no validity with them when they shall see that they have been with reason refused by us The Senators minds were much affected with what these two had said some inclining to the one some unto the other but at last they resolved to return this answer to the Pope That the Senate had always been desirous of such a peace as might be good for the common service and safety and for the exaltation of the Church and that therefore they would willingly listen unto any conditions of agreement but withal they must look to the accomodation of other difficulties wherefore they would send an express Embassadour who might treat of the business propounded by the Archbishop Sipontino and of all things else whereby they might witness their good will and Gaspero Contarini was forthwith chosen for this Embassie But the Pope being no ways satisfied with this answer persisted more earnestly in the same demand and Count Guido Rangone and Cavalier Cassale being sent to him by Lautrech to appease him they could not only not do any good upon him but he made them be told in plainer terms then formerly that if those Towns were not restored unto him he would not only not declare for the League as he was daylie desired to do but he must be forced to joyn with the Imperialists and he made almost the same thing be said by his Nuntio to the King but clearer evidences did afterwards appear of this his inclination for he had sent an express Nuntio into Spain to treat with Cesar though he said he had given him commission to treat only of agreement and of universal peace which if Cesar should be averse unto he should denounce war against him as the other Confederates had done But whilst these things were in hand the Cesarean Army was already come to the confines of the Kingdom of Naples and the Commanders with some difference of opinion treated how they were to manage the War Some were of opinion of which Marquis Guasto was the forwardest That they ought to march to where Lautrech was with the French Army and to use all means to come to a day of Battel with him and many things made for this as that the Confederates forces were as yet divided the number of their foot was more then those that were with Lautrech the risings which were every day made by those of the kingdom in favour of the French the scarcity of monies in the Cesarean Army and the tumults which by reason thereof were begun to be made by the Dutch foot through which things it being to be feared that the loss of the Kingdom would certainly ensue it seemed good advice to hazard the fortune of a Battel wherein there was as much hope as danger and if they should beat the French Army the Towns which they had taken would soon become theirs and the Kingdom of Naples would be in a very sure condition But othâ—rs maintained to the contrary it would be more safely and more wisely done to quarter themselves somwhere whereby the strength of situation and by the conveniency of victuals they might not easily be driven out by the Enemy and staying there they might observe the Enemies ways and govern themselves accordingly and that if the Army of the League should prosper they might march with all their forces to the defence of the City of Naples upon the preservation or loss whereof the event of the whole War did depend That it was said that the Prince of Melfie and Fabritio Maramoldo were coming with many souldiers and with many of the Country to meet them and to receive them when they should be come nearer Naples by whose numbers their Armies being encreased they might doubtlesly stand the Enemy and hinder their Designs That it was the Duty of an Army which did defend a Country assaulted by powerful forces to spin out time for time brings often great and unlooked for advantages That it was to be believed the Enemies Army wanted not for disorders which were likely to be the greater for that the Interests of the Confederate Princes were different and oft times contrary That nothing was less governed by wisdom and good counsel then the event of Battels That nothing could be done more worthy the fame and experience of so many gallant Commanders as were in that Army then to hold the enemy in hand by several pieces of cunning and endeavour to make them moulder away by time and sufferings which might easily happen in the French Army as had been proved by many late examples Nor was it to be doubted but that the Neapolitans would furnish the Camp with so much monies as would suffice to satisfie the Dutch Foot till such time as the pay was come which was already on the way from Spain whereby the whole Army might be kept together for a goodwhile and hope to do better things These reasons having the approbation of Alarsone who was very stiff in that opinion prevailed It was therefore resolved to advance but slowly and securely and to enter into the Terra di Lavâ—ro that they might be near the City of Naples But the Army being encamped at Troja staying there to make provision of victuals and to learn news of the Enemy Lautrech as the French are generally more bold and resolute resolved upon what the Enemy refused to doe which was to find them out and to
fight them being thereunto chiefly moved as he said afterwards for fear lest the Army which was paid from France might suddenly dissolve and lose what had been already won because the King did already appear plainly to be weary of so vast expences and that his Officers being variously affected were negligent in taking care for provisions He was likewise perswaded thereunto out of great hope of victory The Marquis of Saluzzo being already joyned with him and expecting daily choise of Foot from the Venetians and Florentines On the contrary the Imperialists though their numbers were not much inferiour yet their prowess was much diminished partly through great sickness partly through the luxury which they for so many moneths had lived in whereby their bodies their mindes being weakned and grown effeminate they had almost lost their Gallantry Moreover being used to live licentiously they did not observe Military order and discipline as they ought to have done Lautrech did like wise much exceed the Enemy in Horse and train of Artillery so as it seemed he did not without reason hope to shorten and secure the victory and the acquisition of that whole State by a day of Battel The Emperours Army hearing of Lautrech's approach were gone out of Troja and had quartered themselves upon the leaning of a Hill not far off whereunto Lautrech being already come very nigh although the Florentine nor Venetian foot were not come to him he resolved to put his Army in Battel array and to face the Enemy defying him and provoking him by many Cannon shoâ— which he made against their Camp But the Imperialists being but little indamaged thereby by reason of the height of their scituation resolved not to joyn Battel but keeping within their quarters sent out only some Horse and Harquebusiers to skirmish with the French who still advancing and winning ground got into a situation equal with the Enemy from whence they might prejudice their Camp with their Artillery But those who went out afterwards to skirmish in much greater numbers not being able to keep Lautrech from winning the Hill the Enemy resolved to retreat and to quarter on the other side of Troja towars Nocera But understanding not long after that Horatio Baglione was come to the Leagues Camp with a great many Florentines all of them expert Souldiers and that Camillo Orsino and Commissary Pisano were expected the next day with the Venetian forces they quitted l' Abruzzo and marched straight forwards towards Naples following their first advice plâ—cing the total end of the business and their hopes of maintaining that State in the defence of that City and retayning only the Spanish and Dutch foot about 10000 in number they applied themselves diligently to providing the City with victuals Lautrech finding that he could not draw the Enemy to Battel which they had so manifestly refused went about to make himself Master of the Country and not to leave any Town untaken behind him which was the Enemies till he should come before the walls of Naples Wherefore understanding that the Prince was entred into Melsi with a very strong Garrison of Souldiers he sent Pietro Navarro with the Gascoigne foot and Baglione with the Souldiers of the black Band to take it by whom the Town was play'd upon taken and sack'd and at the same time Commissary Pâ—sani with two thousand Italian foot took the Town of Ascoli and then joyned suddenly again with Lautrech to whom Barleti Trani and otâ—er adjoyning Towns did quickly yeild some being moved by what had befallen Melsi others by the love they bore to the French and by their being weary of the Spanish Government so as in all Puglia only the Town of Manfredonia held for the Spaniards Wherefore Lautrech leaving 2000 Venetian foot one hundred Curassiers and two hundred light Horse to besiege that City and to keep those others which he had taken march'd with all the rest of the Army towards Naples all Towns coming in apace unto him by which he past At last resolving to besiege it as thinking it the safest and most successful way whereby to get the City he encamped himself within near about a mile of the Walls having taken up his Head-quarters together with the greatest strength of his men at Poggio Reale in a strong situation and proper to keep the besieged from many conveniencies At the same time the Venetian Fleet being reinforced at Corfu and put in order after the prejudice they had undergone at Sardignia was come into the Rivers of Puglia consisting of sixteen Gallies under the command of Commissary Moro for General Lando was gone to the Island of Candia to appease some commotions which were raised in the Territories of Canea by the country people Six Towns in Puglia belonged to the Venetians by the agreement of the League which they had formerly been possess'd of to wit Ottranto Brandizzo Monopoli Pulignan Mola and Trani Therefore the Venetians were more diligent in pursuing this enterprize having to boot with their Gallies divers other armed Vessels of sundry sorts and their hopes of good success were much encreased to boot with the forces and reputation of the League by the love which those people bore to the Commonwealth so as upon the Fleets arrival Monopoli and Trani yeilded presently to them and a good inclination was found in the rest to do the like Manfredonia had somwhat a better Garrison in her and the Citizens were not so well affected to the State wherefore Almoro Moresini Captain of the Gulph went with some of the Gallies to the reducing thereof whither Camillo Orsino was also gone with some land forces Whilst they were encamped about the walls Ranuâ—io Farnese sallyed out with two hundred Horse and Girollimo Cremona with two hundred foot against which Andrea Ciurano advanced boldly with his Stradiotte Horse and after many hours skirmish put them to flight and drove them into the Town killing some and taking other some prisoners in which action Ciurano won much praise and made good the opinion which was conceived of his valour and skill by reason of other egregious deeds and chiefly by his having chased George Reynes a personage of great renown near Taranto and by having taken the Governour of the Town but this his glory soon ended for falling grievously sick by reason of his much pains taken in the Militia he died being much beloved by the Souldiers and valued by the Commanders for his liberality carriage and military discipline Commissary Moro was before Brandizzo who play'd upon the Castle which was yet held by the Imperialists with a good Garrison though the Town was already surrendred this battery was recommended to the particular care of Bernardo Segredo a young man of much ingenuity and courage who had brought it to such a condition as men being already landed to give the assault it was thought the enemy could not hold out long But Lautrech whose orders the Venetian commanders had commission from the Senate to observe
Galleys as to an assured Triumph And having joyfully dined at the Island of Capri they went to assault Doria who lay with his Galleys upon the coast of Amalsi near Capo d' Orto being perswaded that the Genueses being terrified with this spectacle and with the unexpected assault would either run away or that if they would joyn battel with them though upon disadvantage that through the Vallour of the Spanish Souldiers which were the very best pick'd out of the whole Army they should obtain certain and glorious victory But the business fell out much otherwise for neither was Doria affrighted at the sight of the enemy he being a man very well experienced in Maritime affairs nor came the assault unexpected he having been so timely advertised thereof as that he had opportunity to prepare for it and to reinforce his Fleet with souldiers which were sent unto him from the Camp by Lautrech So as resolving to wait the Imperialists coming and not to refuse battel when he first saw the enemy appear he devided his forces and with 4 Galley's made boldly towards them causing the other two which were commanded by Lomelino to fall off at the same time to seaward as if they fled away but with orders to tack about and assault the Imperialists on the Flanck and Poupe whilest they were busied in the fight Which counsel being wisely taken and well pursued by the Captain and his Genueses who were very well verss'd in all things which belonged to Sea had such good success as two of the enemies Galleys fell into Doria's hands two were sunck and the other two being shrewdly shattered saved themselves with much adoe by flight the Marquis of Guasto Asconio Colonna and other Commanders were taken prisoners Don Hugo Cesare Feramosca and most of the souldiers which were in the Gallies were slain whereby the City of Naples was deprived of her best and valiantest defendants General Lando came this mean while to the shores of Naples with 20 Gallies who being likewise come for the business of Puglia and having tarried in the Gulf of Massa had already taken all the Towns appertaining to the Venetians as Trani Mola Puglignan Monopli Otranto and Brandizzo the Castles of Brandizzo remaining only in the Imperialists power Commissary Augustino da Mula being left to guard them The arrival of the Venetian General was of great advantage to the French and as prejudicial to the Enemy for leaving six Gallies at Gaetta and as many at Cume he scowred the Rivers neighbouring upon Naples with the rest from Capanella to Massa blocking up the Sea so as he suffer'd not any vessel to enter with victuals to the Besieged The Venetian Gallies did likewise possess themselves of some places where the Mills were which grownd corn for the City so as the corn which they had yet lest could not be made into bread but being deliver'd out unto the Souldiers ungrownd was either eaten by them in poâ—tage or baked in pans On the other side the Venetian Fleet was of great advantage to their friends for it furnished their Camp with victuals from Sea whereof by reason of the great number of useless people who flock to the Camp for the dearth that was that year generally throughout all Italy and by the carelesness of the Commanders there was great scarcity in the Camp And Monsieur ae Barbasi who brought monies from France with him to pay the Souldiers meeting with great impediments by the Imperialists who had block'd all the ways so as that he was fain to take a great circuit about was met by divers of the Venetian Generals men whom he on purpose had landed to assist Barbasi against Don Ferrante Gonsagae who was come with both Horse and Foot out of Naples to intercept the supply of monies and by their means together with some others that were sent from the Camp both Venetians and Florentines led on by Valerio Ursino and Hugo â—e Pepoli he repuls'd the Enemy but Hugo being too forward in pursuit of them was taken Prisoner Thus far the affairs of the League went on prosperously and with great hopes of putting a speedy end to the War by the acquisition of the whole Kingdom of Naples but now apparent signs grew not only of their declination but even of their ruine As it fortune could not long favour the French in Italy to whom she had so long shew'd her self therein an Enemy Their Army fell into sore and sudden sicknesses whereunto many causes did concur As the influence of the Heavens which had this year occasioned many pestiferous diseases in all pats the season of the year which being in the moneth of August was made the worse by the disorders committed by the Souldiers in eating great store of fruit But especially the badness of the air which was become unwholesom by reason of the waters which being diverted for several moneths from their ordinary course did overflow almost all parts about their Quarters Which put Lautrech into great straits finding inconveniences on all sides and great doubts and difficulties in either continuing the Siege the commenc'd inconveniences considered or in inlarging his Camp He was advised by almost all his Captains to carry the Souldiers into the neighbouring Towns and by dividing them to keep the mallady from spreading farther and that the sick might have the better means affâ—rded them of cure And truly the Army was brought into such a condition as necessity seemed to force him to such a resolution the rather for that the Sea being still block'd up he might sufficiently incommodate the Enemy though he inlarged his quarters But on the other side Lautrech was greatly grieved to see a Victory escape his hands which was almost won For if he should enlarge his quarters he knew that the Imperialists who did abound in Horse would by their coming abroad finde some wayes open to provide against their Incoveniencies He understood by Simione Romano whom he had sent into Calavria that all things succeeded well there that all those people did surrender out of their particular affection to the name of France that the Towns and Havens in Puglia were fallen into the Venetians hands that the Abruzzo was at very first reduced by the French that the Spaniards were already driven out of almost the whole Kingdome And yet all these acquisitions must prove to no purpose if by allowing those who were in Naples and who were already reduced to great straits the benefit of time he should lose the opportunity of getting that City upon which the good or bad success of the whole enterprise did depend He was also ashamed that the Spaniards suffering under great inconveniencies sickness and scarcity should notwithstanding bear all this with such constancy as that they would not listen to any Propositions of surrender and yet he and his French must through weakness of Spirit yeild to the very first frowns of adverse fortune and suffer themselves to be as it were overcome by those that
camp then they had thought and then what ought to be So as the forces being divided each part would be too weak and not without danger And on the other side the Venetians shewing that they had made good their articles better then the French had done said they would see them first incamped and that then they would do so likewise for they feared very much what the French would do having formerly observed in them a settled resolution to mind the business of Genua and set all things else aside affirming that they had Orders from the King so to do Wherefore much delay being used on both sides and the former resolution wherein they found many doubts and difficulties being as it were of it self revoked the Armies parted Monsieur di S. Paule went towards Laudriano the Duke of Urbine took up his first Quarters at Montio and the Duke of Milan went with an intention of carrying his men into Pavia From which places each of them playing their parts severally in blocking up the ways infesting the Country and by keeping Antonio da Leva from victuals they thought they might be able to suppress him and at last to compass their ends though by another way of possessing themselves of Milan and Como which were the only two places of importance which held for the Emperour in the Dukedome of Milan But the French were not well got to their Quarters when they sent word that they would go as it was before suspected to Genua being much sollicited thereunto by Cesare Fregoso who weighing affairs as he could wish them told them that the business would be soon and easily effected so as they believed they should soon return to the same Quarters and desired the Duke of Urbine that he would tarry the mean while with his men and those of the Duke of Milan where they were or thereabouts to do what was formerly designed not permitting the Besieged to be relieved The French Army rising then with this intention the first day of Iune marched towards Pavia which Leva being by his Spies advertised of he resolved to pursue them and if occasion should serve to fight them It was either his fortune or rather the small experience of the Enemy that favour'd his forwardness for the French Army marched divided into two parts the one of which led on by Count Guido Rangone who commanded the Van Artillery and Carriages was advanced eight miles before the other which was slow in following them Wherein was Monsieur de S. Paule who commanded the Battle and Claudio Rangone who ruled the Reer When Leva who advanced all in one body in good Order and very quietly was got very near the Enemy he found their disorder and his own advantage so as he resolved to fight them and ordered that the Light Horse should hasten to fall on upon the French rear which was scarcely got two miles from their quarters and looked for nothing less so as being all of them astonished and confused at the unexpected accident they easily grew into disorder whereby the enemy coming presently up to the Foot of the Van and charging them with their Light-horse they forced the French to retreat But Monsieur de St. Paul standing firm and in good order with the battel did valiantly resist the violence of the enemy for a good while the combat being made on all sides with much courage and equal fortune But when Leva came in with the rest of the Army wherein were the old Spanish Souldiers the French began apparently to give back and at last to run Many were slain in the conflict many taken prisoners amongst which Monsieur de St. Paul himself whilest despairing of good success he sought to escape the enemy by running away Some other escaped by flight into several places and chiefly into the Venetians State wherein they were readily received and well treated The Duke of Urbine hearing of this success and knowing that to tarry where he was was to no purpose and not without danger went from Montia to return to his former quarters at Cassano which was much commended by the Senate and proved luckely The Duke proceeded with much circumspection in his retreat for the safety of his Army wherein was as then about five thousand Foot four hundred Curassiers seven hundred Lighthorse and many Carriages He marched by the upper way endeavouring to keep the enemy on the left hand on which side he kept a great company of Harquebusiers to back the battle He divided his whole Army into three squadrons but so ordered as each of them might commodiously succour the other and be by them succoured The light horse traversing the Country watched the enemies wayes that they might give timely advertisement thereof to the Generall and by this diligence the Duke brought himself together with all his men and Carriages safe to their quarters at Cassan which is a place seated near the river of Ada which was on his back whereupon there was a bridg made to pass over into Giaradada and to the end that victuals might be brought from several parts to the Camp the quarter was every where invironed and fortified with safe works having but one way only open unto it which was likewise well munited This was thought to be a very covenient seat since from thence they might relieve Lodi and Pavia and as occasion should serve offend the enemy defend the Territories of the Commonwealth and upon need favour the enterprise of Genua wherefore the Duke thinking that he might keep there with much safety and honour would not admit of Fregoso's opinion and the like of some other Captains who advised that the Army might be brought into Brescia and thereby not exposed to danger they being much inferiour in numbers to Leva's men who being encouraged by his Victory and desirous to quite overthrow the Confederates forces pursued the Duke of Urbine and had taken up his quarters at Vasri some two miles distant from the Venetian quarters which caused our men to fear that they would pass over the Ada to destroy the Territories of Brescia Bergamo and Crema but the Duke relied much upon his Light-horse which were more in number then the enemies and exceeded them much in worth and discipline who scouring all the adjacent parts did not only disturb the carrying of victuals to the Imperial Camp but had caused such terrour as none of them durst stir out of their Trenches The Duke resolved therefore to tarry still in that quarter to preserve his reputation and to make use of the Provisions of the neighbouring Countrey for the service of his own Army which otherwise would have been left for the enemies use whereas if he should have retreated into the City he should have wasted those Victuals which served for the use of his Friends But Fregoso grew dayly more and more afraid that if the Army should tarry in those quarters it might receive some notable prejudice which his minde was so full of as it
Imperiall Army being gone by the way of Isprach were entred into Bavaria and were pass'd from thence towards Ratisbone where the Emperour waited for them with more men Both sides stood a long while idle each of them expecting some advantage And though the two Armies were often approached so near one anoother as great skirmishes past 〈◊〉 them in face of both the Armies yet they came not to a joyn battel which Caesar wisely sought to evade that he might draw the businesse out in length and so break the Enemy who had severall Commanders and were of severall opnions as he did For the people and Souldiers beginning to fall from their first high conceits of being able quickly to overcome and chase Caesar and being troubled with the great contributions for war and King Ferdinando being at the same time entred with an other great Army into the State of Duke Iohn Frederick accompanied and adhered unto by Duke Maurice of Saxony who was Fredericks Enemy the Enemy was so confused and terrified as suffering many Castles to be taken within fight of their Army and the Army beginning already to moulder away of it selfe Charles the Emperour with unexpected successe was able in a short time to bring that dangerous War by unexpected success to a good end For having by this his first good fortune won much reputation many Princes and Hans-Towns came in unto him and craved his pardon so as in a few moneths space he had subdued a great Tract of ground belonging to powerful Princes and warlike people a thing which he could hardly have hoped to have done with much hazard and in a long time The War being thus ended for this year and winter being already come on Caesar dismist the Pope's Forces who being disbanded returned for Italy and Cardinall Alexander Fernese the Popes Nepew who was his Legate in the Campe being to return for Rome would take Venice in his way where though he understood he was to be received with great honour yet he resolved to come thither privately but he was so joyfully seen and honour'd by all and so complemented both in publick and private as he departed very well satisfied The Cardinall was much favour'd and beloved by the Venetians not onely for his being so near in blood to the Pope but for his noble qualities and for that he was lately received into the number of the Gentlemen of Venice For not long before at the Popes desire the honour of being a noble Venetian was conferr'd upon the Family of the Fernese's an honour highly esteem'd by persons of the best degree by reason of the Antiquity of the Common-wealth and for the unblemisht reputation she holds of liberty with the dignity and authority of no small Dominion and since some mention happens to be made thereof here it will not be amiss to understand some particulars touching it Those are called noble Venetians who partake of the Government of the Common-wealth that is who have authority to chuse and may themselves be chosen publick Magistrates which power is gotten by birth not by the usuall way of votes For he that is born of Noble Parents is Noble and at a certain time and in a manner prefixt by the Laws may enter into the great Councill wherein the usuall disposall of Magistrates is made Such are admitted into this order who either have descended from the first inhabiters of the City and who have more eminent then others for worth or wealth have from the beginning had the mannaging of publick affairs or such as have at severall times and by various accidents been received thereinto for â—ome famous and signall service done for the good of the Common-wealth who for the most part are of noble Families of other Countries or some others who have the honour of this order conferr'd upon them out of particular grace and favour wherein such a measure is notwithstanding kept as it is onely granted to Lords of great quality and by this way were the Families of Este of Gonsaga and some other chief Families of Italy admitted thereinto and Henry King of France being at Venice the year 1574. Noble-Venetian which he seemed to be very well pleased withall And it hath been the indeavours of many Popes in these latter times to get their Families admitted into the Venetian Nobility esteeming it a great honour to them in prosperous fortune and in adverse fortune a safe refuge This honour is continued in all those that descend from any one that hath once been received into this Order and great care is had that it be preserved pure and immaculate so as it is required that in the birth of those that are admitted into the great Councill the Fathers nobility be not onely considered but that they be born in lawfull Marriage and of no mean woman but of one of good condition The charge whereof is particularly committed to a chief Magistrate called L'Auogaria del Commune who keeps Books wherein the names of all the Nobles that have been from the beginning are written Into this order was the Family of the Ferneses thus received at the importunity of Pope Paul the Third and hath ever since been and is still esteemed a friend and confident to the Common-wealth But to return to our Narration Cesar was mightily cry'd up every where for the successes of Germany his glory therein being the greater for that by this act he witnessed to the world that the victories which he had won by the German Forces were gotten by his own worth and felicity since the same who whilst they fought under his guidance and fortune were Victors when they became his enemies were subdued and overcome by him and though to quench the remainders of this War there remained nothing but his overcoming of Duke Frederick and the Lansgrave who dispairing of pardon as having been the heads of these Tumults continued in their contumacy against Cesar yet it was easily seen that their Forces were not sufficient to hold out long against so victorious a Prince Upon better considerations the Pope found by this businesse that the Venetians had advised him well which made him praise the Senate's wisdome therein He saw that none of these things had succeeded which he had propounded to himselfe The Councill was still open though some Prelates were gone from thence by reason of the Wars approaching nay it grew more dangerous for him for that Cesar desired to give some satisfaction to the people of Germany whereby to continue them in his devotion by waging War out of Italy Nor was Duke Pier Luigi very safe since the Emperour was so soon to be rid of that war which was thought would have continued longer and in the opinion of men he was cheated in the glory which he hoped to purchase to his name for it was wholly attributed to Charles who by his wit and worth had overcome all difficulties Therefore recalling his men from the Imperiall Campe he openly complain'd that
Venetians did again assault Italy with yet a greater preparation for war and won one of her most fruitful Provinces and which did most abound in Inhabitants and goodly Cities having driven the Family of the Sforza's out of it And soon after having a mind to be Master of all Italy calling in the Spaniards to assist him he together with them possest himself of the Kingdom of Naples Great contention arose between these two Potent Kings of France and Spain about the division thereof and Italy being made the Seat of war they often fought with various success and keeping themselves out of danger ruined the Countries of other men with sword and fire In these troublesome times whilst Italy was full almost in all her ports of Foreign Armies and troubled with various successes of war the Affairs of the Venetians went peacefully and prosperously on for Fortune not having as yet begun to frown upon them and they having accomodated the differences between them and Bajazet the Emperour of the Turks with whom before they had made war and put all their Maritime parts into a peaceful condition they turned their thoughts upon their Land Militia and to their Dominion on Terra firma and did with all diligence study how to increase their Forces and their Empire that their Common-wealth might be able when occasion should require to resist forreign Forces The Dignity and Fame of the City of Venice was hereupon so much increased as it now held the first place for Authority and Power in all Italy and by common consent all differences were referred to her there was not any one who intended to attempt any thing upon Italy who did not chiefly indeavor to have the Venetians for their Friends and Confederates Thus Maximillian of Austrea King of the Romans Elect Emperor of the West desirous to come into Italy to receive the Ensigns of Empire according to the customes of his Predecessors and to restore Italy to her Liberty by freeing her from the severe slavery of the French and to reduce her under the civil Germane Empire endeavored very much to win the Venetians to join their Forces with his or at least not to have them his Adversâ—ries But the Senate of Venice not willing to make more way for the barbarous Nations to ruine Italy whereby she might draw upon her the hatred of all her Neighbour Princes resolved not to forego the friendship which she had contracted with the French but to oppose the Emperour Maximillian if he should come into Italy in a war-like posture Hereupon arose war between them which hapned succesfully for the Venetians entring with greater Forces into the Emperours Confines took from him some Castles which belonged to the Patremony of the House of Austrea and joyned them to their Empire The other Princes did very much envy the prosperity of the Venetians where power being become so formidable they thought fit to suppress wherefore allmost all the Kings and Princes of Europe conspired against her and proclaimed war against Venice Lodowick King of France being the chief Author thereof who was obliged to the Common-wealth by many ancient and modern good Offices wherefore she thought she might very much confide in his Friendship As soon as this unexpected news came to Venice the Senators not shewing any sign of fear of this so great and dreadful War but being resolved to meet the Enemies Forces left nothing undone which might make for their defence and which might be done by Advice Gallantry and Force of Arms. But now they must give way to adverse Times the Common-wealths Army did unfortunately fight the Enemy upon the Banks of the River Ada and after the bad success of this Battel as if the Common-wealth had received a fatal blow out of a sudden dispair she freed the Noblest Cities of her Dominions from their former Oaths and gave them leave to submit unto the Enemy So as falling on a sudden from the hight of Happiness into great misery she was a great Example of the variety of humane Affairs Yet soon after the Senators resuming courage began to Rally their dispersed Forces to raise more Forces wherewith in a short time the Enemies Forces being separated and they having gotten some of the Enemies to joyn with them against their own confederates they revenged themselves of the French who were the first occasioners of their Calamity and drove them out of Italy and did likewise recover and defend many of their Noblest Cities and Castles by which success growing higher in their hopes they oft times refused peace when it was offered them being resolved either to obtain such conditions as whereby they might recover their ancient State or else put themselves again upon the utmost dangers of war Wherefore all men said that even in the obscurity of so much adverse fortune some light did yet remain of the antient Glory of Italy and of the Venetian vertue in the perpetual constancy of that Senate and in their generous invincible fortitude of Spirit The Venetians oft times when they were worsted treated with their Enemies which had overcome them as if they were to give not to receive Laws demanding restitution of whatsoever was theirs before the war began before they would lay down Arms. They had by this time recovered the Cities of Padua Trevigi Vicenza Crema and besides these the Towns in Freuli and the Cities of Feltre and Belluno submitted to the Venetian Empire but Verona was still in Maximillians hands the 〈◊〉 of Naples held Brescia whereinto he powered a great many Spaniards and the Switzers having won Cremona held it in the name of Maximillian Sforza Ferdinand King of Spain possesed the Towns and Havens of Puglia which formerly belonged to the Common-wealth having restored them to the Kingdom of Naples as Members thereof And the Castles of Romagnia which were won by Pope Iulius were by him annext to the Ecclesiastical State The Common-wealth was not then upon any good terms with the Pope nor with the King of Spain though not long before she had entered into League and Friendship with them Not with the one because he did favour Caesar too much and not with the other because contrary to Articles he detained the City of Brescia which appertained to her The Switzers friendship was greatly suspected though they professed adherence to the Common-wealth as well by reason of their ancient repute of not being over faithful as also for the new success of Cremona But she profest open enmity to Lodowick King of France and the time of League made for some Months with the Emperour Maximillian was expired all Treaties of peace between him and the Venetians having always proved vain out of their constant resolution to recover and the like in him not to quit Verona This was the Condition of the Times and of the State of Venice When in the beginning of the year 1513. counting from the Birth of Christ and 1092. from the building of Venice Leonardo Loredano being then
too much trusting the Spaniards to put the whole Affairs of Italy into their hands that they had condescended that an Italian Duke should be Master of Millan because they knew he was rather to be a Prince in appearance than in effect whereby they hoped they might reduce that State upon the first occasion that should be offered under their Dominion That therefore moved by the same Interests they profess'd now to defend Maximillian Sforza that they might make use of the Millaneses and of the Switzers to drive the French out of Italy whom they thought they ought only to fear That it might clearly be seen the Spaniards did no less aspire to the Empire of Italy then did the French but whereas these made their way by open Force the others finding themselves to be too weak sought to work their ends by cunning and by cozenage and did under a colour of Friendship with the Italians undermine their Liberties That therefore it was very advantageous to suffer the Forces and Reputation of an other Forreign Prince to increase in Italy to obviate their Power since that the Italians who had been so long afflicted with War were not able of themselves to defend themselves against Forreign Nations The Venetians did by these reasons make good their Counsels and Actions but whilst these things were in Treaty with the Pope all sides made diligent preparations for War Nay Princes seemed to be the more set thereupon for that Leo by his various thoughts and promises made many of them hope to be able to maintain the War by his Help and Authority But the Venetians were more sollicitous in this business then the rest as those who found themselves most necessitated to continue the War therefore they raised men diligently in all parts to make up an Army They sollicited the King of France continually to come speedily into Italy shewing him that the Victory consisted chiefly in celerity That if such Cities as were not yet provided of Garrisons should be on the sudden assaulted they might be easily reduced into their Power But that if the business were spun out in length greater difficulties would daily arise King Lewis being moved by these Exhortations bent himself wholly upon this War and being desirous to imploy his whole Forces therein he agreed with Ferdinando to lay down Arms on the other side of the Mountains for a certain time This King was so carryed away with a vain glorious desire of recovering the State of Millan as he valued neither fear nor infamy So as not caring what blame he might incurre thereby he by this suspension of Arms gave over his Friends and Kinsmans Cause the King of Navarr who for having taken part with the French was a little before driven out of his Kingdom by the Spaniards and reduced to a miserable condition And being likewise advertised of great preparation for War made by Henry King of England a powerful Prince to assault France he contemn'd the Forces of that Kingdom though they had oft times made the French feel them to their Cost For having already in his mind taken in the whole state of Millan and taken the Victory for granted he thought he might bring back his victorious Army time enough to defend his own Kingdom before the English devested of all Military Preparations by reason of their long Peace could provide all things necessary for so great an Enterprize All the Kings men meâ— then according to Orders in the City of Susa that they might the more easily pass from thence into Italy Lewis Lord of Tremuglia a Personage very famous both for his Birth and for many places which he had discharged was made chief Commander of the Army Yet the War was for the most part govern'd according to the pleasure of Giovanni Giacomo Trivulcio who was at that time in great estimation for his great experience in Military Affairs 'T was said that the French Army consisted of about 20000 fighting men 〈…〉 muster'd 8000 choice Italian Foot to which were added 200 Câ—rassiers and 500 light Horse and a great Train of Artillery which did much strengthen the Army Two noble Venetians Domenico Contareno and Andrea Loredano were the Commissaries general whose particular care it is to provide Victuals Monies and all things requisite for the Army and then to be assistant in their Advice to the Captain General in all difficult businesses for the Venetians do themselves execute all the places of the Militia by Sea but in Terra firma by their ancient wont and the Custom of their Fore-fathers they manage their War by Forreigners At this time Bartholomeo Alviano was Captain General of the Venetian Army who being lately returned from France and Count Pitigliano being dead was chosen by the Senate to succeed in his place with the same Conditions which were granted formerly to Pitigliano His yearly pay was 50000 Duckets and he was bound to keep still on foot 300 Curassiers and 500 Cross-bow men on Horse-back to be ready upon any occasion to serve the Common-wealth This man when his place was conferr'd upon him went to the Army which was then upon the Banks of Adice and thinking it fit to be speedy in the business began forthwith to exhort the Senate that he might anticipate the time and that they would suffer him to march with his Army into the state of Millan whilst the Enemy were unprovided of aid and the Cities ungarrison'd That all other attempts would be in vain or to very little purpose that it was requisite that the Venetians should run the same fortune as did the French in 〈◊〉 War That if Affairs should go well with them it was no question but they were to share in the good Fortune but if otherwise they had no hope neither of getting any thing nor yet of keeping any thing that they had lately re-gained But the Senate after they had well and narrowly examined the business resolved that the Army should not pass the Rivers of Po and Ada for what remain'd they left the whole managing of the War free to Alviano with leave to direct his Forces and Designs whither he should be invited by the negligence of the Enemy or advised by his own Industry and Reason There was not as yet any certain News come that the French were past the Alpes therefore the Senate thought it a rash Counsel to leave their Countrey exposed to the Injuries of the Enemy and to send their Army to a place from whence in any case of adverse fortune they could not return But Alviano being very fervent in all he took in hand and very quick and bold thinking that the occasion and the present condition of Affairs invited him so to do resolved to advance immediately with his Army and took his way first towards Verona hoping to get that City Pandolfo Malatesta was taken into pay by Cesar at this time and made Governour of one of the Towers who allured by greater rewards had sided with the
his Affairs in so bad a posture and seeking to provide for his own safety retired with some few Horse into Navar to try the utmost of his Fortune For he understood that some Troops of the Switzers were already got thither expecting to be followed by many others of their Nation who came in much greater numbers to defend that State Wherefore the Millaneses seeing their City bereft both of Commander and Souldiers that their Castle which was well garrison'd was in the hands of the French and that the Enemies Army drew neer some allured by hopes of better Fortune others moved by fear thought it best to put themselves willingly into the power of the French and to this purpose to send Embassadours to the General of the Venetians Army who having already made a Bridg over the Ada threatned to bring his Army before the Town This mean while the French with whom was Andrea Gritti as Embassadour from Venice assaulted Italy took many Cities and Castles some by slight skirmishes some without any withstanding Thus the state of Millan straitned at one and the same time by the French and the Venetian Armies fell in a short time into the French mens hands Two only Cities Navar and Como held still for Maximillian The Venetians heightning their hopes by these prosperous successes promised unto themselves a happy end of all the War Their Army was grown into such Reputation after the getting of Cremona as Renzo da Ceri being ordered by Alviano to go with a Band of Souldiers to recover Brescia the City yielded as soon as he came before it For the Spaniards who had the Guard thereof when they heard of his approach withdrew themselves into the Castle There was but one thing which appeared might hinder the conceived hopes of Victory which was that it was said the Switzers had so zealously undertaken to protect Duke Maximillian as it was thought they would prefer his honour before whatsoever other thing Their Nation was then in very great esteem out of the opinion which was had of their excellent Discipline in War Wherefore they were much celebrated and feared by all people So as blown up with Pride for having once had good success in their attempts chiefly because the French Forces were once worsted by their means and Duke Maximillian restored to his state aspiring yet to greater Glory they did totally despise the French Nation which they had once overcome Their haughty minds could not endure to be despised and under-valued by King Lewis who when there was a treaty of renewing the League with them seemed more desirous of some little advancement of Moneys than of their Friendship whereupon the business remain'd undecided These men said that they had always highly esteemed the King of Fâ—ance his Friendship that they had toyled very much in several Wars to the end that he might by them receive Glory that having by their egregious actions deserved much better salary then they demanded they could not receive such reasonable reward from that ungrateful King as they by their service and hazard had won King Lewis repenting this his advice sent his Embassadours to their Dyets to accord those differences who though they had endeavoured to please some of the best amongst them with presents and promises yet could they not get them to receive the King into their Friendship 'T is thought that the hopes of great Reward and an Opinion of vain Glory did incite the multitude to fight against the King of France since they saw their Friends and Companions rich and return'd with Conquest from the late Wars of Italy The Popes authority and exhortations were added to these things for Iulio was wont mightily to magnifie the Helvetians whom he had honoured with the glorious title of DEFENDERS of the ECCLESIASTICAL LIBERTY and Leo did continually though under-hand solicite them to take upon them the defence of the state of Millan Besides he had sent them a certain summe of Money by Maximillian's Embassadour under pretence that it was due unto them for service done in the other Popes time And since the recent Memory of the glorious Actions done by that Nation invites me thereunto I have thought it greatly suiting with the business which I am now in hand with to say something of their Customes and Discipline The Switzers are a Nation of Rusticks far from any neatness or civil breeding but very desirous of War and for strength of body beyond all the Nations of Europe They inhabit those high Hills which bound France on the West side and on the East and North Confine upon Germany Therefore as formerly this Countrey was held a part of Gallia Belgica so now it is placed as a member thereof within the Confines of Germany The Inhabitants suffer much in the scarcity of all things by reason of the Countries barrenness the which they use to remedie not by cultevating the ground or by marchandizing as other people for the most part do but by the pay which they get in the Wars They think that curious and delicate living makes men effeminate therefore despising Learning and all civil Adornments they spend their lives in continual sweat and labour So as being naturally strong of body and accustoming themselves to hunger watching cold and thirst they do so strengthen themselves as they can easily undergo the hardest things As soon as their years will suffer them to bear Armes they leave their own homes put themselves into other Princes pay and learn all Military Affairs in Armies Hence is it that strength of body and experience in War makes these fiercely minded men so daring as they dread not any Enemie nor is there any Enterprize so hard or difficult which they do not willingly undertake whereby they have won singular praise for matter of War amongst all Nations and their Discipline is chiefly esteemed in pitcht fields when people fight with Banners flying For they so order their Squadrons as they stand fast and firm and bear any shock of the Enemy without any disorder But this their great Industry is marr'd and corrupted by many bad Customes so as they deserve not that praise which is due to true Worth For they esteem nothing a fault in War but to fear the Enemy and think it not a fault for able valiant men to take Liberty in committing other faults so as the Soul being sick and weak in what concerns true Honour suffers her self the more easily to be contaminated They have often therefore been observed to despise Loyalty to refuse obedience even to modest Commands and to measure all things according to their own Interests more then according to Honesty They have Liberty in great esteem and veneration and profess the maintaining thereof more than any other Nation doth Wherewith being contented and secured by their cragged scituation they go out of their Confines not with any intention of inlarging them but to fight for other mens Power and Glory So they exercise the Militia rather
for profit and private praise then to acquire Empire and publick Dignity They are divided into many Communalties which they call Cantons and order their Affairs after a form of civil Government according to the Rules of a popular State Every Canton hath its particular Laws and have peculiar Magistrates to do them Iustice. But when they treat of most important business which appertain either to War or Peace they all convene in a common Council which according to occasion is appointed in several places The way to publick Imployments is open to all for valiant Actions are those which are only esteemed as ornament and greatness in this Nation which knows no other Riches or Nobility then what is placed in Military Valour Finally their whole Life is nothing but Warfare whereby they have won such Reputation with all other Nations as great provisions are paid in unto them both in publick and in private by the most potent Kings of Europe And Embassadours are sent to them from all parts to seek League and Friendship with them But the Switzers seemed to love the Venetians above all others only for the name of Liberty which is so acceptable to them Therefore our Common-wealth to honour them the more was wont to call them not only Friends but Cousins and hath often made use of their Friendship particularly at that time when by their assistance they drove the French out of Italy Therefore the Venetian Senate relying much upon the Switzers chose Pietro Stella Secretary of the Consiglio di Pregadi and sent him to them in the Common-wealths name to endeavour the taking of them off from the League which they had made with their Enemies and to reduce them to Friendship with the French But when the Secretary was come to Zurick and began to acquaint them with his Embassie the fierce multitude highly incens'd against the King of France could not only not be perswaded so to do but scandalized with the motion suffered themselves to be so carried away with an uncurb'd fury as violating the Laws of Nations they used violence upon the Venetian Secretary who with much ado and by means of some of the chiefest and wisest amongst them escaped the danger and by order from the Magistrates was secured in his own house The Council being then called hereupon war against the French was with such joynt consent and such fervour resolved upon as most upon receiving very little pay and many without any pay at all made themselves be listed in the Militia and having in a short time made up a numerous Army they began to fall down by Squadrons into the Dukedom of Millan When the French Commanders heard that they were come they were much troubled remembering their gallant late actions but considering that they had neither Horse Victuals Artillery nor any other thing fit for an Enterprise they thought they were not to fear such Enemies as came without any warlike Preparations rather to pillage than to fight So as they thought that being dissipated by their own necessities they would return home without doing any thing as they had sometime formerly done Therefore the French not valuing this the Enemies succour left the City of Alexandria well garrison'd where they had made their first stay and march'd with their Army towards Novara they intended first to try the Switzers with gifts and promises and see whether they could sooner overcome them with Gold then with the Sword hoping that they might easily bribe them to deliver up Duke Maximillian into their hands following therein the example of their own Countrey-men who had violated their Faith some few years before to his Father Lodowick in the same place Which though it should not succeed thought the taking of that Town would prove no hard business wherewith they hoped the War would be ended But this advice was even then blamed by men of great Experience and Fame in Military Affairs who said the French did not manage the War well who having already reduced almost all the Cities and Castles in the Sforza's possession had bent all their Forces upon the taking of Novara where they would find imployment for a good while when to have done well they should have marched forward with their whole Army to encounter the Spaniards whom when they should have overcome and driven out of the State of Millan it might be hoped that the Switzers seeing themselves deceived in their hopes from the Spaniards would take some other course now that they were not far from their own homes Therefore Gritti had often times exhorted the French Commanders to mind chiefly the beating of the Spanish Army whereon the Enemies chief refuge did seem then to depend and the maintaining of the War And the Venetian Senate thinking that the Enterprise should be handled thus had given order to their General and to their Commissaries to make a Bridg over the Ada giving out that they would suddenly pass their men over to meet with the French to the end that the Spaniards frightned thereat should not only forbear sending succour to the Switzers but might be inforced to think of their own safety and retire into the Kingdom of Naples The Vice-roys mind was various and uncertain and his way uncertain for being gotten but a little from the River Treâ—bia he returned the next day to the same place and quarter'd his Camp there which made all men grow jealous of him it not being evidently seen whether he meant to retreat and abandon the Switzers or by seeming to do so to assault the Venetian Army at unawars But seeing that he kept the same Quarters a good while every one believed that he stay'd expecting the event of things and accordingly to govern himself either in continuing Peace with the Venetians or in making open War against them Therefore the Venetian Senate carrying themselves in all their resolves according to the variousness of his Designs ordered Alviano that if the Spanish Army should pass over the River Poe to joyn with the Switzers who marched towards Novara that he should advance with all his Forces to free that City from being besieged and to give credit and assistance to the French Affairs But that if they should pass the Poe on the lower side and that he did conceive they meant to come upon the Territories of Verona to joyn with the other Enemies of the Common-wealth that then he should keep his men in such a place as he might be ready to assist wheresoever need should require Alviano therefore halted with his Army in the Territories of Cremona that he might turn any whither according to the Proceedings of the Enemy This mean while the French had in vain made many assaults upon Novara which was stoutly defended by the Switzers and now dispairing to take it by force they were in a great strait for they had certain Intelligence that the Defendants did dayly expect great succours Wherefore the undertaking grew more difficult they thought that if they should
give it over and retreat the honour of their Army would be much lessened and the Enemy would be thereby much inheartned and if they should tarry longer in the same Quarters they saw it would be to no purpose and not without danger Some of the Commanders were of opinion that the Army should remove from those Marish Grounds and march into open Campagnia where the Chivalry wherein their chiefest hopes lay might shew their Worth That therefore they should go to encounter the Enemy and set upon them on their way whom they might easily overcome since they were unfurnish'd of all warlike Preparation But Trivulsio's opinion prevailed whose experience Fortune began already to mock He said they were not to hazard themselves upon the uncertain Event of a Battle wherefore they withdrew two miles further from the City and encamped themselves neer the River Mora to the end that lying in a safer place they might keep the Enemy from Victuals and by this means inforce them to surrender When the French had altered their Quarters the Switzers not seeing the Enemie appear any where entred safely into the City of Novara and were exceeding joyfully received by the besieged and without taking any manner of repose they called a Council of War and began to consult how they were to carry on the War and suddenly it was resolved with a general consent that they would assault the Enemies Camp the next night They were so inflamed with a desire of Glory as they despised the worth of all other Nations which heat of theirs was made the greater by the exhortations of some of the Commanders who labour'd to perswade the multitude That Affairs would grow worse by delay that dangers did dayly increase and that therewithal Glory would decrease For they knew that some other of their own Companies would shortly come in to their succour which in case that they should get the Victory would usurpe the greatest part thereof And that notwithstanding after such an assistance their condition would be impared if they knew not how to make use of the present occasion of fighting which was offer'd them For that there was certain News come that both many Foot and Horse were come into the City of Alexandria sent by the King of France to joyn with his Army which if they should be sâ—ffer'd to joyn with the rest of the Enemies Forces Maximillian's Affairs and the defence of that City would be reduced to great difficulties That therefore a short delay might produce great difficulties and spoil a fair advantage That they were to make use of the opportunity of place and time which was offered them whilst they had means so to do That they had then great commodiousness to order their Army in the open Campagnia and to assault the Enemy who were not encamped in any strong scituation nor had yet time to fortifie themselves by Art or by their Souldiers labours so as those little works wherein the Enemy were would rather prove a hinderance then an advantage to them But that above all things nothing made so well for them and so ill for the Enemy as the obscurity of the night for then they could make no use of their Guns wherein they placed their hopes of Victory more thâ—n in their own courage Moreover they came with resolution and minds prepared to fight whereas they should find the Enemy half asleep astonish'd at the Novelty and unexpected Assault expecting nothing less at such a season then battle That they should not fear the smallness of their numbers nor for that lose any of their ancient Courage since the Enemy though they exceeded them in the multitude of men were not to be compared to them for Valour That if they should put this off till another time there was no hopes hereafter of Battle whereof the Enemy would be very far from giving any occasion at they who having opportunity by time to fortifie their Camp and being sure to keep the City from Victuals hoped to get the Victory with less hazard That gallant men might be thus indangered by base people when they should suffer themselves to be reduced to such necessity as they must either fight upon much disadvantage or else being tyred out with want and molestation fall at last into the Enemies hands That it better became their Generosity to run the same hazard of life by making Tryal of their Valour then by suffering the Inconveniences of a Siege That it was greatness of Spirit not wariness which was the true Ornament of Souldiers These warlike men being wholly set on fire by these speeches they all with lowd voice desired to be led on to the Enemy And feeding themselves with the desire of Glory and hopes of Victory were not overcome by the weariness of the way The Commanders praising their Courage and Resolution dismiss'd them ordering them to be in readiness with their Armes against the sign should be given The French having been in Armes all that day and part of the night and being told by their Scouts that all was quiet in Novara had betaken themselves to their rest and this being the first night after the raising of their Army they lay scatter'd and confutedly amongst their Baggage The better half of the night being past over in silence 10000 Switzers sallied ouâ— of the Town and having divided themselves into three bodies marched speedily strait towards the Enemy and proceeded in such order as the farther they advanced the farther did the Army spread abroad The greatest Squadron was ordered to assault the Enemies Camp on the Front and to begin the Battle The other two when they should be come to the Flanks of the Camp were to tarry there and keep the French Horse from succouring the Foot The Switzers began now to march with displayed Banners against the Enemy who being advertised of their coming by their Scouts had but very little time allowed them to stand to their Armes and put themselves in order for being startled out of their sleep and the Commanders being no less abash'd at the first with the Novelty then the rest they were much terrified not knowing well what to do yet soon after gathering such Troops together as the suddenness of the accident would permit they began to give order for such things as were most necessary and the Souldiers following their Commanders Orders stood to their Arms and got to their Colours as well as they could Trivulcio kept in the midst of the Battle Monsieur de Tremuglia took care of the right Flank and Ruberto Sedanio commanded the left They all of them exhorted their men the best they could valiantly to withstand the Enemy affirming they had no reason to fear them who were weary and tired with their Iourney whilst they themselves were fresh and lusty They shew'd them how much superiour they were to the Enemy both for advantage of Place and numbers of men that they wanted nothing to obtain the Victory if they were not
wanting unto themselves in boldness and Courage The first thing the French did was forthwith to order their Artillery against the Enemy whereby to retard the Violence of the Assaulters But the Switzers though many of them were slain by the Cannon keeping their Orders advanc'd and bending towards the right hand they wonne the Ditch which did inviron the French Camp and addrest themselves against the Enemies middle Squadron which consisted of Dutch Foot and wherein their chiefest strength lay Thus a cruel Battle was begun all sides fighting with no less hatred then Courage For these two Nations as they use almost one and the same Discipline in War so being Rivals in Glory they strive for Precedency in Military Valour The Dutch were not to be made forsake their Station and the Switzers were very loth to depart without Victory The Issue of the Battle was therefore a long while doubtful but the other two Squadrons of the Switzers which were sent on the Flanks of the French Camp being safely got neer the Enemy by by-ways whereby they escaped the danger of the Cannon and seeing that the Horse did not move to succour their Foot they put on another Resolution the one of them assaulted the Camp in the Rear where the Souldiers that were on that Guard being slain and run away it turn'd suddenly to pillage the baggage the other moving with great violence against the French and Navarese Foot who guarded the Artillery and making them run advanced to succour their own men who were fighting with the Dutch and coming very opportunely fresh and intire upon the Enemy who were wearied and weakened with fighting put them into great disorder This mean while it was noised that the Switzers were entred the Camp and were pillaging the Baggage which as soon as the French Horse heard who till then had stood still neither spur of Honour nor fear of Infamy being of Power enough to make them enter the Battle they suddenly ran behind the Camp to recover the prey from the Enemy Therefore the Dutch being assaulted on all sides and forsaken by their Friends were at last forc'd to yield The Commanders and all the rest seeing all hopes of Victory lost fled and provided as well as they could for their own safeties The French Horse as if they had quite laid aside their ancient Discipline did nothing that day worthy praise There are some notwithstanding that say that being placed in an ill Quarter because there was a great Fen between them and the Enemy they were so hindred as they could not get out of the Camp nor put themselves into the Battle This was the Battle of Novara which I thought I could not pass over with silence as well for the weight of the business it self as likewise for the great Calamities which by reason thereof befell the Venetians Great alteration of Affairs arose suddenly in Italy from this adverse Fortune of the French and especially of those wherein the Venetians were concerned For though the greatest part of the French Army and chiefly the Chivalry was got safe into the City of Alexandria the Enemy wanting Horse to pursue the Victory yet the French parting soon from thence retreated to Piemonte using no less diligence to return into France then they had done to come for Italy But Gritti who being then in the French Camp accompanied them in this their fight was not wanting in exhorting them not to be dis-heartned so soon at Fortunes first blow He put them in mind that by this their immoderate fear they would beget an opinion in men that what had befallen them by chance and through the obscurity of the night proceeded from the Enemies Gallantry or else from their Cowardize and that so they would make that their own fault which was the fault of Fortune That by this base flight the King of France would suffer in his Honour and the Fame of that Nation glorious for so many Victories would be obscured Trivulcio and the other Commanders used the like Perswasions and it fell out very opportunely that in their retreat they met with some Foot Companies and some Troops of Horse which the King had formerly sent to recrute his Army into Italy But nothing was sufficient to make them stop they despised their Commanders exhortations and commands all Military Honour and whatsoever else suffering themselves only to be guided by their own Wills Therefore Gritti seeing the French Army wholly defeated and knowing he could be no longer serviceable there for his Common-wealth return'd by Savona to Genâ—a and from thence took his way towards Luca and at last after much ado and having ran many hazards got safe to Venice from whence he had been four years absent After this Victory Maximillian Sforza who being but a little before neglected by all his own men was not in any good condition did hereby get such Reputation as the peoples minds altering together with Fortune Embassadours flock apace to him from all his Cities to return under his Obedience and the Millaneses by a solemn Embassie of the chiefest of their City did strive most of all to obtain his favour and pardon excusing their Rebellion and shewing themselves willing to do whatsoever he should command them The Cities were received into favour upon condition that they should pay a certain sum of money to the Switzers that so they might reap the fruit of the Victory which was got by their labour and hazard The Vice-roy this mean while who keeping his Spaniards within their Quarters upon the River Trebia even till this day which was the thirteenth of Iune had not discovered himself to be Enemy neither to the French nor Venetians following the Fortune of the Conquerors past over the Poe and marched towards the Territories of Cremona to assault the Venetian Camp which he knew was there Which when Alviano understood and finding that the people began to tumultuate in all parts and that being already begun to be Enemies as well to the Venetians as to the French they prepared to take up Arms in Maximillians behalf he thought it became him to hasten out of those Confines and to draw his Army safe out of so many difficulties The Senate hearing the bad News of the rout of the French had ordered their General and Commissaries to retreat with their Camp to Valeggio to defend their Confines but that they should proceed in such manner as their Retreat might not seem a running away whereby their Friends might grow fearful and their Enemies be imboldned Yet Alviano putting on such resolves as became him to do upon such an accident seeing his Affairs grew dayly worse and worse withdrew hastily with his Army to the Territories of Verona But Cremona having none to defend her when he was gone fell quickly into the Spaniards hands which was sack'd for having received the Venetian Army within her Walls Thus the Vice-roy seeing that other mens dangers had opened a safe way unto his Counsels resolved to
the Church which he said might be easily seen by their League made with the French wherein having obliged King Lewis to aâ—st them in recovering whatsoever they were possest of before that War there was no doubt but that they aspired at the Recovery of the Lands of Romagnia Leo did oft times expostulate these things for not being able long to conceal his Counsels he endeavoured to excuse himself by laying the fault on others and by supposing a necessity for what he had done and by alledging false reasons for it to deserve Praise instead of Blame He was continually sollicited by Cesar to send him those Aides which were promis'd him by agreement by his Predecessor and which were renewed by him Therefore Leo being no longer able to make either excuse or delay he ordered Toroilo Savello and Mutio Colonno who commanded his Gens d' Armes that they should depart from Bolognia where they then were and go with their Troops which consisted of one hundred Horses apiece to joyn with the Dutch and Spanish Army The Venetians were troubled at nothing more then to see that the Pope had declared himself their Enemy for they having never been faulty in their Love and Observance to him in any whatsoever condition of his Fortune as he himself had confess'd and seemed desirous of an occasion to deserve it of the Common-wealth they presumed they might safely build upon his favour And though he had not as yet joyn'd with them in any League against their Enemies yet they thought him no whit less well minded towards them but rather that he desired to have no hand in the War to the end that he might be the freer from all suspition and be the better able to use his Authority in serving them upon managing any Agreement The Venetians seeing no hopes of Peace and that their Enemies did increase in numbers and Forces placed all their hopes in themselves and betook themselves to provide more diligently for all things which they thought might secure them from so many dangers and revenge their Injuries They took many Foot Souldiers into pay out of Romagnia and listed a great many light Horse Moreover they ordered Vicenso Capello who was Commissary for the Fleet that he should recrute the Gallies with Marriners and furnish the Fleet with all things necessary that he should recall the Candie Gallies and having gotten what numbers of Vessels he possibly could from all places he should with all speed bring the whole Fleet to Sara With the like diligence they provided Victuals Ammunition and Moneys and all things else as it were for the beginning of a new War Some Senators were of opinion that the Fleet should put into the Rivers of Puglia and infest the Maritime Places and that they should by all possible means seem at lest to revenge themselves of King Ferdinando who being provoked by no Injury had declared himself an Enemy to the Common-wealth Yet having thought better hereupon they thought it was not fit in so calamitous times as these were to incense a great King so far as to block up all wayes of ever returning into his favour The Venetian General was this mean while with his Army upon the Banks of Adice and being advertised by the Spies that the Spaniards were gone towards Vicensa intending to go to Padua and that Cordona with whom those men were already joyned which as we told you before were sent by him upon other Enterprises was marching with his whole Army towards him he thought it fit to get beyond the Adice so to free his own men from danger and by them to secure the Cities of Padua and Treviso Therefore the Senate though it had been of an other Opinion but a little before fearing least their Affairs might run into some greater disorder commended Alviano's Advice and forthwith sent Luigi Barbaro to re-build the Bridg over the Adice at Albaredo which as soon as it was finished the Army past immediately over and stay'd at Montagnana where it quarter'd But after the departure of their Army the Venetian Affairs which by reason of their first good successes began a little to hold up their head fell to precipitate again Polesine dâ— Rovigo yielded presently to the Enemy and great Risings were in all parts for the people in the Venetians Dominion seeing their Enemies to grow strong and their Friends weak and that they were grievously molested by the one and but slowly defended by the others even such Towns as had been most faithful to the Common-wealth did on all sides for their own safety surrender to the Enemy Only Renzo da Ceri who stay'd with part of the people to defend Crema wonne some Praise in War at this time and did somewhat maintain the ancient Venetian Reputation for sallying frequently out of the City he much incommodiated the Enemy he pillag'd and over-ran their Confines fired their Towns took many Prisoners took away their Monies which he brought to the Camp and maintained the Souldiers therewith The Spanish Army being this mean while advanc'd to countenance and assist Cesars Affairs the Town of Peschiera having made some little resistance fell into the Power of the Enemy and the Castle likewise though it were strongly walled and well garrison'd was the easilier lost by the disagreement of the Captains Lodovico Contarini who was Purvoyer for the City was taken Prisoner together with the Captains and most of the Souldiers the rest escaped the Enemy by flight From hence the Spaniards losing no time went presently towards Verona and joyning with the Dutch at the Town San Martinâ— they began to consult how they were to manage the War whereupon there being several Votes given the Opinion of the Bishop Gurghense was at last followed which was to march with the whole Army to the taking in of Padua Gurghense was the Emperours Lievtenant in Italy and was particularly at this time as Head of all the rest in Verona from whence going to the Army he held therein likewise the supream Authority It was not well known whether this Enterprise were propounded by Gurghense as by command from Cesar or of his own mear Advice that so if it should succeed he might win the greater Praise the Enterprise being very difficult But howsoever Gurghense despising the Opinion of the Military men who were all against him did obstinately persist in his Opinion and yet in his Speeches he stood rather upon amplifying the Greatness of the Rewards which they were to expect from the Victory than upon giving any reason why they should hope to be victorious But Alviano who had already convey'd all the Artillery and Baggage into Padua that he might be the freer and readier to march accordingly as he should see the Enemy move when he heard their Resolution arose presently with his whole Army and was very sollicitous in putting good Garrisons into Padua and Trevigi for it was generally thought that the whole success of the War did depend upon the Preservation of
now to perfect his work it being taken into consideration to raise the Camp he who had formerly tenaciously defended the contrary opinion gave suddenly his consent thereunto So as on the 16th of August by consent of all the Camp was raised and Padua was freed from the Siege which had laid before it 20 dayes occasioning more fear then danger The Enemy marched towards Vicenza and finding it without any Garrison and forsaken by the Venetian Magistrates and chiefest part of the Citizens who hearing of the Enemies approach had with-drawn themselves into stronger Holds they soon took it and the Souldiers began to commit many enormious cruelties they plundered private mens Houses not forbearing Churches nor sacred things but tore and rent the miserable City not for that they had therein received any injury but because the Army was for the most part maintain'd by Rapine which did never receive pay in due time When the Camp had stay'd there a while it began to find want of many things for the City being wasted by War could not supply the Army with sufficient Victuals the Inhabitants having transported their corn and cattle to other parts and it was hard to get any from other parts by reason of the free-booting Carobines which by perpetual In-roads kept the Enemies Army from Victuals being then forced out of these respects to quit those Quarters the Bishop Gurghenses went with the Dutch to Verona and the Vice-roy went to encamp at Alberedo upon the River Adice Over which he began to cause a Bridg be made intending as he affirmed to lead his Souldiers into the Territories of Bergamo and Brescia But seeing that the Vice-roy tarried long in those Quarters Alviano was of opinion to draw the men out of Padua and Trevigi and to assault the Enemy who free from all suspition and scattering themselves about the Countrey for Pillage disorderly might soon be routed He said that the whole Remainder of the War lay in this Army which if it should be beaten the War was ended and that as long as it should be kept together the Enemy would always be able to molest the Common-wealth But the Senate thought otherwise being constant in the opinion not to hazard that Army to the uncertain event of Battle in which the chiefest hopes of their Preservation lay Neither thought they it safe in such hazardous times to draw the Garrisons out of Padua and Trevigi But howsoever keeping this their Intention secret to themselves they endeavoured to beget an other opinion amongst men to the end â—hat such News being spred abroad and that the Enemy hearing that their Army was to take the field they might forbear free-booting and might hasten out of their confines But Cordona little valuing such Rumors which he saw not in many days seconded by any effects but rather taking courage hereby and hoping for better things he began to promise himself good success in whatsoever he should take in hand Wherefore changing his former opinion and calling back the Dutch Souldiers to him he marched once more towards the Territories of Padua with intention as it was seen since the season would suffer him to do nothing else to over-run and pillage all that Countrey Some say that Cordona was moved to this by the many complaints which Gurghense made against him calling him a Liconian of an unsetled mind that he did too much affect the continuing in that Dignity and that he used deceit because he proceeded slowly in the Seige of Padua and in all his other works Others believe that Cordona was inforced to take this course for that the Army being much in arrear for pay which they demanded with great fervency and not without insolency and tumult it became him since he wanted moneys to satisfie the Souldier to stop their mouths by suffering them to prey upon the Enemy so to supply their want of pay Prospero Colonna was of a contrary opinion who held the next place in the Army after Cordona This man having often overcome the Enemy both by Counsel and by the Sword had woâ—ne great Renown both for his Valour and Wisdom in Military Affairs He after his accustomed manner affirm'd the other to be a rash and unbecoming Counsel for that good part of the Autumn being now over and the time drawing neer wherein Armies began to draw out of the field this would be to ingage the Army in action out of Season that they could not go into the Enemies Countrey without much danger they being to pass between two strong Cittes full of Souldiers as if they went through the jaws of the Enemy but that the chiefest difficulty would lye in getting out of the Countrey which was so environed with Rivers and in a season when great rains were likely to fall and where snares were to be laid for them by their Enemies on all sides that therefore that Counsel was to be held the best whereby the Army was to be preserved from great danger which when it should be closed in by great Rivers and in the midst of the Enemy and should also want Victuals might insteed of spoiling the Enemy be made a prey of by them That therefore some better Proposals ought to be made for the preservation of the Army and not seek to prevent uncertain dangers by certain ruine But Colonna's advice would not be listned to for Piscara who confided much upon the Spanish Foot and totally slighted the Italian Souldiers joyn'd in Opinion with Cordona and got it to be put in effect Wherefore the Camp suddenly moved and that they might march with more speed they left the baggage behind them neither did they take all their Artillery with them They took up their first Quarters at the Castle of Montagnana and went from thence to that part of the Paduan Territories which extends it self towards Chioggia and towards the Sea which was the richest part of all the rest both for fruitful fields and store of Inhabitants And was at this time particularly full both of people and of cattle because many of the Countrey people had with-drawn themselves thither as into a place of safety There is one Town in these parts observable called Bovolenta seated in a place free from the sudden In-roads of the Enemy for the River Bachelone which takes its course from the Territories of Vicenza as soon as it comes to the Town of Bassanello two miles distant from Padua runs a various and crooked course through the Paduan Territories having received into her bosom some parts of the waters of Brenta which invironing a great space of ground meet and joyn together in this place There was a Castle here of old which being taken by Alphonso Duke of Ferara when things went worst with the Common-wealth was afterwards recovered by the Venetians and fortified as much as the scituation could bear The Enemies came first hither and passing over the River with some Boats they took and burnt the Castle and sack'd the Town havâ—ng opportunity
to make the greater Booty for that the Inhabitants of that Countrey thinking that the Enemies Army was so far advanced as not to return fearing no farther danger were returned to their own houses so as the Enemy coming upon them at unawares they had very little time left them to escape their hands The Vice-roy then led on his Army farther to that part of the River which comes from Padua over-running and plundering all that whole Countrey even to the Gates of Chioggia Nothing was seen through all places that they went but death and rapine From thence he went towards the Castle di Pioue di Sacco a rich place and well inhabited which they ransack'd with all manner oâ— injurious dealing pardoning nothing neither sacred nor profane And whilst the rest are busied in these Rapines Troâ—lo Savello one of the Popes Captains understanding by some that fled away that many Countrey people were with-drawn with their Wives Children and Goods to those Marishes made by the waters of Brenta five miles distant from the City of Venice where the Terra firma parts from the Wash past over the Brenta with 150 Horse and some Foot Companies and marched speedily thither which when the many that were there without either Arms or Garrison understood they began suddenly to flye and being scattered here and there as they ran they were taken Prisoners yet many out of the knowledg of the passages escaped The prey which they got here was forthwith carried away by the Enemy whereby they got but little good though much Infamy Savello past on then towards Mestre whither Mutio Colonna was gone a little before with some of the Popes men and chasing away some Horse nor meeting with any to with-stand him had taken that Town Wherefore Savello's Souldiers which came thither after minded nothing but Booty and not leaving any thing behind them burn'd the Castle These were followed more slowly by Corâ—ona who being come to the Wash at the utmost point of the Terra Firma which is commonly called Marghera he gave order for the planting of his cannon there and made many shot towards the city of Venice which was just over against him This City which is round about environed with salt water hath no way which leads unto it by Land and the ways by Sea which are known to those who are acquainted with the sundry and uncertain channels are block'd up to others and concealed Therefore safe by her scituation and needing no Garrison to defend her she is preserved from any calamity of War and dispatch the power of her Enemies But this proud Spaniard to whom this was well known would be able to boast as of a very glorious thing that he had got so near so famous a City with so small an Army whereby he might as it were bereave her of that Renown which she had won amongst other Nations 'T is very true that Fortune had shewn her self at this time very bitter and cruel towards the Venetians who were not able now to stop the force of so weak an Army having formerly with much boldness and success opposed the greatest Forces which threatned the liberty of Italy The Citizens were therefore sorely grieved seeing the Honour of Venice with such insolency offended and that they must be inforc'd to suffer those who were so well affectionated to the Common-wealth and who had lived so long safe and quiet under her Empire to be now thus lacerated by all sorts of cruelty And that whereas formerly they were wont to assist distressed Forreigners they could not now defend their own The Venetians were formerly formidable to others but now so cow'd as they were forced to fear their own Affairs Which variety of Fortune was the harder to be tolerated out of the memory of their former Felicity But the Enemy fore-going those parts the next day that they were come thither went still wandring up and down the Paduan confines and wheresoever they came laid the Countrey waste all things were stoln and consumed by the Souldiers who where they found no Inhabitants and consequently nothing to bear away that they might even there leave some signs of their rage and wickedness they shewed their madness against the Walls and Houses firing all as well publick as private Buildings as were any thing beautiful But Cordona growing now aware of his rash counsel was desirous to hasten his departure but could not keep the Souldiers from pillage and plunder who had so long a time lived licentiously neither by laying before them the necessity of departing suddenly nor by his Power or Authority At this time Alviano kept with his Army in Padua and much troubled to see these Proceedings of the Enemy could not well suffer that so much to his disparagement and to the dishonour of the whole Italian Militia they should be permitted to pass by leaving so strong and so well garrison'd a City behind them without paying for this their rashness and for having ruin'd and wasted so larg a space of ground He therefore advertised the Senate that he would march out of the City with his men and meet the Enemy to block up his way in his return He alledged That being loaden with prey and marching in disorder they might easily be beaten that their Common-wealth was fallen into a most miserable condition very much unworthy of her former Glory nor was she to be put into a better but by a noble daring and by a gallant and generous Assault But the Senators were of another mind thinking that to have respect to all things was not the part of abject and cowardly but of solid and resolute persons and that it did not suite with the Gravity of the Venetian Senate nor with the praised Wisdom which they had in the perpetual course of so many years won to place their resolutions and the totall of their Affairs in the power of chance the success of Battle being always doubtful and uncertain That therefore their Iudgment was that the Enemy should only be molested by the Chivalry leaving the rest of the Army to guard the City But Alviano was too head long born to the desire of Victory so as his mind being blinded with a desire of Glory he oft times knew no danger and did dispise the safest and wisest counsels Therefore pressing daily more and more that the Army might remove from Padua and the Venetian Commissaries being of the same opinion being induced as they said to hope well out of a singular good affection which they found in the Commanders and Souldiers towards the Common-wealth and as great a readiness in them to defend her honour the Senate departing a little from their first resolution left the business to Alviano that if he thought it might make well for their Affairs he might march with his Army out of the City always provided that he would be sure to quarter his Army in so secure a place as he might not be compell'd to run the hazard of a
gave order that whilst the rest of the Army marched the Light Horse should stay behind and that keeping about the River Banks they should let themselves be seen by our men who were on the other side whereby their departure might not be suspected and the Enemy having marched three miles towards the upper part of the River where they found no Guard they past their men safely over using such diligence therein as our men hearing afterwards that Cardona was gone to pass over the River before our men could be drawn forth to hinder their passage the Enemies whole Army were past over and had put themselves in order to stand our Assault Alviano finding that the business had suceeded much otherwise then he had thought was much afflicted that he had miss'd the opportunity of assaulting the Enemy whilst they were divided and busied in passing over the River for by the opinion of the other Commanders and his own also it was resolved that they would not come to a day of Battle with the Enemy but upon some noteable advantage and that they would expect the succour which Baglione brought them from Treviso But Cardona as soon as he haâ— past the Brent turn'd towards Vicenza and because he was to take his way about Alviano that he might prevent the Enemy and possess himself of the passes by a nearer way took his way suddenly thitherward The mean while he sent Nicolo Vendramino before with all the light Horse to the end that he might vex the latter Squadrons of the Enemy and retard their March as much as he might He then gave order that all the Bridges which he thought the Enemy might make use of should be broken down that the tops of the Mountains should be possess'd by Countrey people and that many Trees should be cut down and laid cross the High-ways and that all Avenues might be with all diligence block'd up Manfrone having assembled a great many Mountainers of all the Country thereabout to near about the number of 5000 with these and with some small pieces of Artillery possess'd himself of the pass of Montecchio At the same time whilst these things were a doing Alviano having left Gritti and Baglione with a third part of the Army in Vicenza to defend that City he past on three miles farther and finding a Plain fit to receive the Camp â—e took up his Quarters there and began forthwith to fortifie it This place was thus scituated In the High-way which leads from Vicenza to Verona when you come to the Village Olmo there is a little Plain out of the way somewhat on the right hand which being guarded on the right hand by Monti di Creazzo and inviron'd almost every where on the other side by a Valley is naturally very strong and there is but one way that leads unto it In the midst thereof the ground is somewhat raised up and makes the place fitter to encamp in Alviano chose this as a fit and safe place to tarry in He together with the rest of the Commanders resolved to expect the coming of the Enemies Army there according to the Senates Order and blocking up his Passes to reduce him to a scarcity of Victuals not affording the Enemy any opportunity of coming to a day of Battle for it was clearly conceived that without running any hazard the Victory was to be ours The Venetian Camp was pitch'd as hath been said in a very strong place and very fit to draw the business out in length and where they had plenty of all things necessary on the contrary the Enemy suffer'd many Inconveniences and their difficulties did daily increase Cardona this mean while following the journey he had begun was come to within about four miles of the Venetian Army and making his Camp tarry in a place which is called by the Countrey people La Motta being much confused and troubled he consulted with the rest of the Commanders what course they had best to take in the very great straits which they were in They differ'd in their Opinions but they all agreed in their very small hopes of safety or remedy for so many dangers and difficulties They could not keep longer in those parts for want of Victuals and it was almost impossible for them to get away the Passages being strait difficult and guarded by strong Garrisons They must either go towards Trent or towards Verona to either of which they might go by two ways for they might go from where they were into Germany either by a shorter cut over the Mountains of Schio or by a longer way about through the confines of Basenese and likewise they might get into the way which leads to Verona by the way of the Plain wherein they were or by climbing up the Mountains on the right hand But whichsoever of these ways they should take they were to meet with almost the same difficulties some of these passages being very rough and craggy and the rest fortified and guarded by the Venetians so as the Commanders knew not which way to chuse nor how to make their passage Thus after long and various disputes they at last resolved to make their way by the Sword since in great difficulties great and unwonted Valour is to be shewn Wherefore Cardona seeing that the present wants and the greater ruine which over-hung the Army could be no longer concealed without farther delay thought it was best to acquaint the Souldiers how Affairs stood with them and to encourage them as much as he might wherefore calling them all together he spoke thus unto them Were not your Worths my Fellow Souldiers well known to me by many gallant Tryals I should not dare to lead on this Army recommended to my trust by two great Princes Cesar and Ferdinando where I know you are to make your way by your Swords But if I should take any other course your Glory would be the less and your câ—ndition the less fortunate by losing the Honour which this noble Attempt and the rich Booty which you have taken from the Enemy doth put into your hands As the memory of your former actions hath put me upon this bold and generous undertaking so trusting to your Worth and upon the Fortune which attends this Army I assure my self I shall conduct you all safe out of danger And certainly if you will be men and mindful of your own actions these difficulties which seem now to threaten ruine to you will turn to your greater Glory Necessity sometimes makes even abject and cowardly men daring and generous but to tarry till you be thereby constrain'd to shew your Vaâ—our suites not with the opinion which is held of you and of your Worth You ought to know into what condition we are brought All ways whereby to march away are stopt either by the Mountains or by our Enemies Forces On the one side we have craggy and Mountainous places strong by nature and possestâ—y the Enemies Garrisons on the other side our return is
so strange an accident yet were they not thereat affrighted nor cast down for this adversity should rather awaken them to more diligence then any whit detract from the constancy of their minds therefore they desired him to be of good Courage and not to yield to Fortune for the News of his safety in whose Valour they had always very much confided was of great comfort unto them all amidst this their sore Loss and that if he would still continue his ancient stoutness of mind they hoped they might yet be able to stop the Course of their adverse Fortune to asswage the severity thereof and perhaps at last to get the better of their Enemies who were now Conquerours That therefore he should attend the defence of Padua and Trevigi that he should imploy all his diligence thoughts and pains therein that the Senate would be ready to furnish him with Souldiers Arms Victuals Monies and of all things that was else needful After having written this Letter the Senators betook themselves carefully to advise of and provide for all things that were requisite Prince Loredano who was their Duke speaking gravely in the Senate exhorted them all to lend what help they could with all possible speâ—d to the afflicted Common-wealth that they were not at this time to expect help from any but themselves that therefore in this so great necessiâ—y the Country must have recourse to their own Citizens that every one should endeavour to raise her up again and to lend her their help and advice in what they were best able As for himself he would not forbear to do any things which might be serviceaâ—le to his Country to which purpose he had already resolved to send his two Sons Luigi and Bernardo presently away the one to Padua the other to Trevigi and by readily exposing them to all events to dedicate them to his Countrâ— These words spoken by the Duke were of great efficacy but the example greater by which many other young Gentlemen the chiefest of the City who were of great worth and expectation went to the Custody of those Cities Moreover many of the common sort of the City were listed and many of the Arâ—enal together with many Gally-slaves and Mariners commanded for at this time many Gallies were luckily come to the City to go suddenly to Trevigi to the taking of which City the Enemy after their Victory prepared to go But Prospero Colonna by his Counsel and Authority put off the execution thereof for a while Therefore having put off the Enterprize for many days by propounding several difficulties at last he wrought it so as before any resolution should be put on the whole business should be referr'd to that Bishop Gurghense alledging that nothing could be done more to the prejudice of that Armies Reputation then to undertake any thing that might prove vain as the business of Padua had done but a little before Thus Cardona and Prospero agreed to go to Verona leaving the Army at Vicenza where having spent some 20 days Cardona agreed with Maximillian Sforza to take his pay as General of all his men and so quitted the Service of the Spaniards To make amends for which the Vice-roy made some Conductors of Gens d' Armes come with their Companies from Bergamo and Brescia saying that as soon as they should be arrived he would go to the taking in of Trevigi â—f Gritti the Cavalliere della Volpe Ugo de Popoli Giovan Paolo Manfrone and other Commanders of great esteem had the Custody of this City and at this time when the City was not molested by the Enemy it was sufficiently garrison'd and victuall'd So as Cardona being advertised thereof and the Winter coming on an unfit Season to fall upon such a business he went with all his Army into the Territories of Padua and quarter'd his men in Este Montagnana and Moncelese Thus only through the advantage of the Season which forced the Enemy to lay down their Arms the Calamities of War which the State of Venice was likely to have undergone did for this year cease and Affairs were brought to some short condition of quiet This likewise was the only remedy for the many afflictions and adversities of France for the King of England who had taken Terwin and Tornai two great Cities and who had slighted the Walls of the former and put a strong Garrison into the other resolved to return with all his men to his own Kingdom to the end that his Army might be refreshed with commodious Winter Quarters Thus the Wâ—r was not ended but deferr'd till another Season and so many remainders and seeds of Discord continued still in all parts as it was clearly seen that Arms must quickly be re-assumed with greater Violence The End of the first Book THE HISTORY OF VENICE Written by PAULO PARUTA BOOK II. THE CONTENTS SElino having possess'd himself of the Ottoman Empire during the life of his Father Bajazet renews the Peace with the Venetians He suppresseth the boldnesâ— of his Brother Achamet by death He begins to plot the destruction of Italy and of the Venetians The Plots of Amurath Son to Achomate are hindered Pope Leo having many things in consideration cannot accord the Christian Princes Marano is lost by the means of Frangipane a Rebel to the Common-wealth neither can it be re gotten He sacks Strasoldo and Monfalcone Vicenza is sack'd by Risano's means Calepino not long after is routed and taken Prisoner Udine not making any resistance surrenders it self to the Dutch The Fort Osofo cannot be taken by the Enemy Crema is defended by Renzo Ceri Baglione is taken Prisoner by the Enemy He is changed for Caravagiale a Spanish Prisoner A miserable fire in the Rialto of Venice Alviano by order from the Senate goes to take in Friulye He sacks Porto Gruaro Savorgnano's Victory Frangipane is taken Prisoner Gurghense disturbs the Treaties referr'd by the Senate to the Pope concerning the differences with the Emperour The King of England finds faults with the Senates Counsels They are justified by the Lieger Embassadour Renzo frees Crema from being besieged Este is taken by night by Sculado by Alviano and is plundered The Spaniards cut to pieces Alviano his Victory at Rovigo Bergamo returns into the Spaniards hands The Vice-roy of Naples is laught at for Alviano's retreat to Padua Selino's Victories in Asia makes the Pope treat again with the Venetians of Peace but in vain who whilst they make closer Friendship with the French King Lewis dyes AT the same time that these things hapned in Europe in Asia Selino during the liâ—e of his Father Bajazet possessed himself or the Ottoman Empire havâ—ng oveâ—come hâ—s brother Achomate in several Battles who pretended likewise to the succession of the Empire but though he had got the Victory by much Gallantry in War he was therein so very severe as he gave clear and evident signs not only of wonderful Magnanimity of mind but also of great cruelty Therefore all Christendome
the discords of our Princes having possess'd themselves of many Christian Kingdomes almost without any gain-saying The Cardinals upon this occasion putting the Pope frequently in mind in the Consistory of his duty and of the imminent dangers were resolved to make him re-assume the Treaty of Peace nor to be quiet till he had effected it to the end that Peace being had amongst the Christian Princes they might all of them with all their joynt Forces bend themselves against Selino the common Enemy They shewed plainly that nothing appertained more to his charge and degree then this or which at least might be of greater glory to him But the Pope though hee were of the same mind yet being troubled and perplexed he be-thought himself of many things for as this Counsel if it should take good success promised assured Praise so divers considerations of Peace and War and much difficulty which appeared to be in the whole business made him afraid and with-held him from the Enterprize for to put an end to so many Wars was of it self thought to be a very difficult Affair but more difficult to find out such a composure as Leo thought might prove good for him and advantagious for the Affairs of the Church for he could have desired that the French might neither have been kept so low nor yet have been so exalted If no remedy were to be found against such great Preparations of War as were preparing against them it was to be feared that the Affairs of France might grow to so low an ebbe as they could no longer give a just Counterpoise to the Dutch and Spanish Forces so as they being become Masters of all they might at last put Fetters upon whole Italy but on the contrary if the Enemies Forces being weakned and divided by his Counsels France should be freed from so heavy a War he knew he had not sufficiently provided for his own safety nor for the Liberty of Italy for nothing was more sure then that King Lewis being an Enemy to peace and quiet would never give over his ancient and natural desire of War But that being freed from the fear of the English Forces and having put his own Affairs into a sure condition he would soon turn both his thoughts and his Forces upon Italy for the recovery of the state of Millan which might be evidently seen since that though he found himself beset by many difficulties yet he had always refused all conditions of Peace which might make him quit his pretentions to the State of Millan The Venetian Affairs were almost upon the same conditions the which the Pope thought could not he reduced to such terms but that they must bring great difficulties along with them for he desired that the Dignity of that Common-wealth might not be much diminished nor yet her Forces much increased He knew that it imported much for the Honour of all Italy that the Venetian Common-wealth should remain whole and intire that to this end Pope Iulio had endeavoured the re-raising of her much abased condition and that following for the same reasons the last and wisely taken Counsels of his Predecessour he had labour'd much to put the Venetians into a peaceable condition But on the other side calling to mind their ancient greatness he thought that if Fortune should smile on them again they would become no less formidable then the other Potentates Thus whilst he waver'd in his Resolves somtimes hoping sometimes fearing his proceedings were different and contrary sometimes he shew'd himself to be but ill satisfied with the Venetians and to be no good Friend of theirs other times he would appear well disposed towards them Whilst the Pope was thus doubtfully minded the War continued still in the same heat the sharpness of the Winter not having any whit hindred it for Prospero Colonna being past with the Millaneses to Crema was joyn'd with the Spaniards so as that City was the sorelier besieged The Paduan Territories wherein the Vice-roy had taken up his Quarters were vexed with continual Inroads and the War grew sharper in Friuli that Country having been some years before mightily terrified for not having any City or Cittadel in it strong either by art or scituation nor able to hold an Enemy play long the Inhabitants were forced to follow his Fortune whosoever was Master of the Field But the Emperour nor the Venetians having neither of them any strong Army in that Country the unfortunate Inhabitants were by the various success of War continually vexed with Pillage and Taxes So as for a long time it had undergone much Calamity and they who were most affectionate to the Venetians were by their Enemies worst used Amongst the rest Christofolo Son to Barnardino Frangipane gave a noteable Example of Cruelty for after having burnt a certain Town in the Territories of Marano he commanded that all the Inhabitants should have both their eyes put out and that their right thumbs should be cut off because they adhered to the Venetians and had hindred him from Victuals Bernardino Frangipane was a little before this turn'd Rebel to the Common-wealth and had sided with Cesar and much vex'd that whole Country He often sollicited the Dutch Commanders that drawing some Country people out of the next Towns of Carnia and Carinthia they should mischief the Territories and Subjects of the Common-wealth So as these people entring into Friuli not as Souldiers nor after the manner of War but as Theeves and Murtherers they destroy'd the Country by plunder and fire and robb'd the Citizens of all that they had By which Injuries when the Venetians were at last constrain'd to send better succours into that Country to keep their Affairs from falling into farther ruine the Enemies who had no warlike Tackling and who were come as hath been said rather to pillage then to fight being loaded with Booty when they heard of our mens coming hasted homewards But hardly was this Country reduced to quiet when our men being to go elsewhere to oppose other designs of the Enemies who assaulted the State of the Common-wealth not in one part only but in many at one and the same time either the same men who were but a little before gone from thence or others of the same sort drawn by a desire of prey return'd with great fury to assault the Territories of Friuli insomuch as they left not any thing at all to those unfortunate Inhabitants The Enemies being at this time grown very powerful so as keeping in that Country they kept some Towns which they had gotten by fraud longer then they had used to do the Senate thought it fit for their safety and reputation to turn their Forces into those parts to the end that the Enemy might not grow more bold to their prejudice and that those people might not totally forego their love and esteem of the Common-wealth A little before this Frangipane had by fraud possess'd himself of the Fort Marano having to this purpose made use
as they were to expect nothing but plunder Thus did Savoragnano endeavour to encourage the Citizens partly out of a desire of praise partly out of fear of having their City sack'd But they differ'd in their opinions Some of them moved by Savorgnano's Authority promised willingness to be assistant in all things and to obey the Commanders will others though they seemed to be of the same mind yet laying the fault upon others said that all they could do would be to no purpose for that they were more then jealous that the Souldiers of the Garrison would betray them since some of them had said publiquely that if the Enemy should draw any nearer they would quit the City Moreover they excused themselves as being unacquainted with what belong'd to War so as let them do what they could they should do no good nor could they long undergo Military Duties Those who at the beginning seemed to be somewhat moved by Savorgnano's Speeches beginning now to be irresolute and fearful the Commanders upon fresh debate resolved not rashly to expose all the Chivalry that was in the City to danger Thus both Horse and Foot went out of the City and marched towards the Liuenza that they might pass over it and get into some safe place fearing lest the Enemy might prevent them and hinder their passage and Savorgnano went to Osofo a Castle in his Jurisdiction to put a Garrison into it to defend it when the Enemy should be farther advanced Thus Udine being quite bereft of all defence yielded quickly to the Dutch upon condition that the Citizens lives and goods should be preserved and upon payment of a thousand Duckets to the Army to keep the City from being sack'd Cividale Porto Gruaro and other Towns compounded with the Enemies upon like terms and the Enemy not finding wherewith to feed their Army any longer in that Region which they had wholly over-run and pillaged went towards Trevigi to joyn with the Spanish Foot who winter'd in the Territories of Vicenza and Padua that so being become stronger they might fall upon any Town or City that should hold for the Common-wealth there was only one thing that did obviate this result to wit the leaving of the Fort Osofo behind them which might be a hinderance to the Victuals and men which were to come to them out of Germany This business and the occasion seem to require that the nature and situation of this place be particularly shewn and described as if it were in a Map The Mountain Lauro is as it were cut off in many parts on that side which divides Italy from the Dutch affording sometimes by Valleys sometimes by no very high Mountains an easie passage from the one Region to the other but the readiest and best is that which leads from Vilacco to Venzone which is commonly called the Imperial Way When coming from Germany into Italy by this way you arrive at a certain place called L' Ospitale the Mountains extending themselves into two several arms do divide the one of which turns Westward towards Trent the other to the contrary side towards Goritia the former are called Carnician Alpes the other the Giulian All that Country which lyes in the midst between these two Mountains and turns towards the Eastern Sea is now called Friuli as soon as you come out of this row of Mountains you see the Castle Osofo which is not above two miles from the bottom of these Mountains the Castle is placed upon a little rock of stone which riseth up in that Plain as if it were placed there by Nature it self to preserve Italy from the Forces of such Forreign Nations as have the easier passage on that side to us And consequently it is fortified and secured by Nature just as such strong Holds are used to be by humane Art The Mountain hath three sides that which looks towards the East is water'd by the River Tagliamento and on each of the sides some little heaps of Stones are raised up like so many little Towers so as they afford commodity for the defence of themselves and of the space that lyes between them Upon one corner of the Mountain there stands a little Rock which is sever'd from the Mountain by a little Vally the Rock being about 20 paces long and but 8 over a high and strong Wall is raised hereupon whereupon stands a work whereby all that space being a little more heightned is made a safe Fort. The Mountain is naturally sterile unmanured and very steep on all sides save only upon one on which side the rise is less difficult Frangipane having brought almost all his Army to this place resolved to attempt the taking of Osofo being thereunto the more enheartned for that having at the same time that he drew near to it sent some of his men to take in the Castle Chiusa he suddenly effected it and put a good Garrison thereinto for our men did shamefully surrender it to the Enemy at their very first appearance not so much as waiting for the approach of cannon This place is by its natural situation very strong being placed in the very jaws of the Mountains so as it became as it were a Gate which shut up the way to those who would on that side enter into the state of the Common-wealth from whence it was called Chiusa When therefore the castle Osofo should be taken the Enemy had nothing else to hinder them for being abundantly furnished with men and provisions from Germany they might easily make themselves Masters of all Friuli and make a longer abode there then they had yet done But Savoragnano trusting upon the strength of the situation and upon the valour of his men though he had not above one hundred Foot and fourscore cross-bow men on Horse-back to boot with some Country people hoped to be able to defend the Castle against all that the Enemy could do and to this purpose had chosen Theodoro Burgio Captain of his Horse whose Loyalty and Valour was very well known to him and who did very good service in this Siege The Enemy pitched their Camp on that side which looks towards the South and began to play upon the Castle with ten piece of Cannon wherewith having thrown down part of the Wall they had made some other works like unto a Pent-house whereby being shelter'd the Souldiers prepared for another Assault But Savoragnano to provide against this imminent danger went from the Castle into another work where sparing for no labour he diligently provided for all things and did much encourage the Souldiers by his example The Enemy strove to open their way by a continual Battery that they might bring on their Souldiers to an Assault but all in vain for the lower part of the work being made of soft stone received all the shot without any prejudice and the upper part of the Wall being built of Brick though it were beaten down by the Cannon yet falling inwards it served the Defendants for
to endeavour the keeping of Trevigi and Padua and to reduce all their Garrisons thither knowing that upon the event of these two Towns the end of the whole War would finally depend Wherefore they were not now without necessity to alter their managing of the War nor suffer those Cities for want of better Garrisons to be exposed to the will of the Enemy That they should consider their men were much diminished become less loyal and less ready for Military Actions by reason of their slow pay But that they were chiefly cast down by reason of the last rout so as it was hardly to be known whether their worth or fidelity were less to be trusted to that therefore they should not proceed contrary to their ancient custom and contrary to their last resolution who could be sure that a powerful Army of the Enemy being so near and succour so far off some tumult might not be raised in those very Cities either out of fear or desire of Novelty especially when the whole War nay the total of all things was committed to a few and those not over valiant Others on the contrary amongst which were Antonio Grimani who then held the place of Savio del Consiglio and Luca Trono one of the Council of six who endeavour'd by all the means they could that succour should be sent to Savorgnano and that the recovery of the Towns in Friuli should be put for These shewed how that the Common-wealth was much concern'd in the preservation of Osofo not only out of hopes that by the means thereof other places in Friuli might be preserved or recovered but for the preservation even of those very Cities which by common consent were to have a high esteem put upon them Assuredly said Trono nothing hath retarded Frangipane from not arriving safe at the Spanish Army but his fear of leaving this strong Hold behind him which if it should fall into the hands of the Enemy there was no other thing which could hinder them from coming with all their Forces quickly into the Territories of Padua by whose assistance the Spaniards being become the stronger they would suddenly attempt the taking of Padua or Trevigi which we know is the thing they chiefly desire and that their not having done it hitherto hath only been because they dare not venture upon it with so few men as do not exceed 4000 Foot and 600 Horse therefore when mention is made of sending relief to Osofo it must be granted that the preservation of those Cities is treated of so as though we cannot promise our selves easily to rout Frangipanes Forces yet the advantage is not small which we shall receive by sending our Army into that Country since the Enemy will be thereby necessitated not to make any longer abode in those parts and to forbear plotting our farther ruine Our late experience may teach us how dangerous a thing in War it is to suffer the Enemies to joyn together meet and sâ— increase their Forces when they must fight though they be but weak and divided for if the French Commanders had been better advised at Novara and had endeavoured either to fight the Spaniard who expected the coming of the Switzers or had else encountred the Switzers who came to relieve the Besieged all things would have succeeded more prosperously with them since one only Enemy would have been the more easily overcome and the others would have been made affraid If we shall abandon the Towns Lands Men and the Goods of our Subjects of Friuli leaving all things in the power of bitter but weak Enemies without endeavouring any revenge I am shrewdly affraid we may fall into such contempt both of our Enemies and of our own men as that the Honour of our Common-wealth will fall too low to be ever raised up again all men being already of opinion that the Common-wealth of Venice is reduced to so low a condition as she is either not able or else not willing to secure them from injuries who live under her Iurisdiction and who have always been faithful to her But if by shewing courage we shall strive to repair the losses we have received our men will be inheartned again and the Enemy will be more humble and we may hope to enjoy the Country more quiâ—tly hereafter No man is ignorant of what importance and conveniency the Castle of Osofo is and the stronger it is by natural situation the more carefully it ought to be kept for if it should fall once into the hands of the Enemy we cannot hope easily to recover it as we have done other Towns for the Enemy having taken as we are inform'd they have the Castle Chiusa they will always have the way open whereby to be abundantly furnish'd with Artillery Victuals and all things necessary for War The Senate being perswaded by these reasons resolved to draw out as many men as they could out of Padua and Trevigi and send them to Friuli leaving Theodoro Triulcio the mean while in Padua with charge of all the Militia and with him Dominico Contarini who being Captain of Padua was made Commissary The business of Friuli was committed to Alviano the Senate having formerly given him charge to proceed with much safety and not to pass with his Army over the Livenza unless he had certain knowledg which way the Enemy went and were sure to return quickly for it was thought very dangerous lest the Dutch when our men should be gone far off might pitch in some strong seat to hinder their passage till such time as the Spaniards hearing of Alviano's departure might come in unto their aid and so our Camp might be at the same time beset with two Enemies Armies Alviano took 700 commanded men with him out of Padua and 400 Horse the one half whereof were Albaneses and came in two days march to Sacile whither it was said that the Horse and Foot which were come out of Udine were retired to save themselves Alviano understanding here that 500 of the Enemies Horse were in Porto Gruaro from whence they were often wont to go out and skirmish with our Horse in the Plain which lyes between Sacile and Porto Gruaro he suddenly drew forth into the field and sent the light Horse before with commission that when they should come within sight of the Enemy they should provoke them to fight The Enemy according to their custome were easily perswaded to come out of the Town and began to skirmish with our men who according to their directions retreated the Enemy pursued them and not knowing that the rest of our men were come drew at unawares near our Army then Malatesta Baglione who was sent with a hundred Curassiers to succour the former who had begun to give way seeing that the Enemy could not well retreat fell furiously upon them and amongst the rest charg'd Captain Risano who was easily known by his Armes and by his corpulency of body whom he hurt dangerously unhors'd him and took him
Prisoner the rest having lost their Captain after a whiles fight began to run and got into Porto Gruaro but Alviano though night drew on pursuing the flying Enemy immediately clapp'd ladders to the Town Walls and his Souldiers being gotten upon the Walls fought with those that were upon the Guard and after long dispute drove the Guard from the Walls and entred the Town and sack'd the whole Town as well what belonged to the Towns-men as to the Souldiers and took a hundred Curassiers that were in the Town Prisoners After this fortunate success Alviano resolved to march towards the relief of Savoragnano who having valiantly repuls'd the Enemy did still maintain the Castle of Osofo Frangipane hearing of the coming of our men set fire presently upon all the works which he had made about the Castle and raised his Camp marching with his Army towards Germany but being come into the Town of Venzone and fearing that he was pursued by Alviano's Forces as indeed he was he resolved to make all his Chivalry stay there to retard the Enemy that thereby the Foot might have the more time to get into some place of safety But Alviano hearing that the Enemy were gone sent Nicolo Vendramino soon after them with the Albanese Horse and Barnardino Antignolo with the remainder of the light Horse hoping that if they made haste they might reach Frangipane But he was past a little forward and having gotten over the Tagliamiento had taken up his Quarters in the Castle of St. Daniele Vendramino and Antignola were so diligent in their March as finding the Enemies Horse at Venzone they fell upon them cut most of them in pieces and took the rest Prisoners but the Foot which were marched forwards with the carriages escaped our Horse not being able to follow them by those steep and craggy Rocks Yet could they not well save themselves for the Siege being raised Savoragnano issued out of the Castle and having assembled together 200 Horse and a good company of Country people pursued the Enemy by way of the Carnisen Alpes and his Forces increasing where so ere he went for the Country people were very much affectionate to the Venetians who led him by secret and shorter ways he was got before Alviano's Horse and assaulting the Dutch Foot had so routed them as they were forced to leave their Baggage behind them and seven pieces of great Artillery which rendered the Victory more clear and remarkable They say that Frangipane pleaded for excuse that he was at this time much indisposed by reason of a blow which he had received on the head by a stone whilst he lay before Osofo which disabled him for providing for such things as were fitting for the safety of his Army Yet he could provide for his own safety for as soon as the Enemy fell upon his men he with 30 of his Horse fled and got into a safe place but this was but for a short time for being soon after cured of his hurt as he was riding amongst the neighbouring Mountains to raise new tumults and gather more men to renew the War he fell into an ambush which was laid for him by Giovan Vitturi and was by him taken Prisoner and sent to Venice He was certainly a fierce and haughty man but grievously faulty and a mighty Enemy to the Venetians whom he had long troubled by his incursions and rapines committed in Friuli Savoragnano grew now very famous for these prosperous successes for which he was by the Senate created Count of Belgrado and Osofo and to leave a testimony of his Worth to his posterity he had 400 Duckets a year assign'd unto him out of the publick Exchequer to descend to him and his Heirs for ever The Enemies Army being routed as you have heard Udine Belgrado Monfalcone and all the other Castles which were formerly taken by the Enemy return'd into the power of the Venetians and were by them received into favour for it was evident that the people had done their duties and had not quitted their Loyalty to the Venetians otherwise then necessitated by Fortune and by the power of the prevailing Enemy Alviano hoped by means of this Victory to re-gain Goritia and Gradisca if the Army should march thitherward and he did this the rather for that he understood there were but small Garrisons in these Towns and that they were in great want of all things especially of Gun-powder which was all spent in the Siege of Osofo yet being unwilling to fall rashly upon this Enterprize he sent a Band of men to discover the condition of the places who having diligently observed all things brought word that the taking of those places would require much time and pains wherefore Alviano having ended what he went for into Friuli and knowing that by tarrying longer in those parts his return into the Territories of Padua might be hindred by the Spaniards whose numbers increased he resolved to return with his Army into the City of Padua At the same time that these things were done in Friuli many Treaties had been in Rome concerning Peace with the Emperour for the Pope having at last overcome all doubts and difficulties had taken this business in hand and was very diligent in the negotiation therâ—of to the end that peace might be effected he used all possible means by his Nuntios both with the Emperour and the Venetians exhorting them to concord He shewed them that both of them had made sufficient triall of their fortune and that things were already reduced to such a pass through the length of War as though they should refuse to come to any accommodation they would both of them be forced shortly to lay down Arms out of very weariness but that then the Issue would be this that Forces being broken on both sides yet Enmity would still remain to the common ruine for it was to be feared that by means of these discords and the weakness occasioned by so long Wars both the Conquerours and conquered would fall into the power of Selinus Ottaman a bitter and powerful Enemy if the Fortune of War favouring his designs now that he was upon difficult but glorious Attempts he should turn his victorious Forces into Europe He moreover told the Venetians that France was so weakened both by the last received rout and by the greater dangers which did yet over-hang them as it was in vain for them to think to be able to maintain the War by assistance from France But that whilst peace was on treaty between England and France the event whereof was yet uncertain and whilst the Common-wealth was yet in good esteem both by reason of her own strength and the like of her Confederates they might accommodate their Affairs upon honourable conditions which being afterwards reduced to disadvantage they would not be able to do He laid before the Emperour the length of the War the various and doubtful successes of Enterprizes the faithfulness of Confederates the certain advantages of
peace together with the inlarging of his Empires Confines But because the Pope had many times endeavoured this in vain from which he might ground what now he was to trust unto Cesar and the Venetians having never been able to be made friends he knew it was necessary a third person should take upon him the conditions of Peace Wherefore he made known to them both that if it might stand with their consent he had resolved to take upon himself this whole Treaty of Peace and to judge and determine what was fitting to be done therein and what each of them should be content with that though he was not ignorant of what a burthen he was herein to take upon him yet laying aside all other respects he would mind only the peace of Christendom and the duty of his charge and office And that the mean while whilst Affairs might be brought to some composition and friendship might be renew'd they would lay down Armes to the end that when his determination should be heard War might the more be easily appeased and all things might remain quiet The Venetian Senate moved thereunto out of the hopes of peace and by the Popes Authority resolved to referre to him whatsoever had been long in dispute between them and the Emperour thinking they should do well and worthily to acquaint the Pope and all Christendome with their pretences and injuries that all men might know how great reverence and respect the Venetians bore to the Pope and that all their designs aimed at agreement The chiefest difficulty lay in whether the City of Verona did belong to the Emperour or to the Venetians and in what monies the Venetians should pay unto the Emperour and what time they should have for the payment thereof The reason of paying these Monies was as well for the expences of the War as also that Cesar should cancell all his pretentions if he had any either by claim of the Empire or of the House of Austria to those Cities and Towns which were by agreement to remain unto the Common-wealth The Venetians made Leo the Arbitrator of these things leaving the Arbitrement thereof in him by publick Authority Leo not content herewith desired that this might be drawn up in another manner to wit so as without mentioning any particular Controversie the Senate should referre the whole business to him as the Compounder of all differences saying that he desired this for the taking away of all occasions of difference and that he might bring all things the sooner to the desired end wherefore he pawn'd his faith not to use any farther freedom nor to pronounce any sentence then what he should have first communicated to the Embassadour of the Common-wealth and by the will and consent of the Senate adding that for the future he would use no less diligence to have Verona and all the other Towns which were possess'd by the Common-wealth before the War restored unto her then he now used to make peace Thus he obtain'd free leave and power from the Senate to put an end unto the War upon what conditions pleased him He having promised that when this should be done by the Embassadour of the Common-wealth then resident with him that he the Pope would be sure not to propound any thing for reconciling the differences which might prove the beginning of new difficulties or which might disturbe the whole business for it was much to be feared that the Common-wealths Enemies whose request whether they did agree with what was just and honest he himself might very well know knowing that all things were now left to his free disposal would egge him on as it were against his will to propound such conditions as might be too prejudicial to the Common-wealth and which he himself should not be very well pleased withal When the Pope began to negotiate this Affair he met with many things which gave him reason to be doubtful and jealous the rather because he desired both Cesar and the Venetians satisfaction The Emperour demanded that Verona which was then in his possession should still continue in his power to which though it had been always heretofore deny'd the Venetians did at this time condescend upon condition that Gange and Valegio two Towns of the Territories of Verona should be yielded up to them alledging that without these their State being as it were cut off by anothers Jurisdiction it was evident that all that part of their Dominion which lay beyond the River Adige would be of no use at all to the Common-wealth On the contrary the Emperour who seemed at the first to be contented with Verona demanded Crema likewise and somewhat to honest this his desire he said that this City ought to be put into the Popes hands since he was content to put Vicenza thereinto But it was apparent to every one how unequal this proposition was for Crema was a very strong and safe City long in the Venetians possession and lately defended with much cost and labour against the Enemy whereas Vicenza being neither strongly walled nor well garrison'd had often changed Fortune and Masters and was now in these latter times possess'd by Cesars men only because it was never strove for So as it could hardly be said that he possess'd the City for if the Venetians would send their Forces thither they might easily drive the Emperours weak Garrison out and recover it Whilst these things were in treaty Cardinal Gurghense who had ever been an utter Enemy to peace came in an unhappy hour to Rome He began as he had done formerly to trouble the business finding many occasions to draw it out in length and bending all his Might against what was just and honest The Pope had obtain'd that the Spanish Foot should abstain from doing any new prejudice since the business of right was to be treated of yet the Vice-roy â—aining sometimes not to understand this Treaty sometimes blaming such advice proceeded in hostile manner against the State of Venice and the Affairs thereof nay taking occasion by reason of the truce to pillage more securely he entred the Territories of Padua and plundered the whole Country nourishing his needy Souldiers with what they got from miserable Inhabitants in a time when they thought themselves free from such Injuries By which proceedings it might be conceived that the Pope and the Venetians were much deluded that the Common-wealths Enemies had no mind to peace but that they play'd the Counterfeits as well not utterly to lose the Pope as also to make the Venetians through their hopes of peace less careful in providing for things appertaining to War and they the mean while might have opportunity to recrute their Army which was much diminished Wherefore the Venetians discovering their Enemies cheats and deceitful Proceedings entreated Leo That he would penetrate into the secret Counsels of the Emperour and of King Ferdinando for then he would clearly find that Ferdinando did not only aspire to the States Dominions but
to the Government of all Italy So as if he would keep up his Dignity and Authority amongst Princes which he might perceive began now to grow less he should not suffer them so to abuse the reverend name of Pope That therefore quitting his first Counsels he should betake himself to new and safer cogitations and should resolve upon things becoming the safety of Italy and his own Dignity and that he should forthwith recall his Troops of Horse from the Spanish Army for that the Enemies having placed much hopes in his friendship and assistance they would proceed with more sincerity when they should see themselves deprived thereof that they would abstain from injurious proceedings and treat less arrogantly hereafter That he on his part had abundantly satisfied the tye of confederacy which he had with them that it became an Italian especially him who was plaâ—ed in so high a degree of Dignity and who was endow'd with so much wisdom by the present troublesome state of things to fore-see the beginnings of greater evils and to provide such remedies for them as became their importancy and which might as yet be used that if these Princes whilst their Affairs were in so bad a case by reason of the few Spanish and Dutch Foot which were then in Italy had notwithstanding arrogated so much Authority and would make such use of bare reputation without Forces it was much to be feared that when their power should be increased they would endeavour to dâ—mineer over all Italy The Venetians used reasons to exhort the Pope to keep up his greatness and authority They told him he could by no other way better effect it then by entring into League with the King of France and their Common-wealth But finding that these endeavours did no good they went to work with him the same way that they knew their Enemies had done It was generally thought that Leo favour'd the Emperours Affairs for he thought that thereby he promoted his own designs He had set his whole mind upon the aggrandizing of his own House hoping that he might be much farthered therein by Cesars favour whereby he might be inabled to alienate the Cities of Parma Piacenza Modena and Reggio from the Church and pass them over in fee by the Emperours help and consent to his Brother Iuliano Wherefore the Venetians labour'd to perswade him that he might better advance his Family by this new confederacy the Venetians being very willing to grant the Kingdom of Naples in fee to his Brother Juliano when it should be won by their common Forces upon the same conditions that he had desired those other Cities and to defend and maintain him in the possession thereof by all their forces and endeavours And that he should not need to doubt their promise nor suspect the Common-wealths faith as well in commemoration of the benefit which would be esteemed the greater in these unfortunate times as also for the States peculiar Interest for whose advantage and safety it would make very much that an Italian Prince a Friend of hers and obliged unto her for so great a favour should be Master of so noble and rich a part of Italy That doubtlesly he might promise himself the like from the King of France who setting his heart upon the reputation and keeping of Millan it did much import him that more potent Lords should be kept far from the Confines of Italy the parts whereof which should belong to the French would be the better confirm'd unto them by the Popes Friendship That this was the only way to make the House of Medici truly glorious and splendid which was famous enough already of her self And the best way likewise for the quiet and security of the Church and of all Italy That the Senate did recommend these things to his consideration in pursuance of their ancient custom and out of their particular observance of his own Person and their affection to his Family That he should not argue out of these their perswasions that they were so weakened by adverse Fortune or that they were so cast down but that they were able to renew and maintain the War of themselves though he should not be advised by them The Common-wealth had above 6000 Foot and 1500 Horse in pay at this time divided between Padua and Trevigi and Souldiers were continually raised for the service of the Common-wealth in several parts so as she hoped to have 10000 Souldiers on Foot within a short time Moreover new ships were a building to increase the Fleet and to furnish it with all things fitting that she might be ready and able for any Enterprize That on the contrary though the Enemies men were very few and impotent iâ— great want and scarcity of all things and that it was rather reputation then true strength that made them subject yet were they so encouraged by their past prosperous successes as they thought all things easie and promised themselves success in all their undertakings Wherefore Leo fearing more the audacity of the Spaniards and Dutch then he trusted or hoped in the French and Venetians could not resolve to accept of these new conditions but falling into his ancient irresoluteness was the occasion why both War and Peace grew daily more difficult But it was certainly known that Leo was more addicted to Cesar and did too much covet his favour for though he was not ignorant that the Emperours whole drift was to oppress all Italy and that he himself did confess as much yet he still spun out time as if he durst not pronounce nor did he limit any means or time wherein to do it Henry King of England had formerly undertaken to reconcile the Venetians with the Emperour behaving himself so therein as it appeared evidently to all men that he was well inclined to wish well to the Affairs of Venice but his affection seemed now to be quite altered out of jealousie that the Venetians had aided the French in the War which he made with their King the year before He complained particularly that the Common-wealth had sent her Albanese Horse into France Which suspitions were conceived to be purposely taken to the end that he might afterwards have the better colour to favour the Emperour in his proceedings whose good will he endeavour'd by all means to win out of a desire to draw him from the Truce which he had began to treat of with the French Therefore whereas Henry was formerly wont to exhort the Venetians to peace and to comfort them and assist them in their greatest nacessities he now proceeded clean otherwise accusing them by his Letters to the Senate for having persevered too much in breaking of the hopes of peace when things went well with them and deprived Christendom of much good saying that they ought to behave themselves according as the times went and not carry themselves higher then their present Fortune required wherefore he was very earnest with them to lay down their Arms and not
they cut all in pieces and put some others to flight who came to relieve them This mean while Nicolo Vendramino came to the same place with 500 valiant Albanese Horse who joyning with those of Bua and Malatesta and growing thereby more powerful and more strong they began to inlarge themselves and to pursue the Enemy destroying the country with fire and sword even to Trent And having sufficiently vindicated their Injuries they returned safe to Alviano's camp without the loss of any one Souldier The Common-wealths Souldiers were much inheartned by these happy successes and so much was the reputation of Alviano's Army already increased as a Troop of our men being com very near the Vice-roys camp not any one durst come forth to skirmish with them nay not thinking themselves safe in those Quarters they soon after quitted their Quarters at Montagnana and went to Polesinâ— By which departure of the Vice-roys Alviano thinking that he had now opportunity to oppress those of the Enemies party who tarried in the Territories of Veroâ—a commanded Malatesta Baglione and Mercurio Bua to march presently with the Chivalry towards Verona saying that he himself would follow them the same way with the rest of his Army Baglione and Bua found the Enemy at the Town of Zevio where they lay secure not apprehending any thing from our Army So as being set upon at unawares by night they were very much damnified by our men wherefore the Vice-roy learing some worser business removed his camp presently into the Territories of Verona leaving part thereof at Rovigo and Lendenara that they might live the more commodiously in that fruitful Country As he past forward chiefly to secure Verona he began to be more apprehensive because he heard Alviano came on with his whole Army wherefore he sent 800 Foot and 500 Horse to succour the Town The Veroneses began already to mutiny in that Town for growing very weary of the Dutch Government they desired to return under the Dominion of the Common-wealth and being at this time chiefly given to rebel they expected Alviano's coming and the rather for that they hoped when his Army should approach near the Walls the Souldiers who were distress'd for want of many things might out of danger be the more easily be brought to yield The Enemy therefore were timorous in all their Proceedings and our men the more hardy which made our men the more successful and theirs the contrary Alviano knowing that by the Vice-roys departure the Souldiers that were at Polisine were much decreased bethought himself suddenly of that place thinking that he had now a secure occasion of Boory offer'd him He at the present discovered his mind only to Baldesara Scipione because the greatest hopes of success lay in assaulting the Enemy before they could be aware of it or provide for defence He sent Scipione to those Confines to discover the condition of the Seat the number of the Enemy and their works but he himself to free the Enemy from suspition march'd another way towards the Territories of Vicenza and hearing by Scipione that the business might easily be effected if all the Army were suddenly brought to Rovegio he departed from the Town of Malo whither he was first bent and marched thitherward and came with such speed to within a mile of Rovegio as the Enemy were not as yet aware of his coming nor had they discovered any thing Wherefore Alviano sent Scipione with some few before that he might enter the Town at unawares to the Inhabitants and possess himself of the Gates to make them sure for him who followed after with the rest of the Army The Gates being seized on all Alviano's Souldiers got into the Town and quickly advanced even to the Piazza for as good luck would have it the Country people according to their custom were come in great numbers to Rovigio where there was a solemn market held and the Spanish Souldiers mixing with the Country people and Trades-men went promiscuously through the Market-place some to buy things some for pastime so as being unexpectedly set upon by our men they being dispers'd here and there could neither sustain the violence of the Assalliants nor assemble themselves together for their better defence Some drew their swords to defend themselves but were either soon cut in pieces or taken Prisoners This Victory was the more remarkable as being gotten without so much as any of our mens being wounded for the Enemy without any fighting lost almost all their Horse and many of them of all sorts wree led away Prisoners whereof 200 of the chiefest of them and Mauricco's self a Spanish Captain who had the command of all those men were sent by Alviano to Venice where they were put into safe custody The other Spanish Souldiers who were in the neighbouring parts hearing of Alviano's being come and what had befallen their Fellows leaving their Baggage and throwing their Victuals into the River saved themselves by flight wherein many of them were notwithstanding taken Prisoners and Piscara retreated with the rest of his Army to Verona The News of this happy success did very much rejoyce all the Venetians not so much for the thing it self as that the Fortune of the Common-wealth being altered they thought they might hope for better things for the future The Senate sent Letters of great acknowledgments to Alviano Saying he had truly shewed how great his worth and experience was in Military Affairs wherein he had manifested his love to the Common-wealth and a great desire to recover what she had lost and had much increased his own Glory and his merits towards the Common-wealth But Alviano though he had chased the Enemy resolved still to proceed with the same diligence and circumâ—pection So without delay he marched with his Army towards the Territories of Verona where possessing himself of all the Avenues and placing men of War in all fitting places upon the Shore side of the River Adice he endeavoured to keep Victuals from being brought into Verona But being advertised that Pescara was come with his men out of Verona to encounter him and fearing lest his Army might run the danger of being caught in the midst between the City and the Enemies camp he resolved to go farther from the City and finding safer Quarters to keep there and to inform himself diligently of the Enemies intentions and of whatsoever they should do as well in the camp as in the City that so he might resolve upon better grounds what he had to do Renzo da Ceri hoping for better things by these the Venetians happy successes began to think upon matters of greater moment Wherefore hearing that the City of Bergamo was but weakly garrisoned and imagining it might easily be taken he committed the business to Mafsio Cagnuolo Bergamasco one who was thought very expert at Military Affairs and very well affectioned to the Venetians This man taking along with him 500 light Horse with each of them a Foot man behind them made
what haste he could to Bergamo and assaulting the Souldiers that were upon the Guard unexpectedly he put them to flight and took the City at the first Assault Which when Renzo heard of he took with him 1200 Foot and went presently himself in person to Bergamo to munite the City and make good the acquisition Whilst he was in Bergamo he sent some of his men toward Brescia under the conduct of Bartholomeo Martiningo to confirm the minds of those Citizens in their good affection towards the Common-wealth and to encourage them to make some Attempt against Cesars Souldiers intending that if any tumult should upon this occasion arise in the City to lead the whole Army thither with hopes to gain it Whereat Cardona being much troubled he caused Colonna's men to come unto him resolving to go into those parts to secure the City of Brescia and to endeavour the recovery of Bergamo And having brought all the Spanish Foot as also those that appertained to Sforza he went to sit down before Bergamo and began to play furiously upon the Walls which being very weak on the side towards the Suburbs of Santo Antonio were thrown down by the Artillery and there being no earth within to make Rampiers Renzo could not hope to defend the City against so great a force he bethought himself of providing by times for the safety of the Citizens and Souldiers He therefore articled with Cardona that in case no succour came in 8 days space from Alviano's camp he would yield the City up to him upon condition that all the Citizens Goods should remain safe and untouched and that the Souldiers might have leave to return to Crema But no succour coming within the prefix'd time the City according to agreement fell into the Spaniards hands and Renzo returned to Crema where finding great want of all things he made Truce for six Moneths but he did this of himself without the authority of the Common-wealth betwixt the state of Millan and City of Crema The Truce being made Renzo leaving Giovan Antonio Ursino commander of the Militia in Crema with 500 Foot and as many Horse he went with the rest of his men to Padua and from thence to Venice to give an account unto the Senate of what had past at Bergamo and in Crema as also to advise upon what was farther to be done He was very welcome to Venice and very honourably received he had refused as you have heard the place of Governour General of the Militia and there being no other place now vacant for him whereby to exalt him to higher Dignity the Senate did much increase his pay and gave him the Castle of Martinengo with all the Revenues and Rights belonging thereunto Cardona having gotten Bergamo turn'd towards Alviano who as you have heard was quarter'd in the confines of Verona And at the same time Pescara whose Forces were much increased by the Foot that were come from Germany prepared to assault our camp Wherefore Alviano resolved to retreat with his Army into Padua which he did so readily and so well advisedly as couzening the Enemy he got safe thither with all his men and carriages He sent first the light Horse towards Montagnana to entertain Pescara till such time as the Curassiers might together with the Commissary Dominico Contarini get into some place of safety But he himself having at the same time got together many Boats whereinto he put his Foot and Artillery falling down the River Adice till he came to Cavarzere he landed his men there and marching in by washy ways he brought his Army at last safe into Padua The Vice-roy finding that he had come too late to where our men were formerly quarter'd and that he had failed in his designs by Alviano's diligence he quartered his Souldiers some in the Territories of Verona and some in Polesine and went himself into Germany to negotiate the renewing of the War the next Spring Whilst these things passed thus and that Fortune appeared various and inconstant to the Venetians the City of Vicenza which was come under their Dominions kept always true and faithful to the Common-wealth though it had but a small Garrison within and so many Enemies Armies about it which was chiefly attributed to the diligence of some Citizens the chiefest of which were Gioraliâ—â— dalla Volpe Dominico Almenico Leonardo da Porto Bartolemeo da Nievo and many others who having gotten great store of men out of the Territories thereabouts kept the City excellently well munited Insomuch as Nicolo Pasqualigo who was the Podesta thereof and was resolved to abandon the City by reason of the few Defendants that were in it conceiving better hopes exhorted the Citizens to defend themselves and ordered all things so as the Enemies minds misgave them and they made no Attempts upon the City The Summer was spent in these slight skirmishes and with uncertain hopes of peace for what belonged to the Affairs of Italy But much greater things were done in Asia for Selino having led as you have heard many men into Persia met with Ismaels Army and got a glorious Victory of him in Battle which was chiefly occasioned by his Artillery the use whereof was unknown to the Persians It was hereby evidently seen that great mischiefs were threatned to other Kingdomes and Provinces by Selino who through these prosperous successes grew every day more haughty and insolent His thoughts in this point was easily discerned for that at the same time when he made so great Preparations for War with the Persians his Son Soliman by his Fathers directions enter'd the confines of Hungary in hostile manner with great store of Horse kept the Inhabitants of those parts continually molested and took some Towns which he annexed to his Empire Pope Leo to put bounds to this audacious power wrought it so as that a certain order of Militia should be raised in Hungary consisting of a multitude of men who being thereunto bound by Oath should promise to defend the cause of Christian Religion against the Infidels who had for their Badg a red cross and were called Cruciferi But it so fell out that what was intended for the good of that King proved almost his utter ruine for Arms being rashly put into the hands of the Country people who did greatly hate the Nobility they had means afforded them of committing much wickedness and of putting that Kingdom into farther dangers At which Leo being very much troubled as he himself affirm'd he turn'd his thoughts and endeavours to peace to which end he resolved to send Pietro Bembo a noble Venetian and who was then one of his Secretaries to Venice But many did suspect that Leo who was used to put on resolutions relating more to the present Affairs then to the future and to value only such as might make for his particular Interest and increase the greatness of his Family not caring for any thing else as but little relating to him had an eye likewise
the same chances That they should remember that they also being govern'd once more by their own peculiar affections then by reason and to revenge the injuries done by Lodowick Sforza had not such consideration as they ought to have had to the danger whereinto they put the Common-wealth by calling in for their Companion of War a powerful forreign King who was to neighbour upon their Dominions in stead of a weak Italian Prince That therefore they should be well advised and learn how to reap some advantage by the Popes favour which they had ever till now endeavoured to preserve Thus did Bembo deliver his Embassie in such manner as he was commanded but the Senate were much otherwise minded esteeming it neither a safe nor easie thing to have recourse to Cesar's favour and the Spaniards So as these the Popes request being reported to the Senate by the Savij of the council according to custome they were not accepted of but by frequent Votes they resolved to continue in the favour of the French and to give this Answer to the Popes Legate That his Embassie was very wâ—ll received by the Senate as well in respect of his own person whose worth and singular love to his Country was very well known to them all as also in regard of that Prince who had sent him for great had the observancy always been which the Common-wealth had born to the Popes of Rome but that their inclination bore them more particularly to reverence and observe Leo wherefore the Senate had always highly esteemed his wise Counsâ—ls and friendly Admonishments But that it had fallen out by a certain Fatality that the more they had desired his Friendship and Association above that of all others in so great variety of Affairs the less could they get to joyn in confederacy with him so as though their good wills were never sever'd from him yet it behooved that their Forces should be always divided That therefore as they returned many thanks unto his Holiness and did confess the great obligations which the Common-wealth had to him for his having by many endeavours readily imbraced and favoured their cause so were they very much troubled that they could not follow his advice since the ancient custom of the Common-wealth would not permit that leaving ancient Confederacies they should make new ones or unprovoked by any injury forbear to do that which was convenient fâ—r them and which by Articles and Conventions they were bound to do That they had always been taught by their Fore-fathers that what was honest was useful that therefore they could not without great Infamy to the Common-wealth break that League which they had a little before made with the French Moreover that if the Pope would call to mind the ancient merits of the Kings of France as well towards the Church as towards the State of Venice as also the Wealth and Power of so great a King he would commend this their advice and think that he himself ought to follow their example for the safety of the Ecclesiastical State and the greatness of his Family would be better founded by his adhering to the Forces of the French and to the Venetians Friendship Moreover they acquainted Bembo with their Jealousies which made them believe that such a Treaty of Peace would not be very safe Since the Pope was perswaded thereunto by the Emperour and by Ferdinand who as it did plainly appear did under a pretence of agreement plot as they formerly had done a pernicious War against the Common-wealth for at the same time when the Embassabour of Spain treated with the King of France touching the Affairs of Italy Ferdinando had begun to renew these Treaties of Peace out of no other end certainly but to make the King of France jealous of the Venetians whereby he might make more advantagious conditions with him Which when he should have done and that the Venetians were dis-associated from the French what could keep him from making himself Master of whole Italy which he had long endeavoured Bembo returned to the Pope with this answer to his Embassie The Venetians calling to mind what Leo had often affirmed that he would never give way no not though the Senate had assented thereunto that any part of the Common-wealth should remain in the power of any other knowing that by her the Liberty of Italy was chiefly maintain'd and that it behooved the Greatness of the House of Medici to have her for their leaning stock they certainly thought they ought not to believe much in his exhortations for at the same time that he divulged these things under pretence of Friendship he treated with them of peace after such a manner as that if it had been granted the Common-wealth would be berest of the richest and noblest part of her Dominions by consenting that Cesar should keep Verona a gallant City and the Gate of Italy whereby he might always enter at his pleasure to ruine her But the Venetians did build their chiefest hopes upon the coming of the French into Italy which made them care so little for Peace for Lewis not being able to fall upon the Enterprize of Millan the year before by reason of the War with England and yet longing very much to put an end to the War in Itataly the differences being now accorded between him and Henry King of England he had promised to send over a great and powerful Army very speedily to Italy to which when the Venetian Forces should be added they thought they might be able to drive their Enemies from the confines of the Common-wealth Who as they were more insolent by reason of the late troubles of the French so the force of the League being strengthened by their return into Italy and they themselves wanting many things especially Monies they would lay aside their audaciousness and for their own safeties sake put on new resolutions To increase these their hopes and to confirm such Princes as were their Friends still in Friendship with them they chose two Embassadours to send to the two Kings the one of France the other of England to wit Francisco Donato and Pietro Pasquillio but Donato falling soon after desperately sick they chose Sebastiano Giustiniano in his place They were first to congratulate with both these Kings for the Peace and Marriage which had ensued between them for Lewis had married Mary Sister to Henry and that they should render them many thanks for that the one and the other of these Princes had in the Articles of Peace made between them named the Venetians as their Friends and Confederates That they should also assure the King of France that the Senate had the same intentions as he had and the like desire of renewing the War and to increase the strength of the League that therefore he should not doubt of the Venetians good will towards him since they were not only most ready to continue the Friendship of the French and to prefer it at all
might easily know that these Princes ought to be upheld by Pontifical Authority and to be thereby assisted For all these well grounded reasons Leo could not be perswaded to agree with the French and Venetians but being constant to his first resolution thought he might more easily draw the Venetians to condescend to his will and finding he could not compass his mind by fair means he resolved to proceed more rigorously with them He published an Edict whereby he prohibited all the Subjects of the Church upon grievous penalties to take any pay of the Venetians though at this time many Captains of that State had taken monies of them moreover he commanded all his Captains of Horse who were gone a little before to Verona under pretence of guarding that City to go with all their Horse into the Spanish camp and in fine left nothing undone which he thought might lessen the Venetians strength or reputation to the end that being invironed with so many evils they might be at last inforc'd to accommodate themselves to his pleasure and to the times But on the contrary the Venetians keeping firm to the French hoped by that means to be able to sustain themselves and to defend their State affirming that they thought themselves safe enough in their Friendship And thinking that this might be much witnessed by keeping a French Embassadour in their camp they prevailed with the King Francis that Theadoro Trivulcio who having been sent by the King to Venice as you have heard had kept still in the Army should be still kept Embassadour and not have leave according to his desire to return into France Francis this mean while provided with all possible diligence for all things necessary for War He knew that great endeavours were made by the Enemy especially by the Switzers and that he must have powerful Forces to suppress them He therefore resolved to go himself in person to Lyons to the end that greater conceits being had of the preparations for War and more haste being had the Enemy might be terrified and their inconveniences might be augmented by a sudden and continued War The French resolved to send part of their men before into Piemont to force the Switzers when they should hear of their approach to quit their own homes the sooner and block up their way From whence they thought they might get this good that falling sooner into want of Victuals and Money and consequently beginning to dislike that Militia which they had adhered to only out of a desire of Novelty and great hopes of prey conceived by reason of their last Victory and that being troubled likewise as they oft times were by domestick discords they would give over the business at the first and return home leaving the passage open for the French Army And the fear of the Switzers being taken away they needed not fear any of the other confederates for if they would keep sufficient Garrisons in the Cities which they had taken from the Venetians their numbers would be so lessened as they would not have Forces sufficient to make up the body of an Army able to oppose the French when they should be entered Italy The King gave the charge of this whole business to Charls Burbone Grand Esquier de France to whom he gave the chief authority of ordering the War in case he himself should not go along with his Army out of the Kingdom whereof he was not yet positively resolved Burbone was at this time in great esteem and authority at Court for his Mother who was daughter to Frederick Marquess of Mantua a woman of a man-like Spirit and indowed with many noble qualities had purchased much favour and authority both to her self and son from all the chief Personages about the Court. Whilst these things were doing in France the Vice-roy to debar the Venetians from any quiet when the Popes Chivalry was come as hath been said to the Spanish Forces and many Troops of Horse being according to order come to the Cities of Brescia and Bergamo he marched with his Army towards the Banks of Adice with a resolution of coming to Vicenza hoping to win that City easily and in a fitting time to sieze upon the revenue of silk wherein that Country did much abound and to turn it into pay for the Souldiery But Alviano having notice thereof resolved to march out of Padua where he then was and to go with all possible speed to the Territories of Vicenza taking along with him so many of his men as were sufficient to munite the City of Vicenza to disturbe their intentions and to break their designs and many being of a contrary opinion Alviano gave them reasons for this his resolution shewing chiefly of what importance it was to him and to his Army which was beaten in the last rout to get some reputation for the inheartning of the people who seemed to be very affectionate to the Venetians and to keep them in their Loyalty and Duties he therefore kept upon those confines till such time as the Inhabitants had time to gather in their silk and to carry it into more safe places the Enemy having this mean while endeavoured in vain by often change of Quarters to force our men to forego those Territories and to retreat to where the other Army remained But the cause of his coming thither being ceased and knowing that he could not tarry longer there without some danger for the Enemy being gotten very near were encamped at Barbarano where people flocking to their camp from elsewhere their Forces did daily increase Alviano retreated with all his men towards Padua where Renzo Ceri was with the rest of the Army and resolved to take up his Quarters at the Town Brentelle two miles distant from Padua where he tarried a long time for the Senate takâ—ng the safest way ordered Alviano not to stir with the Army from thence unless he were so sure of the Enemies ways as that he might not be compell'd to fight from which the Senate being always averse it was now thought he ought chiefly to abstain for if he should receive any the least prejudice whereby he might suffer either in his Forces or reputation the King of France would cool very much in his thoughts concerning Italy since he himself had often affirmed that he relyed very much upon the Venetians asistance to which purpose he had often let them know by his Embassadour that he wish'd them not to hazard a Battle nor put themselves upon any the least danger before he should be come into Italy for it would not be wisely done to hazard the whole success of that War upon a part of their Forces The Venetian Army being therefore come to the castle of Este after the Spaniards were removed from the parts about Vicenza to those of Verona the Senate out of the same consideration would not listen to Alviano touching the leading of his men into the confines of Rovigo for the French drawing near to Italy
were met at the Assemby he came not thither himself but being busied about slighter Affairs sent the Cardinal Gurghense thither in his name giving him in charge to propound such things as were to be treated of in that Dyet But nothing was concluded in what Cesar chiefly desired and particularly touching the proposal made against the Venetians answer was made by both the Kings That they had no reason to take up Arms against the Venetians with whom they had had long friendship and which had been confirm'd by many good Offices Moreover that the present condition of times were such as the weakening of that Common-wealth could not but turn to the great prejudice of all Christian Princes and that the power and reputation thereof ought rather to be maintain'd that they might be the better able to resist the Turks who were grown so insolent and bold by the late Victory which they had gotten in Persia and had at the same time so inlarged their Confines by their having overcome John King of Daâ—ia as all Christendom had reason to dread their Forces That therefore it would be much better done to endeavour the reconciling of such Christian Princes as were at odds and enmity by reason of so long and heavy Wars that so they might with joynt consent oppose the so formidable power of the Ottoman Lords lest whilst Christian Princes out of greediness strove to make themselves Masters of one anothers States they might not all of them be inslaved by barbarous people Both these Kings did therefore promise to use their best means and authority with the other Princes and chiefly with the Common-wealth of Venice to perswade them to lay down Arms which Udislaus did immediately endeavour by his Embassadour who lay Leiger at Venice And Sigismond chose Mathew Bishop of Udislavia and Rafaelle di Licusco Commander of Scodovia for his Embassadours whom he sent to Venice to acquaint the Senate in his name That it was the King of Polands desire that the Common-wealth after so long and tedious Wars would at last be reconciled with Maximillian with whom as he had often formerly treated of Peace so he did now the like with the Venetian Senate in desiring them to lay aside the memory of past Injuries and imbrace peace and concord and if any thing of hatred or prejudice remained in them by the late Wars that they should pass it over for his sake and for the like of all Christendom The Senate thought fit to give the same Answer to these Embassadours as they had formerly done to the like propositions That the Venetians did not first make War with Cesar but had taken up Arms in their own defence that they did not desire to possess themselves of any thing that belonged to another but to recover what of right belonged to themselves and that they would willingly lay down Arms when they might do it upon honourable terms Thus and by these means did Cesar endeavour to renew the War but Ferdinando though he were bound by Articles of agreement to wage War from the Perenean Mountains yet not thinking that to do so would make any thing for their advantage he neither prepared any men for that Enterprize nor did he hasten to send Foot into Italy to increase his Army being resolved as it appeared not to keep any Souldiers as then in pay save such as were under Cardona's command which he kept upon very small expence upon design that keeping his Forces intire he might take the Empire of the States of Italy from out of the hands of others when they should be weary and wasted But the Switzers made open profession of maintaining that War saying that they preferr'd the Honour of Maximillian Sforza and the liberty of intire Italy before their own particular good for they were so inheartned by the good success which they had had in many Battles as they believed they were able of themselves alone to free all Italy from the fear of the French Wherefore as soon as the League was made they began to chuse out their best Souldiers and to order many Companies and having received two moneths pay they came in great numbers into Piemont and quartering themselves in three places Susa Pignarvâ—lo and Saluzzo they block'd up all the ways oâ— that side The French prepared this mean while to make War more settedly and upon better advice then did the Confederates for that their affairs were govern'd with a joynt consent and for that they did cheerfully hasten to pass into Italy their Army being the greater by reason that the Kingdom of France was on all sides free from Enemies for though Ferdinand was ty'd by the articles of the League to enter with an Army into the confines of Guirome and the Switzers into the Dukedom of Burgony to perplex the French yet neither of them had made any Preparations to do so Wherefore the French having prepared all things ready for their departure began on the 15th of Iuly to march towards the Alpes and being come to Grenoble they quartered their Army in the neighbouring parts for they were necessitated to stay there awhile to resolve upon what way they would go There were great difficulties on all sides for all the passages were so block'd up either by the nature of the places or by the Enemies as they could not make their way without much labour and danger If they would go by the right and ordinary way and enter Italy by the Confines of Piemont the Switzers had possess'd the narrowest passes so as they must cut their way through with their Swords and fight the Enemy upon great disadvantage and if leaving the Cotian Alpes on the left hand they would pass lower with their Army they were to overcome the tops of steep craggy Mountains and to pass through large Valleys with great inconvenience and difficulty which would be the greater by reason of the numbers of men and cattle and the train of Artillery which they brought with them Yet the King could not be pacified with these considerations who resolved to pass upon whatsoever conditions and not to leave any thing unattempted which might be done either by labour or industry hoping by power and constancy to overcome the natural asperity of the places So taking their way by the right side of the Alpes which looks towards the South and terminates upon the Tuscan Sea the French came in three days to the Mountain Argenta and going from thence on the left hand by divers unaccustomed paths they overcame all difficulties on the fourth day and to the great joy of the Souldier brought their whole Army into the Confines of the Marquisate of Saluzzo they past from thence unto Vercelles where they tarried to advise how they were to manage their War About 2000 Switzers kept all the ways at the Foot of the Pennimen and Cotien Alpes called Montcinese guarded and block'd up that they might oppose the French on that side by which they thought they
were to come and hinder their passage and when they heard that the powerful Enemy had deluded their Forces by taking another way and that they were already got out of the hardest and most difficult passages they admired the worth and Fortune of the French and chiefly the constancy of the Kings resolution to which it seemed even nature her self had yielded obedience and then they began to abate much of their former forwardness and to despair of Victory So laying aside all thoughts of joyning Battle without the advantage of place they retreated to Novara which made the French hope they might soon end the War and get the State of Millan without the loss of blood They were well acquainted with the nature and customes of the Switzers how that they were fickle seditious easie to fall at oddes desirous of Novelties but chiefly greedy of money they therefore began quickly to bethink themselves to overcome them with this engine of gifts and fair promises Many of them being hereby tempted laid aside their first desire of glory in War and preferring the certain reward which by agreement was promised them before the uncertain hopes of Arms minded presently to return home they with much arrogancy demanded pay left their Colours refused to obey Sedunense and the rest of their Commanders and all things went tumultuously on They gave these reasons chiefly for this their so great change that things had succeeded prosperously nay with great glory to the French at their first entrance into Italy and on the contrary whatsoever the Switzers had attempted had proved vain and ignominious that therefore having lost all hopes of Victory and more certain gain being offer'd them it was in vain to spin out the War any longer The Duke of Burbone who commanded the first Squadrons of the French Army past first on the left hand not far from Ville Francha where Prospero Colonna by chance was who hearing of the arrival of the French came thither to muster the Switzers Army which till then was divided in several parts to the end that being all in one body they might oppose the Enemy in their passage into Lombardy and fight them whilst they were tyred and weary with their journey But the French prevented Prospero in his designs for Palissa and Obegny went with a good number of Foot towards the Town where Colonna with his men thought himself to be safe and having sent some few Souldiers before clad like Pedlers who made as if they would lodge in the Town the Guards at the Gates who suspected no such thing were by them slain and the Gates being possess'd the French Commanders and those that followed them entred and took Colonna Prisoner together with all his Horse At which all the rest being discouraged as well for the loss of so gallant a Commander as for shame of the thing fell into such disorder as the Collegues Forces were of several opinions and divided in all things The Vice-roy who had stay'd long in the Territories of Verona and taken up his Quarters about the Banks of Poe durst not advance any farther and Lorenzo di Medici stay'd to little purpose with the Popes men at Parma not undertaking any thing So as no succour coming to the Switzers Sforza's difficulties grew daily greater and his hopes of defending his State which was set upon at one and the same time in several parts grew less for King Francis thinking it made much for the Victory to keep the Enemies Forces divided in several parts whilst the affairs of Italy were in great commotion by reason of the unexpected arrival of his Army had sent Emat de Pria with a good Band of choise Fooâ— and with 400 Horse to Genua to find out Ottaviano Fregoso This man had then the Principality of that City and had begun long before to adhere unto the French Party and having gathered together 4000 Foot and received the French Forces he joyn'd with them and at unawares fell upon Lombardy beyond the Poe and laid all that Country waste Moreover the King did much sollicite the Venetians who were ready enough of themselves to move speedily with their Forces So as Renzo da Ceri being return'd as hath been said to Crema the Senate commanded him to enter in hostile manner into the State of Millan and to endeavour the recovery of some of those Towns as occasion should serve in the name of the King of France And though the Truce was not yet ended which was formerly made between the Cities of Crema and Millan it was thought that no private agreement could hinder this order because the men that were drawn out then against the Enemy were not taken out of the Garrison of Crema but were newly come to the Army from Padua and moreover they fought not at the entreaties of the Venetians but for the King of France his service The Venetians had likewise ordered their Captain General that as soon as he should know the Spanish Army was gone from the Territories of Verona he should go with all his men into Lombardy and take with him those others that were sent to Crema that so he might fall upon greater undertakings He therefore understanding that the Enemy were gone went from Polisine di Rovegio where he had staid awhile and past over the River Adice with his Camp at Abbadia and came neer Cremona exciting all the people as he past by to Rebellion The French Army was in another part which proceeded forcibly and made great progress against the State so as Sforza's Dominion being set upon on so many sides was shortly to fall the King of France being already with all his men within his Confines and finding that the Treaty handled by the Duke of Savoy was spun out at length and proved vain he prepared to lay Siege to Millan The disagreement was occasioned by the coming of many new companies of Switzers to the Camp who unacquainted with the troubles of War were more hot in the prosecution thereof said that Sforza's reputation which they had undertaken to defend was to be maintain'd by the Sword not by Treaty so as the face of War was various and doubtful both Peace and War being at the same time in discourse with the Switzers and there being many Armies in the same State some to oppugne it some to defend it but all of them so divided as the Forces of neither party could be increased by the assistance of their companions none of them having the means allowed them of meeting together but were by the nearness of the Enemy forced to take uncertain and dubious counsels wherefore the King did desire the more to have Alviano's Forces joyn with his To which purpose he was gone to the Town of Marignano where he took up his Quarters From hence he write to the Venetian Senate acquainting them with his safe arrival in Italy and with his prosperous successes and moreover made his hopes and his counsels known to them Thus the
affairs of the French and Venetians went on with great union both of mind and Forces The others being this mean while doubtful what to do Renzo da Ceri being entred the confines of Millan with 2000 Foot 500 light Horse and 200 Curassiers had taken the Castle of Leone by force and had received many other Towns into the Kings Loyalty carrying away such Souldiers Prisoners as did guard them Wherefore he was more honour'd and respected then the rest and had wonne so great a conceit of Worth as mighty things were expected from him but certain secret enmity increasing daily between him and Alviano Renzo could not suffer that the supream degree of the Militia should rest in Alviano Wherefore foreseeing that when the Armies should be joyned together he should be compell'd to obey him at a time of great importance he asked leave to give over serving the Venetians They were both of them certainly very gallant men but very proud and haughty minded Alviano would not see any equal to him in Dignity and Renzo could not be commanded by another and both of them were highly esteemed by the Venetians who had been very diligent in composing the differences between them To which purpose the Senate had sent Dominico Trevisano and Gâ—orgio Cornaro two Senators of great authority to Padua but finding them both to be strangely high minded and full of envy and hatred they could not appeaâ—e them nor make them friends wherefore they return'd to Venâ—ce without having done any thing Renzo's transcendent Worth accompanied with like Fortune had raised his name to that height as by consent of all men he was equalled for fame and glory to the most cry'd up Commanders of Italy But either his Worth or his Fortune beginnâ—ng to decline he did not any thing from that time forwards worthy of his former fame Having obtain'd leave of the Senate he went to Rome under pretence of negotiating his private affairs but in effect to be entertain'd in the Popes service wherein he had but ill success so as the things which he had attempted but failed in did in a great part obscure his formerly wonne fame Renzo being gone from Lodi the Switzers finding the City without a Garrison possess'd themselves of it but hearing soon after that the French Army drew near and thinking that they were not able to defend it they quickly quit the City which was soon possess'd by Alviano's people who were formerly gone into those parts From thence Alviano went with some few of his men to Marignano to advise with the French how they were to manage the War Whilst these things were done Alphonso Duke of Ferrara was only a quiet Spectator of the success of War and though he had often promised to adhere unto the French yet he had not as yet sent in any assistance but minding his own interest sollicited and entreated the Venetians to assault Modena and Reggio whilst their Army was in the Territories of Rovigo affirming that those Cities were so weakly garrison'd as if their Army would but draw near them they might easily be taken which when they should be the Pope would be so much troubled thereat as apprehending his own affairs he would easily be perswaded to alter his resolution But the Venetians though the Pope adhered to their Enemies did notwithstanding abhorre making War upon the Ecclesiastical State and this the more because they did not as yet well know the Kings mind herein for Leo using his accustomed cunning had not as yet discovered his alienation from the King Wherefore the Venetians not listning to Alphonso's advice prest him to send his men unto the Camp where the Common-wealths Forces were and to lend his assistance to the War affirming that nothing was to be done but to lay a good foundation for the French for if they should prove prosperous those Cities would certainly be restored to him as a reward of his pains and fidelity it not being to be doubted but that the Pope would follow the Victors fortune and accept of such conditions of agreement as they should impose upon him who being victorious were become arbitrators of the affairs of Italy That therefore since the condition of affairs were such now as there was no peace to be hoped for it behooved him by all means to adde unto the forces of the League against the common Enemies for it was clear that those who had most men would at last be Masters of the Field and Towns These reasons did not notwithstanding prevail with Alphonso to make him quit his Neutrality till he saw what would become of the War Hardly was Alviano gone from the confines of Rovigo when Mark Antonio Colonna who had the keeping of Verona issuing unexpectedly out of the City with 3000 Foot and about 700 Horse entred the Confines of Vicenza plundering and ruinating the Country At which though the Venetians were very much troubled yet could not the grief thereof make them forget their promises made to the King of France nor change their resolution of pursuing the War in the places and manner already begun Alviano gave order therefore that not any whatsoever accident should make his men alter the way they had taken but that they should march on and chiefly minde the good and greatness of the King of France it being their chief design to oblige him for they knew if the King should prosper in his attempts the state of the affairs of Italy must change and the fortune of the Common-wealth must chiefly be raised up Out of these reasons all other respects being laid aside the Venetian Army past into Lombardy but the nearness of the Enemy kept them from joyning with the French so as all things concerning the War proceeded yet but uncertainly for there were four Armies in the same Country encamp'd not far from one another There were in the French Camp above 40000 men of which 1500 Curassiers the choice Noble men of France who being excellently well armed and hors'd were of great beauty and strength unto the Army The French men hoping that by these men chiefly they might be able to keep the Country open every where past on and having got the Cities of Pavia and Novara they stay'd as hath been said in the Town of Marignano The Venetians were not far from this place who having taken the Town of Lodi kept still in those parts and this Army consisted of 12000 Foot and 3000 Horse and both these Armies had great store of Artillery and of all warlike Preparations To oppose these there were two other Armies ready of the Enemies which were likewise forc'd for the same reasons to keep asunder In one of these Armies were the Popes Militia the Florentines and the Spanish Foot of more esteem for the worth of their veterane Souldiers then for their numbers and these lay near Piacenza upon the Banks of Poe. The other Army was the Switzers wherein 't was said there was 40000 men who being entred at this
time into Millan at Sedunense's entreaties kept the City excellently well munited and though they had neither Horse nor Artillery yet were they full of courage and confidence as well in respect of their valour and military discipline as for the many Victories which they had wonne so as the business seemed to be so evenly ballanced as it was not easily to be discerned which party was likeliest to be worsted nor what the event of the War would be But whilst all labour alike though upon several hopes and reasons to weary the Enemy and to reduce them into straits and that therefore it was thought by all men that the War would be spun out into the length the Cardinal Sedunense put an end to these doubts and delays He being return'd to the Camp from whence he was gone for fear of the rising of the multitude re-assuming courage because many Bands of Souldiers who adhered to his party were come unto the Army breaking all Treaties of agreement which till then had been negotiated by the Duke of Savoy he returned all things to the first covered War Unto which it was not hard to perswade the Switzers who were fierce and desirous of money for Sedunense magnifying the Triumphs Rapines and other things which wait upon Victory as great and assured rewards of their labours shew'd them how that by getting the State of Millan they might with much glory to their Nation get much wealth far beyond whatsoever was promised them by the King of France in guiderdon of an ignonimious Peace The Souldiers believed this the rather remembering the great Booty which they bore away in the last Wars wherefore not valuing any faith plighted a choice Band of Switzers were immediately sent to Castle Bufeloro to detain the Monies which were brought thither by the Kings agents to confirm peace with them Thus all former conventions being broken Sedunense to keep the King from any opportunity of making those people who are subject to change give over the thought of War knew he must come to blows with the Enemy as soon as he could and try the event of Battle saying it stood not with the Switzers fame and reputation to shun conflict The French men in this interim drawing near Millan had taken up their Quarters at San Donato which Town they fortified without much labour because it was already invironed by many Ditches made by the Inhabitants by reason whereof the Commanders thinking that they had found a very opportune place had in encamping themselves taken up such a space of ground as that all their Troops were so ordered and disposed of as though the whole Army was divided into three parts the first Squadrons might easily succour the last and likewise that in the midst those of either side Which things being known in the City where they were advising touching the going forth of the Army some of the Switzer Commanders thought it a rash and dangerous advice to assault the Enemy who were ready and prepared for Battle especially since it was likely that within a short time they might find a fitter occasion to fight them It being said that the French Camp would rise and go meet the Venetians who came to joyn with them But Sedunense thinking that any delay how short soever would thwart his counsel for as the desire of Battle was easily kindled in them so might it be easily extinguished and fearing likewise lest the Souldiers incited by their factious Commanders might either listen again to an accommodation and refuse to go out of the City or else might manage the War otherwise made it be falsly reported by frequent Messengers that the French had gather'd up their Baggage and made ready their Arms and Horses and that the first Files were already on their march to go meet the Venetians and that they intended when they should be met to return and fight the City joyntly From hence he took occasion to excite them to make haste and shun all delay that they might fall upon the Enemy whilst they were raising their Camp and were in some disorder not suspecting to be set upon That they might make use of that opportunity which they had so much desired and which now did offer it self Which if they should let slip or be slow therein they would hereafter seek for help from Fortune in vain when they should through sluggishness have basely shewed that they valued not her favours nor the hopes that she had laid before them of Victory Upon this the Souldiers ran to take up Arms almost in a tumultuous manner and many companies went one after another out of the City and at last the whole Army moved thereunto out of shame and by their Commanders exhortations went out So as orders being suddenly given for all things they prepared for Battle Then Sedunense lest they should be discouraged when they should find the errour riding up and down amongst them every where spoke thus unto them That News was lately brought that the French did keep still within their Quarters that it was to be believed that this was out of fear they having heard of the Switzers being march'd out strong and able men whose violence they knew they were not able to resist and therefore desired to defend themselves by their works But that if â—he bare News of their coming and the formidable name of the Helvetian Nation had caused such fear in the Enemy as it had made them alter their intended March and forced them to change the whole course of their War how would they suffer the presence or withstand the violence of so great an array And certainly said he the changing of the Enemies intentions ought not to frighten you nor make you give over what you have begun to do nay rather you ought to be the more incouraged since you find the contrary in your Enemies If you marched out of the City with such joy and such hopes of Victory how can your generous purpose be retarded by knowing that the Enemy for fear of your approach dare not look out of their Quarters Wherefore think you is it that they trust more in their Rampiers then in their Arms Is it not an apparent sign that they trust little to themselves or to their own Valour If they made any account of themselves they would have come out into the field already to make trial both of their Worth and yours But certainly as there is no fence strong enough for fear so stout and valiant men safe enough in their own Worth place their hopes of welfare no where but in their own right hands You are not now to fight with a new or an unknown Enemy who know the nature of the cowardly French and their unexperience in matter of Militia better then you You have fought so often both for them and against them as you may easily conceive the French are no ways to be compared to you neither for experience in Military Affairs nor for fortitude of mind
These are the very men who having taken up Arms against Charles Duke of Burgony received so great a rout at Nansi and afterwards were overcome by you in Battle near Novara to their so great slaughter as that action added glory to the Illustrious name of Switzerland What reason therefore have you to fear an Enemy whom you have so often beaten Their retreat into their Quarters shews plainly that they yield the field unto you and esteem themselves already overcome so as if you will be but minded like Conquerours I already see all danger secure and foretell that you may this day get a great and glorious Victory with very little labour that desire of Glory which seems to be naturally infused into the Souls of all men hath always so fervently and so particularly inflamed those of our Nation as nothing hath ever been so difficult or dreadful which when the hope of praise hath been at stake hath not been willingly embraced by you and you your selves calling to mind your Domestique Valour and spur'd on by glory have now left your houses and exposed your selves to so great labour and danger Therefore if any of you shall think the business may prove sharp and difficult let him think what noble and rich Booty this Victory will bring along with it when so great an Army of the French shall be overcome wherein the Person of the King himself is The hope of so great Glory and Triumph will free your hearts from fear and make you dispise danger Many other Commanders who were of Sedunense's faction seconded him praising his advice and encouraging the Souldiers to Battle Wherefore going into every several company they conjured them to be mindful of their ancient Worth and of the late Victory They shewed them what it became them to do they amplified the great rewards which was to be expected from the victory they told them that if they would undertake this business couragiously one onely battle would put an end to their so many labours crown all their past victories The Souldiers being set on fire by these speeches did greatly desire combate and the sign being given march'd speedily towards the Enemy to assault them in their Camp The French when they understood of the Switzers approach were at first greatly troubled as usually falls out when things come unexpected they betook themselves hastily unto their Arms and in some disorder made ready their Horses and other necessaries for Battle afterwards taking courage they went to their colours took their several places and drew out into the open fields The whole Army was divided into three parts the first was assigned to the Duke of Bourbone with whom were Monsieur di Talamone Son to Monsieur della Tremouglie Giovan Giacopo Taivulcio Pietro Navaro Gabeano and other Commanders famous either for glory of War or for their Birth All the Dutch Gasconne and French Foot were in this first Squadron the King himself took care of that in the middle about whom were placed the greatest part of the Chivalry and a select Band of German Souldiers in this Squadron were many chief Personages the Dukes of Lorrain and Albany Lewis Lord of Tremuglia Francis Bourbone Count of St. Paul Odetto di Fois surnamed Monsieur di Lotrecco and some others These were followed by Alanson Palissa and Obigni who commanded the last Squadron wherein were the remainder of the Foot The Switzers leaving some of their companies in the rear for a reserve made but one strong body of their whole Army wherewith they marched apace in a close order towards the French Camp to the end that by coming up close unto them they might keep the Enemy from making use of their Cannon wherein they knew they did chiefly confide Both Armies being come so near as that they might give Battle the Dutch Foot who were placed in the Front of the French Army growing jealous by reason of some News that was given out that the French and Switzers were agreed and that the Switzers out of a certain hatred and emulation in War which is between those two Nations meant to fight only with them began at the first On-set to give way and permitted the Enemy to advance and to come to where the Artillery was placed which Navar being aware of he called some of his companies of Foot and made them immediately advance and possess the Station which was appointed for the Dutch so as the Enemy who came in good order upon them were made stay In the Interim Monsieur di Bourbone comes in with his Gasconne and French Souldiers and renews the fight the combate was very hot on all sides but the French had much ado to withstand the Switzers violence who minding only to repulse the Enemy had not yet possess'd themselves of any one piece of Artillery the King going then from the middle Squadron into the formest ranks brought the Chivalry along with him which inlarging themselves assaulted the Enemies Squadrons on several sides they might the better do for that as hath been said their Quarters were very large Wherefore the Switzers after having in very close Files kept off the Enemies Horse a good while with their Pikes at last their Ranks being a little opened began to separate yet still fought though upon great disadvantage being scattered here and there Many of them were slain every where others being forc'd from their places and disordered directly yielded others charging fiercely in among the Enemies were more sollicitous to kill others then to save themselves every one being his own commander and encourager The King not being at all afraid in this so sharp and dangerous Battle that he might the more encourage his Souldiers by sharing in their danger made himself be seen amongst the formest and most forward of them and did at the same time both encourage the Souldiers and fight the Enemy playing the part both of a good Commander and of a good Souldier And having wearied several Horses he himself to all mens wonder remaining still unwearied he shew'd himself every where and both by his presence words and actions egg'd on the Souldiers against the Enemy and incited them to fight The night came on already for a good part of the day was over before the battle began and yet the conflict continued Souldiers fell down dead on all sides as well French as Switzers for they were mingled together in every place in great confusion They fought not distinguishing their Colours nor hearing their Captains commands So as the heat of the Battle was comprehended more by the clashing of Arms by dreadful voices and by the miserable Out-cries of dying men then by the eye which was hindred by the obscurity of night All places were full of tumult death and flight One of the stoutest Bands of the Switzers being mix'd amongst the French cry'd out France France to the end that couzening the Enemy they might have way made them to get into their thickest Ranks and make the
they were able to defend it it cannot be said that this was a real Victory the War not being thereby ended nor the Enemy routed And certainly as by the Switzers admirable Valour the French bought all dearly which they got by fighting so by their natural fickleness the French got greater advantage by this Victory for the very next day to the day of Battle the Switzers giving over the thought of defending Millan leaving only a Foot Garrison in the Castle whither Maximillian Sforza was forc'd to retire return'd to their own homes and Cardinal Sedunense knowing that by the bad sâ—ccess of his counsels he had lost his former authority with the Souldiery so as all that he could say was not able to make them stay one minute longer leâ—t Millan likewise and went by the way of Trent to find out the Emperour This may teach Princes upon how weak foundations the saâ—ety of that State is grounded which wanting a Militia of its own is forc'd to have recourse to mercenary Forreigners After this Victory the French were every where Masters of the field and easily reduced all the Towns in the Dukedom of Millan into their power The Vice-roy who had not stirr'd all this while from about Placenza dispairing to defend the State of Millan any longer and suspecting also that the Pope had quitted the League went into Romagnia and by little and little brought all his Army from thence to the Kingdom of Naples And at the same time the Popes men went to Reggio in Lombardy so as Sforza's State being bereft of all hope of help or of returning to its pristine condition Millan and all the other Cities yielded of themselves to the French and sent Embassadours to the King to beg pardon for all that was past and to promise obedience for the time to come the Embassadours were received and a great sum of money was imposed upon the Millaneses to be paid according to every mans abilities But the King would not as yet enter into Millan for Sforza keeping the Castle still he thought it stood not with his honour to enter armed into that City which he had not totally reduced under his Dominion But for the present the Duke of Burbone entred the City who received it in the Kings name and committed the reducing of the Castle to Navaro's charge who having play'd upon it a good while with his great Guns began according to his custom to fall a mining He was excellent good hereat and by applying fire to the Gunpowder wherewith he fill'd his works under ground he was wont to blow up Walls and Towers which were otherwise impregnable Wherefore Sforza being much terrified and being a little besides himself by reason of a long sickness contracted by so many adversities being also advised by such as were none of his best friends he resolved a moneth after the Siege began to receive Antonio Bratano a Doctor of Law into the Castle to treat of surrender and concluded at last that he would put both the Castle and himself into the hands of the French though it were so well victuall'd and mann'd as it might have held out a long while He was upon these conditions received by the French That he should be forthwith carried into France from whence he was never to depart that he should for ever quit all claim and right which he had to the State of Millan to King Francis being to receive such a revenue from him as whereby he might live commodiously and with honour The King having by agreement received the Castle he entred Millan in great Military Pomp and almost in manner of Triumph environ'd by the choicest and richliest array'd of all his Chivalry He here received an honourable Embassie sent unto him from the Venetians to congratulate his Victory These were four of the principal Senators of Venice grave and reverend for their age and famous for the supreamest Honours of the Common-wealth Georgio Cornarâ— Andrea Gritti Antonio Grimani and Dominico Trevisano Procurators of St. Mark the chiefest Honour in that Common-wealth next to the Duke It fell to Trevisano's part as being youngest to make the Oration which is said to have been thus delivered As soon as the so greatly desired News most Christian King that your Majesty had taken your journey towards Italy came to Venice all our Souls were overwhelm'd with joy as if even then the Victory had been certain for we very well knew that there was no force which could withstand your singular Worth and your invincible Army wherefore our Common-wealth judging that they had great occasion of joy offer'd them at this your coming that they might not let slip any thing whereby they might manifest their affection and observancy had chosen us her Embassadours to wait upon your Majesty and congratulate your having brought your Army safe into Italy and return'd your Affairs to that ancient Honour to which questionless prosperous success in War would soon bring them The Senate did afterwards desire that all the Forces of their Common-wealth might be offer'd you by us as hath been formerly done by other Embassadours that your Majesty might please to make use of them upon whatsoever occasion either for your own greatness or for the conveniency of your Army We could not execute this our Commission which was long ago given us before now because the ways were every where block'd up by the Enemy but it hath hapned by divine providence that we who were sent to congratulate the hopâ—s of your beginning to be victorious may now give you joy of your already won victory for out-doing the thoughts of all men you have atchieved those very great things which we out of a singular affection and desire of your prosperity were in our thoughts designing Since having by a miraculous confidence in your self and constancy of mind made your way through craggy Cliffs and almost inaccessible Mountains you have master'd all difficulties past over the Alpes even there where they were thought to be impassable and have conducted your Army in four days space intire and safe into Italy Having thus overcome the asperous Mountains you have instructed us that nothing is so difficult through which the valiant man cannot make his way and that a magnanimous Prince ought to esteem nothing too hard for him to overcome but you have chiefly shewn your Worth to be such and so excellent as you can rule even nature which rules and governs all things That which amongst other of that cry'd up Commanders Actions Hannibal is numbred as a thing of singular praise to wit that he durst venture to pass over the top of the Alpes with his Army and that in 15 days space he conducted it safe over your Majesty by a more singular virtue and in a more excellent manner have out-done by having brought over your Army Artillery and all your warlike Preparations in a much shorter time into the Confines of the Enemy by rougher and by straiter ways But whilst men
of Curassiers and some Foot Colours who were sent to relieve Peschiera they put them to flight slew many of them and took many Prisoners Hereupon Asoli Lonato Sermione and some other Towns thereabouts soon surrendered so as the affection to the name of Venice which seemed to be fallen asleep began to be awakened in the peoples minds It was now November wherefore the Venetians partly by reason of the time of the year partly by reason of the difficulty of the business resolved for that time to give over the Siege of Brescia when News came to the Camp that many Horse and Foot would soon come in to their succour The King of France had thought to have sent these recrutes much sooner to the Venetians but they being to have been commanded by the Gran Bastardo di Savoia a Kinsman of the Kings and a man of great Worth and Authority who had likewise given him in charge first to take in the Castle of Cremona he spent more time therein then he thought to have done which had caused him to defer his coming thus long He brought along with him 5000 Foot 800 Horse many pieces of Artillery and great store of victuals wherefore as soon as he was come to the Venetian Camp they alter'd their opinion and were all of one mind to re-attempt the taking of Brescia immediately with the whole Army thinking that the bitterness of the season might be overcome by the number and assiduity of the Souldiers But the business though first attempted with great hopes of victory rather by the falseness and foolish obstinacy of friends then by any Worth in the Enemy for the Dutch Foot commanded by the Gran Bastardo soon began rather to be a trouble then a help They oft times raised tumults in the Camp they refused sometimes to fight against Cesar sometime cry'd insolently for pay before they had deserved it and despising their Captains commands ran into the neighbouring parts ransacking all things and plundering as well their Friends as Foes Another great inconvenience was added unto this able to disturbe any design how good soever for the Gran Bastardo falling very sick was forced to depart the Camp The Venetian Embassadours who were with the King of France being advertised of this did by commission from the Senate again very much desire the King to send more aid they desired other Souldiers other Commanders but chiefly Pietro Navaro who was at this time in great repute for being very expert at the taking in of places wont to get the victory by a new way of Militia He used such art and industry in working Mines and in using several unusual Engines as made all men wonder This man being sent by the King with succour to the Venetian Army the Siege was again begun to be laid to Brescia Trivulcio was encamped on one side with about 900 Venetian Foot and 2000 Horse on the other side which lyes over against the Gate usually called delle Pille and of which ill Bastardo had had formerly the care Navaro placed himself with 5000 Gasconne and French Foot which he had brought with him so they began to play upon the Town in several parts at once and the City being besieged on all sides by continual Guards nothing was free nor safe to them that were within they were forced to keep Sentinels in all places to be in perpetual work every where and herein lay the Venetians chiefest hopes that the Defendants tired out with continual action and consequently growing weak would be forced to give over much of their defence for the Spanish Souldiers having had leasure time enough to fortifie the City had been so diligent in raising Cavaliers in making Trenches places of Retreat and in well defending the Walls as not any one part lay open or naked to the assaliants and if any part of the Wall chanc'd to be thrown down by the Cannon a new Rampier was raised for defence in the place thereof So as the Souldiers might use their Artillery under shelter and all other sort of Arms. But the business drawing on in length and the Venetians knowing that their labour was but in vain and that the City could not be taken by assault Navar betakes himself to his other accustomed Stratagems which he had not yet made use of here because it required much labour and pain and because he feared lest all his labour and design might meet with disturbance by the condition of the season and by the great store of rain that was fallen He began to make a passage under the earth which led from the Camp to the City through which the Souldiers were to march and on the sudden fall upon the City within This work being diligently and with much labour wrought upon by the Souldiers both day and night so as it was now brought almost to an end the Spaniards moved thereunto by some sign or were it only out of suspition because they saw our men had given over their Battery and that Proceedings went slower on in the Camp betook themselves to observe diligently in every part of the City whether or no they could find or hear any motion of the earth they dug Ditches in many places and searched diligently into Navar 's hidden ways of which as soon as they discovered any the lest shew to the end that they might be the more certain of it and apply remedy they began to make countermines all in contra and throwing great store of Gun powder thereinto they gave fire unto it and overthrew our work slaying all the Souldiers that wrought upon it Thus many days labour was lost in a moment yet the Venetians had one hope left whereby to get the City the rest proving vain through various accidents to wit to straiten it by Siege for they knew it wanted many things which would force it to surrender Corn was grown to such a scarcity as the Dutch Souldiers not able to endure it not having received neither any pay of along time from the Emperour refused to do duties grew insolent with their Commanders put all things into confusion and began to rebell Which when the Venetian Camp knew Trivulcio thought he had a fair occasion offer'd him of taking the City without the loss his of men wherefore neither the inconvenience of Winter nor the Snow nor the trouble of a long Siege were able to make him alter his resolution He knew it made much for his Renown and for the proving of his affection to the Common-wealth that he should prosper in his first attempts He therefore kept the City environed on all sides with his Army to keep any victuals from being brought into it and to keep the Souldiers that were within from coming out intending likewise to seize on such monies as might perchance be sent them and in the interim there past light Skirmishes between them and the Enemy for many Foot came from the Garrison of Verona striving to get into the Brescian
and if he should find in him a well disposed will to be then able to increase it and to dispose of the Kings Forces at his pleasure But King Francis seeing his ancient Enemies re-kindle their hatred and his Friends behave themselves as Enemies and that they all conspired together against him as it is always seen that prosperity produces envy thought nothing could make more for his good at the present then to take the Pope from his Enemies and joyn his Holiness to him Cesar and the Switzers were already joyn'd together and it was commonly said that the King of Spain and King of England were likewise joyn'd with them the latter because he could not willingly endure to see the King of France his power and glory increase so much and the other because it was held for certain that when the French should be at peace with the rest he would soon make War with him either to put the King of Navar into his State or else to recover the Kingdom of Naples Wherefore King Francis finding such dangers threatened him by so many Enemies thought he had provided the better for his affairs by how much he should joyn in a straiter League and Friendship with the Pope Those things being then thus disposed of which concern'd the annexing the Forces and Authority of the Church unto him he began to think of his return into France to comply with his wives entreaties but much more to secure his Kingdom from the imminent danger of War by the men that he brought back with him and he stay'd now only that he might first somewhat establish the Venetians affairs and so increase the Forces of the League as though he were not himself in person in Italy he might have no reason to fear the Enemy for what concern'd the State of Millan Therefore as soon as he was gone from Bolognia and arrived at Millan he chiefly minded the sending of more Forces time enough to the Venetian Camp before Brescia Which was already reduced thereby to so great straits as it was thought it would soon fall into the Common-wealths hands It was known that the Souldiers who defended it and who had already shew'd great Valour in resisting many assaults being weary through so many inconveniences of the Siege and chiefly not having received pay nor relief nor Cesar not having taken any provision for it were brought almost to the very last point of despair in so much as the Spanish Souldiers had agreed that if the promised relief should not come from Cesar within twenty days they would deliver up the City to the Venetians upon condition that they might be permitted to go forth with their Colours and their other Military Affairs The King was particularly inform'd of these Proceedings by the Venetian Embassadours who accompanied him all this journey and shew'd him how affairs went and desired him not to give over the hopes of getting that City but to send his men forthwith to the Venetian camp to keep the Dutch Foot from relieving the City who were led on by Captain Roncandolfo which if it should succeed well so many moneths time would be spent in vain and they should lose so fair an opportunity of putting an end unto the War But though the King very well knew the importancy of the business he could not use such diligence as that the French aid could prevent the coming of the Dutch Foot who being 8000 in number entred all safe into the City the 20 days not being yet expired not meeting with any obsticle for the Common-wealths Souldiers who when News came of the Enemies approach were sent to the strait Passes of the Mountains basely retreated to the Army not staying so much as to look the Enemy in the face The Dutch had for their guid in this their voyage Captain Lodovico da Ladrone who being very well practised in those parts led them over the tops of Mountains by unusual ways so as getting at unawares out of those strait and difficult Passes they caused thereby more fear in our men When News came to the Venetian camp that the Enemy was come they differ'd in their opinions some were for continuing the Siege some for carrying the Army elsewhere but the number of the Dutch Foot being given out to be greater then indeed it was and the Spies having informed at the same time that Marco Antonio Colonna was gone out of Verona and entred into the confines of Mantua and hasted to assault them the Venetian Commanders fearing that if they should tarry any longer they might easily be incompassed on both sides by the Enemy thought it best to raise the Siege So the Artillery being brought into the Cities of Crema and Cremona the Army march'd to Castelnedulo six miles from Brescia When this News came to Venice it caused much wonder and as much sorrow in all the Citizens who built confidently upon the getting of Brescia The Captain General and Commissaries had by letters advertised the Senate that all the Passes were so guarded by our Souldiers as it was impossible for the Besieged to receive any succour And this was the more credibly believed because News came at the same time that the Forces which were sent from the French to assist our Camp which were 3000 Dutch Foot and 400 Horse were already on their way from Millan And assuredly the Common-wealth lost no little reputation hereby to think that so few men gathered together out of the Countrey unexperienced in the Militia without either Artillery or Horse should infuse such fear into a numerous Army so well provided of all things as was that of the Venetians and French and which expected new succours suddenly as should make them give over their hopes of getting the City by Siege and to change their Quarters Trivulcio was accused by many of too much haste and bad advice in losing the opportunity of putting an end unto his business which so much labour had been bestowed about Whereat he being very much incensed he demanded leave to quit the Service of the Common-wealth alledging that he was sent for home about some private affairs of his own which would not suffer him to tarry any longer in the camp But the Senate who thought this mans reputation and skill might be of great help in that War writ unto him and exagerating his Worth said They had always found much fidelity in his Actions and much readiness and had never found fault with him but much commended him for it that it became not the gravity of a Senate when things wisely undertaken did not succeed well to lay the fault upon the Authors according to the custom of the common people that they therefore never blamed any thing but the bitterness of the Season and the Fortune of War which had been so long averse to the Common-wealth so as though they might be sometimes troubled at the success of the Commanders counsels and advices yet knowing them to be good they did not
that it would be his Fate to return the Dignity of the Empire in Italy by his Forces to its former greatness Therefore they who thought they saw more into Leo's intentions were of opinion that his chief aim was to take the Venetians off from the friendship of the French Which if he could not do yet that by the weakening of their Forces those of the King of France would likewise be weakened he being a friend and confederate of the Common-wealths whose greatness moved thereunto either by hatred or fear the Pope could not tolerate Whereas he was less jealous of Cesar's Forces as well in his own respect as of that of the Church by reason of his natural light headedness by reason of his paucity of men and want of monies for which reasons he thought his greatness could never be so well grounded but that it might by some chance be made to toâ—ter Thus did this year end mens minds being variously possess'd with hope and fear and not knowing what the end of so many evils would be for in the beginning of the next year which was the year of our Lord 1516 and the 8th year from the time that all Italy and especially the State of Venice began to be sorely molested with War new Preparations for Arms and evident signs of future troubles began to appear Souldiers were taken into pay every where more means were used for the renewing of War then was before and chiefly the Venetians refusing all Treaties of Peace or of new Leagues and being return'd to besiege Brescia with great hopes of gaining it were resolute to continue the War till such time as they should have gotten that City either by force or by voluntary surrender Cesar also who had not been himself in person in any of the Armies the last year past but managing the War by his Captains had not managed it over well re-assuming his former thirst after War sought to raise commotions in all parts and to augment his Forces that he might molest the affairs of Italy he called many Dyets craved aids muster'd men sent for Commanders but he chiefly sollicited the Switzers to take up Arms and to revenge the death of their valiant companions promising to be their Leader and to be willing to share with them in all labour and danger The King of England did the like out of envy to the King of France his recent glory and out of anger that he had taken the King of Scotland into his protection The Pope with the like intention but more secretly endeavour'd the same with the Switzers All these affirm'd that the Switzers could undertake no War which could bring them greater glory or richer booty then that of Italy which being already begun must now again be renewed with greater Forces They moreover promis'd them some pay for their Souldiers but much hopes of greater advantage which they might always have by their Friendship This mean time the Venetian Commanders Lautrech being already come as hath been said with aid to their camp held many Councils and did differ in their opinions touching the managing of the War Some were for the raising of the Siege from before Brescia and for carrying the whole Army to Verona for which they alledged that that City now that their veterane Souldiers were gone to relieve Brescia was but weakly garrison'd and that the Enemy had made no provision for necessary defence as not suspecting any such thing then But the season of the year made much against this opinion for the Camp could not without great inconvenience be removed in the midst of Winter nor the Souldiers be led to a new Enterprize Besides it might appear a rash thing to change greater hopes of getting Brescia with the uncertainty of what might befall about Verona for the condition of Brescia being considered it was evidently seen that unless they did intermit their begun works the Town must of necessity fall into their hands either by force or by surrender it was apparent that the City was in great want of money Corn and of all sort of Victuals the Commanders were at oddes within themselves the Souldiers weary of being long besieged and by reason of many sufferings rather ready to mutiny then to fight and the Citizens as well by reason of their new grievances laid upon them by their new Masters as out of their ancient affection to the Venetians desirous of Novelties and ready upon any accident to drive the Garrison out of the City Moreover the Defendants were reduced to a small number for the Foot who were come a little before to assist the Besieged seeing that with diversity of opinion but no resolution many discourses had been had of leading the Souldiers forth to fight and that the scarcity of Victuals did daily increase were most of them gone from the City leaving the business unperfected These things being found by the report of many to be true it was by general consent agreed that they should keep their Quarters and attend with all diligence to straiten the City more Our Army abounded in all things for the Senate were so careful to provide all things requisite for War as though the Enemy strove much to hinder it all their endeavours proved vain Amongst the rest Mark Antonio Colonna endeavour'd often by sending his Souldiers out of Verona to keep the Army from victuals and by laying ambushes to intercept the monies which were sent to the Venetian camp To which purpose he kept continually good store of Spanish Foot and Horse at the Town of Legnano which was now fallen into his power to block up all the ways of that Country and the Enemy growing daily more bold and offering at great matters they made incursion even to the Territories of Brescia which they might safely do because they saw the Venetian Army was busied about the Siege Wherefore the Captain General and Commissaries thought that it stood not with the honour and reputation of that Army to suffer that so few men should come so near hand to insult over them Wherefore having notice that Colonna endeavour'd to come into the confines of Mantua to block up that way likewise which as the safest was frequented by those that went to the camp Paolo Manfrone and Mercurio Bua were sent by our men to meet them and to fight them Who though they undertook the business couragiously yet did they not succeed well therein for Colonna having notice of their coming by his Scouts took with him some companies of veterane Souldiers and went speedily towards Valeggio where he had such advantage of place as he might chuse whether he would keep safe there or fight upon advantagious terms Our men and the Enemy entred at the same time by several ways into this Town and both of them strove to possess themselves of the Bridg which joyns the Town together being otherwise divided by the waters of Menzo each side hoping to repulse the Enemy and to make themselves Masters of the
not look the Enemy in the face but had yielded the field unto them They therefore considered that though they should resolve not to give Battle yet they might chuse some strong place opposite to the Enemies Quarters wherein they might keep and observe Cesars ways and search into his counsels and then change place and purpose according as time and occasion should counsel them Yet because the French were of a contrary opinion the whole Army was brought from the Territories of Brescia and brought into those of Cremona whither the Duke of Burbone was come but a little before with his Horse and Foot Their intention was to wait for the Switzers here who were not yet past by and to keep them from passing Maximillian being this mean while past over the River Adice with all his men came to the Town of Guscolenga having met with many Souldiers from Verona in his March as also with Mark Antonio Colonna with 200 Horse for the Venetian Army being drawn off they thought they might find all things sure in that Country Cesar being entred into the Brescian Confines resolved before he would go any farther to possess himself either by fair means or by foul of the Town of Asola which is the first Town on that side of the Country thinking it neither became his safety nor his honour to leave any place behind him in the power of the Enemy whereby they might keep back victuals from his Army But this proving a business of great length by reason of the Defendants valour all other warlike Proceedings were impeded and in the mean time the French had better opportunity to increase their Army Much praise was attributed for this to Francisco Contarini Commissary of the Town to Antonio Martinengo and to all the rest as well Souldiers as Citizens that were in the Town for having with so few men but much courage withstood so great an Army and by defending Asola frustrated the Forces of so great a Prince and much lessened his reputation since with expence of much time and labour he could not get so small a Castle Yet the Switzers had won such reputation and credit in their last Skirmishes as the French resolved neither to keep where they were nor to hazard themselves upon the event of Battle unless their Army were munited and increased by the same Nation Wherefore Maximillian being gone from before Asola after having spent much time there in vain for fear lest by keeping so great an Army so long a time before so little a Town his Souldiers might be discouraged and might miss of doing greater matters the French Commanders when they heard of his being gone called suddenly a Council of War wherein they resolved to raise their camp and to carry it to the River Ada hoping that by keeping upon the Banks thereof they might hold the Enemy play and hinder them from passing over the River But the French and Venetians were not well gone from thence when all that lay between the Rivers Poe and Adice fell into the Emperours hands except Cremona and Crema which redounded so much to his honour and to the terrour of the others as the French neither confiding in themselves nor in others march'd away with their Army so suddenly and so fast towards Millan as it was doubted whether they went thither to defend the City or to be defended themselves by the Walls thereof Maximillian making use of opportunity pursued those that fled and began already to promise all good success unto himself and staying six miles from Millan he let the City know That if it did not surrender all the sooner it must look for all severity But if it would yield to him of its own good will it might presume of obtaining many immunities and much more freedom in all things Affirming that he was come into Italy with intention according to the custom of his Ancestors of taking up the Ensigns of the Empire in that City and to drive the French from thence and out of that State who were unjust and unlawful Lords thereof and to recover the right dues of the Empire This Message was answered as pleased the French that the State of Millan which was formerly a member of the Empire was sever'd from thence by authority of the Emperours and for a certain sum of money which was paid down for it that therefore Cesar had now no more pretence to that City which both by right of inheritance and right of War was lawfully possess'd by Francâ—s Vallois King of France that therefore the Millaneses would keep that City for their legitimate Lord to whom they had sworn Loyalty and that they had so provided for all things as they doubted not but to be able to defend the City against all injurious violence Yet all things were full of fear in that City the Citizens and Souldiers doubted much what the issue of the War would be and not knowing well how to provide for their own safeties which they more minded then the preserving of the State for the King all their consultations were full of fear and doubts Amidst these doubts and difficulties the Venetian Commissaries especially Andrea Gritti who had most power with the French being firmly resolved to defend the City Exhorted all the rest to do their utmost and to be of good courage they put the Citizens sometimes in mind of the Kings humanity towards them sometime of what punishment they were to suffer if they should often provoke his anger they likewise apply'd themselves to many of the chief of the Army entreating them and conjuring them that calling to mind their late Victory and the Glory which they had wone they should resolve upon serving the King and the Venetians That the cause and common interest was the same therein and that the business it self was not desperate if it were couragiously and constantly defended to what purpose said Gritti do the French take such pains and put themselves into so much danger to what purpose do they send so many Armies into Lombardy if at the very first appearance of the Enemy all defence must be given over and those things must be yielded which they have gotten with long War and with much expence yea even of their own bloud We as knowing the Senates intention and the like of our whole City of running the same fortune with the French will willingly expose all our men and all our Forces not refusing to endeavour every thing even to the utmost Thus by Gritti his counsel and exhortation the Suburbs of the City were set on fire to the end that the Enemy might not make use of them for their advantage great Guns were placed upon the Walls divers Corps de guarde were ordained and all things were prepared for defence These provisions did somewhat cool the Enemies courage and afforded them occasion of many doubts and difficulties so as taking time to think what to do those within began to be of better hopes for in this
interim many Colours of the Switzers came opportunely to Millan commanded by Alberto Pietra to the number of 4000 of the Cantons of Seduno and Berne who were very welcome to the Souldiers and Citizens By their coming the faces of things altered all fear fled from the French to the Imperialists for the City being munited by such supplies so as it was not to be taken but with expence of much time and labour they within thought themselves safe enough since Cesar could not tarry long before the City for want of money victuals and of all things necessary Wherefore the French began to be of better heart and on the contrary Cesars hardships grew daily greater and greater But he was chiefly troubled with jealousie of the Switzers for calling to mind the past and present affairs he found that there were many of that Nation as well in his camp as in the City whom the French might easily win over unto them by their moneys which he could not so easily do by reason of his want thereof Moreover that that Nation had always unless it were upon some occasions in these latter times been great friends to the French And that they had always hated the greatness of the Emperours These considerations occasioned much fear in him and took from him the chief ground work of his hopes of Victory He likewise thought with much more commotion of mind upon Sforza's latter fortune near Novara where he was delivered up into the hands of the Enemy by the perfidiousness of those people He therefore held it the better counsel to free himself from that danger by reason of the Switzers fickleness At last his mind being agitated by such like thoughts as these and fear growing more powerful in him he resolved to quit his Army without having attempted any thing and to return himself into Germany Wherefore taking only 200 Horse along with him he gave out that the cause of his departure was only to provide monies for the payment of the Army and that he would speedily return to the camp But the Souldiers seeing their chief Commander gone began every one to do what he thought best for himself The Switzers went to Lodi and ruinating the Country every where sack'd the City And would have continued to commit the like Out-rages had not the Switzers which were in Millan protested that unless they would give over those injurious Proceedings they should be forced to come out against them together with the French and Venetians so as Switzers fighting against Switzers they were to imbrue their hands in one anothers blood The former Switzers for this respect forbearing doing any other damage after having made some peaceful abode in those parts some few days returned all of them to their own homes except it were some few companies who went with their Commander Morco Setio to the custody of Verona whither Colonna went also with his Horse and with the Spanish and Dutch Foot who were before drawn out from that Garrison The rest of the Spanish and Dutch Foot returned by several ways into their own Countries having been much prejudiced in their journey by the Venetian Horse Soon after the Emperours departure came the Marquess of Brandenbourg to the camp with a certain sum of money who though he did his best to rally the Souldiers that dis-banded yet things being already grown to great confusion and the Moneys that were brought not being sufficient to satisfie all he could doe no good Thus a great Army which was at first so formidable to the Enemy being in so short a time vanisht to nothing not any danger at all having befalen it may teach us that men are oftentimes deluded in their Councels by various accidents and meet with much unexpected ends And that we are often times deceived through hopes and fears arising out of meer opinion without discerning any thing save the first appearances In this preturbation of Affairs the no great good will which was between the Pope and King of France began to be more manifestly known sprung from former reasons which were unknown till now for King Francis complained that the Pope out of some bad intention had forestowed the sending of such recrutes unto his Army as by agreement he was bound to doe that he had privately incited the Switzers against him and had given many other signes of his bad inclination towards him Certainly 't is worthy note since occasion leads me thereunto with how many several affections and sometimes contrary within themselves the mindes of Princes are agitated Pope Leo and King Francis thought when they parted at Bullen that they had sufficiently provided for their Affairs and that the Friendship and League that was confirm'd betwixt them was likely to last long and to be cause of much safety to them both But soon after construing the same Affairs otherwise they began to doubt that the things agreed upon between them would not be observed so as each of them grew jealous of the other The Pope being conscious how bitter and open an Enemy he had already shewed himself unto the French how often he had abused their hopes under a fained pretence of Friendship that even then when they were in treaty of reconciliation he would not satisfie him in many things prest hard upon by the King in behalf of his Friends and Confederates began to doubt the King of France could never be his true Friend Moreover calling to minde the many injuries done by the two preceding Kings Charles and Lewis to the house of Medici he could not perswade himself that then when the French hoped to get some principal places in Italy King Francis could willingly tollerate the greatness of Lorenzo de Medici should still increase whereby he had opportunity given him to revenge the ancient injuries done to the prejudice of his reputation and to the States which he held in Italy On the contrary the King thinking that the same reasons remained still which had formerly disgratiated him with the Pope and that this the Pope's ill will towards him was the more increased by how much his power was increased in Italy and was become more formidable to him interpreted all things to the worst and according to this his aprehension that Leo had concealed his truest intentions from him that it was necessity which had made him accommodate himself to the condition of the times at their meeting and that as soon as he should meet with any means of hurting him this would evidently be seen The Venetians labour'd oft to free these Princes of these suspitions and sought by all means how to reconcile them for they knew how much it imported the strength and reputation of the League that the Pope King of France and Common-wealth should hold true intelligence together and did of all things abhorre to be necessitated to take up Armes against the Church wherefore passing by the injuries they had received from Leo they desired to have him less their Enemy The
success began to have better hopes of putting an end unto the War The Venetians did always make very great account of Brescia by reason of the number of her Inhabitants and she was of great service to the Common-wealth by means of her fruitful rich and copious fields and moreover because the Gentry and commonalty therein were ever held to be faithful and loving to their Country The Senate gave many thanks to the King of France for that by the ready assistance of his men they had re-gained that City wherein as his Commanders had shewn singular Worth as should always be by them acknowledged so did his Majesty share in the glory and the Common-wealths obligations to him was much increased thereby Letters were likewise written to Lautrech wherein as his faith and diligence were much commended so was he desired to make use of such fitting occasions as did offer themselves for other prosperous successes since the fortune of the Common-wealth began to alter They put him in mind that if the Army who were very desirous of the Enterprize were suddenly carried to before the Walls of Verona they might be almost sure to get that City and so the whole War would be prosperously ended that he could do nothing that would redound more to his own glory and to the advantage of his King then this for assuredly when the Common-wealth of Venice should chiefly by the aid and favour of the French be restored to her pristine greatness their Empire would be confirmed for many years in Italy to his particular and immortal glory whereof he having shew'd himself to be at all times desirous he needed imitate no body but himself Lautrech being much taken as it appeared by these Speeches he resolved to march with his camp in company with Trivulcio towards the Territories of Verona but being come to Peschiera whilst the Army was yet on this side the River Menzo Lautrech told the Venetian Commissaries who expected nothing less at this time That he could not tarry longer then three days in the Territories of Verona for that he had had intelligence that the Switzers were resolved to take up Arms and that they were already prepared to assault the Dukedom of Millan the danger whereof being considered he thought it would make much against the Service of his King to keep his men any longer farther off from the Confines of that State These things being propounded in the Council they were all of a joynt opinion not to remove the camp from the place where it was but to tarry there till they might have some more certain News of the Switzers moving which was brought to the camp only by a flying rumour Lest if the Army should advance farther and be doubtful whether it should tarry there any longer or no they might make men believe by their sudden departure that they had raised the Army for want of Forces or for fear of the Enemies approach and out of dispairing to do any good upon Verona which would make them lose the reputation they had won by their prosperous success at Brescia and whereas now they were a terrour to their Enemies they would become their scorn But the News of the Switzers advancing increasing daily Lautrech would needs carry the whole Army into the State of Millan And though this resolution was gain-said by all the other Commanders who alledged That the place where the Army now was was naturally very strong and very fit wherein to put on such Resolves as the condition of Affairs or the Enemies March which was then uncertain should require Yet he standing fix'd to his opinion of removing the camp moved that it should be carried to near Asola in the Brescian Territories alledging That Verona was then gallantly garrison'd for that after the dis-banding of Cesars Army many of the Switzers and Dutch were retreated thither so as that Attempt was likely to prove vain and that therefore to undertake a difficult business without assured hopes of effecting it was no better then to hinder themselves in their other Proceedings and to confound the whole Government of the War He added hereunto sometimes to find other excuses for his counsel that the Venetians had given ear to the King of Poland who was said to have treated of peace by his Embassadours wherefore they were to expect an issue of that Treaty before they fell upon any other business and finally he complain'd that monies were not sent at the time appointed to pay the 6000 Dutch Foot as the Common-wealth had promised Gritti gain-said all these assertions saying that things were much otherwise then Lautrech had represented them to be That there was a great scarcity of all things in Verona especially of Corn that the Garrison which was entred thereinto was likely to be a greater inconvenience to the City through the dearth of Corn then a safety by increasing the numbers of the Defendants that if the Army should fall off then when the Harvest was so near at hand and should afford the Enemy opportunity to gather in the fruits of the Earth and bring them into the City they must make account to attempt the same Enterprize upon much greater disadvantage at another time when they should have no other hopes then what lay in their Forces and Weapons and that not without much danger and uncertainty of good success Moreover that they understood by those Souldiers that were fled into their Camp that there was great falling out in the City between the Citizens and the Souldiers and great confusion in all things whereby the Affairs of War were treated of with much negligence and jealousie That therefore when the Army should draw near 't was likely that the people partly to provide for their own safeties and others out of theâ—r affections to the parties they sided withal would make some commotion and afford better opportunity of gaining the City Assuredly said Gritti it is not to be believed that the Senate of Venice should â—reat of any thing touching peace with the Polish Embassadour contrary to the will of the King of France nor yet so much as without his knowledg the constancy of the Senators having been such and so manifest in renewing the War for so long a time their observancy towards the King and their confidence in the French Nation having been so great as that they had often times refused fair conditions of peace which had been offer'd them and had always studied the Kings greatness no less then the good of the Common-wealth which might be witnessed as well by their actions of the former year as now of latter days near Millan wherein rather an express Commandment then tacite consent came from the Senate Let these suspitions and jealousies then cease and let them not prevail so far as to make any of us less ready to do what the common good doth counsel the monies which are due to the Dutch Foot are already prepared and as soon as the ways shall be safe
and open they will doubtlesly be brought to the Camp but when I think of our departure from hence and of our going into the Brescian Territories I find that greater inconveniences will insue thereby And the like will befall our City for the people of that Country who have been always faithful to the Common-wealth and who have suffer'd so much by the Wars now when they should begin to make themselves whole will be opprest almost with their late former grievances by the coming of so great an Army into their precincts since it is they that must feed it So we shall be burthensom to our friends and shall forbear our Enemies we shall lessen the affections of the former and encourage the others When Gritti had spoke thus to confirm his opinion he added that though Lautrech should not follow them his opinion was that the Venetian Army should of and by it self march into the Territories of Verona The Captain General and all the rest of the Venetian Commanders were of the same opinion with Gritti so as certainly his opinion would have been followed if after more mature consideration they had not feared that such a resolution would in some other respects be prejudicial to the Common-wealth for by this division of the Army the forces of the League would not only be diminished but the Enemies would believe by this disagreement of the Commanders that the confederate Princes might easily be divided But Lautrech were it either in pursuance of his nature which was not to part easily from his opinion or that he would not willingly hazard the glory of having recovered Brescia to any new events of War could never be perswaded either by reason or by entreaties to venture upon the taking of Verona but with much ado yielded at last to tarry awhile in those Quarters where he was The opinion of many was afterwards confirm'd by the sequel of things that Lautrech having notice of a Treaty of agreement which was in hand between King Francis and Charles Duke of Burgondy which was begun in the City of Noyon did by thus drawing things out at length more mind his Kings conveniency then either his own praise or the Venetians service The Senate being this mean while inform'd of all these passages and esteeming it to be very disadvantagious and contrary to their designs to permit the Enemies who were in Verona to gather in their Harvest they charged Commissary Paulo Gradinigo to draw forth a Band of the best Souldiers that were in Garrison at Padua and that with them and those that were in the Territories of Vicenza under the Government of Frederick Gousaga he should over-run the confines of Verona spoil the corn which was upon the ground and use all means possible to keep the corn from being brought into Verona But the Enemy being advertised of these mens departure went unexpectedly out of Verona and going by another way then our men did went into the Territories of Vicenza and Padua and did much mischief Lautrech had stay'd in the same Quarters about some thirty days when the News of the Switzers being quite over and having no other reason for his so long delay growing likewise suspitious that it might redound somewhat to his disparagement that he had kept the Army so long idle and had lost so much time he resolved at last to remove the camp and to go into the Territories of Verona whereunto he was the rather moved by a protestation made by the Venetian Commissaries that else they would not issue forth the monies which were then come to the camp for the Dutch Souldiers The camp being raised the first day of August all the Army was led to the Town Gotalengo to be passed over the River Adice The first thing the Commanders did was to possess themselves of the straitest passages of the Mountains by which the Dutch were wont to come from Germany to Verona by placing good Guards in them to the end that the ways being block'd up the City might be kept from being relieved By which means the Spanish and Dutch Foot corn growing every day dearer and dearer and not having received their pay from Cesar whereby to help their many inconveniences past over in great numbers to the Venetian camp where they were willingly received and muster'd amongst their Militia And the Switzers moved by the example of others and hating the great inconveniences of a Siege return'd most of them to their own homes There were then in Our Army 8000 Italian Foot and 6000 Dutch to boot with the French aid 1000 Curassiers 2000 light Horse many famous Commanders in War and all other things necessary for the taking in of the City It was resolved that the Army being divided into two camps the City should be begirt on two sides to the end that the Defendants who were already reduced to a small number might be the sooner wearied by doing perpetual duties These things being begun to be put in execution as was resolved of in counsel the Dutch Souldiers though they had received three moneths pay began to mutiny and refused to obey their Commanders and though Trivulcio was already on his March with his other companies they would not stir from where they were saying they would not carry Arms against the Emperour nor be led to the taking of a City possess'd by him These men not being to be perswaded out of their opinion the Venetian Souldiers not being able to do of themselves what was particularly recommended to Trivulcio Lautrech promised to give them other companies out of his Souldiers but considering afterwards that by the loss of those men his Army would be much weakened and his camp not be over safe he changed his mind and without attempting any thing fell aloof off two miles from the City and the Venetians were forc'd to do the like for they were not able to do any thing of themselves This mean while the Garrison began daily to decrease within the City for many Dutch Colours return'd home and others past over to the Venetian camp and came in such numbers as no more fugitive Souldiers would be received into the camp for the Venetians remembered that these men were rather a trouble and an expence then any aid wherefore they thought it not safe to relye upon their Loyalties And they feared likewise lest a much greater number of Mountainers who had formerly been in Cesars camp seeing such hopes of gain given them and that they might get those pays from Cesar's Enemies which he had not paid them might descend from the neighbouring Villages into the Territories of Verona Yet so many were the defendants as though great store were gone the City was notwithstanding well munited Wherefore Lautrech not thinking it fit to attempt any thing without the hopes of effecting it demanded more help of the Venetians if they would have him take Verona which though it were hard to do yet that they might not leave a business of so great
to report the Forces of Enemies to be greater then they were because the Authors of such News doe invent â—â—ny things according as feare dictates unto them but grant that all was to be beleeved that was reported none affirmed that the Enemies Forces exceeded 7000 Foot and those with out any Millitary Discipline and without any War-like preperations that a more unworthy resolution nor more prejudicial to their honour could not be taken then to shew unto the Enemy by raising of their Camp wherein there was above 20000 Souldiers many renowned Commanderes gallant Horses both for Number and Worth store of all things necessary that they did so feare so small a number of the Enemy as at the very News of their approach they had retired themselves so as they might with reason be thought to be driven out of their Quarters and to have given over all hopes of Victory And wherefore said they should we not think rather of sending out our light Horse followed by our fleetest Foot to encounter and oppose the Enemy The business would not last long nor would it be difficult since those men who had no experience in War and were unprovided of all things would easily be put in disorder and routed And say they should prove so stout as to stand and make resistance a little delay of succor would make it come too late and doe noe good since if we doe resolve to use our utmost power the City must needs yeeld and fall into our hands at the first or second Assault To these things Lautrech answered That he had not taken this resolution by chance or moved thereunto by any feare but that he thought it fitting to doe so that he might in time provide for the safety of those men who were opposed by two Armies of the Enemy the one within the City the other upon the Mountains That the Dutch Foot were already gotten out of the straightest and most difficult waies and that there was no hopes to keep them off since they were already Masters of the passes that were naturaly strong It was therefore to be considered that if they should send some few men against them t' would be but in vaine and that the nature of the places the straight and Rocky waies would not permit them to send many That he had a care of the safety of that Army which being devided into two Camps was thereby the weaker So as if they should lessen the numbers of their men by sending a great number to this action they should not a little indanger the main business since several accidents might bereave our Camps which were divided by the River into two parts of the means of Interchangeably succouring one another if they should be Assaulted by the Enemy Lautrech standing thus firm to his first opinion he commanded that the Ensigns should be suddenly removed wherein being followed by the other Commanders all the Army was brought to Albaredo Commissary Paolo Gradinige and Giovan Paolo Manfrone being left with 800 Horse and 2000 Foot to guard the Bridg left if it should be broken the Army might not know how to come by victuals but the Army having tarried there but a little while went to Villa Franca where they took up their Quarters and fortified themselves They began then to think upon the main business but the advisers differing in their opinions nothing was concluded on This mean while Rocadolfo who commanded the Dutch Foot our Army being gone and there being none to hinder him entred into Verona and having brought good store of corn wine and cattle into the City he tarried there some few days and leaving many of his sound men in the places of such as were weak and wounded fearing left his longer abode there might prove incommodious to the City by reason of the scarcity of corn he return'd into Germany Our Souldiers though they were removed from before the City and though it were in the depth of Winter did not notwithstanding forbear to over-run all the neighbouring Country to keep victuals from being brought to Verona Whereupon many slight Skirmishes were had and chiefly by the Horse for the Enemy issuing out of the Town endeavour'd to bring in some corn to amend the scarcity thereof and our men on the contrary going out of the camp and falling upon the Enemy as they were scatter'd abroad here and there did seek to keep them from so doing In these Skirmishes Mercurio Bua and Babone Naldo won great praise both for Man-like valour and Military cunning they left nothing quiet nor safe for the Enemy in that Country they were every where kept back victuals and brought many of the Enemy Prisoners to the camp The Castle of Crouaria was at this time held by the Dutch this is a very narrow place seated amidst the hardest passages of the Mountains upon a steep cliff from whence the River Adice is carried with a swift and violent course towards Verona which if our men could recover that passage would easily be stopt and victuals hindred from being carried by the River into the City Mercurio and Babone were imploy'd about this who by their worth and diligence overcame the craggedness of the ways and the Forces of the Enemy for setting upon the Souldiers who had the guard of the Castle unexpectedly by night they slew them all put all the rest to flight forcing them to quit the Castle and to provide for their own safeties This Castle being taken a Garrison was put thereinto which did much incommodiate the Enemy by keeping them from such corn as was wont to be carried by the River But nothing of great moment was done in the camp nor did they think of altering their Quarters which made the Venetian Commissaries complain yet more of Lautrech for that by his means the City of Verona was not yet taken And that at this time when the Enemies inconveniences perswaded them to return agaâ—n unto the Siege the Army kept loytering within the camp as if nothing remain'd to be done And truly as all men wondred at these Proceedings so there was not any one that commended them But Lautrech bade the Commissaries be of good cheer and finding several excuses for his delays told them that all things sufficient should be had whereby to put a good period to the War and bade them believe constantly that Verona should quickly return to the Venetians Dominion Which words made the Commissary suspect that he meant some other thing then what was then in hand for at that very time when the Army rise from before Verona News was spred abroad in the camp that a Messenger was come to Lautrech from France and that having spoken with him in secret Lautrech strove to keep his coming concealed from the rest The Commissaries did very much press him therefore to acquaint them with the reason of his counsel and why so great an Army should be maintain'd without any necessity or hope and which through excessive
the establishing of a Peace To the end that they might not be thought to disturbe so great a good to all Christendom out of any particular respects unto themselves But as for the motion which was particularly made unto them by Leo of making War against the Turks they answered when things should be hopefully begun and that they should be prosecuted with like fervour the State of Venice would be readier then any others for such an Enterprize nor would they at any time be wanting unto themselves to whom they knew the care of these common dangers did more particularly belong as being most concern'd therein Nor would they be backward in the good of all Christendom nor in obeying the Popes pious and earnest entreaties But that notwithstanding by reason of the condition of their State by Sea which was every where environed by the confines of this powerful Enemy and not being able with their much weaker Forces to withstand the first Onset of the Turks nor to sustain the War in their own Territories before the Ottoman Empire should be assaulted by the Armies and Fleets of the Confederates they could not be the first in declaring themselves Enemies to the Turks But Truce with Cesar being treated of by Antonio Iustiniano who was Embassadour for the Common-wealth with the King of France it was at last concluded upon these conditions That all Arms should be suspended for five years And that people might live peaceably in either State without either doing or receiving any injury That it might be lawful for Cesars and the Common-wealths Subjects to travel and traffique safely in each others Country as in time of Peace That each of them should keep such Towns as they were now possess'd of that all Prisoners of War should be released except Christopher Frangipane who was to be sent into France to be kept there that during the time of the Truce the Venetians should pay Cesar 20000 Duckets yearly And that the Venetians should pay the fourth part of what they had got by the Revenues of such as had followed Cesars party to the former Owners And the differences concerning the confines being many and hard to decide and chiefly in Friuli they could not as then come to any determinate end Cesars Commissioners saying that they had no orders nor power to treat thereof but the settlement in this point as in all other difficulties was left to the King of France as to the Authour of this agreement Wherein he afterwards decreed that the Emperour and the Venetians should chuse Commissioners who meeting in Verona whither he would likewise send one who should represent his name and authority should treat upon and resolve the business of confines The State of Venice chose Francisco Pesaro for them and acquainted the King of France therewith saying that they would be ready to send their Commissioner to the place appointed as soon as they should hear that Cesar was about to send his Whilst these things were a doing the Emperour Maximillian fell sick and dyed in the beginning of the year 1519. Whereupon the Souldiers that were in Garrison at Gradisca and Marano entring licentiously into the confines of the Common-wealth plunder'd many of the Venetians Subjects Houses and committed many other Hostile Acts wherefore the Senate write Letters to the Viccars of the Empire telling them that for their parts they would not violate the Truce nor innovate any thing for Maximillians death provided that the Commanders and Souldiers of the Empire should abstain from doing injuries Which being by them praised and embraced the Truce was afterwards inviolably observed on all sides Now they began to treat of chusing the Emperour whereunto Francis King of France and Charles King of Spain did chiefly pretend Princes of rare endowments of mind and very eminent for Fortune but very formidable by reason of their great power The Princes of Italy were not a little troubled at this Election considering that whether of these two should be exalted to the Dignity of the Empire when they should have the reputation of the Empire added to the already potent Forces of their own Kingdomes and be made much greater then the other by the help of Germany he would endeavour to drive the other out of whatsoever he possess'd in Italy and so this Counterpoise being taken away they would at last bend their thoughts upon making themselves Masters of all Italy for ambition does always increase in great Princes together with new acquisitions and the unquenchable thirst of Government grows greater Therefore such an Election could not but be bad for Italy Yet ballancing all things well it was thought less dangerous for Italy that the King of France should be made Emperour then the King of Spain for they considered that the former as being a Stranger would be of much less power in Germany and that the French Nation as it is very hot and violent at the first so not being very constant to its purposes often times neglects and gives over those very things which it did before so much desire and endeavour wherefore the French are commonly thought better at getting then at keeping The Italians hoped that the Empire of the French in Italy though it were great might by some accident decline and at last be extinguished Which was not to be hoped for in the Spaniards who when they have once much inlarged their Dominions and laid a good ground-work for it all labour and endeavour to drive them out would be but in vain These were the reasons which did chiefly move the Pope and the Venetians to favour the King of France in this his standing for the Empire His Embassadours which he had sent to Rome and to Venice for this purpose were therefore willingly listned unto But to boot with all this Monsieur de Taligni who was sent by the King for this purpose to the State of Venice made several other propositions He desired the loan of a good sum of money that his King when he should be declared Emperour might have wherewith to supply many gifts and great expences which he was to be at and moreover that the Venetians would forthwith send some Souldiers into Germany to secure the Electors from any violence And that the Senate would declare what was to be done if Charles should enter Italy with an Army as it was given out he would do to go to Rome and force the Pope to free him from the Oath which he took from Julius the second when he was invested in the Kingdom of Naples note that it was decreed by Pope Urban that whosoever should possess that Kingdom should not take upon him the Imperial Dignity which was the chief reason why Leo used means to the Electors to keep Charles from being chosen Emperour To which demands the Senate answered That the Common-wealth was so highly obliged to the King as that they wish'd him all prosperity for they had always thought that whatsoever addition of State or Honour
Mamalucchi have now fallen if that had stood These two joyn'd together did so counterpoise the Turkish Forces as their safety would have freed now the Kingdom of Hungary and the rest of Christendom from danger He who shall well consider the progress of the ancient Monarchs will find that their chiefest difficulty lay in getting to such a pitch of power and force as no one Potentate could of himself alone give a just counterpoise to their power Other acquisitions have been the sooner and more easily made by reason of the almost insuperable difficulties which have been still met withal in getting many Princes joyn in the destruction of one alone The Romans spent many years in conquering Italy but being by the Conquest thereof made stronger then the rest they in a few years vanquish'd so many Princes as they subjugated the greatest and farthest distant Provinces It is therefore evident that the longer Christians defer to oppose the Turks they make the danger the greater and the remedy more difficult I will not say that to take upon them the defence of Hungary is a glorious thing for Christian Princes to do not that it is a duty which they owe to their Religion to their profession not that it makes for every one of their Interests but I will more truly say it is necessary for the preservation of their States This Kingdom being lost which hath for so many years withstood the violence of the Turkish Forces on this side and retarded the course of their Victories what remains to keep them from over-running Austria from disturbing all Germany and from entring into the Confines of this your State This very Kingdom which hath hitherto been the great Bulwark to hinder their advancing if this be lost which God forbid it will be of great opportunity for them to the subjugating of other Nations and to the ruinating of other Kingdomes But this being defended as it is necessary it should be so is it neither impossible nor yet very hard to withstand their farther progress if Princes do not rather want will then Forces The Hungarian Nation by ancient custom and almost by nature haâ—h always been warlike our Princes and our people have won great and particular praise and honour in War nor hath my now King and Master nor his Subjects degenerated nor are they to degenerate any whit from the Worth of their Ancestors They have minds and for as much as is possible for men to have Forces ready to defend themselves But alas how can one only Kingdom not very great not very rich find men monies munition and so many other requisites for War to withstand the numerous Turkish Armies gather'd together out of so many Provinces Marry if it be assisted and succour'd by other Princes the Kingdom of Hungaries Forces will not only be so increased but even the Honour and Courage thereof as we no ways doubt to frustrate all the Enemies designs made against us nor will we refuse if occasion shall be offer'd to give him Battle in a pitcht field so to secure by our own dangers if God shall please to favour as we are to hope he will our pious and generous boldness not only of our own Country but all the Kingdomes and Provinces of Christendom for many years But I find I have transgress'd my bounds by my too long speaking I speak of things that are well known and to those that understand them better then I do The sum of all is this Our Kingdom is one of the out-walls of Christendom against the fury of the Turkish Forces Common safety and common defence ought to be provided for by common Forces and Counsels Your wisdom and piety makes you foresee and consider dangers and your power and authority endows you with means to give a speedy and opportune remedy thereunto The Embassadour was very attentively listned unto whose speech made the greater impression in all that heard him because they were all very well minded to the business it was therefore resolved that endeavours should be made with all the Princes of Christendom by means of the Commonwealths Embassadors to make them all joyn with common consent and force to assist the Kingdom of Hungary and to provide against such great dangers to the which they readily offered their best assistance and the power of the whole Common-wealth But these Treaties wrought no better effect then they had formerly done so as the danger growing daylie greater and King Lodowick thinking himself necessitated to fight the Turks for the freeing of Belgrado a strong and important City and the Frontire Town of that Kingdom from the fury of the Turks before which the Turkish Army was already incamped he sent Iovan Statilio his Embassador again to Venice to borrow some monies of the Senate by which he might increase his Forces and put himself with better hopes upon the fortune of Battel The Commonwealth had formerly many times furnished the King of Hungary with monies to assist him against the Turks and they thought themselves now more obliged to abbet that Kingdom out of the particular strait conjunction which they held with King Lewis and for that by reason of the greatness of the Ottoman house those respects were grown more considerable for which he had endeavoured the preservation and prosperity of that warlike Kingdom The Senate therefore resolved to send thirty thousand Ducats to King Lodowick together with greater promises and offers and not concealing the friendship which they held with him they ordered Lorenzo Orio who was their Embassadour in Hungary to follow his Camp Bet the King's forces had ill success Belgrado was lost nor were the other Cities of the Kingdom free from fear of the Turkish forces for Soliman left his Artillery and part of his Militia in Hungary intending to return thither as he told the Venetians by one of his Chiaus whom he sent to Venice to acquaint them with this his victory and subdue that Kingdom At this time to the great grief of the whole City Duke Loredano died who had governed the Commonwealth very prudently for the space of twenty years and who incouraging others by his invincible spirit had overcome the malice of Fortune and reduced the City to a peaceable and quiet condition He was of a great wit and natural insight into Affairs and of much experience in the world having spent his youth in continual Navigations and his riper years in managing the most important Affairs of the Common-wealth exercâ—sing the chiefest places of Magistracy both within the Common-wealth and abroad He dyed being almost 90 years old having even till then had vivacity in his Intellectuals though his body was subject to divers infirmities His Encomium was made by Andrea Navaghiero and he was buried with great pomp in St Iohn and St Pauls Church Antonio Grimani was chosen to succeed him a man famous for his wealth and for the honours he had attain'd to in the Common-wealth and one who had often times
of the League for these Respects was delay'd and doubtfull it was known by a new and unthought of Accident which did alter the whole course of affairs and was cause of grievous and important Tumults that the Pope after having shew'd so great a desire for the peace of Italy and after so many negotiations had with the French to oppose such as should go about to disturb it had secretly agreed with the Emperour to assault the State of Millane by their joint forces All men especially the Venetians did strangely wonder and were very much confused that the Pope by taking away the Counterpoise of the French Forces should by his forces and authority increase the Emperours power in Italy which he himself had but a little before made appear to be so suspicious and formidable to the Church and to all the Italian Princes and that it ought to be supprest or at least moderated By the Pope's consent and counsel several secret practises were held by the Imperialâ—sts with those that were outlaw'd in Millane whereof there were many principal Noble men of great attendance and authority that by their means tumults should be unexspectedly raised at one and the same time in several Cities to drive out the French of Force who feared nothing less whose Garrisons were already much lessned and when Lautrech was absent who was gone a little before to France But these consultations coming to the knowledge of Monsieur di Lerce brother to Lautrech and to whom he had left his Lieutenant in Italy before the time was ripe to put them in execution he speedily raised so many men as did suffice to suppress these Plots and many of the Outlawed being by him driven out of the State of Milan where they had secretly hid themselves and fled to the City of Regio where they were received by him that was governour for the Pope who as hath been said was conscious of what was formerly agreed on with Cesar and knew all these Designs And these men being pursued by the French even to the gates of Regio the Pope complained grievously that the French beaâ—ing so little respect to his dignity and authority and to the friendship which he held with the King of France should go to his Forts and seek to use violence anticipating by these complaints which were chiefly made to the Senate of Venice those which were rather to have been made by the King of France that the Pope contrary to the agreement which was made between them should suffer that his rebellious and contumacious subjects and who were Out-lawed should be received into the Cities belonging to the Church just when they sought to disturb his affairs But the Venetians being desirous as much as in them lay to appease these tumults for the Pope's more resolute will and his confederacy made with Cesar though it were ratified by him was not as yet publiquely known laboured to free the Pope of these suspitions shewing that the proceedings of the Kings of France had always been such towards all Popes and that upon their knowledge the now present King bore so great a respect to the affairs of the Church and such observance to this Pope's person as a contrary opinion was not now to be grounded upon so slight an occasion nor ought so continued and so good an Intelligence betwixt that Kingdom and the Apostolique See be broken upon such a cause They therefore earnestly desired Leo that before he should settle in such an opinion as might produce many pernicious effects he would be pleased to write to the King to know his mind and to be better informed of what had hapned But it was in vain to perswade the Pope who though he seemed to put on new resolutions upon this new accident had notwithstanding for certain established his agreement already with the Emperour wherein it was accorded That when the State of Milan should be recovered by their joynt Forces the Cities of Parma and Piacenza should return to the Church and all the rest of the State of Milan should be assigned over unto Francesco Sforza That the Pope should forthwith absolve Charls of his oath which he took at his being invested into the Kingdom of Naples that so he might with the better Title hold the Empire All Treaties of agreement being then despaired of the Venetians resolved to be by no means failing to the obligations which they had to the King of France touching the preservation of the State of Milan It was known that many souldiers were assembled by order from the Pope and Emperour to the end that since they succeeded not in their secret practises they might forthwith betake themselves to open force To which purpose the Pope though under other pretences had already taken six thousand Switzers into pay and Prospero Colonna who was declared Captain General of the Enterprize went to Bologno to raise a great many souldiers and the Viceroy of Naples with the Cavalry of that Kingdom and Marquis Pescara with the Spanish Infantery were come to the banks of the River Tronto to be ready to pass over upon the first occasion Wherefore the Venetians hasted to take six thousand Italian foot into pay and mustering all their Horse in Brescia they ordered their Governour Theadoro Trivulcio to march with them to the banks of Ada and that if the French affairs should require it he should pass over it They likewise commanded Paolo Nani who was then Commander of Bergamo that he should wait upon the Governour and follow the camp executing the place of Commissary This news being this mean while come to France Lautrech returned speedily into Italy began to provide for the succouring of the State of Milan in time there not being sufficient Garrisons there in it to defend it if it should be fallen upon by a powerful Army His chief care and diligence was to keep the new succour which the enemy expected who had already about a thousand Curassiers and eight thousand foot from joyning with them The Pope had lastly taken three thousand more Switzers into pay for half of his former number of them were diminished And at the same time Ferdinand brother to Charls being come to Villaco to raise six thousand foot in those parts prepared as soon as his number should be full to pass with them into Italy for whom Cesar demanded passage from the Venetians They answeted they could by no means satisfie him in that his desire by reason of the agreements which they had made with the King of France wherein to fail was to falsifie their words But to be sure that they should not enter against their wills they gave order for the stopping of all passages and placed diligent Guards in them And because there were several Passes whereby the Dutch foot might fall down into the Territories of Verona and joyn with Colonna's men so as it would be a difficult matter to secure them all by putting sufficient Garrisons into them the Venetians
were minded to erect a Fort between Peschiera and Lonato whereinto their Forces being put which were then eight hundred Curassiers six hundred light Horse and six thousand Foot they might hinder the enemy from advancing any further whatsoever way they should come which it was thought they might easily do for those Dutch Foot had neither Horse nor Artillery with them nor any warlike tackling whereby to force their passage This advice was at first much applauded by Lautrech who affirmed that he would come himself in person with his men and joyn with the Venetian Army confessing oft that this was the securest way to defend the State of Milan yet altering his mind not long after he desired the Venetians that leaving the thought of hindering the enemies passage which he thought to be impossible they would send their men to joyn with the French in the Territories of Cremona So the Venetians leaving the Passes Guarded the best they could by the people of the Country ordered Trivulcio to go with all his Horse and Foot towards Cremona and for that Lautrech desired that he might have some Venetian Gentleman with him of authority and experience with whom he might advise what way that War was best to be managed the Senate sent forthwith Andrea Gritti to the Camp continuing Paolo Navi there still to provide for all things necessary for the Army Ierolimo da Pesaro was moreover chosen Commissary General on Terra Ferma to whom the care and custody of the Forts was particularly commended where into were put 2000 foot newly taken into pay and some Curasiers to secure themselves upon all occasions from danger Moreover the Senate resolved at Lautrech's intreaty to take 3000 more Foot into pay and gave willingly way likewise to the contributeing of maintaining some Horse and Foot with whom the Duke of Ferrara promised to march in behalfe of the French To the end that the King and all men else might acknowledg that nothing was wanting one their side for the safeguard of the State of Milan nor to the ready and sincere maintaining of the agreement which was made between them and the French But the French were more diligent in exhorting the Venetians to make good the Articles of the confederacy then to make requisite provisions themselves wherein they proceeded but slowly which is very prejudicial to the essence of War For though Lautrech did continualy affirm that Monsieur di St Vallieâ— was to pass imediately over the Mountains with 6000 French Foot and that 10000 Switzers being already raised by the King would soon begin to march yet they were never seen to appear On the other side the Enemy being already grown very strong the Dutch Foot being joyn'd with them passed safely into the Territories of Mantua and from thence to those of Millan and knowing what advantage it was for them to make hast they went to Besiege Parma the taking whereof would be of much safety and honour unto them But Lautrech who when he first saw them begin to move had some suspition of the business and had sent his brother Monsseur di Lescu thither with a good Garrison which did not notwithstanding keep the Cesarians and Ecclesiastick Commanders from pursuing their first intention hopeing to take it since the Town was but weak of it self and their Army very strong Which they had done had not Lautrech to whom a great recruit of men was come from France resolved to march nearer up to the Enemy with his whole Army by whose comming and because the Duke of Ferrara had raised a great many Foot theatning to Assault Modena and Regio Colonna was forced as he himself said afterwards to rise from before Parma Which the Pope was wonderfully displeased at who in his joyning with Cesar did cheifly covet the getting of that Town The bad success of this first enterprize begat as it usualy happens upon such like ocasions no small jealousies between the confederates for the Pope complained of the Imperial Commanders as if cunningly prolonging the taking of Parma they had taken an occasion to rise from thence to inforce him whom they knew to be so desirous of that place to contribute readily to all the expences of the War And on the other side the Emperour finding the Pope so ill satisfied grew more confirm'd in his former suspition that he would either forsake him when he should have atchieved his end in getting by the confederacy all that belong'd unto him or else that failing that hope and being soon weary of the expence and danger of War as also being naturaly given to change in opinions he might as easily forego his Friendship as he had done the like of the King of France Therefore thinking it necessary for the well grounding of his designes to draw the Venetians into the confederacy because the Pope by reason of the Authority and Strength that they would add unto the confederacy would be more cautious in breaking it and because the Common-wealths Aids would be readier and more constant then those of the Church he resolved to send Francisco Laus to Venice to recide there as his Embassadour And by him he did again very much press the Venetians to joyn with him and the Pope Saying that this was the only way to that peace which he desired no less then they and that this was his intention might easily be proved by his ready condiscention to invest Francisco Sforza Duke of Bari in the Dukedom of Milan thereby to reduce the affairs of Italy to a peacefull condition when he might lay just claim thereunto But the Senate not altering their first determination partly because they thought Cesar would not be as good as his word partly calling to mind the last actions done by the French in service of the Common-wealth thought it stood not with their faith and honour to abandon them upon the first occasion of danger The War went therefore on and more men were daily raised as well in the French and Venetians Army as in that of the Emperours and Popes by the coming of many Switzers to both Camps for Cardinal Sedunense went into Switzerland where he took many of that Nation into pay in the Popes name who finding the opportunity of some Barks passed therein over the River Oglio though the Venetians had endeavour'd by all means possible to hinder their passage and to guard the Banks and so entred into the Territories of Brescia and not without great harm to the Country people got to the Emperours Army And the 10000 Switzers which had been so long expected came at last to Lautrech Thus both Armies being very strong so as they gave a just counterpoise one to the other they did nothing for a good while but stood doubtful till at last Colonna was the first that moved to pass over the River Ada and marched towards Milan Which when Lautrech heard of he resolved to depart immediately from the Territories of Cremona where he had tarried a good while
in ordering such a preparation for war as became his forces and such an enterprise on which his heart was so set as he would often times say That rather then to give it over he would hazzard his own person and his kingdome Hee therefore indeavoured by many fervent sollicitations to keep the Venetian Senate in their first and constant resolution of not foregoing his friendship for any offers that Cesar could make them Hee writ likewise particularly to Gritti the Commissary of the camp as to one that hee knew very well and esteemed very much recommending the business to him and assuring him that he might safely build upon his comming into Italy and upon the Forces which he would bring with him which should be certain and sudden which made the Venetians concur the more readily to the charges of the war not onely for what belonged unto themselves but in the concernments of the French assisting them at their needs with much amunition and many other things and with good sums of mony to pay their souldiers For all this provisions came not from France answerable to what was requisite and to their promises But after long expectation Monsieur di Lescue came without any men and but with little monies Therefore thinking that they should doe no good by tarrying longer about Milan they resolved at last to remove and to come with their camp before Pavia hoping that the strength of their Army and the weakness of the Garrison which was in that City being considered they might get a sudden and a safe victory for though out of some such suspicion the Marquess of Mantua was entred the Town with some souldiers yet there was not at that time there more then 12000 Italian Foot 500 Curassiers and some few Light horse wherefore it was thought that when the Marquis should see the French Army draw nigh he would come out and forgoe the defence of the City as a thing too hard to be done The whole Army both of the French and Venetians being incamped before the walls they began to batter and having already thrown down about 50 foot of the wall the Switzers who are naturally impatient of delay desired the French Commanders that they might be led on to the assault But they thinking it better to let the business grow more ripe till they might be more sure of victory differr'd the doing so till a Mine might be accomplished which was preparing to be made by the invention of Petro Navara under a great Bastiome by the downfall whereof the assault might be the better given And the mean while a bridg being made over the Tesino the Light-horse made inrodes even to the very gates of the city keeping the enemy from either coming in or coming out Yet all passages could not be so diligently kept but that some Foot sent with succour from Milan got into the City by the way of Marignavo though many of them were kept back by the Cavalry and many brought prisoners into the camp But businesses went slowlier forward then the present necessity required for Navaro's Engines required length of time and were hard to compass and some pieces of cannon were expected from Lodi and Crema wherewith to renue the battery By this delay Colonna had oportunity given him to draw forth his whole army into the field and having taken up his station in a strongly situated place upon the way to Pavia the French were very jealous lest he might advance farther and indanger them whilest being busie about assaulting the City they were the less intent upon other business Therefore they placed 10000 Switzers and 600 French Curassiers on their back who if need should be might sustein the brunt of the enemy who should come to assault them In this interim some French horse which were gone out to over-run the Country advancing too far fell upon the Enemies Van-guard by whom they were chased and many of them taken Prisoners Colonna's men leaving their first Quarters came and placed themselves in a strong situation at Binasco about 8 miles distant from the French Camp which made the French Commanders more jealous and afraid for to tarry long idle about the Walls of the City without using any violence redounded much to the disreputation of their Army and there was much danger in making an assault for if they should be beaten back they feared lest the Switzers having made this trial in vain dispairing of good success might quit the Camp not being well satisfied that they had not received the pay which they had already deserved Moreover being of some days past much straitned in victuals they could not have been able to refresh their wearied and afflicted Souldiers nor supply their greatest necessities But say that things should have succeeded luckily and that they should have taken the City how could any Commander hope to keep his Souldiers especialy the Switzers from plundering wherein being buâ—ied without either any Order or Government the whole Army was in danger of manifest ruine having so powerful an Enemy so neer at hand These things being considered Gritti advised that they should raise the Camp from before Pavia and go to some strong and safe place where they might expect the coming of the King of France which they were informed by new messages from France would be very soon and with great Forces And it is most apparant that his presence accompanied with such a strength of men would have brought so much reputation to that Army and have won so much favour from some and infused so much terrour into othersome as they must have been sure of a notable Victory Nothing pleaded against this commendable and wholsome advice but the Switzers fickleness who not admitting of any reason did obstinately demand either to be dismiss'd that so they might return home or else brought to fight the Enemy And it was the harder to appease them for that the scarcity of Victuals was now grown greater because the Country being overflown by very great rains and the Bridges over Tessino being broken down whereby Victuals was brought from Novarra and Vegivene they had much adoe to get provisions for the Army Whilst these doubts and difficulties were disputed in the French and Venetian camp they understood that the Imperialists being risen from Binasco were marching forwards with all their Forces Whereupon Lautrech resolved suddenly to meet them and to fight them He was very diligent in putting his Army in good order behaving himself like a valiant and well experienced Commander But the Enemy hastening their march got into a strong Station so near the Charterhouse as Colonna and the Marquis of Pescara were quartered in the very Monastry of the Carthugiens a place very Famous for the stately and excellent Building Lautrech not being then able to doe what he first intended moved to march forward and get beyond the Enemy and to settle in some fitting place upon the way to Milan thinking to make Colonna dislodge and
draw nearer Milan But this being argued in the counsel of War and many difficulties being found therein it was resolved that they should go to within two miles of the Emperour's camp and that the Switzers and French should Quarter on the outside of the Park of the Charterhouse and the Venetians within the Park but yet so as both parts of the Army might commodiously succour each other through some gaps which were made in the Park wall And before the camp was settled Lautrech to try the Enemy ordered that two Bataglions of the Switzers and two great bodies of Curassiers should advance neare the Enemy against which none appearing it was thought that the Imperialists were suddenly removed and returned to their former Quarters of Binasco whither they came two days after Colonna having the mean while much to his praise relieved Pavia and made the Enemies camp to rise from before it But the French camp were in great disturbances by the Switzers mutinying who though they knew that the Moneys destin'd for their pay was come to Arona yet they continued still to mutiny refusing to go any whither save where they might soonest and most commodiously receive their money Wherefore they propounded that the whole Army might go by the way of Biagrassa towards Vigivene and that making a Bridg over the Tesino a safe convoy might be sent to bring them their Moneys Which Gritti did openly gainsay saying he would not go so far from the Territories of the Common-wealth and expose his men to so much the greater danger as that the Switzers being in a better and safer way homewards might the more easily forsake them After divers debates it was at last resolved that the whole Army should march towards Monz to which the Venetian Commanders consented having first caused Lodi to be well munited and thrown a Bridg over the Ada at Trecco that they might upon all occasions have a way to retreat safely and to secure their Men and their Countrey When the Switzers were come to Monz they would presently have passed over the Tesino Openly blaming the French for their irresoluteness and backwardness and complaining grievously that they who were a Valliant Nation should be put to suffer so many inconveniencies so long without recieving their just and well deserved pay and without being brought to try their Valour in War That they had several times offer'd to be the first who should go on in assaulting Pavia that they had often times desired to come to a day of Battle with the Enemy who were more incouraged by the fear and cowardliness of others then by their own Forces That they had never refused any danger labour or millitary action wherein they might serve the Crown of France but that yet they would not be held to be base and servile such as would doe their work without such reward as their Valour and Labour did deserve And though the French Commanders did what they could to appease this tumultuous proceeding Shewing that the Kings service which was the thing they ought chiefly to respect required them to do what they had done and what at least would redound to their glory and secure the Victory that the delay of their Pay proceeded not from any want of care in the King or negligence in his Ministers but from unavoydable impediments all the passages being block'd up by the Enemy Yet they had much ado to appease the tumult and to keep them in the Camp The Cesarian Army which was come to Bicocca a place about four miles from Milan was in great disorder for the same cause For the Lanschenets mutyâ—iâ—d demanding pay and many Italian Foot who were not paid passed over into the Enemies Army and were taken into pay by the Venetians and some of the Spanish companies had let our Commanders understand that they were ready to doe the like if they might be received Moreover there was no good correspondency between the chief Commanders for Pescara being high minded scorned to do any thing by any other mans order or counsel or to depend upon Colonna's Authority But so great was the Switzers impatiency in the French Camp as it marr'd all good resolutions and would not suffer the Commanders to make use of time or to draw any advantage out of these the Enemies disturbances So as the Switzers affirming still that they would go over the Tessino and Gritti being necessitated therefore to say that then he must need depart the same day with his men towards Lodi Lautrech partly disdaining these Proposals which were made on all sides partly to shun the being thought a Dastard for the French are always naturally friends to sudden counsels though not safe more then to long expectance though with more security resolved to try the Fortune of Battle though upon great disadvantage being to assault the Enemy within their Quarters which were naturally strong being environ'd by many waters and made the stronger by many works which the Imperialists had raised with much industry for their better safety The assault was so ordered as all the Switzers went in the first Squadron being divided into two great Battalions with 14 pieces of Artillery and they were attended by Babon di Naldo with 800 Venetian Harchebusiers on Foot After these were the French Curassiers to follow and then the whole body of the Venetian Foot with 9 pieces of Artillery backt by their Curassiers divided into two parts The Switzers marching thus apace but in great good order went boldly on to the assault and though the badness of the place appear'd to be far worse when they were at it then they had conceived it to be yet not at all abating their fierceness they strove to beat the Dutch Foot back who did defend the Rampiers Who making use of the advantage of place fought the more couragiously to the end that they might not dispute the business with the Enemy upon equal terms if they should be suffer'd to win the Ditch At the same time the Swâ—tzers were play'd upon on the Flanks by great abundance of Musket shot by the Spanish Foot but all of them readily encountring the danger those who remain'd alive soon revenged their companions death Whilst it was thus stoutly fought on all sides on the Front of their Quarters Monsieur di Lescu wheeling about with the French Horse assaulted the Enemies on the back and finding the field open on that side he advanced a good way in committing great slaughter and put the Enemy into great fear and disorder So as it was generally thought that if he had been followed by good store of Foot the French and Venetians would that day have easily routed and defeated the Imperial Army But the Switzers who after five hours fighting found they were in vain to overcome the disadvantage of the place began to retreat by little and little to within their Squadrons in a stupendious order carrying off all their Artillery and being more encouraged in their orderly retreat
peace Cesar prepares to succour Genua Giorgio Sfonspere musters 10000 Dutch at Bolzano and in despite of the Confederates passes into the Country of Mantua Giovan de Medici his Valour The Dutch pass into Tuscany The Venetians succour the Popes State and send Marco Foscari to Florence The Imperial Fleet towards Genua is pursued by the Venetian Fleet chas'd by Navarro gets at last to Gaetta and lands the Vice-roy of Naples Renzo de Ceri sent by the King of France to Rome The Viceroy succours the Collonesi and besiegeth Frussolone The Colleagues attempt the taking of Naples their proceedings Important actions before the City The Neapolitans are afraid and are supported by Don Ugo Moncada The Ecclesiastical Army in disorder Burbone comes forth of Milan to joyn with the Duth and goes to Bologna The Pope the mean while concludes peace with the Viceroy his little discretion in laying down Arms his fears and his excuse to the Colleagus Embassadours A Tumult in Florence appeased by the Duke of Urbane Burbone despairing of the Enterprise marches towards Rome desires passage from the Pope which is denied wherefore he besiegeth the City he is shot upon the walls thereof with a musket and dies The Emperours Army enters Rome The Pope retires to the Castle of St Angelo Rome in a few dayes undergoes the miseries of being sack'd of Famine of Pestilence and suffers totall desolation of all things as well sacred as prophane THe Fortune and reputation of the French being much declined by their being driven in a short space out of the State of Milan and by Forces not greater then their own it was generally thought that the Venetians whose Army was defeated and the greatest part of their Horse by them dismist they having likewise given leave to their Commissary Gritti to return from the camp and come home having largely made good their Confederacy with King Francis though they got but little good thereby would at last follow the victorious Fortune of Charles the Emperour who as he had formerly seemed to desire their friendship so did he now more then ever endeavour to draw them to side with him hoping by reason of the low condition which the French were in to be able to seperate them from King Francis and believing that the preservation of the State of Milan and the good end of all the war did chiefly depend upon this new Confederacy and upon the assistance and forces of the Venetians for it was very certain that king Francis made great preparations to pass into Italy with a powerfull Army and that if he should be assisted by the Venetians the Emperialists and Sforzas would not be able long to maintain the burthen of so heavy a war As on the contrary if the Venetians should joyn with the Imperialists it was thought that the French would be kept from retiring into Italy being they were to meet with so stout resistance and that King Francis seing himself deprived of the Venetian's aid would lay aside all thoughts of coming into Italy as despairing of good Success Cesar therefore laboured hard to effect this and did not onely treat thereof at his own Court with Gasparo Cotarini who was Embassadour there for the Com-wealth acquainting him with many reasons wherefore the Senate should be perswaded to joyn in like Confederacy with him to defend the States of each other as they had of late years done with the King of France but he likewise interposed the authority of the King of England with whom Charles having had speech at his return from Spain he had had much discourse thereupon and the Cardinal of York had the copy of the Capitulations drawn up by the Emperour's Lord Chancellour and having acquainted Gasparo Contarini with them offered to moderate them and to make them such as the Common-wealth which had complained thereof as being too severe should have reason to accept them But the business requiring some length of time by reason of this distance of place a League was concluded between Charles and Henry reserving room for the Venetians to be comprehended therein if they would declare within three months and if they would accommodate their affairs first with Cesar either by way of Truce or Peace which being communicated to the Senate produced as then no other result save onely fair correspondency in general with a shew of being much inclined to peace and to friendship with Cesar so it might stand with the honour and safety of the Commonwealth and that since the Cardinal of York had already offered himself to be a Mediator and stickler in the business of greatest difficulty it was requisite to hear what he would propound before any resolution could be taken But the news of the French preparations for the affairs of Italy increasing dayly and greater doubts arising in Charles and Henry by reason of the Venetians delaying to put on any resolution that their State would continue their confederacy with France they resolved to send Embassadours to Venice to accelerate the conclusion of the League which was propounded by them The King of England's Embassadour came thither first which was Richard Pace who having received his Commission from his King whilest the said Richard was at Rome discharged his trust together with the Emperours Embassadour which was resident at Venice desiring in their Princes name that the Senate would declare what they intended to do when the King of France should return with an Army into Italy to possess himself of the State of Milan But the Emperours Embassadour proceeded further desiring that the Commonwealth would wage war against the King of France if he should not desist from troubling Cesar and from disturbing the peace of Italy alledging that the Venetians were bound to do so by a particular Confederacy made two years before at London wherein by particular consent of their Senate the State of Venice was named amongst the chief Contracters The Venetians proceeded very maturely in this Treaty weighing how pernicious any resolution they could put on might prove to the Commonwealth according to the various events which might happen in the affairs of Italy and by the secret Counsels of Princes for it was certain That if the King of France should through any accident that might happen delay sending a powerfull army on this side the Mountains his reputation would be so much lesned and the Forces and authority of his enemies so confirmed as the adherers to the French would be exposed to eminent dangers and on the other side to forego their Friendship to boot that it went against their general inclination brought with it no lesser difficulties For it was rather to be believed both in respect of the power and wealth of the Kingdom of France and out of the immense desire that King Francis had to get the State of Milan that the French would return with powerfull Forces on this side the Mountains and regain his former power and authority so as they might have means
States It was also added that the Venetians should be particularly obliged to defend the Kingdom of Naples in time of War with five and twenty armed Gallies which defence was intended to be made against Christian Princes and when the Commonwealth should not be busied in any Turkish war The Kings of Poland Hungary and Portugal the Duke of Savoy Commonwealth of Florence Antonio Adorno Duke of Genua the House of Medici and the Marquis of Monferato were included as friends to all parties concerned in this confederacy and the Pope and King of England were named as Keepers and Conservators of these Articles The Peace being thus concluded Lorenzo Priâ—li and Andreâ— Navagiero were chosen Embassadors to be sent from Venice to the Emperour and Carlo Contarini to the Archduke Cesar's brother to congratulate this renewed confederacy and to witness the Senates desire to continue in friendship with the House of Austria And because Trivultio Governour of the Venetian Militia depended much upon the French party that charge was taken from him yet they were very civil to him in their words and seemed very well satisfied with his service offering him a pension of three thousand crowns a year if he would live in the Commonwealth as a private man till a better time and occasion should happen But he refusing all offers would return to France This place under the same Title of Commissary General and upon the same conditions as Trivulcio had served was given to Francisco Maria della Rouere Duke of Urbine he and his State being protected by the Commonwealth against whosoever should molest it They discharged themselves to the King of France answerable to the time and occasion excusing this their resolution partly by reason of the slowness of his provisions by which their hopes which were grounded upon his forces and assistance were too much weakned and partly by reason of the Pope's commands that they might no longer hinder nor delay the Treaty of universal peace which he did so affectionately propound and desire But the resolution the King of France put on when he was assured of the League made between Cesar and the Senate was certainly very strange differing from the common opinion of men and very void of reason Whence it may be conceived how hard it is to know the secret thoughts of Princes by any force of argument or by the rules of ordinary reason or to foresee their actions before they be done King Francis who being entreated and solicited by the Venetians to come into Italy when he might hope to be received and assisted by the Commonwealth which he in his own judgment knew to be of great concernment was either averse thereunto or at least but cool therein now when he wanted such friendship and aid when he was sure to meet with great opposition in Italy where all were become his enemies when the dangers and difficulties appeared to be greatest resolved to undertake the business of Milan But the Duke of Burbon's rebellion being at this time discovered so as he had reason to apprehend danger at home he was forced to forbear that his fervency at that time so as tarrying himself with part of his forces in France he sent Monsieur di Boniuette Admiral of France into Italy with two thousand Lanciers and twelve thousand Foot of several Nations Though Prospero Colonna was not ignorant of these preparations yet did he not so much consider them as the importancy of the affair required But when the French Army began to move and that those suspicions proved true which he would not credit before he assembled speedily all the men he could and came first to the banks of the Tesino hoping to hinder the enemies passage which quickly finding he could not do he entred with part of his souldiers into Milan and with the rest encreased the Garrisons of Pavia and Cremona abandoning Lodi to the end that he might not weaken the more important places by dividing his small forces into so many Garrisons The Venetians being advertised hereof that they might readily make good their new confederacy ordered their Curassiers to go towards the banks of Oglio and resolved at the same time to raise six thousand Foot and four hundred Light Horse for the defence of the State of Milan and other three thousand to dispose of in the Garrisons of their Cities They made Lunardo Emo Commissary General of the Army and acquainted the Duke of Urbine that he would come speedily into Lombardy to execute the place which he had taken upon him But the Admiral being quickly past over the mountains and it being said that he advanced with his Army to pass over the Tesino the Venetians resolved to bring their men into Giaradada to secure the Cities of Bergamo and Crema and that they might be the readier to succour Milan And because the Duke was long a coming they sent a Secretary of the Pregadi to hasten him But the French having taken up their quarters between Binasco and Bigrassa twelve miles distant from Milan and the Duke not being as yet come unto the Army they were doubtful whether they should pass over the Oglio or no. Thinking it then the safer way to bring their Army which they understood the French intended to assault into some strong place upon the Banks of Ada where it might be free from that danger So the Venetian Camp was at last brought to Pontivico whither the Duke of Urbin came within a few days Not far from hence was the Marquis of Mantua encamped with other forces Wherefore Colonna did earnestly desire both of them that they would joyn together and enter into Lodi which was not yet possess'd by the Enemy But they both of them refused to do it the Marquis saying that he would go with his men to succour Parma holding himself bound to do so as being a Souldier of the Church and the Venetians General because he thought he could not do it without much danger So as Lodi being abandoned by all fell easily into the French-mens hands Who having resolved to succour the Castle of Cremona sent to Marignano Frederico Bozzole with 6000 Foot and 400 Launciers wherewith they began to straiten the City which having within it 4000 Foot and 100 Curassiers did manfully defend it self and beat back the French several times Yet Cesar's Embassadour and the Duke of Millans did earnestly intreat the Senate of Venice that their men might pass as soon as might be over the River Oglio and incamp in some strong situation in the Territories of Cremona that so by raising jealousies in the French they might keep them from persisting in the Enterprize of Cremona But the French intended nothing but Milan before which they were sate down and that they might keep it from being relieved endeavour'd to hold those forces which might assist the Besieged busied else where For which their intention it made much that they should keep their men at Caravaggio and Montia in the
Territories of Cremona Whereby the Venetian Army was troubled much to advance This the Enemies counsel being discovered by the Emperours Commanders who did not justly weigh the dangers and difficulties was the reason why they did greatly sollicite the Venetians that their men passing suddenly over the Ada at Trecco might place themselves somewhere whereby the City of Milan might be succour'd Whereupon many things being discuss'd by the Senators and knowing that the best resolution to be put on therein consisted in the particular condition of places and variety of accidents they committed the whole business to the opinion faith and diligence of the Duke their General leaving him to do what he thought might make most for the advantage of the Enterprize and for the satisfaction of the Collegues Having a convenient regard to the preservation of that Army on which the security of their State did chiefly depend But the Duke having maturely considered all the situations resolved to quarter his men beyond the River Oglio between Romano and Martiningo at which the Imperialists being but badly satisfied they desired that the Venetian Camp might be brought nearer Trecco and that if the Duke should not think fit to pass with all his men then over the Ada he should at least send 3000 Foot 200 Curassiers and 100 Light horse to relieve Colonna when they should be desired by him to do so Which thing being very hardly to be done the Duke sent Baldisera Signorelli to Milan to inform himself more particularly of Colonna's pleasure and designs and of the Enemies proceedings This mean while other succours came to defend the State of Milan for 400 Launce Knights whom Cesar had taken into pay in the Arch-dukes Country came to the Territories of Verona by the way of Trent and the Viceroy of Naples was already on his way with an Army To whom for his greater honour the Venetians sent their Embassadour Carlo Contarini to meet him and to be assistant to him The Duke of Burbone was likewise speedily expected whom Cesar had declared to be his Lievtenant General in Italy and to whom he had committed the whole management of the War Yet amidst the fury of arms the business of agreement between the Emperour and the most Christian King was not pretermitted The Arch-bishop of Bari who was once Nuntio from the Pope in France was at this time gone into Spain to treat upon the conditions of peace Which though of it self it was pleasing to the Common-wealth in relation to the general agreement yet could they not but be troubled thereat by reason that by former example they could not be totally free from fear that these two Princes might agree leaving them out and peradventure to their prejudice Yet the Senate unwilling to be faulty to the obligations of confederacy without some more evident reason gave commission to their Commissaries that if the Imperialists should have a mind to go into the field with all their Forces they should joyn with the Vice-roy of Naples and pass over the Ada But so as they might leave good Garrisons for the security of their Towns and be sure to quarter themselves in some strong and safe place and that above all things they should shun being necessitated to go into Milan But however the execution of this Order was delayed nor did the Army pass ouer the Ada For the Duke of Urbane thought it not safe to go into the field with those men till the Lance Knights and the Marquis of Mantua's forces were arrived and especially having understood that more Switzers were come into the French camp so as they now amounted to the number of 10000. Wherefore being desired by the Imperialists to go with his Army to Belrisguarda he refused to go for that quarter being but bare four miles from the French camp he had reason to fear that being so near the Enemy he might be forced to fight against his will and upon disadvantage He was moreover troubled to think that the Territories of Crema or of Burgamo might be assaulted by those of Lodi whether 2000 Switzers were lately come which Country was threatned also with another danger it being given out that 6000 Grisons were sent by the King of France to endammage it who just at this time had dismissed the Venetian Embassadour his Court But at last the Vice-roy continuing to sollicite the joyning of Forces the Senate to avoid the giving suspition of any distrust resolved to send again to the Duke of Urbane to joyn with the Imperialists having the mean while taken into pay 3000 Italian Foot 400 Light-horse in Greece for the preservation and safety of their State and the charge of these men was given to Iovanni Moro who was then chosen Podesta of Crema with the Title of Commissary General in Bresciana and Emo who was Commissary of the camp being at that same time very sick he got leave of the Senate to return to his own Country and Pietro Pesaro was chosen in his place But Carlo Contarini after having staid a while with the Viceroy was sent to Milan to the end that a Publick person might be near the Duke till such time as Marc ' Antonio Veniero who was intended to be sent Embadour to him but was now sick might go to perform his Embassie By the Venetians drawing near to the Town of Trecco the Marquis of Mantua being gone to the same purpose to Pavia the French Army was brought to a great scarcity of Victuals all passages being block'd up by which provisions were formerly brought to the camp in which the Venetians Greecian Horss did very good service So as the Admiral fearing least his Army might be reduced to the same necessity whereunto he had thought to reduce Milan he resolved to enlarge the siege and to take up his quarters 12 miles further off The Apostolick Sea being at this time two moneths vacant by the death of Adrian a new Pope to the general joy and satisfaction of all men was chosen For Iulio Cardinal of Medici being called up to the Supream dignity who was afterwards called Clement the 7th and was held by all men to be of a mature Judgmement great Ingenuity and of admirable dexterity in weighty and important business it was thought that Christendome was fitly provided of such a head as did become the conditions of those times The Senate desirous to do all honour and reverence to the new Pope resolved to send him eight Embassadours all of them chief Senatours of the Commonwealth to congratulate his election and to do their obeissance to him These were Marco Dandalo Ierolomi da Pesaro Dominico Veniero Vicenzo Carepello Thomasa Contarino Lorenzo Braggadino Nicolo Tiepolo and Luigi Bono Soon after the Duke Antonio Grimani dyed having had the Dukedome onely 22 moneths His funeral Oration was made by Frederico Valeresso a young man very eminent for his learning and he was honoured with a stately Tombe in St. Antonie's Church Andree Gritti was created
Duke in his place a man of great worth and fame who had for many years before been imployed in all the most important businesses of the Commonwealth both at home and abroad as partly may be seen by what wee have related So as it fell out very happily for the Commonwealth that in time of so great commotions of Armes a man of mature Wisdome and of very great Experience should happen to bee their head Thus ended the Year 1523. The Year 1524 followed In the beginning whereof the Affairs of France which did already begin to decline fell into much greater and irreparable ruine For the Admiral being brought into great streights both of Victuals and money so as many souldiers left the camp every day did notwithstanding still continue obstinately in his opinion increasing rather the disorders thereby then seeking to remedy them by some new resolves till such time as he was glad to free the State of Milan from all danger rather by his flight then by his retreat as shall be said hereafter By the enemiâ—s falling further off the Venetian Army was advanced to joyn with the Viceroy and with the Marquis of Mantua who leaving a sufficient Garrison in Milan were come before to those quarters so as the Imperialists beâ—ng very strong came too within five miles of the French camp and did not onely hinder them from making any further proceedings but did much indammage them hindering and disturbing their victuals and afterwards assuming more courage the Venetians and Imperialists passed over the Tessino near Pavia to make themselves masters of the Country and to keep the Enemy from those things which it did furnish them withall Which the French Commanders not having timely foreseen they were likewise forced to pass over the River to oppose the Imperialists designes But the Duke of Urbane being gotten beyond the Tessino began to possess himself of the Country and much to the praise of the Venetian souldiers stormed the Town of Garlasco a place esteemed strong both by situation and Art and wherein there was a good Garrison and did advance so gallantly with his Army as many Towns did of themselves come in to the Imperialists which harms the Admiral had hoped to prevent rather by the forces and advice of others then his own for having heard that Renzo da Ceri being already come to the confines of the State of Venice with 8000 Grisons was ready to enter with them into the Territories of Bergamo he thought that the Venetians moved by this danger would have recalled their Forces to defend their own affairs he hoped likewise that the Switzers which were sent him by the King would come quickly whereby he might recrute his Army which was much diminished but failling in both these hopes for the Venetians provided sufficiently against the Invasion of the Grisons who finding that they were likely to meet with opposition and not with help as was promissed them retreated quickly to their homes and the Switzers being come to the River which they found so swoln as they could not pass over it were forced to stay on the other side of the River so as the Admiral marched thetherward but was still pursued by the Imperialists and infected by them and throwing a bridg over the Sesia pass'd his whole Army over it that he might joyn with the Switzers and put himself into better order But the Imperialists finding in what disorder the French were in for in their March they had left many peices of artillery and other amunition behinde them desired the Duke of Urbane that he would together with them pass over the Lesia and so make use of the occasion which was offered them of destroying the Enemies Army totally Which request the Duke did not deny lâ—st the enemy might have stayed there if they had not been followed But howsoever resolving to go no further for the Articles of confederacy were fulfilled on the Venetians part in his having defended the state of Milan he ordered Commissary Pietro da Pesaro that the very day which was destin'd for the passing over Sesia he should retreat with the Foot and the Imperialists beginning to pass over the next day before day break the Duke pass'd over likewise with all his Horse which when the French understood they quitted their quarters and hasted to return back over the mountains lest they might have been faln upon by two Armies The Duke after he had ridden a little further on with the Imperialists told them the Common-wealth was not bound to do any more then what they had done nor could he enter into the Duke of Savoy's Country without a new Commission so passing back again over the River he joyned with Commissary Pesaro for which the Duke was very much praised who having shewed his wisdome valour and Loyalty in this as in all his other actions the Senate in acknowledgment of his deserts though he had served but some few moneths of 5 years which he was to serve honoured him with the Title of Captain General gave him the command of the Curassiers and added to his stipend and his name grew very famous throughout all Italy While the Venetians were busied in this War they were threatned elsewhere with great dangers and were full of Jealousie which put them to many other expences for they dayly discovered more haughty and ambitious thoughts in Soliman the Emperour of the Turks numerous Armies great preparations of Fleets and a mighty desire of Warlike glory Wherefore their State being to be in continual jealousie by reason of the power and ambition of so formidable an neighbour the Common-wealth kept all her places by Sea strongly garrison'd especially the Island of Cyprus which they knew Soliman did very much thirst after To supply so many expences they were forced to take several extraordinary courses for the raising of monies particularly by many Lones of particular Citizens and Citties who seing the occasion did with much readiness offer some of them 10000 Duckets some more according to their several abilities The difficulties with the house of Austrea were not at this time fully ended nor all the Capitulations agreed upon Wherefore Guiddo d'alla Torre was sent to Venice by the Archduke Ferdinand with whom they treated and concluded what belong'd to the restitution of the places in Friuli But more difficulties arising concerning the parts about Verona to put an end thereto it was resolved that Commissioners should be sent from all parties concerned to Riva di Trento whether the Arduke's Commissioners being come first and not finding those of the Venetians there after a short stay they departed and left the business undecided nay new disputes arose to hinder the effecting of what was formerly agreed upon with la Torre so as to the great displeasure of the Venetians this root of discension between the Commonwealth and the house of Austrea remayned yet alive At this time the King of France not having given over his thoughts concerning the affairs of
Italy for all his Armies unfortunate success nor any whit abated his former fervency but being the rather more incens'd for that the Imperialists not content to have defended the State of Milan had endeavoured to trouble him in his own Kingdome and to provoke the King of England against him had been very sollicitous and carefull in providing all things necessary for his own comming very speedily and very strong into Italy which he might the easier do by reason that all his men were returned safe into France The Venetians were much troubled at these mighty and important preparations of the French Not only in relation to the great expences and disturbances to which they were obliged by the League which they had made with Cesar for the defence of the State of Milan but for fear of their own affairs The King appearing to be very much offended with them not only for what they had at first done against him but for that being afterward desired to re-assume their friendship with him they would not forego Cesar and for that Martino Bouolino being lately come to Venice in the names of the Lords of the three Leagues to intreat and exhort the Senate to renew their ancient confederacy with the French the Senate persisting in their opinion and justifying their last actions by the necessity of the times and by the Popes command said they could not at the present satisfie their desires by reason of their new League which they could not be faulty to without some marks of infamy and peradventure not without some danger Therefore things continuing in their former condition and the French Army passing notwithstanding over the Mountains the Venetians made all their Souldiers which were in the several Garrisons of the State be brought to the Territories of Verona and having thereof framed the body of an Army they commanded the Duke of Urbiâ— and the Commissary Pesaro to come speedily thither and there to expect Orders from them But the Pope being more afraid and full of jealousies did continually sollicite the Venetians to keep inviolably in good intelligence with him and in reciprocal good will and to proceed always with one and the same advice and counsel since the respects were the same in them both for the defence of their own particular States and for the common Liberty of Italy He commended their keeping fast to the Imperialists and their minding the defence of the State of Milan if they really thought they could do it but that if they should see they were not able to resist the powerful Forces of France they should begin betimes to reconcile themselves with the most Christian King not tarrying to make peace upon unreasonable conditions when the King should use such insolencies towards them as do usually accompany the victories and good fortune of Princes That they must consider the power of the French was very great and apt to turn the whole State of Italy upside down Since to boot with the numerous Army which the King brought with him his Forces that had defended Marcelles now that that City was freed from danger were imbarked for Italy and bent against the Kingdom of Naples And on the contrary that all the Emperours designs upon the Kingdom of France were proved vain and no less then the rest their hopes grounded upon the Duke of Burbones rebellions That the King of England growing apprehensive of the Emperours too much greatness gave certain signs that he would not keep the capitulations made with him Wherefore if it should be thought fit for the Church and the Commonwealth to think of an accommodation with the Christian King they must not lose time which was to their manifest danger and prejudice But that they should rather send sufficient commission to their Embassadour Marco Foscari who was at Rome to intervene and listen to those Treaties which were already promised by the French Which things though they were propounded by the Pope by the way of advice yet it was evident that he was inclined to a new confederacy with the French to secure the State of the Church and State of Florence which he had the greater care of because the Duke of Albany being to pass through Tuscany to the prejudice of Cesar's affairs the Florentines were exposed to more certain and nearer danger But the Pope cloaking this particular Interest as much as he could labour'd to prove that his only aim was at universal peace and to free Italy from War for the common good of Christendom and that he labour'd to break the business to the King of France to dispose him the easilier to an agreement with Charles and Ferdinand of Austria To which purpose he said he would send as he did afterwards his Almner Mattheo Giberto to entreat the King to make peace with Cesar. But which commission even then as was afterwards known to negotiate particular conventions for himself and for the Florentines the Commonwealths interest being neither wholly left out nor wholly considered But the Senate were of opinion that no greater necessity appearing they were not to forego their friendship and confederacy with Cesar as unwilling to shew so much inconstancy as also not to make the Emperour their Enemy before they had more certainty of the King of France his good will And therefore they had resolved that their men should enter in to the Dukedom of Milan for Cesars service But the Duke of Urbin not obeying this order suddenly gave them to understand that it was very dangerous for the affairs of the Commonwealth to pass at that time so forward with the Army for by securing the State of Milan so early by their forces they gave the Enemy occasion to turn elsewhere and peradventure upon their Commonwealth that therefore they might expect till the French Army was passed over the River Sisa and then put their resolution in effect But the French without any delay came into the State of Milan before it was thought they would have done so as the whole Army drew near the City and got into the Suburbs by the Gate Ticinese before the City which was but ill provided of Rampiers and victuals could be sufficiently succour'd So as all the Imperial Commanders together with their men that were within the Town were glad to retreat suddenly the Duke of Bourbon the Viceroy and Sforza went to Soncino and the Marquis of Piscara to Lodi But their chief care was how to Garrisonnize the City of Pavia very strongly which they thought might be better defended then any of the other Cities They therefore put Antonio da Leva thereinto with three hundred Curassiers and five thousand Foot part Spanish part Dutch all of them being old Souldiers Thus did the French easily get Milan which was abandoned by the Imperialists But the King would not suffer the Souldiers to enter the Town to preserve it from sacking At the same time Iohn Stuart Duke of Albany sent by the King of France to assault the Kingdom
of Naples with two hundred Lanciers seven hundred Light Horse and four thousand Switzers desired leave of the Pope to pass thorow the State of the Church and thorow Tuscany to go to Naples which the French did the rather endeavour that the Imperial Forces drawing towards those parts the State of Milan might be the weaklier defended whereof many Towns did daily surrender without making almost any opposition But the main point of the War was brought to about Pavia to the taking whereof the King was come in person with his whole Army firmly resolving not to rise from before it till he had taken it for he thought that to leave a City of the Enemies behind him so well munited with men would be to the danger and certainly to the dishonour of that his Army which was said to consist of above 24000 Foot 2000 Curassiers a great Train of Artillery and wherein were all the famous Warriours of France and on the other side the Cesarians placed their chiefest hopes of good event in the preservation of that City wherefore all mens eyes were turned upon this business whereupon other important effects were to depend The Pope and the Venetians were chiefly solicitous herein fearing on the one side that the French forces who were but badly satisfied with them might prove victorious and on the other side that if the Imperialists should beat the French they would remain the sole Arbytrators of all Italy So as it being hard to know which party it was best to take to in so difficult a business they spun it out in length pitching almost upon a Neutrality therefore neither did their men go to assist the Imperialists neither did they come to any agreement with the French but expecting what the success at Pavia would be which the Town being now besieged would require some time they thought to make advantage of time Yet the Pope to the end that if need should be he might come to better conclusion with the French he by means of his Almner who was already sent to the camp did negotiate divers things tending to agreement To the which the King of France seeming to be very well inclined the business would have been soon agreed had not the arival of some new advertizements stop'd it on the Popes behalf for News being come that 6000 Dutch Foot which were sent by the Emperour to releive Milan were already come to Ispruch with whom the Arch-Duke Ferdinand was to come himself in person into Italy and also that the Spanish Foot which were destin'd for the same purpose were already imbarked the Pope being somwhat incouraged and thinking it stood with his honour since he was not inforced by any greater necessity to seem that he had realy according as it was given out sent his Almner to the French camp to treat of general peace together with particular agreement sent Paolo Vittori to the Viceroy to witness unto him his great desire answerable to the place he was in to make peace between the King of France and Cesar so as they might both attend according to their callings to repaire the present mischiefs which were threatned Christendom by Soliman who was already armed in the field That having therein all fitting respect to Cesar's benefit and satisfaction he would propound very good conditions unto him if as he had often affirmed his mind were inclined to peace To wit that he might freely keep possession of the Kingdom of Naples wherein he would oblige himself to maintain and defend him And that the French should possess the Dukedom of Milan but upon particular promise not to make any other attempt upon Italy without the Popes consent Which negotiations being held on for a few daies produced no other fruit but divers jealousies both in the French and Spaniards so as both parties did continue to solicite the Venetians to favour them Girolemo de Pij came to Venice on the behalf of the French indeavouring that the Common-wealth would renew their Friendship with the most Christian King or at least that she would not be against him And the Vice-roy sent Charles of Aragon thither desiring the Senate that they would cause their men to joyn with the Imperialists The French Embassadour was answered in general tearmes shewing that they had referred this whole business to the Pope but they gave the Vice-roy many reasons why they had delayed sending their men Thus they continued to proceed irresolutely a good while till at last the Pope having made agreement though very secretly with the King of France in behalf of himself and of the Venetians reserving a caution unto themselves and entering protestation likewise that they did not enter into the League to interrupt the general peace the Senate was necessitated to come to some resolution Many things and with much diversity of opinion were consulted hereupon And the Senate being met upon a day appointed to put a final end to the business Georgio Cornaro Procurator who had still been of the same opinion spoke thus I was never of their minds who think that States may be always governed by the same Rule and who are for the continuing in the same opinion on which they have once been of without distinguishing of times or affairs I very well know the uncertainty and variety of thâ—se affairs that we busie our selves about in these our discussions and therefore I doe little rely upon my self or my own judgment and I use not to be tâ—o forward in speaking my sense of things lest I may say somewhat which I may afterwards repent Which custom of mine I doe now the more willingly follow for that the business is dubious and difficult and subject to various and important accidents We speak of making a new League with the King of France and of foregoing that which but some moneths ago we made with Cesar which was published and begun to be observed I see that the State of the affairs of Italy is in a shoâ—t time altered and our designs hopes and fears altered through new accidents but I see also and very well know that this fluctuation and variety is such as we cannot ground any counsels we can take upon assured foundations nor can we presume that oâ—r this days results though now good will prove so to morrow for the Fortune of War is still in question and what the success shall be of the offence or defence of the State of Milan is uncertaine The whole condition of the affairs of Italy is most uncertain she is shaken and disturb'd by the armes of two of the cheifest Princes of Christendom Wherefore to know whereupon we may with most sâ—â—ety repose our hopes and our advices we must accurately consider the State of affairs ballancing the various nay rather contrary respects but chiefly we must lay aside all affâ—ction of love or fear by which we may be yet more blinded in coming to the knowledge of this truth which is of it self obscure and haâ—d to
signall Victory gotten by the Imperialists against the French was cause of much trouble to the Venetians knowing that a heavy load lay upon them for the Counterpoise of the French failing and all the other Princes of Italy being weak and full of Terrour by reason of this so mighty success they were almost of themselves alone to defend the liberty of Italy against the power of Cesar which was increased greatly by this his late good fortune nor could they hope that he would contain his Forces within the Confines of the State of Milan it was rather to be believed that his Army pursuing the victory would enter into the neighbouring States whereunto their being so unprovided to make any stout resistance might very well invite the Imperial commanders The Venetian Forces were onely of some consideration for they had 1000 Curassiers 600 Light-horse and 10000 foot they therefore resolved to make use of these forces and to increase them and to exhort the rest of the Princes of Italy to do the like and to arm themselves so strongly as they could But their chief study and care was to joyn themselves with the Pope for they believed that all the Potentates of Italy would finally depend upon his Authority and that there might be thereby some hopes of good They therefore solicited the Pope often Shewing him into what great dangers Italy was brought which if they should not receive some sudden and powerfull remedy they would increase so fast as all labour and industry and expence to prevent eminent ruine would be in vain That Cesar 's actions did clearly shew what his thoughts and intentions were since he had not assigned over the Dukedome of Milan to Francisco Sforza as by his Confederacy he was bound to do but that having defeated the French Army so as there was now no more fear of any enemy he did notwithstanding keep his souldiers still in that State placed Garrisons in the Cities and would have all things done by his authority and in his name and that certainly Cesar had so fair a way opened unto him of making himself master of Italy if the Italians would stand idle and leave their affairs to the discretion of others as one that were never so moderate having so fair an occasion could not abstain from turning his thoughts and Forces upon the taking of Territories so ill defended and that in such a case the State belonging to the Church would be no freer from offence then the like of their Commonwealth but would rather be in more danger because her weakness did the more expose her to injuries Nor did such thoughts and actions as these want several appearances of a fair collour far war Chiefly by reason of the League made by the Pope with the French which being come to the knowledg of the Imperialists they seemed to be more troubled thereat because it was made contrary to their opinion or sense they put him in mind that it became not a wise Prince to think upon giving satisfaction when he was able to take up armes and to depend upon himself and his own Forces and that truly the most expert men thought it a more easie thing far the Italian Princes to joyn together and being joyned to defend themselves against the Emperours Forces if the Pope would declare himself to be head and authour of such an Union For the Florentines were alwayes at his command and had now particularly signified their will and readiness to defend themselves by Francesco Vettori whom they had sent to Rome to that purpose thereby to invite him to take upon him the common defence That the Duke of Ferrara would be ready to do the like in consideration of his own State and to free himself from the contumacy which he was run into with the Church whereof he had already given sufficient signes he having sent an express messenger to Rome presently after the defeat of the French to offer the Pope 250 Curassiers 400 Light-horse and all his other Forces for the defence of the Apostolick Sea and for the welfare of Italy That the other lesser Princes could not nor would not sever themselves from the authority and from joyning with the forenamed with whose joint forces the Duke of Urbane did promise to defend all their States That it was to be considered the Cesarians wanted money and that the souldiers chiefly the Dutch being much behinde hand for pay â—ere readier to mutinie and to return home then to fall upon any other Enterprise without being paid their Arrears That the State of Milan was totally exhausted and unpeopled That the name of a Spanyard Emperour's Army was already much diminished and to conclude That part of his men were sent from Lombardy to resist the Duke of Albany These things though they were very punctually represented by the Venetians and diligently listned unto by the Pope yet were they not able to infuse any hope into him or to keep him from precipitating into an agreement and from thinking of securing his affairs rather unworthily by receiving any whatsoever condition from the Conquerours then by his own forces and by the aid of other Princes and Confederates so as without so much as expecting Cesar's will or any orders from him he had begun new Treaties with the Viceroy being hereunto induced by an immoderate fear that the Emperours army should be necessitated to pass thorough the state of the Church or else thorough Tuscany and to bring either the one or the other and peradventure both of them into great trouble and danger The Viceroy listned willingly to the Treaty of agreement promoted by the Pope knowing that peace and union with him did greatly concern confirming the Victory and freeing the Army of many necessities which it then suffered under whose Authority being as he believed to be followed by the other Princes of Italy the State that was won would be secured for the future from the French Forces who could not hope to do any good in Italy without the assistance of some Italian Prince These considerations being discovered by the Ventians who knew that such a security would at last cause more danger to them and could not notwithstanding keep the Pope from making this Agreement they proceeded slowly in their Councels not making the Imperialists dispair nor yet joyning in any streighter friendship or confederacy with them but they perswaded the Pope that to the end he might be provided for all events in case the agreement should not be made good he should forthwith send Monsignor Verulano who was long before destin'd thether into Switzerland to make 1000 Switzers come in presently to the defence of the Liberty of Italy the nation being greatly ambitious of the name of Liberty and that he should with the like diligence dispatch away a Nuntio to England whether the Common-wealth would at the same time send Lorenzo Orio whom they had chosen for their Embassadour to negotiate with the King thereof who was in great esteem
altered the Colleagues should contribute such Forces as should be requisite to effect it and that when it should be gotten the Pope should determine to whom it should be given so as might make most for the quiet of Italy and so as it were done with the satisfaction of the Confederates without whose consent the Pope promised he would do nothing in that point that the new King who ere he should be should pay the usual Tribute to the Church and 70000 Duckets to the King of France whose pretences should remain entire to that Kingdome if it were not won now This being agreed upon the League was finally concluded in France Don Capona intervening for the Pope and Secretary Andrea Rosso for the State of Venice The end of this Conjunction was specified to be The freeing of the State of Milan from the oppression of the Imperialists the Liberty of Italy and the recovery of the King of France his children adhering for what concerned particularities and preparations for War to what had been formerly treated on and concluded with the Kingdome before the King had his Liberty Yet it was not published till they might know the King of England's resolution who was desired to be one of the chief Contractours For it was thought that his name and authority might adde much to the reputation thereof It was therefore resolved that some should be sent into England from the Colleagues to request Henry that he would quickly declare in the behalf of the Confederate Princes against Cesar. For the Pope there went Iovan Battista Sanya a man of an high spirit and great with the Datario for the King of France Ioan Ioachino and Mark Antonio Veniero for the Venetians who was intended before to be sent Embassadour thether from the Common-wealth But the king of England though he said he was very well inclined to this League and not well affected towards Cesar resolved notwithstanding not to declare himself publickly till he had desired Charles that to gratifie the Colleagues he would set the son of the most Christian King at Liberty and restore the State of Milan to Francisco Sforza which if he would not do he declared he was to denounce war against him in all their names which though it was consâ—nted unto yet the business was prolonged and divers difficulties promoted So as any longer delay being thought to be unseasonable the League between France and the Princes of Italy was published and proclaimed with great solemnity and it was generally thought that the Forces of this League would be able to quel the Imperialists and to drive them out of the State of Milan especially since the Castles of Cremona and Milan held still for Sforza There were at this time in the Venetian Army 1000 foot 900 Curasiers 800 Light-horse and a great many Switzers were suddenly expected taken into pay partly by the Pope and partly by the Venetians and partly by the King of France who when they should be arrived it was resolved that the Colleagues would go to succour the Castle of Milan to attempt the taking of that City and that on the other side the Marquis of Saluzzo should fall down into the Dukedome of Milan wiâ—h the French Curassiers and 10000 foot raised at the Confederates common expence and assault the Cities of Novarra and Alexandria and that in the mean while the Maritime affairs should be prepared to molest the Imperialists in other places and to divide their Forces The Venetians gave order to their Captain Generall and to Commissary Pietro Pesaro to bring their Camp as soon as might be to Chiari in the Territories of Brescia to begin the war and the Pope ordered all his Commanders and souldiers to go into the parts about Parma to the end that being joyned together they might do what should be thought best for the League But this joyning of forces was unseasonably deferr'd by reason of the difficulty in what place the Armies were to meet for Francesco Guicchiardini who was Lieutenant General of the Ecclesiastical Army would not give consent that the Pope's men should go to Cassalle Maggiore as it was first resolved alledging that the State of the Church was not to be abandoned though it was urged on the contrary that they being masters of the field there was no cause of fear This mean while Malatesta Baglione came to Lodi with a Troup of Vinetians where he had private intelligence with Lodovico Vistarlino a Citizen thereof and though there were in it a good Garrison of 1500 foot yet he easily took it and held it in the name of Francisco Sforza After this the whole Venetian Army past over the Poe and two dayes after the Popes men joyn'd with them and they went all to Milan the Duke of Urbane had good hopes to get the City at the first assault for he was informed by some of the Milaneses that the people were up and ready to side with them as soon as their Army should be come to the City and that the Imperial Commanders having already sent away their baggage would soon be gone themselves and give over the defence of the Town This was so verily believed as Lodovico Count di Belgiojoso had desired the Duke of Urbane to give him 2000 Foot with which he offerr'd to relieve the Castle of Milan The whole Army of the Confederates being advanced they quartered in the Monastory del Paradiso toward the Porta Romana with a firm intention to give an assault hoping to win the Suburbe and to lodg there and the enemy being often come forth to skirmish were still valiantly repuls'd by our men but soon after came the Duke of Burbone with a good number of foot and did not onely make good his station against such as skirmished with him but indammaged them on sundry parts so as the Duke of Urbane failing of his hopes of getting the city by assault and fearing lest he might fall into some greater disorder if he should tarry long in those quarters retreated with the whole camp in good order to Marignavo without receiving any prejudice But great hopes having been had by the Armies being drawn near Milan of good success in the Enterprise and there being great necessity of relieving the Castle of Milan the Senate when they heard by their Commissary that the camp was raised were very much amazed and grieved and the Duke to justifie this his act sent Luigi Gonzaga to Venice who might by word of mouth give an account of what was done and of the reasons which had moved the Duke thereunto whereupon the Senate were satisfied but the Pope was not so easily appeased he did not onely complain very much of this action but likewise of the manner of the Dukes proceedings for not having acquainted those that imployed him with his most important counsels which Guicchiardini did aggravate to the Pope by his bad offices done to the Duke being displeased with him because his Discourses were not well listned unto
any they hoped to reduce it by way of siege to such a scarcity as it must fall into their hands To this purpose there was six Gallies deputed two for every Colleague which being to keep the Guard took some Ships and divers other lesser Vessels which were bound with victuals for Genua so as the City began soon to be incommodated but it was supplied by those of the River who brought them corn which under divers pretences was permitted to be carried to neighbouring places though not without some complaint against Doria who as either envying Navarro's glory by whom his Country was won and subdued or out of some other designe was suspected to have proceeded with but little sincerity and misbecoming means to bring the enterprize to a speedy conclusion But the Geâ—ueses by way of defence had been very careful in securing the Haven placing some great Vessels in the mouth thereof loaded with Artillery and moreover six small Gallies commanded by Gobbo Iustiniano which came forth somtimes to skirmish with those of the Enemy putting so far into the Sea and no further then they might be safe under the shelter of the greater Vessels which lay in the mouth of the Haven and under the like shelter of Castello della Lanterna all which were furnished and fraught with Cannon So all the hopes of gaining the City lay in the Siege which was still continued the Popes and the Venetian Commanders having by certain Trenches secured themselves from being invaded by those of the City if it should so happen that by fortune of the Sea the Fleet should not be able to get out of Porto Fino where it lay But the Genueses seeing themselves daylie more and more straitned resolved to sally out and by assaulting the Rampires endeavour to endamage the Enemies Fleet whereof the Captains of the Fleet being soon aware they landed Philippino Doria and Iovan Baptista Grimaldi with eight hundred Foot and two pieces of Artillery and setting the poops of their Gallies towards land when the Souldiers of the City came they did not only stand their assault but repulsed and worsted them At the same time the Duke of Urbine being much prest thereunto by the Venetians and spurr'd on by his own desire to recover the reputation of the Army which it might seem to have suffered in by its retreat from before Milan as soon as part of the Switzers to the number of five thousand were come to the Camp resolved to return to before Milan to relieve the Castle which as yet held out for Sforza from which six thousand persons were gone out under the conduct of Captain Pasqualino and had luckily past the Enemies Trenches without any harm or impediment whereby the scarcity of the besieged was somwhat alleviated The Army being come within a mile of Milan two thousand men were sent out to take Moncia and to possess themselves of il Monte di Brianza very convenient places for the bringing of victuals from the parts thereabouts to the Camp When the Army had taken up its quarters the Commanders began to consult what course they were to take to relieve the Castle which being begirt about by the Enemy with double Trenches and with Bastions the difficulty of relief was much encreased but whilst they vainly consulted about succour news came to the Camp that Sforza failing of his hopes of being relieved by reason of the Enemies new works had surrendred himself to the Imperialists and delivered up the Castle upon condition of being set at liberty and suffered to go to Como till such time as his cause should be taken notice of by Justice And not long after the same Sforza came into the Confederates camp accompanied by Count Galliazzo with two hundred light Horse but he stayed there but a while being resolved to go to Como and in the first place to take possession of that City which was to be delivered up unto him by the Imperialists though the Confederates Commanders laboured much to disswade him from so doing acquainting him with how dangerous a thing it was to commit himself again unto the uncertain word of his Enemies when he might repose surer hopes of his welfare and dignity upon that Army which was raised only for his particular service and to repossess him of his paternal State and at last when they told him that if he neglected such offers they would fetch his brother Maximilian Sforza from France he promised that when he should be come to Como he would send Embassadors to Rome and adhere unto the Pope's counsels But it was not hard afterwards to draw Duke Sforza to side with the Confederates who soon had occasion to know how the Imperialists were minded towards him for they denyed to take away the Spanish Garrison from Como though upon agreement the City was to have been delivered up free unto him So as ratifying the League with the Pope and the Venetians he went to Lodi which City was freely given him by the League Though the loss of the Castle was very grievous and of great concern yet were they not quite out of hopes of getting the City of Milan wherein was a great scarcity of all things and the number of the Defendants not answerable to the greatness of the City nor to the Forces that were before it more Switzers being come unto the Camp and 4000 of the same Nation being quickly after expected who were raised by the King and who were said to be already come to Bisanso So as it was thought the City would soon fall into the hands of the Collegues either by force or by Siege Whilst these aids were expected the Duke of Urbin intended to send some of his men to attempt the taking of Cremona a business much desired by the Collegues and chiefly by the Pope but it behoved them to put off the effecting of this for fear lest the Imperialists might sally out of the City as it was given out they intended to do and might assault the Confederates Army At last Malatesta Baglione went thither but with fewer men out of the same reason then were requisite to bring the business to a speedy and good end For finding the City fortified with double Rampiers and well provided of Defendants he assaulted it several times in vain then finding it very hard to storm the Town with so few men and that to forego it before the business was finished would redound but little to the honour of the Leagues Forces it was resolved that Commissary Pesaro Camillo Orsino and Antonio da Castello should go with a good many Foot to the Camp before Cremona and soon after an other thousand Italian Foot were sent to succour them and 1000 Switzers But neither these nor those doing any good the Duke of Urbin resolved to go thither himself though it were much to the prejudice of the business of Milan And taking a great many Pyoners along with him he cut Trenches and by little and little won
Prince of Orange to enter into the State of Milan thorow the Duke of Savoy's country with a good number of Lands knights but on the other side the Confederates being wholly bent to keep off all relief made several provisions many ships were preparing in Britany and at Marcelles by the King of France and some Ships that were taken as it was said about Genoua were armed at the common expence intending to put to Sea with a great Fleet and to hinder the passage of the Spanish Fleet Divers endeavours were had likewise with the Duke of Savoy that he might not permit the Imperialists to pass thorow his State But the greatest and most apprehended dangers came from Germany for it was said that Georgio Sfonspera an old Commander and one very affectionate to the House of Austria was raising great store of foot in Styria and allured men by the hopes of prey and that the Dutch Foot which were in the Garrison of Cremona being come to him he had got together above ten thousand Dutch Foot about Bolzano Divers things were therefore put in practice at the same time to hinder the passage of these men The practice formerly held with the Governour of the Castle of Mus was agreed upon not only the disbursement of five thousand Ducats the one half whereof was to be paid him by the Pope the other half by the Senate for the freeing of the Venetian Embassadors who were detained by him whilst they were passing into France but also that he himself should come in person with four hundred Foot to the service of the League wherewith he was to Guard the Lake of Como The Venetians sent likewise Secretary Nicolo Sangontino upon the same occasion to the Marquis of Mantua to desire him that though these men should be advanced he should not suffer them to enter into his State and because Artillery and Munition were preparing in Trent which made it be feared that Georgio Sfonspera would fall with his numerous men into the Territories of Verona the Senate raised therefore four thousand Foot more and made some Troops of Curassiers and of light Horse come from the camp they made Agostino da Mula Commissary General on this side Menzo and disposed of all things in order to fight and beat back the Enemy But the Dutch Foot came by the Valley of Lagni from whence they past quickly after to Poldrone which when our Commanders knew who were in the parts about Verona Camillo Orsino went immediately with the light Horse and some of the readiest Foot companies to Salo leaving the rest of the Army behind with orders that passing over the Lake of Garda they should come into the same place which not being to be done for it fortun'd that that Lake proved then as it somtimes is unnavigable Orsino could not march till it was too late to encounter the Enemy who were already well advanced Yet having possess'd himself of the passage della Corona a strait place and naturally strong he forc'd the Dutch who had already taken that way to go by the tops of the Mountains so as by very craggy and difficult ways they came to Gardo and from thence to Castilione and soon after they entred into the Marquis of Mantua's Territories thereby cozening the Commanders of the League who thought that the Dutch would have made towards Milan thorow the Territories of Bergamo but passing over the River Olio at Rivalta and afterwards over the Menzo it was thought that they would take their way either towards Piacenza or Pavia Wherein to hinder them the Commanders of the League thought it fit to divide the Camp into two parts with the one whereof the Marquis of Saluzzo taking with him the Switzer and Grison Foot to the number of ten thousand went to beyond the River Ada and quartered at Vauri near the strongly seated Cassano and the Duke of Urbin who conducted the rest of the Army consisting of as many Foot went to Sansino But George Fonspra being already got beyond them with his Foot and the Duke not able for wanâ— of victuals to follow him presently with his whole Army he made his light Horse and some Foot companies follow them in the Reer by whom the Enemy were much annoy'd and chiefly by Giovan di Medici who although the rest of the Popes Captains were gone stay'd in the Camp and took pay of the King of France but yet they advanced still and pass'd over the Po and the Duke of Urbin taking the same way with his Army came to Borgo forte from whence the Dutch were gone but a little before and caused a Bridg to be made to the end that if occasion should be he might pass his men over But Fonspere not knowing what way to go when he was got over the Po was cause of much suspention with the Colleagues and the Pope was chiefly much affraid beleiving that the Enemy would bend towards Bologna and peradventure pass into Tuscanie wherefore he pressed the Venetians very much to pass their men as soon as might be over the Po for the better safety of the Churches and the Florentines State but their own Common-wealth was not free from the like danger wherefore the Senate to satisfie the Pope as far as stood with their owne safety ordered Luigi Pisari who was in the Camp with the Marquis of Saluzzo that if any number of Foot should be demanded of him to encrease the Garrisons of the Towns belonging to the Church he should readily releive them Which Guiccherâ—ine demanding Babone di Naldo was sent thither with 1000 Foot They writ likewise to their Captain-General that if the danger of the confederates should encrease and theirs should lessen he should pass over the Po either with the whole Army or but with part of it according as occasion should require and as he should think best Which being by several accidents delayed this advice was altered and it was thought more expedient for the common service that for the present the Marquis of Saluzzo should pass over only with his men taking along with him 300 of the Venetian light Horse and some pieces of Artillery to be taken from their Camp The Popes danger and his fear also did much increase by the Enemies approaching near Florence for the Dutch having passed the River Nura and then that of Trebbia not being any ways disturbed by our men stay'd at Firenzvole where they expected to meet with the men of Milan But the Imperial Commanders finding it hard to make the rest march the Italian Foot and some light Horse went only thither at that time But the Senate being desirous to give the Pope all satisfaction sent new Orders to their Commissary to draw out some more men from their Army and to send them over the Po that they might joyn with those that were formerly passed over with the Marquis of Saluzzo Therefore Commissary Vetury went thither presently with 5000 Foot and some Troops of light Horse the
and particularly that when the Senesi and Collonesi whose hatred and ambition was not laid aside by this agreement should see his Arms thus laid down they would take an occasion to invite the Cesarean Army to advance who when they should have this occasion offer'd them it might be that even Burbone himself would not be able to detain Souldiers who were ill paid and disobedient to their Commanders But the Pope despising these reasons and seeming to be still more resolute in his determination made that saying true that Good and faithful counsel given by an interessed and suspected person causeth the sooner precipitation Clement believed that the Venetians made these dangers to appear the greater out of their own Interests as desiring that he would not sever himself from the confederacy wherefore not believing their words he ran the more hastily upon his own ruine And continuing still in the same perswasion that the agreement was so settled as no doubt nor danger could arise therein though Burbone himself had written to Rome that he could not rule nor detain the Souldiers who were not well satisfied with the few monies which they had as yet received the Pope said Burbone did this not that he was really averse unto the Truce but to draw more money from him by this fear or to shew some Military ostentation Though after all this alledging some more rational cause for this his credulity he had wont to say that though he might have doubted of some sinister accident yet he should not have thought it fit to do otherwise then he did for he would rather that his ruine and the cause of so much mischief to Christendom should be attributed to the falsifying of the faith of others then to his own obstinacy But not being able then to believe that any thing should happen otherwise then he conceived he had already destined to send his Almner Mattheo Giberto Bishop of Verona through whose hands all businesses of greatest importance did then pass Legate into Spain to treat with Cesar upon the particular conditions of peace But the Venetians when they were assured that the Truce was concluded they ordered the Duke of Urbin that he should assemble all his men together who lay then between Modena and Regio and joyn them with the Marquis of Saluzzo's forces who were in the parts about Bullonia to the end that they might oppose the Imperialists designs it being suspected that now that the agreement was made they would fall upon the Commonwealths Territories They also commanded Sebastian Giustiniano who was Embassadour with the King of France to assure the King that though the Pope had quitted the League yet they would not forego his friendship aâ—d that they hoped they might be able by their joynt forces to beat the Imperialists and effect those things which they had proposed unto themselves as the end of their confederacy But that if the King should judge it fit to accept of the Truce they were ready to be govern'd therein by his Majesty The Pope in his agreement made with the Viceroy had reserved a place for the Venetians who of themselves were not much averse from accepting the Truce they thought it not amiss to take time that they might prepare themselves the better for defence the rather for that they hoped that the marriage being the mean while concluded between the King of England's daughter and the most Christian King whereby he might declare himself for the League it might increase in force and reputation It made more over much for their advantage to keep the Pope at this time in suspence that he might not be their Enemy but rather hoping that when his fear of the present dangers should be over they might draw him once more to joyn with them Besides by this suspention of Armes occasion was offered of negotiating the universal peace with safety and satisfaction to all that being the true object which their taking up of Armes aimed at But in the first place they pitched upon friendship with France wherefore finding that the King did not listen to these proposals they thought no more thereof But the King propounding the renewing of War and the reassuming the enterprize of Naples with their Armies and their Fleets the Senate were for Arming but shewed that they could reap no good by turning their Forces upon those parts at this time because their honour and the peoples favour was lost by the Popes having withdrawn himself from the League and by the restitution of the Towns which they had gotten They therefore proposed as the safest and most advantageous course which could then be taken to defend the States of Lumbardy if the agreement should go on and if not that they should not abandon the defence of the Churches Territories and the Florentines because their oppression would redound much to the prejudice of the League But the Imperial Army after the agreement made in Rome though Cesare Feramosca had sent them orders to keep where they were were it either that Burbone would not or could not detain them marched towards Romagna and sitting down before Cottignuola they took it by agreement and then went towards Furili But keeping the way to Meldola they seemed as if they would passe over the Alpes by the Valley of Arnoe and so enter into Tuscanie hoping to be able to repair themselves by the conveniencies which were offered them by the Senesi and to supply the great need they stood in of victuals Wherefore the Venetian Senate according to their former resolution ordered the Duke of Urbin that leaving so many men as he should think fitting for the defence of their Country he should advance with the rest to assist the occasions of the Church and of the Florentines and to oppose the Imperialists in all their designes whereupon the Duke carrying part of the Army along with him near to Bullognia the Marquis of Saluzzo went with the rest by several waies and in several Quarters to Imola and fix'd his Camp between Ravenna and Faenza before the Enemy were gone from Cottignuola The manner how to govern the War was long argued by the Captains of the League and by a joynt consent it was agreed that the Forces of the League should be divided into two several bodies to inclose the Enemy in the midst to hinder them the more from victuals and to impede their designes whithersoever they turned Yet the Pope blaming post factum the counsel which was formerly praised by Renzo and by Camillo Ursino and by all his men sought to excuse his precipitous agreement by having as he said argued much coolness by these proceedings in the Colleagues as concerning the defence of his Affairs and that therefore he was forced to think upon some other course for his own safety But then the Pope who before not crediting the dangers which were apprehended by all the rest thought himself secure being mightily astonished at these new advertisements sent for the Embassadours
committed the charge thereof had made but weak defences for the Suburbs and provided but slightly for all other defences So as the want of diligence to secure dangers made the Souldiers fool-hardiness more successful so as clapping the Ladders to the Walls of the Suburbs and not being discover'd till it was too late by the Defendants by reason of a very thick mist which fell that day after some few hours dispute they won the Walls and entred the Suburb Antonio di Montefalco who had the custody of that part where the first assault was given and had 100 Foot with him repuls'd the first Assalliants and being afterwards relieved by many of the armed people he for a while withstood the violence of the Enemy But Burbones Souldiers continuing to fight stoutly those new and unexperienced people when they saw the danger increase and growing very apprehensive of themselves and of their own particular Affairs gave over the defence of the Wall and began to run leaving free entrance to the Enemy Burbone was one of the first that mounted the Walls who receiving a Muskâ—â— shot through his side and right thigh fell presently down and dyed Yet did not the Souldiers forbear going on egg'd on by the fury of Battle and desire of prey Then the Pope teaching by a notable example that when the height of danger is in question 't is wisely done to think all things possible and to seek all opportune remedies against them as if they were sure to happen being deceived in his trust and in his hopes which were more grounded upon the Enemies disorder then on his own Forces being poorly advised and full of fear after he had tarried a good while in his Palace expecting what the event of the Battle would be resolved at last to save himself together with many of his Prelates in the Castle of St Angelo Renzo who had been long born away with the same errour and seeking too late to amend it ran up and down the City calling upon the people and solliciting them to take up Arms and to stand upon their defence But they were so possess'd with fear by reason of this unexpected and bitter accident as his words were not heard nor was there any thing to be found in them but confusion and terror So as the Enemy making themselves soon and without much ado Masters of the Suburbs and of the Transtevere they entred into the City between the Gates Aurelia and Settimiana which were not defended either by Walls for they were quite ruin'd by age nor yet by armed men Thus a great and noble City in a few hours space and without almost any defence fell into the power of cruel Enemies Much time many men and great labour having been often formerly spent in the same War in taking the meanest and least Castles Philippo Doria and County Guido when they saw Burbone approach near Rome were without receiving any Orders march'd away with their men the one out of Orvieto the other out of Cevita Vecchia to assist the Pope But being prevented by Burbone who had block'd up the Avenues to the City they soon return'd to from whence they were come And the Duke of Urbine following the Enemy though somewhat the slower by reason of the hinderances his Army met with came therewith to Viterbo where finding the Country wasted by the Enemy he was forc'd to stay for want of victuals not having above seventeen thousand Foot in his Army of the thirty thousand which by obligation of the Confederates it ought to have consisted on so much was it diminished by various accidents The Light Horse and the Foot going often out of these Quarters got many Booties which they took from the Imperial Souldiers as they came loaded with prey from Rome There is nothing so calamitous so bitter wicked nor cruel which Rome did not at this time undergo Falling from the height of all prosperity to the very bottom of all misery which affords a notable example of the change of fortune and of the frailty of humane Affairs for in the times last before these to wit in the Popedome of Leo the Court of Rome was gotten to a great height and to such a magnificency and splendor of living as there was nothing of worldly felicity more to be desired in her Great store of Courtiers men excellent in all arts Pallaces princely adorned abundance of all things So as the people of Rome being inriched by the concourse of so many Nations and by the profuseness of their expences lived merrily and luxuriously and though Clement as well by nature as by accidents of War was somevvhat more sparing and modest yet this course being once begun the same manner of life vvas still continued both in the Court and City The Dutch and Spanish Foot being entred the City as hath been said they became barbarous with much rage and fierceness to all things not distinguishing between what was sacred and what was profane without any bounds to their avarice or lust sacking rapine and other miseries which attend the conquered and which use to end in a few days continued in this City for many moneths the souldiers grew furious against the popularity killing as well such as were unarmed as such as were armed sparing neither Age Nation nor Profession having assaulted the houses they made the Masters thereof Prisoners taking away what they had of most precious nay using torments to make them discover what they had hid and shewing no more respect towards churches they with their wicked and sacrilegious hands robbed Altars took away holy Reliques from the Shrines and the piously consecrated vows of many devout persons of all Nations and violating even the holiest Pixes thâ—y threw the most blessed Sacraments to the ground and that they might leave nothing uncontaminated or free from their wickedness they dragg'd noble Matrons out of their houses and sacred Virgins out of their Monasteries and stripping them stark naked led them through the publike streets and most libidinously satisfied their dishonest wills Nor were the greatest and noblest Prelates of the Court more secure then others to whom the Dutch Foot principally using all sorts of scorn and infamy shewed the immense hatred they bore to the Church of Rome This miserable Fortune and so many grievous calamities made all men confess that the ancient ruines brought by the Northern Barbarians to the City of Rome were renewed nay that the cruelties of the Goths and other barbarous Nations was so far out-done by these most cruel and wicked men as their detested memory would last longer then that of any others But the scourge of this miserable people did not determine in the power of men for thorow the nastiness of these base people and by their dissolute way of life or were it thorow the maligne influence of the heavens great sicknesses ensued soon after which growing contagious slew men suddenly so as the infected fell down dead as they walked and talked in
afterwards close with his enemies The Venetians were then six thousand Italian foot two thousand Lansknechts thirteen hundred Light Horse and two thousand Curassiers The French foot exceeded not seven thousand though the King payed for a great many more And this counsel proved very lucky for it kept the War far from the Common-wealth it hindred the further proceedings of the enemy it preserved the City of Bullognia by the reputation of the neighbouring Forces which was in the more danger by reason of the Intelligence held between the Imperialists and Bentevoglii whose faction was grown the greater by the addition of the Malvezzi wherefore the Venetians at the request of Cardinal Cido who had the Government of that City sent two thousand Foot to guard it But the scarcity of victuals and the many sore sicknesses by which the Army was much diminished hindred them from making any attempt Out of these reasons the enemies forces being much increased and those of the Confederates diminished the Pope despairing of being soon relieved applyed himself wholly to Treaties of agreement Wherefore he very much desired the Duke of Urbin that he would suffer the Viceroy to come safely to Rome hoping by his means to obtain better conditions then were then offered him by the other Imperial Commanders which succeeded otherwise either for that the Viceroy had not authority enough to do it or else for that minding himself more then the Pope he agreed rather to those conditions which might please the souldiers that he might win their favour and be made their commander then to those which made for the Pope's advantage who still continuing earnestly to desire an agreement for he had been often deluded by those of the League they came presently to an agreement but upon hard and dishonorable Conditions and which were often afterwards refused by him He being thereby bound to pay 400000 Duckets to the Army and to put into the Imperialists hands the Castle of Angelo the Forts of Hostia Cevita Vecchia and Cevita Castellana and moreover to cause the cities of Parma and Piacenza to be delivered up unto them for all which he was notwithstanding not to be then set at liberty but to be carried to Gaetta and there to expect Cesar 's resolution touching what was to be done about the ratification of the Agreement and concerning his person and the like of many Cardinalls and Prelates which were in the Castle The Venetians were much displeased at this since by these Articles Cesar's Forces and reputation were greatly increased having lately incensed Cesar yet more against them by having given Commission to their Embassadour That together with the King of France's and the King of England's Embassadour he should require Cesar to set the Pope at Liberty and in case of denial they were all of them to denounce war against him But it being known that it was great necessity the fear of his own person and chiefly the hatred which the Collonesi and the Dutch Foot bore unto his name and person which made him accept of so prejudicial tearms believing that he might easily change his minde and that time might make way for better fortune they resolved to hinder such things which post factum would be hard and perhaps impossible to do therefore for the preservation of Cremona they caused their Army in Lombardy which quartered in the Territories of Crema to pass over the river Ada that it might garrison those Cities hinder the delivery of them up disturb the business agreed upon and to keep the Imperialists in work and to weaken them by laying waste the Country about Milan and Pavia These forces of the Venetians were then about 10000 foot 500 Curassiers 700 Light-horse under the command of the Duke of Urbine and of Commissary Dominico Contarini to boot with 3500 foot which the Duke of Milan who was come according to his promise to the Army had brought with him Yet they did not purpose as yet to fall upon any important Action for they expected Lautrech's comming who being gone from France with part of the Forces which were destin'd for the enterprise of Italy was already come to Piemont The Commanders differed in their opinion touching the way of managing the war some thought that it was best that the French should joyn with the Leagues Army which being again advanced were quartered near Narni these alledged for their advice that fit occasion might be taken from the disorders and inconveniences of the Enemy of obtaining their chief end which was the Pope's Liberty by drawing to the walls of Rome since that the Cesarean Army by reason of the Plague which was in that City and thorough the licentiousness wherein the souldiers had lived for many moneths past was much diminished both in numbers and Vallour the Foot lying some within some without the Town without either order or military Discipline and many of them going dayly in threaves from the Camp so as by the addition of the French they might hope to prevail over the enemy and to drive them quickly out of Rome Yet others thought that the safer way to atchieve this was to force the Imperial Commanders to draw their men out of Rome to relieve the State of Milan wherein the war being still hottest it was thought the Enemy would not be able to make their party good no though they should recall their army from Rome and that the relief would either come too late or not be sufficient to stop the course of Victory so as many good effects might be wrought at one and the same time and peradventure a final end might be put to the war This being generally approved by the greatest party Lautrech entred the State of Milan with powerfull forces 8000 Switzers 3000 Gascones and 10000 foot which were led on by Peter of Navar and being come into the country of Alexandria he did not think it fit to advance any further without attempting somewhat with his Forces he therefore sate down before the Town of Bosco which was guarded by ten Thousand Dutch Foot which after some dayes battery yielded He with the like success got the Town of Alexandria soon after and put thereinto a garrison of five hundred of his men that he might be sure to have as he alledged a safe place for his men to have recourse unto in case of adverse fortune and likewise to receive those that were to come from France But both the Duke of Milan and the Venetians were much troubled thereat and it proved afterwards a great hindrance to the affairs of the League through some diffidence which grew among the Colleagues who grew jealous of the proceeding of the French for their having detained the City and through no small scandal that Lautrech took on the other side at this their jealousie The Venetians complained hereof by their Embassadours both to Lautrech and to the King himself placing the occasion of their dislike notwithstanding rather upon what judgment the enemy
would make thereof then in any self interest or doubt of theirs And Monsieur di Taberna who was resident in the Court of France on the Duke of Milan's behalf by not rejoycing nor holding any discourse with the King about this acquisition did by saying nothing witness as much his masters displeasure Which because it might produce many bad effects the Venetians laboured to free him of this suspition and to appease his displeasure witnessing the Kings good will and excusing Lautrech And that these their endeavours might be the more efficacious and to maintain the Dukes reputation as much as they could they sent Gabriel Veniero Embassadour to him to remain Resident with him Luigi Sabadino the States Secretary having been there till then Alexandria being taken Lautrech gave out that he would march with his Army towards Rome to free the Pope who though he had accorded with the Spaniards as hath been said was still kept Prisoner by them many difficulties being met withal as well in the payment of the monies promised to the Souldiers as in the assignation of the Strong-holds nor did Cesar seem to be well resolved therein though by his Speeches he sought to make the contrary be believed But the Venetians did openly oppose this course not but that they did equally with the King desire the Popes freedom but because they thought it little useful for the common affairs the same reasons and respects concurring then and being made more considerable by other new accidents which upon narrow examination before were by common consent thought sufficient to perswade that Lautrech when he past first over the Mountains was rather to come into Lombardy then into the Territories of Rome it being known that all the remainder of the War would depend upon the success thereof That there was great hopes at this time of getting the Cities of Pavia and Milan each of them being but slightly garrisoned and Antonio da Leva by whose diligence and discipline that State was more maintained then by his Forces being very sick and altogether disabled for action That if this occasion should be lost the condition of all things would grow dayly worse for the League for a great many Landsknechts were ready to fall down presently from the Country of Tinoll into Lombardy By whose coming the Enemy would become much stronger and it would be but in vain for the Confederates to attempt any thing But that if these men should find no safe receptacle in Milan they neither having Horse nor victuals they would be forced to alter their minds and to return home Time and opportunity would this mean while be gotten for the coming of the ten thousand Dutch Foot to the Camp which were raised with the King of Englands monies by which the Army being much increased both in reputation and Forces might with assured hopes of victory proceed on to the Enterprize of Rome and the Enemies would be soon driven from thence and the Ecclesiastical State and Liberty of Italy secured Lautrech being overcome by these reasons was content to march with his Army towards Pavia which not being timely succour'd by the Forces which Antonio da Leva sent thither from Milan fell easily into the Leagues hands and was sack'd by the Army the Souldiers using all sorts of cruelty to the Inhabitants because it was said that they boasted themselves to have quell'd the King of France by the imprisonment of King Francis which hapned whilst he besieged that City This News was very welcome to France the French men thinking that by this victory they had cancell'd the infamy of the Battle fought by that Nation in that place some few years before At the same time Andrea Doria was come to Savona with his Gallies and some others belonging unto the French where the Venetian Gallies were to have joyned with him to attempt the business of Genna it being thought that great advantage might have been made by that City if it should be reduced to the Kings obedience But after a whiles stay and before the Venetian Fleet came unto them a very fair occasion was offer'd of suddenly dispatching the business For the Genouese ships being come loaded with corn to the Washes near Porto Fino the Genouese being very desirous to have them come safe unto the City were gone out to meet them with 8 Gallies part Genouese part Spanish and put therewith into the same Haven Moreover understanding that Doria had landed some men and that making some Trenches he indeavoured to make himself Master of the Haven and to hinder any relief from coming to those Ships and so get possession of them they had sent Agostino Spinola thitherward with a company of select Foot to disturbe the Enemies works and to secure the Haven and the Ships Wherein they had good success for Spinola falling at unawares upon Doria's Souldiers whilst they were confused and in disorder put them quickly to flight though they were more in number and took Phillippo Doria Prisoner But News coming not long after to Genua that Cesare Son to Ianus Frigoso was come into the Valley of Pozzavera and incamped in a Town called San Pietra de l'arena with two thousand Foot and some Troops of Venetian Horse with which Lautrech had sent him to favour the business of Genua and that being gone from thence he was marching towards that City they were all of them on a sudden mightily afraid for that their best Souldiers were gone out of the City to Porto Fino and for fear of some rising in the City by reason of the several factions that were therein Wherefore the Adorni who had then the chief Government of the City apprehending these commotions sent to Spinola commanding him to come speedily with all the men he had with him and to relieve the City So as being inforc'd to abandon the Fleet he left it a prey for Doria into whose hands eight Gallies six of the Enemies Ships fell without any dispute or danger The mean while the Adorni joyning many others of the people to the Souldiers which Spinola brought along with him believing that by falling at unawares upon the few that Fregoso brought along with him he might overcome them and keep the City safe and quiet they went forth and drew near the Enemies Quarters Who being advantagiously seated fought more confidently and did not only make their party good but began to disorder them afterwards to make them run killing many of them and taking many of them prisoners amongst which chief Commanders Spinola was one Wherefore Frâ—goso pursuing his victory and not being retarded by a company of Spanish foot of the Garrison who were march'd out to relieve their fellows he routed them easily and march'd towards the City of Genua which being bereft of almost all defence and having many in her who were formerly resolved to surrender by reason of the love they bore to the family of Fregosi and to the French did receive in Cesare Fregoso and
his Souldiers into the Town not making any opposition And the Government being taken from the Adorni the City was reduced into the power of the King of France in whose behalf Theodore Trivulcio was left Governour there And the Venetians that they might not leave the valour of their Captains unrewarded added 30 more Curassiers to Fregosa's conduct and doubled his pay They likewise shewed some testimony of honour to Guido Naldo to Agostino Clusone Hanniball Fregosâ— Cesare Martinengo and to others who had behaved themselves worthily in this action The business of Genua being ended and Giovan Moro Commissary of the Venetian Fleet being come with 16 Gallies to Legorne where Doria waited for him they resolved to go with all the Army to the Island of Sardignia which they thought would be easily gotten and would make very much for the enterprize of Sicily But the counsel proved unfortunate for the Fleet being come near the City of Sardo and having got some maritime Towns it so fell out as there arose a great Tempest at Sea which scattered the Gallies and made them go several waies Some that belonged to Venice after being long beaten by the Tempest they got safe into Legorne others after having run much hazard got into Corsica whither also all the French Gallies were first come save two which were split upon the Sardignian shore And nothing being then to be attempted more at Sea the Winter drawing on and the Fleet sorely rent Commissary Moro came with his Gallies to Corfu At this time Pietro Laude was made General at Sea by the Venetians He was commanded to coast along the neighbouring Seas of the Islands and Dominions of Venice to secure and consolate the Subjects but chiefly that passing into Sicily he should bring away as many Ships as he should find loaden with corn in those parts and send them to Venice to supply the great scarcity of corn that the City was then in But the General having in this interim sent Commissary Agostino da Mula with two nimble Gallies and Antonio Marcello with four bastard Gallies to secure the Eastern Seas it hapned that Marcello being in the Haven of Suda in the Island of Candia and being told that a Turkish Gally was passing by the Island he believing that it was the famous Pirate Cortugoli who at that very time and about those Seas had rifled and burnt a Ship of Venice and cruelly slain all the Mariners and Passengers he put forth to Sea with a great desire to vindicate this injurie and without any farther knowledg having met with her assaulted her took her and brought her and her consorts into Bicorne where he might afterwards ken 7 Turkish Gallies passing by one after another whereof the Moor of Alessandria was Captain to whom likewise the Gally that was taken belonged but Marcello keeping his station and apprehending nothing especialy since he saw the Gallies dispersed afforded the Moor opportunity to assault him as he had designed to doe at unawares who having gotten all his consorts speedily together assaulted our Gallies on the flanck Marcello being affrighted at the unexpected assault sought to escape the danger by flying as did his consorts but not being able to be gone so soon one only Gally escaped and the Moor took the other two who carried them into Alessandria Which action the Captain being to give an accompt of he was comitted to the Magistrate of the Avogadori and was sent for prisoner from the Fleet but he dyed for very grief by the way And Solimar finding the Captains imprudency and the Senates respect in a civility not at all usual with barbarous Princes did not only send back to the Venetians the Gallies which were taken but also great store of Salt-peter along with them which was a very seasonable present at this time they having spent all the Salt-peter they could get out of the neighbouring places by reason of their continual Wars Soliman at the same time had given many other signs of his love and good will to the Commonwealth giving them free liberty to carry corn from Allessandria and from other of his Countries and using great civilities and expressions of love unto them in their greatest adversities Wherefore the Senate thought fit in correspondency to the effects of so great a Princes love whose friendship was very behooveful for the Common-wealth to send an express Embassadour to him who in the names of them all was to thank him for his so many testimonies of love to the Commonwealth and to desire the continuance thereof To this purpose Tonnaso Contarino was made choice of who had many rich vestments and other noble ornaments given him to present unto the Court Bashaws and chiefly to Ibrahim who was then in great esteem by reason of the extraordinary favour he was in with Soliman Whilst these things were a doing Lautrech returning to his former designs when it was thought that pursuing his victory he would have carried his Camp to before Milan past with all his men over the Poe and marched towards Piacenza with a resolution as he said setting all other things aside to endeavour the Popes freedom This caused much wonder in all men that abandoning the fortune and occasion which was offer'd him of putting a speedy end to the Wars of Lombardy he would leave such reliques thereof behind him as in time would be harder to be supprest nay which might much indanger what he had gotten since none but the Venetians staid there and the Enemies expected great and sudden succours Which made many men doubt that Lautrech did this rather out of his own particular affection or out of some of his Kings interest then by any care he had of the Popes freedom It was very certain that he was very highly offended at the complaints that the Venetians and Francisco Sforza had made touching the affairs of Alexandria and likewise that at this time the treaty of agreement with Cesar was closely followed for which it made much for the King that the whole state of affairs should remain as yet uncertain and doubtful And this jealousie seemed to be the better grounded since Lautrech who went so hastily and so unopportunely from the state of Milan proceeded afterwards very slowly in his mâ—rch and that after the arrival of the Dutch foot the expectation whereof he alledged in excuse formerly for his delay he stayed still loytering at Parma Nor did the Army of the League make any greater progress which being brought to Monte Falco spent their time idlely though the weakness of the Enemies Army afforded them occasion of making some attempt Whence the Venetians began to suspect that the Duke of Urbine out of some particular respects of his own did not proceed with such sincerity as he ought to have done wherefore they set a Guard upon his Wife and Son who were then in Murâ—no But the Duke having sent a Gentleman of his one Horatio Florido to Venice that he might get leave to
one of which went for two Gallies and that this made very much for the enterprize for these might keep and live at Sea in the Winter and might counterpoise those kind of Vessels whereof the Imperial Fleet consisted they excused themselves likewise by the necessity they were in to keep many men of War at Sea to secure the Navigation of their Gallies of Traffique from so many Pyrats with whom the Seas were fester'd and yet that they might not be wanting to the prosperous success of the undertaking they promised the King if as the commanders advised more men were to be raised they would contribute readily to that expence which was thought to be very useful nay requisite every one believing for certain that when the Imperial Army should part from Rome it would go for Naples But above all things it was thought to be of very great concernment to draw the Pope into their confederacy which they had the better hopes to do for that he in his giving an account to the King of France and to the Venetians of his agreement made with the Emperour did very much excuse himself as of a thing done out of great necessity confessing himself to be very much obliged to the Princes of the League and that he had been severely treated with in all things by the Imperialists Wherefore the Venetians after he was out of the Castle and was come to Orvietto sent Commissary Luigi Pisani presently thither who was in the common name to condole with him for his past sufferings to testifie how greatly displeased they were at it and how endeavour some and diligent they had been to procure his Liberty and how great their joy was to see their desire effected That the Commonwealth had willingly employd their forces therein and had been at the expence of maintaining so great an Army at a time when they were enforced to keep another Army on foot in Lombardy nor had they refused to undergo any whatsoever danger for the preservation of the dignity of the Apostolique See and for the particular conveniency and safety of the Popes person and that they did still continue in the same readines and in a great desire to revenge the so hainous injuries done unto him and to the dignity he represented and not to suffer that the Majesty of Popedom and the Ecclesiastical State should for the future be exposed to such danger and indignity as they saw by experience might easily happen when the Imperialists had Territories and powerful Forces in Italy that it became his great wisdom to foresee and to provide against so great dangers and to endeavour by all means possible to keep himself and his successours from falling into such eminent evils and not to suffer that the time of his Popedome should be contaminated with the perpetual memory of misery and calamity That the King of France the King of England the Florentines and the Duke of Milan were in this of the same opinion with the Venetian Senate That a great desire might be seen in them all not to suffer so great an insolency pass unpunished That these wicked ones had provoked the anger of man and God against them That it was not to be doubted but that justice and innocency would at last prevail and that he should gloriously be restored to more then his former greatness That therefore all the Confederates did desire and expect with assured hope that his Holiness assisting their pious intention by his authority would as the head thereof confirm their confederacy and ratifie once more the things wherein he did formerly joyn with them for that That first agreement ought to be prefer'd before this last since the first was made by him as Pope and willingly and that he had consented to the last being compell'd thereunto as a prisoner desirous of Liberty The King of France made the like Intercession having sent Monsieur de Longeveille to Rome to witness unto the Pope his constant will to compell the Emperour Charles by force of Arms to grant those things which they had propounded unto themselves as the end of their Confederacy These addresses were graciously listened unto by the Pope who returned many thanks unto the King and to the Senate seeming to wish much good to these Princes but being notwithstanding very irresolute and doubtfull or as he said considering his office and the condition of the times and troubles he inclined to neutrallity and would not so soon commit himself again to the uncertain events of war suffering himself peradventure to be prevailed with by Cesar's speeches who had written very civilly with his own hand seeming willing to adhere to his counsels and to put the Treaty of Peace into his hand Or it may be more likely that beginning then to think upon those things which were afterwards discovered being overcome with an ardent desire to revenge the injuries done to himself and the house of Medici he had forgotten all other offences that he might the better resent those but he endeavoured by various excuses and delayes to conceal it For should he have discovered it he might have caused such mistrust in Lautrech as he might likely enough have altered his resolution of advancing to assault the Kingdome of Naples which appeared to be onely means of drawing the souldiers out of Rome But this his will not being yet revealed Lautrech who expected assistance and favour from him did with more fervency pursue the design against Naples Therefore after having tarried long at Bullognia whither he was come after the agreement made with the Pope and the Switzers Dutch and Gascone Foot which he expected to reinforce his Army being come unto him he resolved though it were in the midst of winter to march with all his men towards Naples not being to be disswaded by the many intercedings of the Venetians who for the security of their own affairs for the new stirrings of the Dutch Foot and for the service of the Florentines and Duke of Milan's Confederates desired that the Army might not be carried into parts so far off as it might not be ready upon any occasion to assist all the rest but Lautrech being constant to his resolution went by the way of Remaga and La Marca thinking it better for the conveniency of Victuals and intending to pass by the way of Tronto into the Kingdome of Naples whether the Venetian Forces were sent before being divided into two parts the one of which was led on by Valerio Orsino and Commissary Pâ—sant and Camillo Orsino and Pietro Pesaro followed with the other and in their march they took Civitella Sulmena and many other Towns of l' Abruzze which yielded of their own good will There were in the Venetian Army some Troups of Albanesi Horse to the number of 500 who were commanded by Andrea Ciurano a noble Venetian who amongst the rest won great praise in all actions were very serviceable to our Army and as much the contrary to our enemy
were overcome Moreover monies which came to him from France falling far short of expectation and being not sufficient to pay the Souldiers he feared that if the business should be spun out at length he should not be able to maintain the Army But Lautrech's nature was more prevalent with him then all other reasons he not being accustomed willingly to listen to or to value the opinion of others or to forgoe that advice which he had once thought to be well taken So as though he had every day reason to alter his minde and to accommodate himself unto the times yet would he never give way to remove his quarters nor to give leave to any one to be gone till extream necessity infor'd him to do that which reason should have perswaded him unto For many dying dayly not onely of the private souldiers but of the most principal personages as Luigi Pisano and Pietro Pesaro both of them Venetian Commissaries and not long after Valdemonte many others who fell dayly sick were carried to Gaetta and to other neighbouring places and others without leave abandoned the Camp But Lautrech was yet more molested at another accident which broke all his hopes of good success Andrea Doria not being satisfied with the French left the Kings service and took pay of Cesar. Many things had happened which had alienated Doria from the French but especially a disdain which he conceived for not being esteemed or rewarded as he thought according to his deserts he not having obtained the place of being Admiral at Sea which honour was at this time conferr'd upon Monsieur de Barbesi nor been able to procure that his Country Genua should have the superiority over Savona as she had formerly had many signes having already appeared of this his ill satisfaction the Pope had begun formerly to suspect Doria and had signified as much into France exhorting that he might be kept better affected to the League and not to suffer him to bethink himself of passing over to the Enemy with so many Maritime forces to the great prejudice of the common Affairs But the King being at this time jealous of all the Popes proceedings his advices were of less authority with him Yet the King finding this at last to be true and thinking it a business worth consideration and not knowing how to remedy it or being peradventure desirous to free himself of this expence without being thereby disadvantaged he earnestly entreated the Pope that he would take Doria into his pay whom he found inclined to serve the Church and not to suffer Cesar's forces to be so much increased by the addition of his Gallies The Pope seemed to have the same desire but being loth to do any thing which might displease the Emperour excused himself as not being able to do it adding that when he should by the Kings means have recovered Ravenna and Cervia he might more freely lay some tax upon the Ecclesiastical estate and apply it hereunto Wherefore Doria agreed with Cesar to serve him with 12 Gallyes and to receive for his sallary sixty thousand Duckeâ—s a year This alienation of Doria's was very prejudicial to the Colleagues and to the business of Naples for the Venetian Gallies being now left alone were forced to quit the works about the Trenches which their Slaves wrought upon and to fall to guard the Seas and Admiral Barbesi being come with 16 Gallies from France not daring to go to Naples stay'd loytering at Savona having landed many of the foot which were destined to relieve Lautrech that they might guard Genua so as things more grievous and more prejudicial arising every day from this accident the League went daily less in reputation and those of the Kingdome who favour'd the French were as much discouraged as they were before inheartned and put in hopes by Brunswick's rout Yet to make good the enterprise of Naples as much as might be there were some Barons who depended upon the French partie as the Duke of Gravina the Duke of Castro the Prince of Melsi whose ransome not being payd by the Imperialists had made him turn over to the French and some other principal personages who raised some number of Foot to assist Lautrech and to maintain the reputation of the League and of the French in the Kingdom But Lautrech could not make any speedy use answerable to the present occasion of the men that were with Renzo in Civita Vecchia by reason of the Pope's dubious counsels who being press'd first by Lautrech in high tearmes and little less then threats to declare himself for the King and afterwards in a more submissive manner and and with promise to re invest his family in their Country could not notwithstanding be brought to any settled resolution seeming in words to be zealous of the common good and that he had no other object then peace the which that he might mediate with better success and more fidelity he would not forego his neutrality But there appeared many signs to the contrary that he had a good inclination to make his friendship with Cesar upon particular Articles Yet being unwilling to make Lautrech more his Enemy before all things were concluded he said that his declaring was not of any great importance since as he had often said he had not sufficient Forces to joyn in any enterprise but that without renewing any further confed'racy the King of France might assure himself of all safety from the Churches Territories and not to be any wayes incommodated thereby Through these resons the forces of the French army grew daily weaker and disorders did increase more and more And on the other side the besiegeds hopes did better in beleiving to be able to maintain the Siege and to bring all things to a good end The forces so often demanded by Lautrech and as often promised by the King came not as yet from France and the people which were mustered in the Country were not sufficient to recruit the Army nor to supply the needs of all military actions there was great want of all things in the camp for the Enemies Horse issuing forth often to disturbe their victuals which was brought them from adjacent places had made them of Besiegers become besieged and by cutting off certain Aqueducts had deprived them of their best water The inconveniences were so increased as there was not any one company in the Camp which was not sorely infected the Souldiers grown weak and weary could not wield their Arms but throwing them away neglected all Military exercise kept no order nor discipline and grew full of despair Insomuch as many Souldiers and especially the Curassiers abandon'd the Camp without their Captains leave the Captains were some of them far off being gone into other parts to be cured some kept useless in the Camp being seized upon by grievous sickness Amongst the rest Lautrech himself fell sick being not less afflicted in mind then in body by reason of the great danger whereinto he saw
no other Army in Italy then those few men that are with Monsieur St. Paul and which are so much lessened as they exceed not the number of five thousand Foot So as we see that if the counterpoise of the French Forces be totally taken away whereby Cesar 's greatness may be moderated all Italy must necessarily be either subject to him or depend upon him or if any one Potentate shall preserve his Liberty he must live at perpetuall expence and in continuall jealousies of so powerfull an neighbour To all which mischiefs and dangers it is well known there is no sufficient remedy but the coming of the King of France into Italy For how negligent and full of delayes the French are in making Provisions for the war when the King is not present in person the fresh examples of so many of his Armies routed and ruin'd out of this onely respect may sufficiently witness Moreover If the Emperour shall come as the French Army ought to be in all things at least equall if not superiour to his it must be accompanied with like reputation which can only be effected by the King's presence which will help as much as almost an other Army will make the Pope declare for the League will confirm the Florentines and the Duke of Ferrara and will make all the people and princes of Italy ready to assist and adhere unto him in all his enterprises so as either Cesar will be kept from coming or if he do come he will meet with such a counterpoise as will frustrate all his disignes and will make him pass quickly back again over the Sea These advantages are not to be expected by making any attempts upon Spain which can but little or not at all avail our intentions For Cesar knowes that his situations being strong by Art and Nature and his Castels being excellently well garrison'd the King can make no important nor speedy advancement there nor can he tarry there long but rather is in danger of consuming his army through severall sufferings in that barren Country Where whilest mountains and walls shall fight against the King Cesar finding in Italy a fruitfull Country weak Cities and those but weakly garrison'd he will possess new Territories he will fortifie those which he is already possess'd of and will confirm himself in the possession of the greatest and best part of Italy But it may peradventure be said that the one may be done and the other not left undone the Affairs of Italy may be provided for and Spain may be assaulted He who shall be of that opinion may be sâ—id to deceive himself willingly For late experience shews the contrary we see how great difficulties and what impediments are found in bringing men and monies from France to recrute the Army commanded by Monsieur St. Paul and to bring it into a condition of being able to extinguish the little remainder of enemies which are yet in Milan under Antonio da Leva and yet the King is not imploy'd in any other enterprise I pray you what do you think the event will be when the king shall have carried with him the prime Flower of his Nobâ—lity to the borders of Spain or when the Emperour being strong in Italy there will be need of greater Forces to resist him then those which are now requisite and yet we find a want of them Assuredly the best Commanders and best Souldiers will be where the Kings person is monies and all Provisions for war will be carried thither for both the king and kingdome and not without reason will have chief regard to those things wherein the glory and safety of their king and Nation concern'd immediately and yet on the other side if the French do not gallantly recruit their Army in Italy the field must be yeilded to Cesar at his first arrival whereof being Master he will possess himself of all Cities and strong Holds which will have but small hope of being reâ—ieved by weaker Forces Therefore since it is impossible to attend two enterprizes at once and to negotiate them both with safety and hopes of bringing them unto a good end I know not why we should doubt of chusing that wherein the benefit appeares to be greater and more certain and the danger further off and more uncertain But I beseech you since it is so positively affirmed that if Cesar bee molested at home it is not likely that he will have leasure to think upon the affairs of Italy he being to prefer the preservation of his own Dominions before things further off and more uncertain Why will not we do the like by providing principally and primarily for the safety of Italy by the most assured and most immediate way and not dream upon prejudicing Spain nor seek how by a fallacious and far fetch'd remedy to obviate a certain and apparent danger nay we should rather value this reason the more and the more observe this rule for suppose the enterprise concerning Spain succeed prosperously what fruit shall we reap thereby But Cesar is possess'd of severall Territories in Italy so as by comming into them he may hope to secure them and keep them from being prejudiced so as whether he stay in Spain or come into Italy his business goes on advantagiously and is likely to prosper so as his counsell can never be blamed as peradventure ours may be there being so great a disparity between them T is true what is said to the contrary that we should have as great a care in keeping the King of France from increasing too much in power as in abasing Cesar's greatness Yet if I should enter into the consideration of all the particulars in this point this opinion would peradventure prove not to bee so absolutely true nor would the reasons nor respects of these two Princes prove alike But let us give it for granted let us see a little whether the condition of the Times and the present estate of affairs being considered we ought now to apprehend the power of the French so much or be jealous of the King of France his coming into Italy We have for many years last past been joyned in strait League and Amity with that Crown which being but for a very little while interrupted was soon redintegrated Moreover the King of France hath not at this time either any State nor many Forces in Italy nor means of getting any without our help and assistance On the other side we meet with many pretensions many difficulties and many occasions of diffidence in Cesar so as it is iâ—possible to have him our Neighbour and not to be jealous of him But that which imports most is Milan holds of him and many Towns in tâ—at State the City of Naples and the greatest part of that Kingdom and he hath still two Armies on Foot the one in Lombardy the other in the aforesaid Kingdom And shall we at this time and with these concomitances value things alike And shall we fear the power of
they might doe well to assault some of those Towns which were possess'd by the Imperialists to do the which those of Otranto who were already up in arms offered themselves if they might be assisted and thereby make the Enemie raise their camp and betake themselves to defend their own affairs But this advice being communicated to Renzo da Ceri he thought it would be better to take in as many Souldiers as they could into Monopoli from whence they might sally out at unawares and assault the Enemy within their camp their Army being become very weak by the departure of the Italian foot and by the weariness of the Dutch To this purpose the Prince of Melfi being come to Monopoli with 2000 foot whom the Marquis had labourd very much both by perswasions and offers though all in vain to draw over to side with the Imperialists The Besieged sallying out one morning early before the Sun-rising assaulted the Enemies Camp furiously on several sides and fighting in the Trenches though they could not overcome them did them notwithstanding much prejudice for they were often forced to send fresh Souldiers to supply their places who were slaine But they could not as yet make them dislodg their scituation and their Rampiers being very strong But not long after the Marquis understanding that the Venetians were preparing great store of Gallies to bring more Souldiers and Amunition into the Town desparing of any good success he gave over that enterprise and retreated with his men to Conversa and so to Naples Thus the Confederates began to have some better hepes by reason of the Marquis his retreat and by the valient defence of Monopoli So as many Barrons and others repenting that they had adhered to the Imperial party grew ready for a new rebellion which incouraged the confederates to make some new attempt Wherefore the Venetian Senate finding that their Fleet was like to ly long idle at Corfu expecting the coming of the French Fleet whereof they heard no certain tidings and which was very slow in preparing they ordered the General to pass into Puglia whither being come with a good many Gallies he lay before Brandizzi hoping that by reason of the affection which the Inhabitants bore to the Venetians he might easily win that Town as he did And receiving it upon Articles preserved it from sacking and from being injured by the Souldiers and he made Giovan Francisco Iustiniano Governour for the Town to keep it for the Common-wealth He fell then suddenly to besiege Castelli the particular care whereof was committed to Camillo Orsino who playing upon it and begirting it on all sides had brought it to a bad condition yet hoping to see the Emperours Fleet quickly in those Seas they held out This mean while the Venetian Fleet infested the Sea even to Capo d' Otranto to the great prejudice of the Imperialists In this action Simone Romano was slain a bold and valiant man and one who had done much service to the League and won much praise to himself in many actions At this time General Pesaro fell very sick wherefore he got leave of the Senate to retire unto Corfu to be cured and Vicenza Cappello was chosen in his place to retaine the same degree and Authority untill Pesaro should be well Who recovering sooner then was expected Capello came not as then unto the Fleet but the next place was reserved for him upon the first occasion Things being in this condition the Prince of Orenge knowing that the confederates forces were not so weak as to be wholly driven out of the Country nor so strong as that they could do any thing of much importance or were it that Cesar desired that the Popes satisfaction should be preferr'd before all other respects that he might have him his friend and confederate when he should come into Italy resolved after he had put Garrisons into the most considerable places to go with the rest of his men towards Perugia to drive Malatesta Baglione out of that City and then to go into Tuscany to put the Medici into their Country again Wherefore the Duke of Urbine apprehending that these men would fall upon his State went suddenly from the Army to look unto his own affairs upon this so urgent occasion The Venetians were much displeased with this the Generals absenting himself at so unseasonable a time both in respect of their own great Interests and for fear lest the French growing either really jealous or picking some fained suspition out of this accident would grow the cooler in making their provisions for War The Senate therefore resolved to send Nicolo Tiepolo forthwith to the Duke who was intended to have been sent unto him to the camp to acquaint him with the new conduct of affairs and earnestly to intreat him in the name of the publick to return immediately to the Army and that he might the more willingly do it they sent him money to raise three thousand Foot who were to guard his State But there was no need thereof at that time for Orenge understanding that the Count de l ' Aquila and Camillo Orsino called Pardo having assembled many of their neighbours together were come to Câ—muli and that their numbers increasing every day it was feated they would make some considerable commotion changed his mind and would not as then go out of the Kingdom fearing some greater insurrection by reason of the many extortions which the people suffer'd under who in that respect began to hate and detest the name of a Spaniard Wherefore he thought it best first to suppress these reserving his former purpose till another time this suspition being over the Duke of Urbine came forthwith to the Army and as soon as he came resolved to march therewith to Milan Monsieur de S. Paule having let him know that he meant to do so too They were hereunto invited by the Imperials straits and by the good success of the French for though two thousand Spanish Foot were come to Milan who were first intended for the relief of Genua the Genueses refusing to receive them their inconveniences were as much increased by their coming as their forces for they were to be paid and fed though there was great scarcity of monies And on the contrary many Towns beyond Tassino had surrendered themselves at this time to Monsieur de S. Paule so as almost all that Country was reduced to his great honour and conveniency under his power Both these Armies met at Borgo S. Martino five miles distant from Milan where having long debated how they were to prosecute that expedition it was resolved that they should incamp about the City of Milan with two Armies to the end they might begirt as much of the wall as they could and weaken the Enemy by making them defend several places at once But the Commanders were not so forward not diligent as was requisite to effect this advice for the French said there were fewer Foot in the Venetian
wrought upon his body making him fall grievously sick to be cured of which malady he was carried into Brescia Whilest the Armies were quartered thus near together many skirmishes past between them wherein most commonly Leva's souldiers came by the worst who desirous to repair himself by some more considerable action sent Cesare da Napoli with three thousand Foot beyond the river Ada to plunder the Territories of Brescia and Crema which the Duke of Urbine having notice of he left Count Giazzo with the Camp and went with some of his Souldiers to lie in Ambush near the place where he knew that the enemy was to pass the river and suffering some of them to pass over he fell unlooked for upon the rear who were yet upon the banks having sent the Light-horse back to block up the way that the enemy might not escape back to their own quarters Cesare da Napoli surprised by the unexpected danger caused the bridg to be broken to keep the Duke from passing over to fight him so as the souldiers who were yet unpass'd and were in number about one thousand five hundred were either slain or taken prisoners And it happened that amongst the rest a Spanish Captain was taken prisoner by a woman of a large stature and manlike spirit who being clad in souldier-like aparrel belonged to the colours of Count Giazzo who sending one day by way of sport for the Spanish Captain who was taken prisoner to come before him he shewed him Malgaretone so was this woman called by the Souldiers and told him that this was the souldier whose prisoner he was the Spaniard looking upon her said that he had comforted himself in this his misfortune in his being made prisoner by a valiant man as she seemed to be but when he knew the was a woman being overcome with shame and disdain he dyed of very grief within a few dayes The Armies kept many dayes after within their quarters But the Duke consulting with his souldiers wherein several things were propounded desired very much so to incommodate the Enemy as to make him forsake his quarters and at last he resolved having some advantage and using Art and military discipline to bring Leva to a battel He therefore placed all his Artillery only in one place from whence he went forth with all his Foot and horse carrying onely three pieces of Artillery along with him intending to leave them behinde and to retreat as soon as the skirmish should be begun seeming to do so out of fear and necessity so as when the enemy should advance to get the Canon he might disorder them by shot of Canon from the Camp which if it should happen he would sally out again and fall upon the enemy with greater violence when they should be disordered and in confusion But this could not be done as it was first projected for Count Giazzo being too far advanced with some of his Foot and the baâ—â—â— being begun a great way off his quarters and not being able to make his party long good with those few souldiers which he had he was forced to retreat in some disorder though in his own person he behaved himself gallantly So as it behoved the Duke seeing him in distress to advance speedily with the rest of his men to relieve him which he did with such resolution as the Imperiall Foot who were at first so forward in pursuing our men retired to their quarters in great disorder being still followed and damnified by the Venetians Leva lost in this action above one thousand five hundred Foot so as he durst not send his men any more out of his Camp nor attempt any thing but was much perplext being full of thoughts and difficulties He could not tarry longer where he was for want of Victuals wherein he suffered very much nor could he hope though he suffered so much to get any good he thought it stood not with his honour to retreat to Milan which would be as much as to say he did it for fear and being driven away by a much lesser number of Enemies to enter into the Venetian State was to small purpose and not without much danger all their Towns being very well garrison'd and on the other side the inhabitants of Milan were very exceedingly discontented and ready to despair by reason of the Souldiers extortions and injurious proceedings Insomuch as they had a great inclination to mutiny all of them crying out aloud for their Duke who was then with his men in Cremona nor did they doubt but that the Venetians being very desirous to see him reinstated would be willing to hazzard their Forces if they might see any hopes thereof But at last Leva being almost inforc'd so to do retired to Milan Who being gone the Duke of Urbine's desire was to remove his quarters nearer Mousa But the Senate being somwhat jealous that Sforzâ— negotiated some agreement with the Emperour which if it should prove so the way would be so block'd up as their Army could not succour Bergamo they thought it better that he should go with his army to Lodi that they might the better discover the Duke of Milan's minde But whilest these things were in Treaty the news encreased every day of the coming of the Dutch Foot and that they were to enter into the Territories of Verona to joyn with Leva the Senate resolved to bring all their Forces so within the Cities of their own Dominions Wherefore the Duke of Urbine having received such orders retired with part of his Army into Brescia and Count Gaiazzo went with the rest into Bergamo the Duke having by the opinion of all men won great praise and the renown of being a valiant and expert Commander in all these actions But Ianus Fregoso growing still sicker and his Melancholy humour encreasing for that he saw the affairs of the Camp proceeded so much differing from his opinion dyed within a few dayes to the great grief of the Venetians who had been very well pleased with his loyalty and dexterity which they witnessed sufficiently by conferring honour upon his three sons making Cesare General of their Light Horse Alexander Conductor of their Curassiers and Hannibal a Colonel of Foot At this very time there was continual negotiation of agreement had between the Emperour and the King of France wherein Margaret of Cesar's Aunt was the chief stickler whom he had authorized to treat of Peace and to conclude it Wherefore she having sent several Agents to the Court of France and the business being already begun the King thought good before any further proceedings should be had therein to send his Chamberlain Leluzbâ—iardo to her into Flanders to see Cesar's Commissions and to examine whether they were really such as were sufficient to conclude a business of such weight and he finding them to be very ample the King likewise destined to send his Mother to Cambray where she might meet with the Lady Margaret and negotiate and stipulate the particular conventions
weak foundations his own affairs stood and how impossible it was for him to maintain an Army and tarry any longer in Italy That it is a general rule what is acceptable and advantagious to an Enemy is to be shunn'd as that which may produce contrary effects to the adverse party That this which had an appearance of humanity and looked like a desire of peace and quietness was only a piece of cunning in the Imperialists to conceal their weakness and to make it be believed that they intended the common good when they did only endeavour their own advantage But suppose said these men that we may do well for the present tâ— agree with Cesar it will be fitting at least to expect what the result will be of the convention at Bullognia where Cesars mind and intentions may be better discovered especially touching the settlement of the Dutchy of Milan upon which the best grounded resolution of peace ought to depend by the obligation of ancient and new confederacy and by the disposition of the Commonwealth her self introduced by many weighty Interests That it was also probable that the Pope though he were not very well pleased with them as touching the towns in Romagna would not notwithstanding for the Churches interest and his own break the friendship and peace between the Emperour and the Commonwealth the safety and honour whereof did finally result to the accommodation and grandezza of the Apostolique See as that also the present peace would make for the business of Florence which the Pope did then so fervently endeavour to the end that all other respects and jealousies being laid aside Cesar might for the Popes satisfaction turn his Forces into those parts and bring them to a sooner and a more certain end These reasons wrought much upon the minds of many men who being now wonted to War were unwilling to lay down Arms unless with great honour and safety to the Commonwealth insomuch as they did for that time forbear the chusing of Commissioners to send to Mantua to treat of peace and resolved to send Secretary Andrea Resso to the Marquis To return their thanks for his offer and for the good Will which he seemed to bear to the Commonwealth excusing themselves for that they could not at the present resolve upon a Treaty since the Emperour and the Pope were to meet quickly at Bullognia to find out an accommodation for all the affairs of Italy and for that Bishop Bosoniences the Popes Nuntiâ— had interposed himself in that business and particularly in what appertained to the Commonwealth This mean while the Pope being gone from Rome went to Spoleti and from thence to Bullognia to expect the Emperour who came thither some few days after the five and twentieth of October which was the day the Pope entred that City As soon as they met the Treaty of Peace began both of them seeming desirous to settle Italy in a firm condition of quiet The first and most important businesses to be accorded were those which concerned the Duke of Milan who after many former practises and endeavours for which the Protonotary Caracciole and Don Garziadi Padiglia were gone with several propositions from Piacenza to Cremona resolved having formerly obtained a safe conduct and being councell'd so to do by the Venetians who for his greater honour sent their Embassadour Mark Antonio Veniero to accompany him to go himself to Cesar in Bullognia for one thing which made the business more difficult was that Cesar took it ill that Francisco Sforza should not humble himself to him as it became a Vassal of the Empire to do and that he did negotiate his business either too arrogantly or at least distrusting too much Cesars either justice or clemency The first thing which disturb'd this Treaty which was before brought near a conclusion was that the Imperialists would have the Cities of Pavia and Alessandria delivered up into their hands as pledges for the observancy of what should be agreed upon which Sforza following herein the counsel and opinion of the Senate who had put great Garrisons into those Cities and had lent the Duke ten thousand Ducats to maintain them utterly refused to do This demand having renewed in him and in the Venetians their former jealousies that the Imperialists desired to appropriâ—te the State of Milan unto themselves wherefore the Pope desired those Cities might be deposited into his hands which the Duke said he could not do without the consent of the Venetians alledging that it would be better to refer the discussion of his cause to the convention at Bullognia And thus he spun out the time without coming to any conclusion When Sforza was come to Bullognia where he was graciously received by the Emperour his business was brought to this conclusion the Pope interceding therein to whom Cesar had promised that he would not dispose of the State of Milan without his consent that his cause should be decided by Justice Whereunto the Duke did more willingly consent then to any other proposal to shew that he relied upon his own Innocence and upon Cesar's Justice But the Venetian Senate seeing that the agreement with the Duke of Millan which had been the chief cause of beginning the war and of the continuance thereof was in a fair way of being concluded sent Commissions to Gaspero Contarini who was their Embassadour with the Pope to treat and conclude of peace if they could agree upon particulars they having been very much and with great expressions of love solicited thereunto by the Pope who promised to interpose both his authority and favour with Cesar concerning this Treaty The Embassadour Contarini when he met the Emperour at his first entrance into Bolognia was very graciously received by his Majestie but nothing was as yet treated of saving general civilities which shewed a good inclination to friendship and peace When the Embassadour had made it known that he had Commission from the Senate to treat of an agreement and that therefore he desired to know upon what tearms it was to be made The Emperour seeming to correspond very much in a will and desire to peace deputed the Lord Chancellour Granville and Monsieur di Prato to this negotiation in which Treaty the Pope himself would intervene At first there was great hopes of comming to a speedy agreement but when they drew near a conclusion new doubts and difficulties were started which made it be believed that but little sincerity was intended therein chiefly for that though many endeavours had been had the Imperialists could not be brought to remove the Dutch Foot from the State of Venice who continued still to the number of about ten thousand in the Territories of Brescia and did prejudice the Country much And moreover twenty five Gallies being parted from Cevita Vecchia to go for Naples it was publickly said that these together with four more which were in that Haven were ordered to go into Puglia So as all expences and provisions
being exhausted by the late wars they could not well find monies for so great an expence therefore they were forced to have recourse to other means amongst which they thought that to seize on the Tythes of the Clergy within their Dominions which were very many was a very good course which they endeavour'd to obtain of the Pope wherein they proceeded with him with much dexterity and humanity But yet they could not overcome many difficulties which stuck with him so as the business was protracted nay to a double displeasure of the Venetians he designed to lay two tenths upon all the goods of the Ecclesiasticks throughout Italy meaning to make use of these monies as he said in assisting the Catholick Cantons of the Switzers against which the Hereticks had taken up Arms. So as the Commonwealth was not only deprived of this benefit of Tythes which being to be taken out of the Incomes of their own Territories seemed imployable for the benefit thereof but occasion was thereby given of greater disturbances by the jealousies given to the Turks that these monies raised in the Popes name might be for the service of some League to be made against them Yet the Senate though they were deprived of these aids and of all hopes of ever attaining thereunto the Pope being mightily scandalized for that out of confidence of obtaining this favour they had begun a little too early to exact them would not delay making requisite provisions but overcoming all difficulties resolved for the present to arm fifty Gallies which were forthwith put to Sea in excellent order But this great noise of war did soon after cease of it self for Soliman being gone into Andrinopolis with intention as was given out that he might mind these preparations the better gave himself so to the delight of hunting and did so defer the affairs of war as he did not this year trouble any place with his Forces Yet the Venetian Fleet was not all this while idle the Sea being full of Pyrates who assembled together in great numbers infested all the Seas and disturb'd navigation and commerce But these were driven away in all parts and many of their Vessels were taken and destroy'd to the general advantage and to the great praise of the Venetians At this same time the King of Hungary though he kept himself in good order for war and that his forces were greater then Ferdinando's yet were it either that he did expect succour from the Turks for his greater security or that he feared the aid which Charles was said to prepare for his brother or that he desired to accommodate his affairs rather by treaty then by arms by reason of the little confidence he had in his own Subjects did not attempt any thing Thus Arms being suspended as it were by a tacit consent on all sides he sent Iovanni Lasco Embassadour to the Emperour from whom not being able to get any resolution Lasco past on to Ferdinand and meeting with no less doubts and difficulties touching his proposals in him he intended to go to other German Princes to treat of his Kings affairs with them but his safe conduct being deny'd him by Ferdinando he was forc'd to return to Hungary But King Iohn made it known by other means in the Dyets which were held in several parts of Germany and especially amongst the Hereticks that he might keep Ferdinand from being assisted by them that Soliman would esteem them his friends or enemies who should appear friends or enemies to the Kingdom of Hungary And leaving nothing unattempted he sent his Embassadours also to Venice desiring the Senate that they would mediate both with the Emperour and Pope to imbrace his cause and bring affairs to some composition wherefore the Senate knowing that King Iohn was resolved to try all extreams so as he might keep his Kingdom and that the Turks were still ready to defend him they that they might remove all new troubles and dangers from Christendome readily imbraced his cause and moved the Pope in his behalf But they could not do much good therein for the Pope were it either that he did rather favour Ferdinando then King Iohn or that he was really so minded seemed more inclined to have the business decided by Arms then by Treaty So as the rumours of war beginning again to be renewed and Soliman having more certainly published his resolution of coming with very powerful forces into Hungary to recover the City of Strigonia which was possess'd by Ferdinando the Pope sent his Nuntio the Bishop of Verona to Venice to require the Senate to delare what their intentions were and what they would do if the Turks should return with an Army into Hungary and to desire them that they would joyn with the rest of the Princes of Christendom in shewing their good will to oppose these common Enemies The Senators werâ— very doubtful what to do herein they were set upon on one side by their zeal to Religion and State Policy by reason of the great danger which accrew'd to the Commonwealth by the increase of their Neighbour the Turks forces who were Enemies to all Christian Princes And on the other side they were afraid they should find but little constancy in the Princes and that to shun more uncertain and farther distant dangers they might run upon such as were certain and present Their inward thoughts were very fervent but they cooled therein apace when they considered the nature of the business The Enemy being very strong and their friends not likely to agree in uniting their minds and forces and that these very things had been many times proposed rather to shew an appearance of zeal then out of any resolution or well grounded hopes of effecting the thing propounded So as neither totally imbracing this invitation nor yet seeming altogether averse thereunto they return'd this answer to the Pope That the desire of the good of Christendom was ancient and hereditary in the Venetian Senate but that as this made them readily willing to do any thing tending to the service thereof so did it grieve them that the present condition neither of times nor affairs would suffer them to shew it That the greatest Princes of Christendom were now at great odds so as there was small hopes that they would joyn their forces against these common Enemies That the Commonwealth was too weak of her self to oppose the Turks with any hopes of much advantage That they might affirm their State did confine for the space of two thousand miles leading from Cyprus to all Dalmatia upon the Turks in whose power there was always likewise great numbers of their Citizens and of their subsistances to a great value which things imposed upon them a necessity of temporizing with the Turks and which would not easily permit them to declare themselves their Enemies That they did notwithstanding very much praise the wisdom and piety of the Pope in fore-seeing and in providing against the dangers of Christendom but that
they did trust their too just and too well known respects would be both acknowledged and allowed of throughout Christendom But Ferdinando though he saw all these indeavourings of Leagues would prove vaine hoping that he might obtain better conditions by Armes then those that were profferd him by King Iohn despised all Treaties for he was already declared in the convention of Cullen to be the King of the Romans and Successor to his Brother Charles in the Empire and he had got many aids in the Diets held at Lins and Prague and hopes of greater succours from his Brother But the Venetians continued still in their indeavours for peace and having sent their Embassadours to Ferdinando to congratulate his new dignity they inserted many speeches wherein they exhorted him to imbrace peace and to make good the hopes which were conceived of him that as a wise and an excellent Prince he would above all things study the peace and good of Christendom Peace was the more indeavourd and desired by those who did sincerely desire the common good and considered the conditions of the present times because it was known that grievous Wars and the beginnings of other calamities were threatned elsewhere for the Kings of France and England finding that they had opportunity offer'd them of molesting the Emperour by reason of the necessity he lay under of defending the Territories of his own family and of the Empire from the Turks plotted several waies how to make War against him The former being moved by his antient desire of recovering the State of Milan the other by a new distaste conceived against Charls for defending his Aunt wife to Henry but who was by him repudiated through the desire he had of another Wife They therefore joyntly endeavour'd to egg on many German Princes against Charls who were not well satisfied with him and they themselves prepared for Arms So as it was imagined that nothing was expected to the making of War but that the Turks should be the first who should draw the Emperours forces into those parts whereof greater and more certain rumour now arose for Soliman who heard daylie of these intentions of the Christian Princes and thinking for the same reasons to find Cesar busied in several Wars at one and the same time seemed every day more resolute to defend and maintain the cause of his friend and confederate King Iohn and more desirous also to recover the reputation of his Forces which he thought was not a little lessened by his retreat from Vienna In the beginning therefore of the year 1532. he went to Andranopoli where he divulged what he intended to do and having before his departure shewed both in words and actions a great desire of preserving friendship with the Venetians he had given order for the expedition of the great Gallies which for the aforesaid reasons had lain idle in Soria and in Alexandria permitted all free commerce to the Merchants of that Nation laying aside the thought of reducing the business to Constantinople readily granted the carriage of Corn and Saltpeter out of divers parts of his Dominions giving many other signs of putting an esteem upon the Commonwealth and of his desire to continue peace with her But being intent upon assembling his Army he had sent orders to all the Spacchi of Greece these are a sort of men who serve on Horseback receiving a perpetual proportion of land granted them by the Prince to come and meet him well provided with Horse and Arms. He had likewise demanded such Auxiliaries from the Tartarians Wallacchi and Transilvanians as they were bound by Articles to send unto his Camp so as having taken the field and begun his march he had when he came neer the confines of Hungary about an hundred and fifty thousand souldiers amongst which there was twenty thousand gallant Janizaries all foot bred up from their youth perpetually and solely to this sort of Militia When Soliman was come with this his Army to Belgrado a Town lying in the lower Hungary he made it be proclaimed that he would give Battel to Charls the Emperour and assuring himself of victory he insolently threatned that he would drive him out of Germany and assume unto himself all the Rights and Territories of the Western Empire affirming them to appertain unto him as to the true Emperour and Lord of Constantinople But Charls had raised a no less powerful Army to oppose these Forces which he had gathered out of almost all the Nations of Christendom which was greater and gallanter then had been seen in many former ages and herewith he stayed expecting the enemy before the Walls of Vienna All mens minds were held in suspence touching what would become at this so great a rumour of War chiefly the Venetians who for other important reasons were much concern'd in this business and were very solicitous in expecting what the event would be but in their wishes they were for the Christians and permitted the souldiers of their dominions to go to the Emperour and did that underhand which they were not allowed to do in publique But truly it was very miraculous that so great a preparation for War should produce no notable effect on either side for Soliman without passing any further and sending only one of his Captains by name Cassone to pillage Carinthia and Stiria who was afterwards supprest and destroyed by the Count Palatine returned back to Constantinople and on the other side Charls not having ever stirr'd with his Camp from before the walls of Vienna for his Captains thought it not safe to quit that quarter that they might not go far from Danubius and go into the open champagnia whereby they might want the conveniency of that River and be exposed to the violence of Solimans so numerous Cavalry having received certain news whither the Turks were gone dissolved his Army suddenly and leaving a Garrison of Souldiers with his brother resolved to come himself in person into Italy and to pass from thence to Spain which gave the French occasion to upbraid him with this sudden departure when their King was at another time accused by Charls for keeping him from advancing against the Turks since as they said when he himself was in Arms and free as then from all other Wars he had not used opportunity of pursuing the enemy but suffered him to retreat with such safety and conveniency as that he carried away above thirty thousand Prisoners from off his Territories So as it seemed Cesar was to confess either that he had not forces sufficient or else courage and resolution to fight the Turkish Armies At this very time the Imperial and Turkish Fleets were gone forth very strong to Sea wherefore the Venetians thinking it became them both for the honour and safety of their State to Arm so as they might be provided for whatsoever should happen they resolved to add a great many Gallies to their Fleet and to constitute a Commander of great authority over
the most barbarous and Foe-Nations were called in to the prejudice and ruine of Christendom and the very State of Venice behoved to be concern'd therein all her Art and indeavours whereby she had fought amidst the troubles and dangers of others to preserve her selfe Newtrall amongst Princes and to keep friendship and peace with all not being able to free her You may know by what hath already been related what the thoughts of Francis King of France were and how he was bent to leave nothing unessay'd to weaken the power of Charles the Emperour and to revenge the so many injuries which he thought he had received from him Wherefore he had oft-times tri'd the Venetians and indeavoured by severall wayes to alienate them from Câ—sar And lastly he had sent Monsieur de Rhodes to Venice who filling the Senators with great hopes and promises laboured to make them alter their resolution of continuing in League with the Emperour but all to no purpose the Venetians being as firm in their faith to Cesar as they were far from desiring any thing which might disturb the quiet of Italy Wherefore Francis failing of this hope and his anger against Cesar increasing for that he had assaulted him within his own Kingdom and knowing that he was not able of himself to effect the businesse of Millan so long as it should be defended both by Cesar and by the Venetians He thought he could compasse this his desire by nothing better than by pursuing the friendship which he had already begun with Soliman whereby he hoped either to get the Venetians to side with him or else to make them forbear favouring of Cesar the reasons being known to be very great which made the Venetians highly value Solimans authority And on the other side the Emperours forces might be diverted and the defence of the State of Millan weakned by the comming of the Turkish Fleet into Puglia or into other Rivers belonging to the Emperours Dominions The King therefore turn'd all his indeavours towards Constantinople where though he had his Embassador Iohn Foreste resident he notwithstanding sent Don Serasino da Gozi of Ragusa with new and more efficacious orders and with larger promises This man meeting often with the chiefest Bashaws proposed many things to them which being represented to Soliman might make him comply the more easily with the King demands As the greatness of Charles the 5th the which if not moderated would either become formidable or at least suspitious to all other Potentates to the diminution if not of their States at least of their reputation and dignity the easinesse of the attempts that might be made against him especially in the Kingdom of Naples by the conveniency of the country and since by a short cut at Sea the Turkish Armies might passe from Albania into Otranto and at the same time draw near those Rivers with their Fleet. The generall hatreâ— which those people bore to the Spaniards Government nay that the dispair of some of the chiefest of that Kingdom was such as promised readinesse to imbrace any occasion which might tend to novelty and change of Government whereby the way would be opened to the further abatement of Caesars power Agiate and Luftebei were then of great authority in that Government as those who being in the first rank of Bashaws after they had with much praise discharged the place of Belgerbei of Asia which purchas'd them much reputation Luftebei being the grand Signors sisters Husband and one of the six Bashaws della Porta and both of them great enemies to the name of Christianity and who often after Ibraims death had counsel'd Soliman to turn his forces upon Christendom making use of this occasion and applauding the French Embassadours proposalls much amplifying also the reasons promoted by him indeavoured to set Soliman upon the Enterprise of Italy They amongst other things minded him of Mahomets example a wise and valiant Prince who with a prosperous beginning had easily taken the City of Otranto and by the terrour of his Arms put all that Country into great confusion and opened the way to his acquisition of the noblest part of Christendom had not death interrupted his designs These things being represented to Soliman prevailed much with him who was ambitions of Glory excessive proud and haughty thinking that it made much for his honour that so great a King should have recourse to him for assistance against another powerful Prince his Enemy and thought he had a fit occasion offered him to forgo his enterprises in India and Persia wherein he saw he consumed many of his men without any great advantage without lessening his honour or the reputation of his forces He therefore readily promised the French Embassadour to molest the Emperours affairs the next summer with powerfull forces both by Sea and Land but thinking it of great concernment towards the effecting of these things to take the Venetians from off their friendship and confederacy with sendâ—anusbei â—anusbei one of the Dragomani della Porta to Venice to exhort the Senate thaâ— since there was a powerfull Army and Fleet to go from Constantinople the Common-wealth would shew her selfe a friend to his friends and an enemy to his enemies promising that he would see great respect should be given to the affairs of the Common-wealth and that he would preserve peace inviolably with them To which the Senate did with mature deliberation return answer That the Commonwealâ—h had alwaies fervently desired peace with all Princes and especially with the Ottaman Lords with whom they had â—ad long friendship to the free and advantagious commerce of subjects that they did still continue so firm and constant in the same resolution as there needed no further declaration thereof Soliman seemed well enough pleased with this answer a Prince asmuch as such qualities can have place in a Barbarian nobly minded and for the most part friend to what was just and honest But false complaints being made unto him by many of his people who for their particular respects and interests desired an interruption of peace of divers actions done by the ministers of the Commonwealth with little respect as they said to the honor and advantage of his Empire they perswaded him to permit that his Officers might also be allowed to do some novelties which might shew a mind ill affected to the Common-wealth and bring things at last to an open war Thus many Venetian Merchants being at Constantinople and in other parts of the Turkish Dominions upon their private occasions some were imprisoned upon severall false pretentions of delinquency and had their goods forfeited into the Exchequer two Venetian ships were imbargode upon various pretences the one belonging to Alessandro Contarini taken in the Seas of Cyprus by the gallies of the guard of Rhodes as a Pirates vessel and another in the havens of Alexandria alleadging that they were to make use of it upon important occasions There was also a new impost of ten in the
at such a time of need He urged the example of what was done in the late wars by Terra ferma wherein he said the citisens charity towards their country their union and alacrity towards the publick service was so gallant and so available as overcomming the perversnesse of fortune they had at last freed the Common-wealth from calamity and had returned her to that dignity of Empire wherein she now was That the present dangers were not lesse than the former had been though all things were as yet safe and entire being to resist an enemy who though he were but one alone had powerfull forces and the more to be esteemed for that they were governed by one sole respect and by one sole and severe command Which if they should prosper in this their beginning they would grow so bold that not any thing would at any time be secure from their injuries That hopes of assistance from others grew daily weaker the Confederates proceeding so slowly and so uncertainly as that they might learn thereby their truest and most assured defence lay in themselves Wherefore every one ought to out-do himself to supply the Common-wealth readily with his advice life and livelyhood That the publick Exchequer was charged with almost an insufferable burthen unlesse it should be assisted by the citisens readinesse for these new provisions for Dalmatia would cost above 25000 Crowns a month That the peoples minds were low and full of fears that they were to be cheered and comforted by their presence for whom the Empire was to be preserved to shew that they would accompany them in their pains and perill and that they are such as for their worth and constancy deserve to be faithfully served and to have all labour and danger undergone to be preserved in their dominion Let them therefore said he go speedily who are chosen to execute their charges and let all others upon whom any publick office shall be imposed cheerfully accept it whom duty doth not move let him value glory and who shall not esteem that let obedience prevail with him but if nothing else let necessity and the present dangers perswade them to be diligent and ready in all things The Prince his authority and the efficacy of these perswasions did with a certain noble bashfulnesse settle the mindes and thoughts of some who at first sought to be excused for executing those charges which were imposed on them But the Turks the greater provision they understood were made to prevent them the more they did hasten to assault Dalmatia and to make the defence weaker they resolved to assault severall chief Towns at one and the same time to the end that one might not relieve the other Having raised a masse of men at Cluina a place in the Turkish Dominions and entred with about 4000 Horse and as many Foot into the territories of Zara they assaulted Nadino the first Castle which belongs to the Venetians upon those confines whereof Sebastiano Sagredo was Governour The Castle was guarded by 150 Italian Foot who being terrified at the very sight of the enemy they without making any triall either of the Castle or of themselves surrendred basely with leave to be gone so forsaking the Town they went to Zara whither they brought more fear then help magnifying the enemies forces to excuse in part their own cowardise The like hapned soon after at the Castel of Laurana wherein was Vittori Zoranzo with the like garrison that was at Nadino and after having suffered one daies battery the Governour fled and the Castle fell into the enemies hands But Zemonico being abandoned by the Italian Foot was maintained by certain Slavonians who were brought thither by some Gentlemen of Venice of the family of Veniero to whom the Castle did particularly belong and Nona being then abandoned by our men and not valued by the enemy who not being able to get the Fort so soon which was possess'd by one of Zara and some of his companions they would tarry no longer in the Town so as it was soon afterwards provided of a new Garrison and kept under the Venetians Dominions The Turks having placed a good Garrison in Nadino and in Laurana kept with their Army in those confines making inrodes daily even to the gates of Zara so as our Souldiers were fain to keep within the walls though the Enemies Camp was not very near Antiveri Dolcigno and Sebenico were in the like danger The Saniacco Discutari came himselfe in person to Antiveri with a number of foot and horse and was already incamped between the shore and the walles and had sent some of his men to besiege Dolcigno But Bandelmiero who was Captain of the Gulph hearing thereof brought reliefe speedily to the Antiverini as also Generall Capello did soon after sending Men and Ammunition thither so as the Bashaw dispairing of any speedy good successe resolved to rise from before Antiveri and made those that were before Dolcigno do the like But part of those men who went at first towards Sebenico and who were assembled at Cluino and after the taking of Nadino and Laurana many of the Souldiers who were upon the confines of Zara went thither Yet not making up a full body of an Army they came not near the Town but onely pillaged the Confines The Sebenicans hearing of the Enemies approach resolutely prepared for defence and the people meeting upon the Piazza took a solemn oath not to yeeld to the Enemy but to undergo the worst of evills in preserving that City for the Common-wealth But the attempts upon the other Towns not going on so fast as it was hoped the Turks would meddle no more therewith having their thoughts sets upon Hungary Therefore mustering all their men and leaving 3000 men to guard the confines they went towards Bossina to passe into Hungary The Venetians were much rejoyced at the Turks departure from Dalmatia and those miserable people were freed from many calamities but mens thoughts easily altering with the change of affairs the Governours and Commanders of the souldiers in that Province who had been greatly injured by the Enemies the rather for that they had received notice of the losse of some Towns and of the pillaging of the whole Country they resolved to attempt the recovery of the Towns which the Turks had taken Wherefore acquainting the Consiglio di Dieci with their intention they said there were forces in Dalmatia sufficient to make some attempt that it was fit to keep those souldiers in exercise who through long idlenesse not being able to stirre out whilst the Enemy was so near and powerfull grew dayly more abject and having no hopes of booty their pay comming likewise slowly in could not be kept in their duties and in the exercise of the Militia They considered that without possession of those neighbouring places Zara must be in continuall danger having so potent Enemies so near at hand who keeping at home might in a manner besiege them The Senate
ancestors taken up Arms much to the praise of your magnanimity being moved thereunto out of these very reasons Can you peradventure doubt that my King who scorns to make any agreement with Cesar now when he may do it so much to his advantage will do it at any other time without you or without the great good both of you and hâ—mself or does it prevail with any of you that if Cesar shall chance to return to his pristine greatnesse he will remember that you would not take up Arms against him when intreated When it is much more likely that following the custome of all Princes but more particularly his own he will not value his own convenience and interest more then any thing that is done or could be done in his behalf Are not the Cities of Florence Sienna and Genua examples hereof which he hath rewarded for their many services done him with bereaving them of their liberties These things had a fair appearance but being well looked into it was found that they were not grounded upon any solid reasons nor upon any sound foundationâ— for to forgo Cesar's friendship which had been so many years pâ—â—â—erved with much prosperity to the Common-wealth out of avoiding uncertain and far-distant dangers appeared to be no good not wholsom advice and if they should have any thought of quitting their Neutrality and make another tryall of the Common-wealth's fortune how should they think this to be a good opportunity the season being already fâ—r spent for attempting any thing that year by Sea and having few or no Souldiers to make any important attempt by Land Nor was Cesar at so low an ebb but that upon agreement with the Germans which was still in treaty and was near effecting he might recruit himself and take the soreâ— revenge for the injury he should have receiv'd it being aggravated by the condition of affairs and time These things being maturely considered and added to the desire of peace to which the Senators were much inclined made them resolve by almost all their votes to give this answer to the Prince and to the French Embassador That they very much thanked both the King and Prince for this their forwardnesse to accommodate the Common-wealth which they would never forget But that they having been for many years past in peace with all Princes they were of opinion that they could not depart from it having no occasion to do so That in all things else the Senate would willingly correspond with the Kings pleasure desiring the continuance of all splendour and prosperity to his Majesty and to his Kingdom This answer being given the Prince did notwithstanding pursue his former purposes causing a meeting of severall personages of the French faction in the City of Chiozza to consult touching the managing of the businesse of Naples Here met the two Cardinals of Ferrara and Tornone Monsieur de Termes the Kings Lieutenant in Italy the Duke of Somma and other Dukes and Lords of the Kingdom to whom though the Prince did endeavour to demonstrate the easinesse of the enterprise yet they finding many evident difficulties therein it was not absolutely approved of Nay it so fell out as the same things being more maturely considered by the King of France himself he soon after sent to the Prince and to Monsieur di Selva wishing them to forbear proposing any such thing to the Venetian Senate But it was already done as you have heard and the Senates wisdom in their resolution and answer was generally the more commended And behold the face of affairs began soon to alter for the King of France receiv'd news that the Dutch were fallen from him alleadging for this their alienation that he possess'd three chief Towns Metz Tull and Verdane which did belong unto the Empire And Queen Mary having encreased her forces by the Flemish did with them besiege Eden a Town in Picardy And on the contrary grievous and contagious sicknesses fell in the Kings Army which made it of it self daily to dissolve Wherefore he was forced of himself to give over the enterprise of Luxenburg and breaking off the course of his victories to send many of his men to their winter-quarters and to bring the rest to the frontiers of his Kingdom to defend his own affairs This mean while 10000 Spanish Foot were come unto the Emperour and the Marquis oâ— â—randenburg who had at first adhered unto the King facing about joyned with all his forces with the Emperour whose example was afterwards followed by many of the chief of Germany who had first made the French colours be displaid being displeased with the King of France for not having been able to obtain somewhat which they did very much desire The Emperour having by these new accidents recovered his former ardency began to bethink himself of going in person with all his forces immediately to the recover of Metz though the winter season which came on and the condition of the City which was very strong both by scituation and art excellently well munited with a Garrison of 10000 French Foot and many valiant Commanders did advise him to the contrary All his Commanders differed from him in opinion but the businesse being unseasonably attempted met with conformable event for having much lessened his Army by the sufferings of many of his Souldiers he was forc'd to retreat having done more prejudice to himselfe than to the Enemie Whilst these things were in action another Combustion which had been long raked up in ashes broke forth in Italy The Senesi being no longer able to indure the insolent proud command of the Spaniard and having all things ready to drive out the Imperiall Garrison and to regain their Libertie sent to Rome to acquaint the French Officers with this their firm resolution requiring their assistance at this their so great need and promising to keep the City for the King of France The businesse whereof there had been formerly some secret Treaties had in France was willingly listned unto and order was given that many Foot who were under the French pay in Parma and Mirandola should march presently towards that City and soon after Monsieur de Lansack went thither himself in person the more to incourage the people So as according as it had been first ordered many armed people of the Country coming thither at the same time and many forrain Souldiers conducted by Nicolas Count of Petigliano the Spanish Souldiers were suddenly affrighted and driven by an assault out of the Town The Fort was slighted and many other things done in contempt of Cesar and his dignitie his Ensigns dragg'd about the street his Arms broken things which made this action appear more grievous to Cesar and which did trouble him the more and made him very desirous of revenge therfore to lose no time to satisfie his anger conceived against the Senesi and to keep the French from having another receptacle in Italy he commanded Don Piedro di Tolledo Vice-roy of
others having learnt by experience how unfortunate they had been in waging War with Soliman how powerful and formidable an enemy he had been to all Christendom and how little reason they had to trust to the help of other men or in the doubtful success of War having been much to their prejudice deceived in their hopes either by the insincerity of some of the Collegues or by the uncertainty of fortune At this time all men commended the Senates wisdom who could use such temper with the Turks as they should neither fear nor despise the Venetian name For as oft as any powerfull Fleet was put to Sea they spared for no cost to keep the maritime Forts munited and by arming their Gallies to give a kind of counterpoise to the Turkish Forces But they did still shun all occasions of interposing themselves in their designs and kept such friendship with Christian Princes as might seem to look more at their own safety then at the injuring of others and rather to the preserving of what was their own than to the acquiring what was their Neighbours Whence the Turks saw that the Venetians desired to keep friendship with them and that they knew how and were able to make War and be at enmity with them that they willingly avoided all occasions of making triall of their Forces but yet would not suffer such injuries as might be prejudicial to their Honour or State and by this means they had injoy'd peace for above thirty years Whereby besides the spinning out of time which made much for the weakest they did very much advantage the City of Venice wherein all Arts and Merchandize did flourish Whereby being much increased in inhabitants and in all sorts of Commodities they had lived a long time joyfully and contented in great tranquillity plenty the Citizens gaining much by traffick in the Levant and injoying their Revenues so long free from extraordinary taxes of War Yet were not all mens minds free from jealousies and troubles for finding that Soliman had studied Sea-affairs more by much then any of his Predecessors so as he sent forth almost every year a great Fleet the end whereunto not being known it caused much fear the Common-wealth being able by reason of her scituation to give a just counterpoise to the Turkish Fleets which grew now as formidable at Sea as their Armies had been some years before at Land so as feeling the inconveniences of War in time of Peace they were oft necessitated to Garrisonize their Forts knowing how little faith they were to adhibit to Infidels and to be in continuall expence and jealousie as may be known by what hath been said in the preceding Books But all men were chiefly concern'd in the care of Cyprus that Kingdom being a very considerable member of the State and which lying far from the City of Venice and being inviron'd round about by the Turkish Territories was in greater hazard of being possest by so powerfull Neighbours Being therefore intent upon the preservation of so rich and commodious a Province they had reduced the City of Necossia the Metropolitan of that Kingdom into a Fort-Royall and had added new Foot-Companies of those of the Country to the ordinary Militia of the Stradiosti and made other provisions for War indeavouring thereby to secure that Island and to bereave the Turks as well of mind as of means to assault it Thus this war which had been feared many years was defer'd all Solimans life time But his Son Selino succeeding him in his Empire all men grew quickly more afraid it being publickly given out that he had long had an inclination to the enterprise of Cyprus For before his Fathers death whilst he according to the custome of the Ottamans lived far from him in the Province of Magnasia having occasion by reason of the Neighbour-hood to receive severall informations of that Island and daily hearing much talk of the fruitfulnesse thereof of the Noblemens wealth and of the abundance of all things therein he had a great desire to possess it so as he said publiquely that when he should succeed his Father in his Empire he would seek to make himselfe master thereof It was also given out that Selino had begun to build a magnificent Moschea in Andrenopoli following therein the custome of many of his Ancestors who perhaps in imitation of those ancient Egyptian Kings who built Piramids and other Fabricks of a stupendious magnitude indeavoured to perpetuate their memorie to posterity by making royall Edifices He being therefore very fervent herein was told by the Mufty whose authority is as venerable in the Mahometan superstitious Ceremonies as is the Popes in the true Christian Religion that he not having as yet made any acquisition it was not lawfull for him to build a Moschey together wherewith many pious works were to be instituted and that it was not lawfull by their Lawes to employ any of the antient Revenue of the Empire in such things but onely the Incomes of such Countries as were conquered by him who would have so much honour done him Hereunto was added that it seemed Selino had not onely an occasion offered him to do this but that he was almost necessitated to make war somewhere that he might follow the footsteps of his predecessors who were alwaies used to do some notable action in the beginning of their Empire to win the favour and good-will of the Souldier the which it was thought it was the fitter for Selino to do for that he not being held to be a warlick Prince began to fall from that high reverence amongst the souldiers and people which was wont to be given by them to his fore-fathers War being therefore to be made it was not judged convenient for him to make it in Hungary and much lesse in Persia since the confines of the Turkish Empire were of so large extent as their Armies could not be conducted thither without much inconveniency they being much wasted by sufferings and by the length of the way before they could see the face of the enemy as had hapned to his grand-father Selino in the wars against the Sophie of Persia whom though he overcame in Battle yet he himself was overcome at last having in his return lost the greatest part of his Army by the length and difficulties of the march And as was more clearly seen in the last enterprise made by Soliman in Hungary wherein the getting of the Fort of Zighet was not thought answerable to the losse of so many of his best souldiers which ensued thereupon So as it was best for Selino to betake himself to some Sea-enterprise whereof none lay more convenient for him then that of Cyprus it being full of wealth and placed in the utmost precincts of the Venetian Dominions and therefore weakest as lying furthest from the heart wherefore it might prove an easie and a rich booty Whereas if he should go to the steril parts of Spain to attempt any enterprise he might
to Constantinople which is paid to the Turkish Emperours for the Kingdom of Hungary Wherefore the Senate used all the means they could by their Legier Embassadour that the Tribute might be kept unpaid till this Treaty were at an end which if it should be sent before the Treaty would be almost ruined before it was well begun and much prejudice would be done to the common cause of Christendom But notwithstanding the Emperour desired were it either by way of excuse or that he did really wish it that the Common-wealth would send an Embassador to be assistant to this purpose at the Dyet which was to be held at Spire by whose presence a businesse of that concernment might be therein treated of and concluded with more honour and safety wherein the contributions of the Princes and Hans-Towns of Germany was requisite without which Cesar could not resolve for certain to enter into the League nor expect any good thereby But no speech being had at the Court of Spain of the Confederacy which the King was contented should be treated of at Rome and had to that effect sent sufficient commission to his Embassador Iovan di Zuniga to Antonio Cardinall Gravella and Francisco Cardinall Pacecco the Popes Nuncio and the Venetian Embassador prest that Doria as soon as he should have got the Gallies of those Seas together which he had received orders to do might be commanded to joyn with the Venetian Fleet wherein the Kings Counsellors propounded severall doubts sometime alleadging that it was not fit that he who commanded the Kings Gallies should obey the Venetian Generall and that by the inferiority of his Forces he and his Fleet should be totally at anothers disposall sometimes seeming to believe that the Venetians would make use of this semblance and of the name of these Forces to treat with the Turks upon the better terms wherefore they affirmed that the Treaty and conclusion of the League was chiefly and primarily necessary But in Rome where the scene of the business lay the Pope knowing that to treat of every particular Article would draw to a necessary and very prejudiciall length proposed that since the King of Spain and the Venetians were already resolved to make this union the League should be publishâ— without any more delay as done in the same manner as was observed in the year 37 That the mean time those Forces which were in being should joyn to give more reputation to the common cause to invite the other Princes to declare themselves the sooner Companions and Confederates and to cause more fear in the Enemy and that the particulars of the agreement might commodiously be discust afterwards Whilst these things were a ripening thus the Generall Zanne was gone from Venice in the beginning of April and was come to Zara where the Rendesvouz of the whole Fleet of the people and provisions for War was to be that when all things should be ready prepared they might passe on into the Levant But the comming of some Gallies being delay'd as also Arms for the Souldiers and severall other instruments of War great store whereof were taken order for for Land enterprises and the design of using those Forces whereon great hopes were grounded by the conjunction of the Spanish Gallies being altered the Fleet was forced to tarry longer in that place then was thought for So as this long time of leisure which was for about two moneths began to be very prejudiciall to the Fleet for so many people being assembled together must needs suffer many inconveniencies which occasioned many maladies for that mens evill humours were not wasted by exercise which made many fall dayly very sick so as all the Gallies were but in ill order as concerning Souldiers and Marriners some desired for the incouraging of the Souldier whom they found to be miserably lost by idlenesse that they should make some attempt upon the neighbouring parts but this was gain said by many things for the Towns which the Turks are masters of upon those Confines are far from the shore so as there seemed to be much danger in attempting any thing with the foot alone and those most Italians most whereof were new men and â—nexperienced especially being unback'd by Horse the Enemies Country being full of Horsemen ready to go whithersoever there should be any occasion Moreover the places were such as there was no hopes of doing any good upon them by the sword and it was almost impossible to bring Artillery thither as well by reason of the mountainous wayes as for the want of Cattle It was likewise considered that to attempt any thing in the Gulph was not much to the purpose lest they might thereby draw either a great number of their Land men into those parts or perhaps their whole Fleet so as they must with more danger make War at home and excluding the Gallies which were in Candia and others at Corfu and likewise those of the Pope and of the Catholick King they must wrastle for the main businesse with but a part of their Forces Moreover it was not thought convenient for their businesse nor answerable to the opinion which the world had conceived of so great a strength to betake themselves to any slight imployment wherein if they should effect their desire the acquisition would not be a sufficient recompence for so great a preparation and if it should happen otherwise the reputation of the Fleet would be much lessened and the hopes of greater things But it being known from Rome by the Popes own words that Doria had orders from the King to joyn with the Venetian Fleet the Senate gave present command to their Generall that leaving four Gallies in the Gulph under one of the Governours he should go immediately with the rest of the Fleet to Corfu and there to expect news from the Spanish Gallies that he might go together with them to Messina and that when the Fleets should be joyn'd he should fall upon such enterprises as he should judge would make most for the Common-wealths advantage and whereunto God should open an occasion aiming chiefly at the beating of the Enemies Fleet but to be well advised in what he did and to proceed with maturity Wherefore Zanne going from Zara on the twelfth of Iuly he went towards Liessena where he met with six great Gallies and some Shipâ— which joyned with the Fleet. From Liessena he went to the mouth of Catharo and from thence straight to Corfu without making any attempt upon Castel Nuovo oâ— Durazzo for the fore-alleadged reason But before any news was heard at Venice of the Fleeâ—s being come to Corfu news came to Rome contrary to the former touching the joyning of the Fleets for Doria said that the orders he had received from the King were not such as that he was thereby to be gone with his Fleet and to joyn with the Venetians and though the Pope made his complaints thereof to the Kings Ministers of State and writ himselfe to
Nicossia 10000 foot for her defence whereof 1500 were Italians and all the rest Inhabitants of the Island to wit 3000 of the common sort 2500 of the City 2000 newly listed into the Militia taken out of the Country houses and paid partly out of the Exchequer partly out of private mens Purses and 1000 Nicossian Gentlemen These were almost all new men unexperienced and not over-well armed in so much as many wanting Pikes and Muskets were forced to use â—ills and Halberts But the City was very well provided of Artillery nor were there wanting such as knew how to manage them They had likewise great store of Pioners to make use of upon any occasion for to boot with 400 â—â—sted under Iovan Sossomeno they had taken in above 4000 more 〈◊〉 such imployments Yet amidst so many men and so much ground the Commanders not agreeing in the manner how to ordeâ— their in works this so necessary provision was left unperfect By these disorders these Forces were weakned which were certainly too few to resist so puissant an Army of the Enemies wherein on the contrary great observancy and reverence was giâ—â—h to the Commanders and all military actions being severely ordered were with strange readinesse observed Mustafa's authority who was a bold and warlike personage as also his reputation by the same which he had won by fighting in Selino's Army before he was Emperour against his brother Achomet the unhoped for victory which was then gotten being attributed to his forward valour The Souldiers who were accustomed to the duties of War to labour and hardships grew much more hardy by the opinion they had of their Captains worth and by the hopes of great reward which was promised them upon getting the victory There were as hath been said a great number of men in the Army the chiefe foundation whereof consisted in 6000 Iaâ—isarus and 4000 Spacchi these are Souldiers who are kept in continuall pay to serve on Horse-back and upon occasion do serve with others on foot valiant mentâ— and brought up in War Therefore the more humane foresight had been wanting to provide against such Forces the more did they apply themselves to beg assistance from God Solemn processions were daily made throughout the City which were done the more frequently and with the more devotion by the example and exhortation of Francisco Contarini Bishop of Baffo in whom Episcopall dignity became more honourable and reuerend by the ancient Nobility and by the riches of his family and by his own goodnesse and worth He being the prime ecclesiastick person for Philippo Mocenico Arch-Bishop of Nicossia was then at Venice was not wanting in performing such duties to those people which they could have expected from their own Pastour The chief of the City being one day assembled in the Church of Santa Sophia where were also many men of all conditions he spoke thus unto them If I shall look upon the greatnesse of the present dangers I cannot but much apprehend the common safety and as doubting the issue and with a submisse minde yield to adverse fortune And if on the other side I think upon your worth magnanimity fortitude and constancy I finde a certain warmth arise within me which encourageth me to hope for better things But if I raise my self from these more lowly cogitations to the consideration of divine providence and goodnesse my first fear is not onely allayed but is changed into an assured hope For when I observe the truth better I know that hard and difficult things become easye to such as are valiant and even impossibilities to faithfull Christians are made facile Therefore if you be not wanting in your antient and known worth and if you continue constant and stedfast in that faith which together with your own safeties you have undertaken to defend I am assured you wil find these troubles at the last not ordained for your ruine but for your praise and eternall glory We know by infinite examples of all ages how many sieges have been withstood and rendred vain by a few though the besiegers wâ—re very numerous Constant worth and a noble resolution of undaunted mind being sufficient to stave off greatest dangers But as for such whom God hath taken into his particular custody no powers of man hath been able to prejudice them nay Natures self the very Heavens and Elements have been subservient to them The waters stood still and made a safe passage to the Iewes through the midst of the sea the most scorched grounds afforded them fountains of clear water to refresh them withall and the Heavens gave them Manna a miraculous food to nourish them We are to hope for these or the like assistances from the hand of God for Selino Ottaman is a no lesse wicked and cruell persecutor of the faithfull then was that antient Pharaoh Nor are we Christians who are bought with the blood of his Son lesse dear to God or lesse beloved by him then any others have formerly been of which future miracle we have an evident late example which may perswade us to believe we shall share of Do you not know in what condition the Island of Malta was this time five year begirt by so long and so sore a siege oppugned by so many souldiers defended by so few void of all hopes of help and in all sorts of want and necessities Yet the defendants no whit lessening their valour nor loyalty for whatsoever adverse fortune the Barbarians power was rendred vain and uselesse and they were laught at for their over-daring attempt And that the power of divine providence might the more appear the Fort when reduced to the last extremity was freed from the siege by the enemy before it was relieved by friends You are to imitate these stout and valiant men by exposing your selves willingly to all the labours and dangers of war nay you must exceed them for those Knights being forrainers of severall Nations fought for religion and glory you do not onely defend these but also your wives children and estates so as all things both human and divine invite you to shew invincible valour and that the more readily and boldly as that you being free men and generous are to fight against slaves base and unarmed people wont to overcome more by their numbers then their valour Which advantage they at the present want this City being defended by strong walls and by so many great guns as this alone will be sufficient to repulse the enemy who if they shall dare to assault us you are sure of the victory if you can but withstand their first brunt For it cannot be long ere the succour come which you have heard our common-wealth is sending us with a powerfull Fleet which will never refuse to expose all her forces readily for the preservation of this Kingdom which she esteems as a noble member of her State and loves so well These humane provisions being of themselves sufficient to deliver us will through your
any order or discipline all over the City plundering the Houses destroying the Churches dishonouring Matrons violating Virgins and putting all to the Sword without any distinction either of sex age or condition So as the Turks slew that day above 20000 persons and those whose lives were spared by the cruell Enemy rather for their greater punishment then out of any charity were tyed in chains drag'd over the dead carkasses of their parents and friends and carried away Prisoners Thus that City which for many years had lived in great pomp and splendour and in great abundance of all things did in one day undergo all the extreams of calamity affording by this so horrible spectacle a new example of variety of humane affairs This sacking hapned on the ninth of September the fourth day after the Turkish Army was incamp'd before the City The booty which was exported by the Enemy and sent to Constantinople to be presented to the grand Signor and to the Bashaws was very great and rich yet did they not go away wholly triumphant for a ship which was loaded with many of the most precious things and with the better sort of Prisoners was not got far from the Island when the Ammunition falling on fire it utterly perished with all that was within it Nicossia being taken and sack'd Mustaâ—a leaving 4000 Foot to guard it march'd with his Army towards Famagosta for after the taking of Nicossia the Turks found no obstacle but easily made themselves Masters of all the rest of the Island All the other Towns being neither strong nor having people to defend them yielded suddenly to the enemy as did also Cirenes though Iovan Maria Mudazzo who had the custody of the Castle and Captain Alfonzo Palazzo in order to the advice and exhortations of those of Famagosta had some few daies before signified that they would defend themselves as long as they could Those of the Mountains did the like Scipio Garaffa Paolo Singlitico and others of the Nobility accompanied with many Grecian Priests and by a great croud of country people comming in suddainly to Mustafa and swearing fealty unto him so as now nothing in the whole Island but Famagosta held for the Venetians Mustafa therefore led his Army thitherward and pitcht his Camp at the Pomadamo three miles distant from the City making many Turks ride daily to fro within sight of those of the Town with the heads of divers chief persons who were slain at Nicossia upon their Launces to terrifie the souldiers and to make them desist from their resolution of standing out the siege He afterwards drew a little neerer the City making his Trenches with baskets full of sand for that that soyl was not proper for such works But those of the Town sallying out to skirmish with the enemy drove them twice from their Trenches and by their Artillery from the Fort destroyed three Forts which the Turks had with much expedition raised at St. Georgio at Priepole and at la Torre del Ocha whereby the besieged got no great good as it fell out afterwards for in a few daies they had consumed in this businesse onely more then 50000 weight of powder But because the winter came already on which was not seasonable for the siege which was likely to prove a long and hard businesse and because some of the men were to be employed in re-inforcing the Gallies by reason of the advertisment that the Christian Fleets were joyned Mustafa being desirous not to try his fortune again whereby he might lessen the glory which he had gotten in taking Nicossia had severall treaties with the besieged to come to an agreement Wherefore suffering Iovanni Sosomano whom he had taken prisoner to go into the Town under pretence of getting monies for his ransom he made many motions tending to surrendring the Town that he should tell the Governours and Commanders That if they would not of themselves resolve to surrender the City they might whilst they had time to do so write to their Masters at Venice to acquaint them with the condition they were in with how hard it was to hold out against so great an Army and to exhort them to make use of this occasion of accommodating their affairs with the grand Signior and consequently of securing their Dominions by yielding up that which they could by no means keep Mustafa made severall Letters of the same tenure be written and ordered it so as they might seem to be written by the Governours of Famagosta and come to the hands of the Consul at Constantinople But the Governours and people of Famagosta were resolved to hold it out to the last therefore they did not onely not listen to any such discourse but in stead of writing to the Senate for leave to surrender they resolved to write very effectually for reliefe And to the end that the condition of affairs and their own particular needs might be the better understood they sent Nicolo Donato to Venice who was then with two Gallies in the Haven at Famagosta with whom came also Ierolimo Rogozzoni Bishop of that City very well instructed with all things and â—it for such an employment But it is now time that we return to acquaint you with the proceedings of the Christian Fleet which parting as hath been said all joyntly together from the Haven at Suda came to Scythia where the Commanders began to give their severall opinions how those forces were to be made use of to the best advantage Some were for assaulting some of the Ottaman Towns and for the endammaging them as much as possibly they could upon their own confines whereby they might make them forego Cyprus and come with their Fleet and the greatest part of their forces to relieve themselves where their affairs should be endangered most Which if it should not so succeed yet it would stand with their first purpose to counterpoise the losse which they might suffer in losing any of the Towns of Cyprus which peradventure might be more easily recovered by that means then by defending it now Wherefore they affirmed this to be the safer and more advantagious course to be taken than to go for Cyprus whereby in many cases they might rather reap losse then profit for it would not be in their power to force the Turkish Fleet to fight which riding in good order being flanckt on both sides by great Vessells full of Artillery might keep upon those shores as in a safe haven and either not be brought to fight or if they should it would be a sure token that they knew they might do it upon great advantage Nor could they hope for more safety when they should be arrived at Cyprus for the good they could expect by landing their men to assist Nicossia could not be answerable to the danger they might incur the enemy being so strong and Masters of the field and to besiege the besiegers would be almost impossible since there was such store of victualls in the Island And
oppose him he was come near the very city of Venice making the terrour of his Arms be felt every where or else as it was afterwards conceived and as the effects shewed to bring safety and reputation by these forces to their affairs in Albania where the inhabitants were risen in severall parts who were fierce men and could not well tolerate the yoke of Turkish slavery By which risings whilst men hoped easily to take Alessio and Scutari they hastned the losse of Antiveri and Dolcigno whereunto many land-forces were already drawn near for the St. Iacâ—â—â— of Scopia Durazzo and Ducagini were joyned together so as their Army amounted to above 5000 men bringing with them ten great guns and many lesser The Marcovicchans who had rebelled against the Turks had made themselves masters of some strong passes which hindered the enemies Army from going to Antiveri and on the other side the garrison of Dolcigno assisted by the country people had possessed themselves of Corno and St. Georgio places upon the Botana which being very narrow and very advantagiously seated a few might keep a great many out Nicolo Suriano was likewise very seasonably come at this time who hearing what eminent danger Dolcigno was in had brought with him a good relief of men from Cataro with which the guards were made the stronger and the passes better secured And a little while after entring with two gallies into the River of Boiana they disturbed and damnified the enemy who were encamped about those shores by frequent shot so as for a while the Turks were doubtfull what to do and kept aloof off But hearing that the Turkish Fleet advanced the two gallies commanded by Michiele Barbarigo and by Pietro Bartalazzi of Zara went from those shores to go to finde out the Fleet at Corfu according to orders received from the Generall though their diligence therein proved unfortunate for meeting with some Turkish gallies they were taken by them The newes of the approach of the enemies Fleet made those foot be likewise sent for who as hath been said were upon the guard of the passes into Dolcigno it being feared that to weaken the garrison of that Town which was but badly walled especially on the side towards the sea would make the danger greater Wherefore the country people who were up being terrified and wanting both Arms and Commanders did likewise abandon the passes leaving the enemy's Army free entrance by whose advancing and by the still continuing newes that the Turkish Fleet was not far off those of Dolcigno being sorely affraid and thinking themselves not able to withstand so great a power by reason of their small numbers and for that the Town was not strong either by nature nor art began to think upon their own safety propounding the last desperate tearms of taking away the Artillery of the Town of embarcking themselves and all they could of theirs in some small Vessells and of getting safe to Cataro burning and ruinating the Town themselves so to keep it from falling into the power of the enemy from being serviceable unto them And whilst being yet rather resolved to fly then to defend themselves Nicolo Suriano and Sciarra Martiningo returned with fresh succour who entring the Town appeased the tumult and somewhat comforting the mindes of those who were confused through fear they made them prepare for defence The enemie's Camp this mean while approached and beginning to batter the walls with six piece of Cannon they quickly deprived our men of all defence so as a good band of Janisaries began already to prepare to give an assault Wherefore Martiningo not hoping long to defend the Town unlesse he were suddenly recruited by a great supply resolved that Suriano should return to Cataro with his gallies and bring with him a good company of French foot whom not long before he had conducted into Cataro which was very speedily done all that could being first taken from out his gallies wherewith the garrison of the Town was recruited These helps kept the defendants a while in heart But the enemies Fleet still advancing and Suriano being forc'd therefore to go from those shores they were all seazed on by excessive fear and the more for that Martiningo being then ill-disposed who standing underneath the walls had a stone which fell upon him which bereaving him of his sense made him for a while be thought dead he could not behave himself so as the occasion required Wherefore despairing to be able to maintain that Fort which was plaid upon both by sea and land where there was no materialls for Rampiers nor sufficient ammunition after having withstood battery twelve daies they were forc'd to yield leaving the Town in the Bashaw's possession which he received with promise of saving all their lives and goods and of allowing them four ships to carry as many to Ragugi as would depart thither and of treating those well that would tarry there and with particular permission to the souldiers to march out with their arms and colours Which conditions were afterwards but badly observed for some contention arising hereupon between Pertaw and Acmat Bashaw were it true or fained they took occasion to deal hardly with those miserable people who had submitted themselves upon his word making the souldiers and most of the townsmen prisoners and putting many valiant Albanesian souldiers to the sword They kept their word onely to the Governour to Martiningo and to some few others of the better sort whom they conveyed safe to Ragugi Dolcigno being taken the Army marched suddenly towards Antiveri where all by reason of their neighbours successe were full of fear though the Town being four miles from the shoar was safe from any fear of the Fleet but the Governour not waiting till the Camp drew nearer sent the keys by some of the chiefest of the town to the Bashaw for which he was afterwards sentenced by the Senate to perpetuall banishment And the Buduani Agostino Pasquillio their Governour being already gone forsook their Country and endeavouring to save themselves in Cataro and other neighbouring places were most of them taken prisoners and the town was first sack'd then burnt All things were now so full of terrour flight death and rapine as those miserable Inhabitants proceeded not by any counsell but by dispair whereby the ruine of their country became more certain to the enemy Uluzzali being thus gone with fifteen gallies to Curzola after having made much prey in the Island he drew near the Town from which though there were but few inhabitants in it being at first beaten back by the Artillery he forbore attempting it any more so as by a notable example 40 men onely making women put on military apparell and appear upon the walls to cause the number of the defendants seem the more were sufficient to save that Town from utter ruine and to keep off the Enemie Thus Uluzzali departed from Curzola and taking with him some Gallies of Caracosa went to
earth they digg'd out very forwards there remained sufficient space between the ditch and the bank for the Souldiers to keep in making use of the earth that was thrown out as of a Parapet behind which they might with aim shoot at the walles These Ditches and these Rampiers were so many and so disposed of as the whole Army was safely lodged therein though very near the city being as it were buried between those Mountains of earth so as from the walls of the city nothing of the Enemies Camp could be seen but the tops of their Pavillions In the same plain the Turks made ten Forts standing at severall distances 50 foot broad in the front which were secured with rafters of Oak woven together so artificially and so strong as the middle being fill'd with earth with bundles cinders sacks of wool and such like things those Forts were made defensible against any thing that could prejudice them and if any of these works were at any time thrown downe by shot from the city the number of pioners was so great as they were speedily restored to their former condition so as for above halfe a miles space from the Arsenall to the Limison Gate the walls were plai'd upon by continuall shot These were the forces provisions and designs of the Enemy by which the defendants being made more industrious and vigilant prompted thereunto by their own gallantry and by the danger they were in the souldiers and citisens were not wanting in any thing that might make for the defence of the city Thus at first though they were not so many as might counterpoise the Assalliants forces they sallyed often out to skirmish with the Enemy and to disturb their works thereby to shew their generosity and to lessen the Enemies confidence They were very diligent in securing the Parapets in making in-works in making new Cavalliers and in mending the old ones and sparing neither for labour nor ingenuity there was not any hour wherein they were idle nor any day wherein they had not new inventions All the Artillery whereof some new ones were cast and so their number still increased were brought to that part of the wall where the battery was expected Luigi Martiningo as Captain-Generall of the Artillery had the particular care thereof who had six underneath him who commanded all the Cannonieres so as all things were very well ordered They prepared likewise many artificiall fires to be used in severall manners which being made by excellent Masters did very good service and that they might not fight at once against the Enemy and against their own inconveniencies they put all uselesse people out of the city to the number of above 8000 which not being any ways injured by the Turks went to their country houses and mustering the rest there were found to be 7000 men fit for action in the city 3500 Italian foot and the rest Grecians who behaved themselves with much valour and fidelity in these actions These were still incouraged to defend the city out of hopes of glory and ample rewards wherein as in all things else Marc Antonio Bragadino who was then Captain of Famagosta and chief Magistrate of the city was very diligent and won much praise and the danger increasing by the Enemies nearer approaches Bragadino sought to incourage the Souldiers Telling them the time was now come wherein they were to shew their true valour which he saw them for these many last months nobly prepared to do That no greater glory had hapned to any in this our age then what was novv prepared for them by preserving a Fort so far from all other parts of Christendom against the power of the Ottaman Empire nay by thereby keeping a flourishing Kingdom from being inslaved by Barbarians Wherefore said he are you most valiant Souldiers directing his speech to the Italians com from parts so far off exposing your selves to the certain inconveniencies and great dangers of long Navigation if not to give good proof of your worth and by your merits to purchase the prime honours of the Militia You have now met with that you so much desired you have a large field wherein to exercise your patience your industry and all military virtues This City being assaulted by powerfull enemies and the eyes of all the world being set upon the event of this siege Nor is my confidence lesse in you Citisens and in all the rest who have entred into this Militia who have given so good testimony not onely of fidelity and constancy but of true valour Having performed all military actions as well and readily now as ever did any ancient Souldiers Your generosity is such as will not suffer you to let any other advance you in the defence of your selves country wives children and estates every one of you will with a noble emulation seek to exceed other in pains-taking and in exposing your selves to danger Let not the number of the Enemy any whit affright you for certainly it is lesse then it is noysed to be or then their empty Pavillions cunningly make shew of the most and valliantest of them being wasted partly by sufferings and part of them being gone to their own homes to enjoy the wealth they got at the sacking of Nicossia the example whereof ought to make you more vigilant but not more fearfull For we are certain it was not the valour nor industry of the enemy which gave them the victory but the defendants negligence who thought as I believe that it was bare walls not bodies of men that went to the defence of a City The hopes we have of speedy relief may make even cowards valiant which notwithstanding none of you ought to consider that you may not thereby lessen your courage but rather place your hopes in your selves and believe that you carry your fortune in your right hands Thus ought all valiant men do whereunto you are perswaded by infinite examples where worth and fortitude of minde have overcome invincible difficulties But we have an other greater hope of safety and victory since we defend so just a cause against so wicked and perfidious enemies whom peradventure divine providence hath permitted to be prosperous hitherto that the fortune of war altering their fall may be the greater All humane and divine reason doth therefore perswade us to drive away all fear and to hope for good and happy successe from our own daring These words were accompanied with great acclamations and expressions of joy every one striving to shew confidence and encouraging others readily to undergo labour and danger and the commanders to encourage their souldiers not onely by words but by example having already excellently well ordered all the guards went themselves to lodge upon the walls at the foot of the rampier that they might be present at all actions and partake in labour and danger By this time half May was over and all things were ready prepared on all sides chiefly the souldiers mindes which were miraculously disposed as
praise and merit got by their valour and encouraged them to hope for greater things As for the rest he sometimes threatned their cowardice with severe punishment promised sometimes great honour and rewards to their valour He held forth unto them the booty and prey they were to get which he confirmed by their companions having enrich'd themselves at Nicossia He entreated he conjured them not to suffer the victorious army incur any shame that they should not fear them to whom they had ever been a terrour He â—ad them remember Nicossia shewing them that they might get another noble victory and put an end to the war with more ease and advantage for that the enemy were still the same weak and unexperienced in the true Militia They therefore ought to be the same and to be mindfull of their invincible forces whereby they had got the glorious name of conquerours having hardly ever attempted any thing wherein they were not successfull teaching the world by their example that fortune of war obeys true valour The Bashaw having much encouraged the souldiers with these and the like speeches would be present himself at the assault to the end that seeing what was done being seen himself by others he might by his advice provide for all things by his presence encourage his souldiers This assault proved terrible dangerous the Turks fought valiantly hoping to get the city that day but our men keeping together and resolute to keep what they had could not be beaten off the enemy appeared no sooner but they were disperst repulst and slain their blowes proved the sorer to the enemy for that being made at a multitude none of them proved vain Thus for five hours space the third assault was valiantly with stood But those who defended the Ravelin of the gate Limisso being disordered by fire-works and not being able to govern themselves well in so little a compasse laboured still when the battle was almost ended in all other places and were much endammaged by the enemy so as being forc'd to yield at last they suffered the Turks to mount the Ravelin and all other helps failing the Captains by necessary but dreadfull advice resolved immediately to give fire unto a Mine which they foreseeing the danger had prepared in the same place and the souldiers of the camp and those of the city being intermingled on the Ravelin those pursuing these retreating both enemies and friends were blown up and buried in those ruines The Ravelin being lost there was onely the thicknesse of the in-works made as hath been said of bags of earth between the besiegers and the besieged so as the souldiers of the camp and those of the city spoke often together and according to the custom of war the Turks mockt and laught â—t our men for their vain hopes saying That the Christian Fleet was sled for fear back towards Venice and our men reproached the enemy for that like country people not like souldiers they used their spades and mat-hooks not trusting to the valour of their forces Amongst which jesting speeches some serious discourse was sometimes mingled the Turks made some proposalls of agreement be put by certain slaves that were in their camp which they had oft-times formerly endeavoured by severall Letters written sometimes to the Governours and sometimes to the common people of the city which were conveyed in by arrowes But no answers of comming to a parley was ever assented unto according as was desired Wherefore the Turks finding they could not prevail by their craft betook themselves to another assault by the Ravelin which they had already got When the combat was come to it was egregiously fought on all sides but chiefly by our men and to the singular glory of the chief commanders for stout Baglione encouraged his souldiers more by his example than by his words and placing himself amongst the foremost took as it is said the Venetian Standard which the enemies got at the taking of Nicossia from the hands of an Ensigne-bearer and Luigi Martiningo who had the particular charge of that place committed to him did discharge the part of a wise and valiant commander in all things did supply the battle with fresh souldiers often assisting those that were wearied entertaining the enemy where they fought most and repulsing those that gave back The Turks having received a repulse betook themselves to molest our men yet further with new machinations they filled up all the space which was between the gate and the Ravelin with wood and faggots which they set on fire throwing in severall mixtures that the combustion might be the greater whereby they did much torment our men by the heat and also by the stench of that wood which growes in that Island and which is called by those of the country Tezza which being set on fire makes a very horrible stinke This fire continuing for many daies the souldiers had much adoe and were greatly incommodited to defend that place having in vain tryed all things to quench it Those valiant men notwithstanding these so many and so grievious perplexities did still defend the city all of them growing so couragious and being so resolute to maintain the siege to the utmost that even old men and women kept continually upon the walls and together with the souldiers discharged the duties of the Militia But things were now brought to the last extremity the persisting in labour and danger afforded no hopes of safety The Enemies were still recruited with new Forces and with all things necessary the want of men ammunition and victualls grew dayly greater and greater within the Town a great many of the valiantest Souldiers were already slain and many being wounded were given over for want of Medicaments and Physitians The few that were yet well were wasted not onely by continuall pains-taking but by sufferings being forced to feed upon Asses Horses Dogs and other such nauseous food and to drink nothing but water their wine being all spent They were reduceâ— to such weaknesse as they seemed to live more by vigour of winde then by strength of body so as finding it was now impossible to maintain the city any longer the citisens resolved to beseech the Governours and Commanders to provide for their safety and not to wait the utmost extremities Matteo Golâ—â— spoke in the â—ame of all the rest Who intreated the Magistrates in the name of the whole city that considering the loyalty and constancy of the Inhabitants the dangers and sufferings which they had so patiently undergone and that since things were now brought to the utmost extremity they would not suffer their fidelity to be rewarded by the totall ruine of their country but rather by the preservation thereof so as to the double praise of those who had so long defended her it might be seen that their generous minds which could be wrought upon by â—o fear of the Enemy had been moved by the love of their friends by a desire of giving
them if not the reward which they had desired at least what fortune had permitted them to do He said that if there were any hope of doing good the same readiness and courage should be found in them as had been seen hitherto that if they could preserve their country from the sore cruel slavery of those barbarous infidels by the expence of their blood so to maintain it under the just and moderate Venetian Government there was not any one that would be sparing thereof for that which had now moved them to make this request was no fear of death which they valued not since that being bereft of so many kindred friends and of whatsoever else was held dear by them they could not delight in life but rather a doubt of living to suffer more heavy calamities and of seeing their Country laid waste themselves and their children made prisoners and the eternal welfare of their soules indangered That therefore he did in all humility desire in name of the most Loyall City that they would give way to a parley which was dayly desired by the Enemy and by some fair conditions of agreement indeavour to preserve those few remainders which were yet left of so great and of so noble a Kingdom This the peoples request being heard the Magistrates and chiefe commanders consulted what was to be none there was severall opinions therein some were stiffe for dying with sword in hand and that by sallying all of them out by night they might assault the Enemy at unawares and dying vindicate that death by their blood which howsoever was to be esteemed equally certain but not equally glorious by reason of the no trust that was to be given to the Enemies word that there was no reason to believe the Turks would keep that agreement which they saw necessity not choice had brought them to which though they should doe it might contaminate or at least somewhat lessen the renown and honour which through so much labour they had gotten Others pleaded on the contrary that it became not them who were deputed to the Government of that city to shew themselves more cruel thereunto and to the people thereof than did the enemy For it was clear enough that nothing had moved the Commanders in the Camp to motion and Agreement save onely to preserve the city from sacking and the citisens from being slain fearing that they should not be able to refrain the Souldiers insolence if it should be taken by storm Moreover as it became men of courage not to do any base thing or to be failing in their duty for fear of death so to lose their lives without any advantage would be rather a sign of foolish ostentatiousnesse than of true worth that the things which they had done for the defence of that Fort were such and so many as none unlesse moved by envy would dare to detract from their merit but that how much greater glory is so much more doâ—h Envy sharpen her goads yet virtue had that of priviledge that she could be satisfied and appaid in her self that they had sufficiently discharged their duties in all respects by preserving that city to the Masters thereof to the last that now they were able to do them no other service then by preserving those Souldiers for other occasions who by so many sufferings and by such experience were all become fit to be made Commanders Neither ought they so much to distrust the observance of Articles in this case having had many examples as in the taking of Rhodes and upon many other occasions in the actions of Hungary that though the Turks were Barbarians yet they love and honour war like worth even in their enemies These reasons at last prevailing it was after a long dispute resolved to surrender the city upon fair conditions Thus on the first of August it was concluded by means of an Italian Ensign who was prisoner in the camp that Hostages being first given to our men two of the chief of the Camp should enter the city to treat of the particular Articles of surrender and that in the interim there should be a cessation of Arms on all sides and severall white flags being hung out both within the city and without in sign of Truce the next day two Cechaia who are amongst the Turks as Masters of the Houshold the one of them belonging to Mustafa the other to the Aga of the Janisaries entred the city and with them only 6 Janisaries on foot the Cechaia being on Horseback richly adorn'd On our side Hercole Martiningo and Matteo Colti a citisen of Famagosta went out attended onely by four Souldiers who as soon as they were out of the city were met by a Son of Mustafa's and by a great number of foot and horse and were by him brought to his Father who having very civily received them and presented them with two vestments imbroidered with gold sent them to lodge in the Aga of the Janisaries Pavillion Those who were come to treat of the Agreement easily granted all that was proposed which in fine was That the Souldiers should be safely carried in Turkish Vessels to Candia carrying with them all their Arms and goods and particularly five pieces of Artillery and three of the three chief Commanders Horses That the same liberty should be given to such of the Inhabitants as would depart to go with their families and their goods whither they pleased and that those who would tarry should be preserved in their lives goods and honours from the insolency of the Souldier Thus in one and the same day the Articles were negotiated agreed on and concluded And seeming as if they would speedily and inviolably observe them some 40 Vessels were forthwith sent into the Haven in which those that were infirm began to be imbarked whilst those that were well guarded the inworks not suffering the Turks to make any invasion But as soon as our men came out of the Trenches and that they saw the Enemies and were seen by them it cannot be said what wonder arose in both the Armies but out of severall reasons Our men marvelled at the vast number of the Enemy who for three miles space from about the city stood so thick as their white Turbants like flakes of snow seemed to cover the superficies of the earth And the Turks on the other side seeing how few those that defended the city were how lean and pale hardly able to stand upon their legs they admired their valour who had been so long able to make so valiant resistance not without some obloquie to themselves so as being wrought upon by meer naturall charity they gave them severall refreshments and praysing their constancy incouraged them to hope well The Grecians and Albanians were this mean while imbarking themselves and their families and some souldiers were already got into other Vessels so as on the 4 th of August the whole city was left in free possession to the Turks But as soon
Foot made it known to the Embassadour of the Common-wealth then resident with him no reason appearing to move him thereunto save onely his fear that the Venetians would come to some agreement with the Turks that he would adhere unto the League Out of these reasons the Venetians proceâ—ded doubtfully and irresolutely in the businesse of the Peace Whereupon Doge Mocenico who had alwaies been more inclined to peace then to the League upon a day when the Councill of Ten were met spoke thus It was not the thought of any one as I believe to perpetuate or to continue this war which is intimated to us by Selino too long when we did first resolve to take up Arms for our own defence but with a noble and generous minde to make tryall of the fortune and gallantry of the Common-wealth of the good-will and forces of Christian Priâ—ces for the greater safety of our State and of all Christendom against the power of the insolent common Enemy And it is certain that war is in order to peace and quiet security ought to be the thing aimed at by all troubles and dangers Experience of what hath passed of late years may sufficiently teach us what our condition may be if we shall continue war any longer what the end thereof may be what reparation we may expect for so great expences and what reward for our labours We lost the noble city of Nicossia the first year by vainly trusting that our forces would be accompanied by the like of others whereby to relieve the Kingdom of Cyprus Losing no courage we continued making provisions for war flattering our selves that we might repair our losses by ioyning in a straiter confederacy with the other Christian Princes God was pleased to give us such a victory over our enemies as almost none could hope for and yet I know not through what fault or misfortune of ours Famagosta was miserably lost and we were compelled to yield up the peacefull and secure possession of the whole Kingdom to the enemy But the pleasure of having begun to overcome suffered us not to be sensible of our great losse VVherefore we as readily and boldly betook our selves to make great provision of Arms the third year and to encrease our Fleet and Souldiers not sparing for any cost nor passing by any inconvenience VVe now see too clearly what good we have got â—hereby Our Gallies lay long idle at Corfu expecting aid from the Confederates and when we hoped that having overcome so many difficulties all forces would be joyned together that we might go joyntly against the enemy we must leave our Islands in prey to them and let our Fleet return with more losse of time and reputation theâ— any advantage we got by the forces of that union And when at last fortune afforded us unexpected occasions of beating the enemy we must abandon them by reason of being abandoned by our friends parting unseasonably from the haven at Navarino unnecessitated and dishonourably But what need I relate things of so recent memory VVe are reduced to such a condition as assuredly we cannot maintain war of our selves alone against the Turks forces too disproportionate for us And we know by experience that the company of others which ought to be a help and ease to us is an incumbrance and impediment it fills us with great hopes which it afterwards makes not good but suffers us to precipitate and doth rather increase then secure 〈◊〉 evills We were perswaded that good intelligence might not onely be had between the Pope the King of Spain and our Common-wealth but that this our confederacy might make all other Christian Princes to take up Arms joyntly against the common enemy especially after that great victory which was alwaies thought would have conduced much to the suppressing of them But now we find we built those our conceptions more upon desire than upon well-grounded a truths Shall we then continue still in the same errour and place the preservation of our State and all our welfare upon such uncertain grounds upon hopes wherein we have been so often delâ—ded It was certainly a generous pâ—ous and laudable resolution not to yield to Selino's insolent demand not to abandon the cause of Christendom not to degenerate in the least point from our Ancestors who did alwaies with much magnanimity undertake such things wherein they might hope for praise unto themselves and for glory and grandezza to this Common-wealth But now after having couragiously taken up Arms and been fortunate in battel and that we see clearly we cannot by what cross destiny I know not reap any further good by other prosperity that we hazard all by fighting and that we get nothing by overcoming To continue in this fame minde and in the same troubles and dangers without any reward and when the opportunity of great effects which was given us by victory is already vanisht and escap'd our hands to grow worse and worse and not rather to wait for the advantage which we may hope for from time and from other occasions may rather appear to be rash obstinacy than good Christian zeal or desire of true honour If we shall consider the condition of our forces and of our Common-wealth it is too manifest that nothing can be more unseasonable 〈◊〉 more prejudiciall than to prolong the War For the condition of affairs grows daily worse for us the forces of the League which depends upon variety of Counsells and oft-times upon contrary respects become vain and uselesse though they be great in themselves and yet the inconveniency of maintaining them is great on our side by reason of the excessive expence we must be at and for the want of men especially of Rowers whereof these wars have consumed so many as now we must with much expence have recourse for them to Transalpine Nations and not be sure of being well served But if we consider the particulars of our State and seek not to deceive our selves we may clearly know that though our forces be great of themselves yet are they but weak to sustain the waight of war long against so powerfull and fortunate an Empire aâ— iâ— that of the Turks and which is of no less importance our Territories by Sea lie far from this city are divided amongst themselves and exposed to the iniuries of the Enemy and more easie to be assaulted by them both by Sea and Land than to be relieved by us and therefore they require so many souldiers to Garrison and defend them as we are inforced to maintain at one the same time as it were two Armies to furnish the Fleet and to guard the Sea-Forts and I wish we be not necessitated to raise a third to oppose those who threaten to aâ—sault Friuli What reason have we then to hope we shall by length of War be able to defeat the Enemy It might peradventure have been done if we had known at first how to make use of our Victory and therefore our
Enemy when Affairs went ill with the Common-wealth This man had agreed with some Citizens who stood well affected to the Venetians to let in Alviano by St. George his Gate as soon as he should be come unto the walls of the City But the Conspiracy being discovered and Alviano knowing that the Town could not be easily stormed as also that though he should take the Town he must spend much time in taking in the Towers he thought it better to hasten towards Cremona and in his March thither took the Town of Vallegio and the Castle of Peschiera places for their scituation very fit and convenient for the State of Venice He gave the chaâ—ge of Vallegio to Zacharia Ghisi and that of Peschiera to Luigi Bembo and gave 200 Souldiers a piece to each of them The News of the Venetian Armies approach being come to Cremona those of the Town who were of the contrary Faction soon left the City and the rest who were of the Province of Marcha received Alviano and all his men readily into the City who were allowed to plunder a thousand Spanish Foot and 200 Curassiers who had the custody or the City the Commanders not suffering any prejudice to be done to the Citizens and keeping the Souldiers from plunder As soon as Alviano was entred within the Walls he soon made himself Master of the whole City for the Castle whereinto the Venetians had formerly put a Garrison who had sent a supply by Renzo de Ceri held still for the French Alviano displaying the French Colours upon the Walls let the City know that he received it in the Name of Lewis King of France for whom Theador de Triulcio who was then his Legate in the Venetian Army did take it He afterwards endeavoured to free the Common-wealth from any bâ—ame if having tryed all things in vain she were forced to accommodate â—er self to the Times and yeild up so rich a City and one which she did so dearly love to another He moreover exhorted the City to keep their Loyalty to so puissant and bountiful a King under whose Government if they would be honest and faithful men they might promise themselves to live for ever after safe and free from many grievances for which they were obliged to the Venetians who had procured them that good which they could never have hoped for from the afflicted Fortune of a petty Duke These things being so happily and so speedily done wonne great Reputation to the Venetian Army in so much as Soncino Lodi and other Towns of Giaradada following the Example of Cremona surrendered themselves to Alviano But the Venetians fared otherwise in the Territories of Verona and Vicenza For after Alviano was gone with his Army and had left small Garrisons in the Cities and Towns which held for them and that Sigismonde di Cavalli Commissary General of the Venetian Militia stay'd behind with some few men at St. Bonefaccio the Germans who kept Verona being advertised thereof sallied out of the City with 2000 Foot and 500 Horse and unexpectedly assault the Commissary Our men who for the most part were rude and unexperienced troubled at the sudden assault betook themselves to their heels and those few which stayd and would stand the Enemy being forsaken by their Companions fell into their power and amongst those Costanzo Pio a man famous for Birth and Worth The Commissary Cavalli seeing all his men routed and chiefly the Alban Horse wherein he had placed his chiefest hope began likewise to run and with him Giovanni Forte a Captain of Curassiers and a Troâ—p of Horse which had tarryed with him wherewith they got to Cologna but were so hotly pursâ—â—d by the Enemy as being hardly entred the Town and not having â—ny the least time to take a better Garrison into the Town or to put the men who were there in a posture of defence they understood that the Enemy were come and were about the Walls The Town being therefoâ—e strongly assaulted and but slenderly defended was storm'd and sackt Cavalli and Vector Malipiero Mayor of the Town together with some others of quality knowing that they were not safe in the Castle whereinto they were retired yielded themselves up to the Enemy and were by them taken Prisoners The Dutch men loaded with prey and not having received any harm returned back to Verona the Enemies grown insolent by their successes began to promise themselves greater prosperity and thus going forth of the City with 4000 Foot and 500 Horse they marched towards Vicenza which coming to the knowledg of Giovan Paolo Manfrone who had the keeping of that City he took in many Countrey men to a Band of Souldiers which he had with him and provided for any accident that might happen But the Dutch-men over-running the Territories of Vicenza ruin'd all things with sword fire and rapine and being come to the Town of Arzignano after having taken it they committed great slaughter amongst the Towns-men set fire on the Castle and on other Buildings and dispairing of ever getting the Town of Vicenza they returned safe to Verona Whilst Affairs went on thus in these parts tumults did dayly increase and disorders grow greater in the state of Millan nothing there was safe or quiet There was neither City nor Castle which either could or endeavour'd to resist the Enemy for the people of Millan and the other Towns thereabout being moved again by the approaching of the Venetian Army and by the French mens passing over the Alpes began to waver in their Loyalty The people wearied but a little before with the Government of the French did very much desire the return of the Sforzas their ancient Lords and Masters But finding afterwards that they had not got that Liberty nor Immunity which they expected for Maximillian their new Duke being but a weak Prince was forced to burthen the State with many impositions and being jealous of many was necessitated to injure many for the better securing of his Dominion changing their minds as is common with the vulgar people to do were desirous of Novelties thinking that for the future they should be in better condition and under more just Laws if the State should return again to be govern'd by the French Many also who hated idleness and quiet some who were poor and banisht and other moved by the diversity of Factions favour'd the French Therefore Count Mausocco son to Giovan Giacopo Trivulsio being gone with a Troop into sundry places to make the people rise finding them ready thereunto did easily work his ends Moreover Sacramoro Viscount who had the Charge of besieging the Castle of Millan forsaking the Sforzas as soon as he saw them forsaken by Fortune wheeled about with her and suffering the besieged to be relieved both with men and victuals discovered himself so far an Enemy to Duke Maximillian as it was now said abroad that he did not only plot against his State but against his life Maximillian being therefore greatly troubled seeing