his horse being no flatterer will shew him hee makes no difference between him and another man and unlesse hee keepe his seate-well will lay him on the ground This is plaine dealing Men are more subtile more double heatred they have a heart a heart neither is their tongue their hearts true interpreter Counsell in the heart of man is like deepe waters but a man of understanding will draw it out Prov. 20.5 This understanding is most requisite in a Prince inasmuch as the whole Globe is in his hand and the inferiour Orbes are swayed by the motion of the highest And therefore surely it is the honour of a King to search out such a secret Prov. 25.2 His counsellours are his eyes and eares as they ought to be deare to him so they ought to be true to him and make him the true report of things without disguise If they prove false eyes let him pluck them out hee may as they use glasse eyes take them forth without paine and see never a whit the worse for it The wisdome of a Princes Counsellours is a great argument of the Princes wisdome And being the choyce of them imports the Princes credit and safety our Authour will make him amends for his other errours by his good advice in his 22. Chap. whether I referre him CHAP. XXIV Wherefore the Princes of Italy have lost their States VVHen these things above said are well observ'd they make a new Prince seeme as if he had been of old and presently render him more secure and firme in the State than if he had already grown ancient therein for a new Prince is much more observd in his actions than a Prince by inheritance and when they are known to bee vertuous men are much more gaind and oblig'd to them thereby than by the antiquity of their bloud for men are much more taken by things present than by things past and when in the present they find good they content themselves therein and seeke no further or rather they undertake the defence of him to their utmost when the Prince is not wanting in other matters to himselfe and so shall he gaine double glory to have given a beginning to a new Principality adornd and strengthnd it with good lawes good arms good friends and good examples as hee shall have double shame that is borne a Prince and by reason of his small discretion hath lost it And if we shall consider those Lords that in Italy have lost their States in our dayes as the King of Naples the Duke of Milan and others first we shall find in them a common defect touching their armes for the reasons which have been above discoursd at length Afterwards we shall see some of them that either shall have had the people for their enemies or be it they had the people to friend could never know how to assure themselves of the great ones for without such defects as these States are not lost which have so many nerves that they are able to maintaine an army in the field Philip of Macedon not the father of Alexander the Great but he that was vanquishd by Titus Quintius had not much State in regard of the greatnesse of the Romanes and of Greece that assail'd him neverthelesse in that he was a warlike man and knew how to entertaine the people and assure himselfe of the Nobles for many yeares he made the warre good against them and though at last some town perhaps were taken from him yet the Kingdome remaind in his hands still Wherefore these our Princes who for many yeares had continued in their Principalities for having afterwards lost them let them not blame Fortune but their own sloth because they never having thought during the times of quiet that they could suffer a change which is the common fault of men while faire weather lasts not to provide for the tempest when afterwards mischiefes came upon them thought rather upon flying from them than upon their defence and hop'd that the people weary of the vanquishers insolence would recall them which course when the others faile is good but very ill is it to leave the other remedies for that for a man wouâ—d never go to sall beleeving another would come to take him up which may either not come to passe or if it does it is not for thy security because that defence of his is vile and depends not upon thee but those defences only are good certaine and durable which depend upon thy owne selfe and thy owne vertues CHAP. XXV How great power Fortune hath in humane affaires and what meanes there is to resist it IT is not unknown unto me how that many have held opinion and still hold it that the affaires of the world are so governd by fortune and by God that men by their wisdome cannot a mend or alter them or rather that there is no remedy for them and hereupon they would think that it were of no availe to take much paines in any thing but leave all to be governd by chance This opinion hath gain'd the more credit in our dayes by reason of the great alteration of things which wee have of late seen and do every day see beyond all humane conjecture upon which I sometimes thinking am in some part inclind to their opinion neverthelesse not to extinguish quite our own free will I think it may be true that Fortune is the mistresse of one halfe of our actions but yet that she lets us have rule of the other halfe or little lesse And I liken her to a precipitous torrent which when it rages over-flows the plaines overthrowes the trees and buildings removes the earth from one side and laies it on another every one flyes before it every one yeelds to the fury thereof as unable to withstand it and yet however it be thus when the times are calmer men are able to make provision against these excesses with banks and fences so that afterwards when it swels again it shall all passe smoothly along within its channell or else the violence thereof shall not prove so licentious and hurtfull In like manner befals it us with fortune which there shewes her power where vertue is not ordeind to resist her and thither turnes she all her forces where shee perceives that no provisions nor resistances are made to uphold her And if you shall consider Italy which is the seat of these changes and that which hath given them their motion you shall see it to be a plaine field without any trench or banck which had it been fenc'd with convenient vertue as was Germany Spaine or France this inundation would never have causd these great alterations it hath oâ— else would it not have reach'd to us and this shall suffice to have said touching the opposing of fortune in generall But restraining my selfe more to particulars I say â—hat to day we see a Prince prosper and flourish and to morrow utterly go to ruine not seeing that he hath
whereof they thought to be assisted who having heard the rebellion of Vrbin imagind it not fit to lose the occasion and getting their men together they put forward intending if there were any towne of all that State remaining in the Dukes hands to assaile it and they sent a fresh againe to Florence to sollicite that Common-wealth to joyne with them in extinguishing this common calamity shewing the party already gained and such an occasion offered as the like was not to be expected But the Florentines for the hate they bare to the Vitelli and the Orsini upon divers occasions not only cleav'd not to them but sent Nicholas Machiavelli their Secretary to offer receipt to the Duke and ayd against these his new enimyes who was then in Imola full of feare because of a sudden and beyond his opinion his souldiers being become his enemyes hee unarmd met with a warre at hand but having taken heart upon the Florentines profers hee purposd to temporise and hold off the warre with those few people which hee had and with treaties of agreement and partly to prepare aydes which hee provided two wayes by sending to the King of France for men and partly by taking into his pay all men at armes and what others else made profession to serve a Horse-back and to all he gave money Notwithstanding all this the enemyes advanc'd and thence came towards Fossombrone where some of the Dukes troops had made head which by the Vitelli and Orsini were broken which thing causd the Duke to turne himselfe wholly to see if hee with treaties of accord could stop this humour and being an exceeding great dissembler hee faild not of any meanes to give them to understand who had taken armes against him that what hee had gotten hee was willing should be theirs and that it suffic'd him to enjoy the title of Prince but hee was content the Principality should bee theirs and so effectually perswaded hee them that they sent Paul to the Duke to treate of peace and so stayd their armes but now the Duke stayd not his preparations and with a great deale of care increasd both his Horse and Foot and to the end these provisions should not appeare hee went and scattered all his souldiers in severall places throughout Romania In this while also came there to him five hundred French lances and however hee was now so strong that with open force hee was able to right himselfe upon his enemies yet thought hee it the more safe and profitable way to beguile them and for all this not to stop the treaty for peace and this matter was so farre labourd in that hee made a peace with them and assurd to them their old pays gave them foure thousand duckets in hand promisd not to molest the Bentivolii and made alliance with John and moreover that hee could not constraine any of them to come in person to him more than hee thought good himselfe On the other side they promisd to restore unto him the Dutchy of Vrbin and all the other places taken by them and to serve him in any expedition hee should undertake nor without his permission to warre with any one or take pay of any one This accord being made Guidubaldo Duke of Vrbin fled againe to Venice having first causd all the fortresses of that State to bee demolishd for relying upon the people hee would not that those forts which hee thought hee could not defend should fal into the enemies hands whereby to bridle his friends But Duke Valentine having made this agreement and devided all his troops throughout all Romania with the French men at armes at the end of November departed from Imola and thence went to Cesena where hee abode many dayes to contrive with those that were sent by the Vitelli and the Orisni who were ready then with their forces in the Dutchy of Vrbin what action they should then anew enter in but not concluding any thing Oliverotto of Fermo was sent to offer him that if hee would adventure an expedition against Tuscany they were at his service in case hee would not they would be ready to serve him against Sinigallia to whom the Duke answerd that in Tuscany hee would not make any warre because the Florentines were his friends but hee was well content they should goe to Sinigallia whence it came to passe that not long after advice was brought that the towne was yeelded to them but the Fort would not for the Governour would render it to the Duke in person and to none else and thereupon they perswaded him to come before it The Duke thought this occasion very good and that it would not any way skarre them being hee was calld by them and not going of himselfe and the more to secure them hee dismisd all his Frencâ— forces which returnd thence into Lombardy save only a hundred lances of Monsieur Candales his kinsman and parting about the middle of December from Cesena hee went thence to Fano wherewithall his wiles and craft hee could he perswaded the Vitelli and the Orsini to expect him at Sinigallia shewing them that such strangenesse would make their accord to be neither faithfull nor durable and that hee was a man that desird hee might availe himselfe both of the forces and advice of his friends and however Vitellozzo was very unwilling and that his brothers death had taught him that hee should not offend a Prince and afterwards trust him neverthelesse being wrought to it by Paulo Orsino who had been corrupted by the Duke with gifts and faire promises hee agreed to attend him whereupon the Duke before the 30 day of December 1502 that hee was to goe from Fano communicated his purpose to eight of his cheife confidents among whom were Don Michael and the Lord of Enna who was afterwards Cardinall and gave them charge that presently as soone as Vâ—iiellozzo Paulo Orsino the Duke of Gravina and Oliverotto had met them each two of them should get one of them between them consigning each one by name to certaine two who should traine them along even into Sinigallia nor suffer them to part till they had brought them to the Dukes lodging and that they were there taken Hee afterwards tooke order that all his Horse and Foot which were better than two thousand Horse and ten thousand Foot should bee in the morning at breake of day upon the Metaure a River some five miles from Fano where they should attend him being then the last day of December upon the Metaure with those troops he causd some two hundred Horse to go before him afterwards the Foot mov'd and after them himselfe in person with the rest of his men at armes Fano and Sinigallia are two Cities of the Marches scituate upon the bank of the Adriatike Sea fifteen miles distant the one from the other So that he who goes towards Sinigallia hath the Mountaines on his right hand the feet whereof sometimes are so bounded by the Sea that between
can make him vary for necessity comming upon him by reason of adversities thou hast not time given thee to make advantage of thy cruellties and the favours which then thou bestowest will little help thee being taken as if they came from thee perforce and so yeeld no returne of thanks CHAP. IX Of the Civill Principality BUt comming to the otheâ— part when a principall Citizen not by villany or any other insufferable violence but by the favour of his fellow-citizens becomes Prince of his native countrey which we may terme a Civill Principality nor to attaine hereunto is Vertue wholly or Fortune wholly necessary but rather a fortunate cunning I say this Principality is climb'd up to either by the peoples help or the great mens For in every City we finde these two humourâ— differ and they spring from this that the people desire not to be commanded nor oppressed by the great ones and the great oneâ— are desirous to command and oppresse the people and from these two several appetites arises in the City one of these three effects either a Principality or Liberty or Tumultuary licentiousnesse The Principality is caused either by the people or the great ones according as the one or the other of these factions have the occasion offerd for the great ones seeing themselves not able to resist the people begin to turne the whole reputation to one among them and make him Prince whereby â—hey may under his shadow vent their spleenes The people also not being able to support the great mens insolencies converting the whole reputation to one man create him their Prince to â—e protected by his authority He â—hat comes to the Principality by â—he assistance of the great ones â—ubsists with more difficulty than â—e that attaines to it by the peoâ—les favour for he being made â—rince hath many about him who account themselves his eâ—ualls and therefore cannot disâ—ose nor command them at his â—leasure But he that gaines the â—rincipality by the peoples favor finds himselfe alone in his throne and hath none or very few neare him that are not very supple to bend besides this the great ones cannot upon easie termes be satisfied or without doing of wrong to others whereas a small matter contents the people for the end which the people propound to themselves is more honest than that of the great men these desiring to oppresse they only not to be oppressed To this may be added also that the Prince which is the peoples enemy can never well secure himselfe of them because of their multitude well may hee bee sure of the Nobles they being but a few The worst that a Prince can look for of the people become his enemy is to be abandond by them but when the great ones once grow his enemyes he is not only to feare their abandoning of him but their making of a party against him also for there being iâ— them more forecast and craft theâ— alwayes take time by the forelocks whereby to save themselves and seeke credit with him who they hope shall get the mastery The Prince likewise is necessitated alwayes to live with the same people but can doe well enough without the same great men he being able to create new ones and destroy them againe every day and to take from them and give them credit as he pleases and to cleare this part I say that great men ought to be considerd two wayes principally that is if they take thy proceedings so much to heart as to ingage their fortunes wholly in thine in case they lye not alwayes catching at spoyle they ought to bee well honourd and esteem'd those that bind themselves not to thy fortune are to be considerd also two wayes either they doe it for lack of courage and naturall want of spirit and then shouldst thou serve thy selfe of them and of them especially that are men of good advice for if thy affaires prosper thou dost thy self honor thereby if crost thou needst not feare them but when they oblige not themselves to thee of purpose and upon occasion of ambition it is a signe they think more of themselves than of thee and of these the Prince ought to beware and account of them as his discoverd enemyes for alwayes in thy adversity they will give a hand too to ruine thee Therefore ought hee that comes to be Prince by the peoples favour keepe them his friends which he may easily doe they desiring only to live free from oppression but he that becomes Prince by the great mens favour against the will of the people ought above all things to gaine the people to him which he may easily effect when he takes upon him their protection And because men when they find good where they look for evill are thereby more endeard to their benefactour therefore growes the people so pliant in their subjection to him as if by their favours he had attaind his dignity And the Prince is able to gaine them to his side by many wayes which because they vary according to the subject no certaine rule can bee given thereupon wherefore we shall let them passe I will only conclude that it is necessary for a Prince to have the people his friend otherwise in his adversities he hath no helpe Nabis Prince of the Spartans supported the siege of all Greece and an exceeding victorious army of the Romans and against those defended his native countrey and State and this suffic'd him alone that as the danger came upon him he secur'd himselfe of a few whereas if the people had been his enemy this had nothing availd him And let no man think to overthrow this my opinon with that common proverb that he who relyes upon the people layes his foundation in the dirt for that is true where a private Citizen grounds upon them making his account that the people shall free him when either his enemyes or the Magistrates oppresse him In this case he should find himselfe often deceiv'd as it befell the Gracehyes in Rome and in Florence George Scali but he being a Prince that grounds thereupon who can command and is a man of courage who hath his wits about him in his adversityes and wants not other preparations and holds together the whole multitude animated with his valour and orders shall not prove deceiv'd by them and shall find he hath layd good foundations These Principalityes are wont to be upon the point of falling when they goe about to skip from the civill order to the absolute for these Princes either command of themselves or by the Magistrats in this last case their State is more weak and dangerous because they stand wholly at the will and pleasure of these Citizens who then are set over the Magistrates who especially in adverse times are able with facility to take their State from them either by rising up against them or by not obeying them and then the Prince is not at hand in those dangers to take the absolute authority upon
the Pope the Venetians the King of Naples the Duke of Milan and the Florentines These potentates took two things principally to their care the one that no forreiner should invade Italy the other that no one of them should inlarge their State They against whom this care was most taken were the Pope and the Venetians and to restraine the Venetians there needed the union of all the rest as it was in the defence of Ferrara and to keep the Pope low they servd themselves of the Barons of Rome who being devided into two factions the Orsini and Colonnesi there was alwayes occasion of offence between them who standing ready with their armes in hand in the view of the Pope held the Popedome weak and feeble and however sometimes there arose a couragious Pope as was Sextus yet either his fortune or his wisdome was not able to free him of these incommodities and the brevity of their lives was the cause thereof for in ten yeers which time one with another the Popes ordinarily liv'd with much adoe could they bring low one of the factions And if as as wee may say one had near put out the Colonnesi there arose another enemy to the Orsini who made them grow againe so that there was never time quite to root them out This then was the cause why the Popes temporall power was of small esteeme in Italy There arose afterwards Pope Alexander the sixt who of all the Popes that ever were shewd what a Pope was able to doe with money and forces and hee effected by meanes of his instrument Duke Valentins and by the occasion of the French mens passage all those things which I have formerly discoursed upon in the Dukes actions and however his purpose was nothing at all to inlarge the Church dominions but to make the Duke great yet what hee did turnd to the Churches advantage which after his death when the Duke was taken away was the heire of all his paines Afterwards succeeded Pope Julius and found the Church great having all Romania and all the Barons of Rome being quite rooted out and by Alexanders persecutions all their factions worne down hee found also the way open for the heaping up of monyes never practis'd before Alexanders time which things Julius not only follow'd but augmented and thought to make himselfe master of Bolonia and extinguish the Venetians and chase the French men out of Italy and these designes of his prov'd all lucky to him and so much the more to his praise in that he did all for the good of the Church and in no private regard hee kept also the factions of the Orsini and Colonnesi in the same State hee found them and though there were among them some head whereby to cause an alteration yet two things have held them quiet the one the power of the Church which somewhat affrights them the other because they have no Cardinals of their factions who are the primary causes of all the troubles amongst them nor shall these parties ever bee at rest while they have Cardinals because they nourish the factions both in Rome and abroad and and the Barons then are forc'd to undertake the defence of them and thus from the Prelates ambitions arise the discords and tumults among the Barons And now hath Pope Leo his Holinesse found the Popedome exceeding puissant of whome it is hop'd that if they amplifi'd it by armes hee by his goodnesse and infinite other vertues will much more advantage and dignifie it CHAP. XII How many sorts of Military discipline there are and touching Mercenary souldiers HAving treated particularly of the qualities of those Principalities which in the beginning I propounded to discourse upon and considered in some part the reasons of their well and ill being and shewed the wayes whereby many have sought to gaine and hold them it remaines now that I speak in generall of the offences and defences that may chance in each of the forenamed We have formerly said that it is necessary for a Prince to have good foundations laid otherwise it must needs bee that hee goe to wrack The principall foundations that all States have as well new as old or mixt are good lawes and good armes and because there cannot bee good lawes where there are not good armes and where there are good armes there must needs be good lawes I will omit to discourse of the lawes and speak of armes I say then that the armes wherewithall a Prince defends his State either are his own or mercenary or auxiliary or mixt Those that are mercenary and auxiliary are unprofitable and dangerous and if any one holds his State founded upon mercenary armes hee shall never be quiet nor secure because they are never well united ambitious and without discipline treacherous among their friends stout among their enemies cowardly they have no feare of God nor keep any faith with men and so long only deferre they the doing of mischiefe till the enemy comes to assayle thee and in time of peace thou art dispoyld by them in warre by thy â—lemies the reason hereof is beâ—ause they have no other love â—or other cause to keep them in â—he feild but only a smal stipend â—hich is not of force to make â—â—em willing to hazard their lives â—or thee they are willing indeed â—â—be thy souldiers til thou goest to â—â—ght but then they flye or run â—way which thing would cost â—ee but small paines to perswade â—r the ruine of Italy hath not had â—ny other cause now adayes than â—or that it hath these many yeers â—ely'd upon mercenary armes â—hich a good while since perhaps â—ay have done some man some â—â—rvice and among themselves â—â—ey may have been thought vaâ—â—ant but so soone as any forrein â—nemy appeard they quickly â—â—ewd what they were Whereâ—pon Charles the King of France â—ithout opposition made himself â—aster of all Italy and he that â—â—id that the cause thereof were â—ur faults said true but these were not those they beleevd but whaâ— I have told and because they were the Princes faults they alsâ— have suffered the punishment I will fuller shew the infelicity oâ— these armes The mercenary Captaines are either very able men or not if they bee thou canst noâ— repose any trust in them for they will alwayes aspire unto theiâ— owne proper advancements eitheir by suppressing of thee thaâ— art their Lord or by suppressing of some one else quite out of thy purpose but if the Captaine beâ— not valourous hee ordinarily ruines thee and in case it be answerd that whoever shall have armes in his hands whether mercenary or not will doe so I woulâ— reply that armes are to bee imployd either by a Prince or common-wealth The Prince oughâ— to goe in person and performâ— the office of a commander thâ— Republick is to send forth hâ— Citizens and when shee send forth one that proves not of abilities shee ought to change him â—hen and when hee does prove â—alourous to bridle him so
profitable and advantagious for themselves but for him that calls them in hurtfull because in losing thou art left defeated and conquering thou becomest their prisoner And however that of these examples the ancient stories are full fraught yet will I not part from this of Pope Julius the second which is as yet fresh whose course could not have been more inconsiderate for the desire hee had to get Ferrara putting himselfe wholly into strangers hands but his good fortune causd another third cause to arise that hindred him from receiving the fruit of his evill choice for his Auxiliaries being broken at Ravenna and the Swissers thereupon arriving who put the Conquerours to flight beyond all opinion even their owne and others he chanc'd not to remaine his enemies prisoner they being put to flight nor prisoner to his Auxiliaries having vanquishd by other forces than theirs The Florentines being wholly disarmd brought ten thousand French to Pisa for to take it by which course they ran more hazzard than in any time of their troubles The Emperour of Constantinople to oppresse his neighbours brought into Greece ten thousond Turks who when the warre was ended could not bee got out thence which was the beginning of Greeces servitude under the Infidels He then that will in no case be able to overcome let him serve himselfe of these armes for they are much more dangerous than the mercenaries for by those thy ruine is more suddenly executed for they are all united and all bent to the obedience of another But for the mercenaries to hurt thee when they have vanquishd there is no more need of time and greater occasion they not being all united in a body and being found out and paid by thee wherein a third that thou mak'st their head cannot suddenly gaine so great authority that hee can endammage thee In summe in the mercenaries their sloth and lazinesse to fight is more dangerous in the auxiliaries their valour Wherefore a wise Prince hath alwayes avoyded these kind of armes and betaken himselfe to his owne and desird rather to lose with his owne than conquer with anothers accounting that not a true victorie which was gotten with others armes I will not doubt to alleadge Caesar Borgia and his actions This Duke entred into Romania with auxiliarie armes bringing with him all French souldiers but afterwards not accounting those armes secure bent himselfe to mercenaries judging lesse danger to be in those and tooke in pay the Orsini and the Vetelli which afterwards in the proof of them finding wavering unfaithfull and dangerous hee extinguishd and betook himselfe to his owne and it may easily be perceiv'd what difference there is between the one and the other of these armes considering the difference that was between the Dukes reputation when he had the French men alone and when he had the Orsini and Vetelli but when he remaind with his own and stood of himselfe wee shall find it was much augmented nor ever was it of great esteeme but when every one saw that hee wholly possesd his owne armes I thought not to have parted from the Italian examples of late memory but that I must not let passe that of Hiero the Siracusan being one of those I formerly nam'd This man as I said before being made generall of the Siracusans forces knew presently that that mercenary souldiery was nothing for their profit in that they were hirelings as our Jtalians are and finding no way either to hold or cashier them made them all bee cut to peeces and afterwards wag'd warre with his owne men and none others I will also call to memory a figure of the old Testament serving just to this purpose When David presented himselfe before Saul to goe to fight with Goliah the Philistims Champion Saul to incourage him clad him with his owne armes which David when hee had them upon his back refus'd saying he was not able to make any proofe of himselfe therein and therefore would goe meet the enemy with his own sting and sword In summe others armes either fall from thy shoulders or cumber or streighten thee Charles the seaventh Father of Lewis the eleventh having by his good fortune valour set France at liberty from the English knew well this necessity of being arm'd with his owne armes and settled in his Kingdome the ordinances of men at armes and infantry Afterwards King Lewis his sonne abolishd those of the infantry and began to take the Swissers to pay which errour follow'd by the others is as now in deed it appeares the cause of that Kingdomes dangers For having given reputation to the Swissers they have renderd all their own armes contemptible for this hath wholly ruind their foot and oblig'd their men at armes to forrein armes for being accustomed to serve with the Swissers they think they are not able to overcome without them From whence it comes that the French are not of force against the Swissers and without them also against others they use not to adventure Therefore are the French armies mixt part mercenaries and part natives which armes are farre better than the simple mercenaries or simple auxiliaries and much inferiour to the natives and let the said example suffice for that for the Kingdome of France would have been unconquerable if Charles his order had been augmented and maintaind but men in their small wisdome begin a thing which then because it hath some savour of good discovers not the poyson that lurkes there under as I before said of the hectick feavers Wherefore that Prince which perceives not mischiefes but as they grow up is not truely wise and this is given but to few and if we consider the first ruine of the Romane Empire wee shall find it was from taking the Goths first into their pay for from that beginning the forces of the Romane Empire began to grow weak and all the valour that was taken hence was given to them I conclude then that without having armes of their owne no Principality can be secure or rather is wholly oblig'd to fortune not having valour to shelter it in adversity And it was alwayes the opinion and saying of wise men that nothing is so weak and unsetled as is the reputation of power not founded upon ones owne proper forces which are those that are composd of thy subjects or Citizens or servants all the rest are mercenary or auxiliary and the manner how to order those well is easie to find out if those orders above nam'd by me shall be but run over and if it shall be but consider'd how Philip Alexander the Great his Father and in what manner many Republicks and Princes have armd and appointed themselves to which appointments I referre my selfe wholly CHAP. XIV What belongs to the Prince touching military Discipline A Prince then ought to have no other ayme nor other thought nor take any thing else for his proper arte but warr and the orders and discipline thereof for that is the sole arte
Bentivolii grand-father of this Anniball who now lives that was Prince in Bolonia being slaine by the Canneschi that conspir'd against him none of his race being left but this John who was then in swadling clouts presenty the people rose upon this murder and slew all the Canneschâ— which proceeded from the popular affection which the family of the Bentivolii held then in Bolonia which was so great that being there remain'd not any now Anniball was dead that was able to manage the State and having notice that in Florence there was one borne of the Bentivolii who till then was taken for a Smiths sonne the citizens of Bolonia went to Florence for him and gave the government of their City to him which was rul'd by him untill John was of fit yeares to governe I conclude then that a Prince ought to make smal account of treasons whiles he hath the people to friend but if they be his enemies and hate him he may well feare every thing and every one And well orderd States and discreet Princes have taken care withall diligence not to cause their great men to fall into desperation and to content the the people and so to maintaine them for this is one of the most important businesses belonging to a Prince Among the Kingdomes that are well orderd and governd in our dayes is that of France and therein are found exceeding many good orders whereupon the Kings liberty and security depends of which the chiefe is the Parliament and the authority thereof for hee that founded that Kingdome knowing the great mens ambition and insolence and judgeing it necessary there should bee a bridle to curbe them and on the other side knowing the hatred of the Commonalty against the great ones grounded upon feare intending to secure them would not lay this care wholly upon the King but take this trouble from him which hee might have with the great men in case hee favourd the Commonalty or with the Commonalty in case hee favourd the great men and thereupon set up a third judge which was that to the end it should keep under the great ones and favour the meaner sort without any imputation to the King It was not possible to take a better nor wiser course than this nor a surer way to secure the King and the Kingdome From whence we may drawe another conclusion worthie of note that Princes ought to cause others to take upon them the matters of blame and imputation and upon themselves to take only those of grace and favour Here againe I conclude that a Prince ought to make good esteeme of his Nobility but not thereby to incurre the Commons hatred It would seem perhaps to many considering the life and death of many Romane Emperours that they were examples contrary to my opinion finding that some have liv'd worthily and shewd many rare vertues of the minde and yet have lost the Empire and been put to death by their owne subjects conspiring against them Intending then to answer these objections I shall discourse upon the qualities of some Emperours declaring the occasions of their ruine not disagreeing from that which I have alleagd and part thereof I will bestow on the consideration of these things which are worthy to be noted by him that reads the actions of those times and it shall suffice mee to take all those Emperours that succeeded in the Empire from Marcus the Philosopher to Maximinus who were Marcus and Commodus his sonne Pertinax Julian Severus Antonius Caracalla his sonne Macrinus Heliogabalus Alexander and Maximin And first it is to be noted that were in the other Principalities they are to contend only with the ambition of the Nobles and the insolence of the people the Romane Emperours had a third difficulty having to support the cruelty and covetousnesse of the souldiers which was so hard a thing that it causd the ruine of many being hard to satisfy the souldiers and the people for the people love their quiet and therefore affect modest Princes and the souldiers love a Prince of a warlike courage that is insolent cruell and plucking from every one which things they would have them exercise upon the people whereby they might bee able to double their stipends and satisfie their avarice and cruelty whence it proceeded that those Emperours who either by Nature or by Art had not such a reputation as therewith they could curbe the one and the other were alwayes ruind and the most of them specially those who as new men came to the principality finding the difficulty of those two different humours applyd themselves to content the souldiers making small account of wronging the people which was a course then necessary for the Princes not being able to escape the hatred of every one ought first endeavour that they incurre not the hatred of any whole universality and when they cannot attaine therunto they are to provide with all industry to avoyd the hatred of those universalities that are the most mighty And therefore those Emperours who because they were but newly call'd to the Empire had need of extraordinary favours more willingâ—y stuck to the souldiers than to the people which neverthelesse turnd to their advantage or otherwise according as that Prince knew how to maintaine his repute with them From these causes aforesayd proceeded it that Marcus Pertinax and Alexander though all living modestly being lovers of justice and enemies of cruelty courteous and bountifull had all from Marcus onward miserable ends Marcus only liv'd and dy'd exceedingly honoured for hee came to the Empire by inheritance and was not to acknowledge it neither from the souldiers nor from the people afterwards being accompanyed with many vertues which made him venerable hee held alwayes whilst he liv'd the one and the other order within their limits and was never either hated or contemnd But Pertinax was created Emperour against the souldiers wills who being accustomd to live licentiously under Commodus could not endure that honest course that Pertinax sought to reduce them to Whereupon having gotten himself hatred and to this hatred added contempt in that hee was old was ruind in the very beginning of his government Whence it ought to be observed that hatred is gaind as well by good deeds as bad and therefore as I formerly said when a Prince would maintaine the State hee is often forcd not to be good for when that generalty whether it be the people or souldiers or Nobility whereof thou thinkst thou standst in need to maintain thee is corrupted it behooves thâ—e to follow their humour and content them and then all good deeds are thy adversaries But let us come to Alexander who was of that goodnesse that among the prayses given him had this for one that in fourteen yeers wherein he held the Empire he never put any man to death but by course of justice nevertâ—elesse being held effeminate and a man that suffered himselfe to be ruld by his mother and thereupon fallen into contempt the
set him upon whereby to rise yet higher And therefore many think that a wise Prince when hee hath the occasion ought cunningly to nourish some enmity that by the suppressing thereof his greatnesse may grow thereupon Princes especially those that are new have found more faith and profit in those men who in the beginning of their State have been held suspected than in those who at their entrance have been their confidents Pandulphus Petrucei Prince of Siena governd his State more with them that had bin suspected by him than with the others But of this matter we cannot speak at large because it varies according to the subject I will only say this that those men who in the beginning of a principality were once enemies if they be of quality so that to maintain themselves they have need of support the Prince might alwayes with the greatest facility gaine for his and they are the rather forc'd to serve him faithfully insomuch as they know it is more necessary for them by their deeds to cancell that sinister opinion which was once held of them and so the Prince ever draws from these more advantage than from those who serving him too supinely neglect his affaires And seing the matter requires it I will not omit to put a Prince in mind who hath anew made himselfe master of a State by meanes of the inward helpes he had from thence that he consider well the cause that mov'd them that favour'd him to favour him if it be not a naturall affection towards him for if it be only because they were not content with their former government with much paines and difficulties shall he be able to keep them long his friends because it will bee impossible for him to content them By these examples then which are drawn out of ancient and moderne affaires searching into the cause hereof wee shall find it much more easie to gaine those men for friends who formerly were contented with the State and therefore were his enemies than those who because they were not contented therewith became his friends and favourd him in getting the mastery of it It hath been the custome of Princes wherby to hold their States more securely to build Citadels which might bee bridles and curbs to those that should purpose any thing against them and so to have a secure retraite from the first violences I commend this course because it hath been usd of old notwithstanding Nicolas Vitelli in our dayes hath been knowne to demolish two Citadels in the towne of Castello the better to keep the State Guidubaldo Duke of Vrbin being to returne into his State out of which hee was driven by Caesar Borgia raz'd all the Fortresses of that Country and thought he should hardlyer lose that State againe without them The Bentivolii returning into Bolonia usd the like courses Citadels then are profitable or not according to the times and if they advantage thee in one part they do thee harme in another and this part may be argued thus That Prince who stands more in feare of his owne people than of strangers ought to build Fortresses but hee that is more afraid of strangers than of his people should let them alone Against the house of Sforza the Castle of Milan which Francis Sforza built hath and will make more war than any other disorder in that State and therefore the best Citadell that may be is not to incurre the peoples hatred for however thou holdst a Fortresse and the people hate thee thou canst hardly scape them for people when once they have taken armes never want the help of strangers at their need to take their parts In our dayes we never saw that they ever profited any Prince unlesse it were the Countesse of Furli when Count Hieronimo of Furli her husband was slaine for by meanes thereof she escap'd the peoples rage and attended aid from Milan and so recoverd her State and then such were the times that the stranger could not assist the people but afterwards they servd her to little purpose when Caesar Borgia assaild her and that the people which was her enemy sided with the stranger Therefore both then and at first it would have been more for her safety not to have been odious to the people than to have held the Fortresses These things being well weigh'd then I will commend those that shall build up Fortresses and him also that shall not and I will blame him howsoever he be that relying upon those shall make small account of being hated by his people CHAP. XXI How a Prince ought to behave himselfe to gaine Reputation THere is nothing gaines a Prince such repute as great exployts and rare trialls of himselfe in Heroicke actions We have now in our dayes Ferdinand King of Arragon the present King of Spain hee in a manner may be termd a new Prince for from a very weak King hee is now become for fame and glory the first King of Christendome and if you shall well consider his actions you shall find them all illustrious and every one of them extraordinary Hee in the beginning of his reigne assaild Granada and that exployt was the ground of his State At first hee made that warre in security and without suspicion he should be any wayes hindred and therein held the Barons of Castiglias minds busied who thinking upon that warre never minded any innovation and in this while he gaind credit and authority with them they not being aware of it was able to maintaine with the Church and the peoples mony all his souldiers aâ—d to lay a foundation for his military ordinances with that long warre which afterwards gaind him exceeding much honour Besides this to the end hee might be able here among to undertake greater matters serving himselfe alwaies of the colour of religion hee gave himselfe to a kind of religious cruelty chasing and dispoyling those Jewes out of the Kingdome nor can this example bee more admirable and rare under the same cloke hee invaded Affrick and went through with his exployt in Italy and last of all hath hee assaild France and so alwaies proceeded on forwards contriving of great matters which alwayes have held his subjects minds in peace and admiration and busied in attending the event what it should bee and these his actions have thus grown one upon another that they have nevâ—r given leysure to men so to rest as that they might ever plot any thing against them Moreover it much availes a Prince to give extraordinary proofes of himselfe touching the government within such as those wee have heard of Bernard of Milan whensoever occasion is given by any one that may effectuate some great thing either of good or evill in the civill government and to finde out some way either to reward or punish it wherof in the world much notice may bee taken And above all things a Prince ought to endeavour in all his actions to spread abroad â— fame of his magnificence and worthinesse
order they kept resolved to come to the tryall of a day and first with his speeches hee confirmd his souldiers courage and shewd them the victory certaine if they would follow his directions Castruccio had seene how the enemy had plac'd all his strength in the body of the army and the weaker sort in the wings thereof whereupon hee did the cleanâ— contrary for hee put his beâ—â— souldiers in his wings and hiâ— flightest people in the body and issuing out of his trenches with this order so soone as ever heâ— came within view of the enemy which insolently as before they had wont came to find them out hee commanded that thosâ— squadrons in the middle shoulâ— goe on leisurely but that the resâ— should move with speed insomuch that when they came to joyne battell with the enemy only the wings of each army fought and the troops in the middle stood unimployd because the middle part of Castruccio'â— army had lagguerd so much behind that the enemyes body had not yet reach'd to them and thus the ablest of Castruccio's army came to fight with the weakest of the enemies and the enemieâ— strength lay idle not able to endammage those they were to encounter with nor could they â—ayd any of their owne party so that without much difficulty the enemies two winges were both put to flight and they in the middle seeing themselves left naked on each flanke without having whereupon to shew their valour fled likewise The rout and the slaughter were great for there were slaine above ten thousand men with many Officers and great Cavaliers of the Guelfes faction throughout all Tuscany and many Princes who came thither in favour of them to wit Peter King Roberts Brother and Charles his nephew and Philip Lord of Taranto but of Castruccio's side they came not to above three hundred among which Francis Vguccions sonne was slaine who being young and over venturous was killd at the first onset This overthrow much augmented Castruccio's credit so that Vguccion grew so jealous and suspitious of his owne State that hee continually busied his brains how to bring him to destruction thinking with himselfe that that victory had rather taken his poweâ— from him than settled it anâ— being in this thought while heâ— awaited some faire colour to effect his designes it happned thaâ— Pieragnolo Michaeli was slainâ— in Lucca a man of good worth and esteeme and the Assassinâ— fled into Castruccio s house where the Captaines and Serjeants going to apprehend him were affronted and hindred by Cstaruccio so that the murtherer by his ayd escapd which thing Vguccion who was then at Pisa hearing and deeming then heâ— had just occasion to punish him calld unto his owne sonne Neri to whom hee had now given the command of Lucca and chargd him that under colour of inviting Castruccio hee should lay hold on him and put him to death Whereupon Castruccio going familiarly into the commanderâ— pallaces not fearing any injury was first by Neri entertaind at supper and afterwards seizd on And Neri doubting lest by putting him to death without any publick justification the people might bee inrag'd kept him alive till hee were better informd by Vguccion what was farther to be done in that case who blaming his sonnes slownesse and cowardise for the dispatching hereof went out of Pisa with four hundred Horse towards Lucca hardly yet was he arriv'd at the Baths but the Pisans took armes and slew Vguccions Lieutenant and the rest of his family that remaind at Pisa and made Count-Gaddo of Gerardesca their Lord Vguccion before he came to Lucca had notice of this accident befalne in Pisa yet thought he it not fit to turne back lest the Luccheses like as the Pisans should also shut their gates against him But the Luccheses understanding the chance at Pisa notwithstanding that Vguccion was enterd Lucca taking this occasion to free Castruccio first began at their meetings in the Piazze to speake slightly of him afterwards to make some hub-bub and from thence came to armes demanding Castruccio to be set free insomuch that Vguccion for feare of worse drew him out of prison Whereupon Castruccio suddenly rallying his friends with the peoples favour made an assault upon Vguccion who finding no other remedy fled thence with his friends and so went into Lombardy to the Lords of Scala where afterwards hee dy'd poorly But Castruccio being of a prisoner become as Prince of Lucca prevaild so by his friends and with this fresh gale of the peoples favour that hee was made Generall of their Forces for a yeare which being compassd to gaine himselfe further credit in armes hee purposd to recover for the Lucchefes severall townes which rebelld after Vguccions departure and went also by the Pisans favour with whom he had enterd into league at the campe to Serezana and to winne that he had built over it a fort which being afterwards changed by the Florentines is now calld Serezanello and in two monthes space tooke the towne and afterwards in strength of this credit hee wonne Massa Carrara and Lavenza and in short time all Lunigiana and to stop the passage that comes from Lombardy into Luginiana he tooke Pontremoli and drew out thence Mr. Anastasia Palivicini who was Lord thereof Returning then to Lucca with this victory hee was met by the whole people whereupon Castruccio resolving not to deferre longer to make himselfe Prince by meanes of Pazzino of Poggio Puccinello of Porcico Francisco Boccansecchi and Cécco Guinigi at that time of great repute in Lucca but corrupted by him made himselfe Lord thereof and so solemnely and by resolution of the people was elected their Prince At this time Frederick of Baviere King of the Romans came into Italy to take the Imperiall crown whom Castruccio made his friend and went to him with five hundred Horse having left for his Lieutenant at Lucca Paulo Guinigi whom in remembrance of his father hee made account of as his owne child Castruccio was entertaind very honourably by Frederick who gave him many priviledges and made him his Deputy in Tuscany and because the Pisans had expelld Gaddo of Gerardesca and for feare of him askd succours of Frederick hee made Castruccio their Lord whom the Pisans accepted for feare of the Guelfes faction and in particular because of the Florentines Frederick then being returnd into Germany and having left at Rome a governour for his affaires in Italy all the Gibellins as well Tuscans as Lombarbs that followd the Imperial faction had their recourse to Castruccio and each promisd him the Principality of their native country provided that by his meanes they might bee restord among whom was Mattheo Guidi Nardo Scolare Lapo Vberti Gerozzi Nardi and Piero Buonacorsi all Gibellins and outlawd Florentines and Castruccio plotting by helpe of these and with his owne forces to become Lord of all Tuscany to gaine himself credit the more entred into amity with Mr. Mattheo Visconti Prince of Milan and traind up all
the place than by the enimy all tooke them to flight and the flight began from those who were behind towards Pistoya who dispersing themselves all along the plaine every one where hee best could provided for his safegard This defait was very great and bloody many Commanders were taken among which was Bandino of Rossi Prancesco Brunnelleschi and John of Tosa all noble Florentines and many other Tuscans besides divers of the Kingdome of Naples who being sent by King Robert in favour of the Guelfes serv'd under the Florentines The Pistoyeses hearing of this rout without delay chasing out the faction of the Guelfes yeelded themselves to Castruccio Who not contented herewith tooke Piato and all the Castles of the plaine as well on this as on the other side of Arno and set himselfe downe with his army in the plaine of Perettola some two miles of from Florence where hee abode many dayes to divide the spoyle and to feast for joy of the victory gotten causing moneys to be stamp'd in scorne of the Florentines and races to be runne by horse men and queanes neither faild hee to endeavour to corrupt some noble Citizens to open to him in the night the gates of Florence but the conspiracy being discoverd they were taken and beheaded among whom was Thomas Lupacco and Lambertuccio Frescobaldi Hereupon the Florentines being affrighted upon this defeat hardly knew any remedy to preserve their liberty and to the end they might bee sure of ayd sent Ambassadours to Robert King of Naples to give him the City and the dominion thereof Which that King accepted of not somuch for the honour the Florentines had done him as for that hee knew well how much it imported his State that the Guelfes faction should maintaine the State of Tuscany and having agreed with the Florentines to have of them two hundred thousand Florins by the yeare hee sent Charles his sonne with foure thousand Horse to Florence so that the Florentines were somewhat easd of Castruccio's troopes for thâ—y were constraind to leave their territories and to goe to Pisa there to represse a conspiracy made against him by Benedicto Lanfranchi one the cheife of Pisa who not being able to endure that his native country should be enthralld to a Lucchese conspird against him plotting to seize upon the Cittadell and to chace out the garrison and to slay those of Castruccio's party But because in such matters if the small number be fit to keepe the secret yet suffices it not to put it in execution while hee went about to gaine more men to his purpose some there was that bewrayd his plot to Castruccio neither passd this discovery without the infamy of Bonifacio Cerchi and John Guidi Florentines who were neare neighbours to Pisa whereupon Benedicto being layd hand on was put to death and all the rest of that Family banisht and many other Noble Citizens beheaded and thinking with himselfe that Pistoya and Pisa were not very faithfull unto him he tooke care both by his industry and forces to secure himselfe thereof which gave leysure to the Florentines to recover their strength and to be able to attend the returne of Charles who being arriv'd they determined to lose no longer time and gatherd a great number of men for they calld together to their ayd in a manner all the Guelfes in Italy and made an exceeding great army of more than 30000 Foot and 10000 Horse and having advisd which were first to bee assaild either Pistoya or Pisa they resolv'd it were better to set first upon Pisa being a thing more likely to succeed by reason of the late conspiracy there as also of more profit deeming that if Pisa were once gotten Pistoya would soone render of it selfe The Florentines then going forth with this army in the beginning of May 1328 suddenly tooke Lastra Signia Mount Lupo and Empoli and came with their army to St. Miniato Castruccio on the other part perceiving this great army which the Florentines had brought against him was nothing startled but rather thought that this was the time when Fortune was to give him in his hand the whole dominion of Tuscany beleeving they should have no better successe in this of Pisa than formerly they had in that of Serravalle and that now they could not hope to repaire themselves againe as then whereupon assembling twenty thousand Foot and 4000 Horse hee brought his army to Fucechio and sent Paul Guinigi with 5000 Foot to Pisa Fucechio is seated in a stronger place than any other Castle upon the territory of Pisa because it is in the midst between the Gusciana and the Arno and a little raisd from the plaine where he abiding the enemies were not able unlesse they divided their army into two parts to hinder his provision either from Lucca or Pisa neither could they but upon disadvantage either come upon him or goe towards Pisa for in one case they might be inclosd in the midst between Castruccios troopes and those of Pisa in the other case having the Arno to passe they could not doe it with the enemy on their backs without very great danger And Castruccio for their incouragement to undertake the passage had not plac d himselfe with his troopes along the banke of Arno but a little aside neare unto the walls of Fucechio and had left distance enough between the River and him The Florentines having gotten St. Miniato advisd whether were to be done either to goe to Pisa or to find out Castruccio and having measured the difficulties of both courses they resolvd to goe and invest him The river Arno was so low that a man might wade over it but yet not so but that the infantery was wet to the shoulders and the Horse even to the saddle Upon the tenth day then of June in the morning the Florentines in battell array causd part of their Cavalery to begin to passe and a body of ten thousand Foot Castruccio who stood ready and intent to what hee had in his mind to doe with a battalion of five thousand Foot and three thousand Horse fell upon them neither give hee them any time to get out of the water but that hee was at blowes with them hee sent a thousand light armd Foot up by the banke on that part under the Arno and a thousand above it The Florentines Foot were mueh distressed with the water and weight of their armes nor had they all yet got over the channell of the river When some of the Horse had passd by reason that they had moord the bottome of the Arno they made the passage the uneasier for them that came after them for the bottome proving rotten and miry some of the Horse came over and over on their riders and many stuck so fast in the mud that they were there stabled whereupon the Florentine Commanders seeing the difficulty to passe on that part causd them to retire and make proofe of a higher part of the river whereby to finde a sounder
bottome and the channell more favorable for their passage against whom those whom Castruccio had sent under the banke made resistance who slightly armd with targets and darts in their hands with huge outcryes wounded them both in the face and brest insomuch that the horses affrighted both with the cryes and strokes would in no wise passe forwards but fell foule one upon another the fight between Castruccio's men and those that were already past was sharp and terrible and of each side there fell many and every one usd all his skill and strength to overcome his adversary Castruccio's men would force them back into the river the Florentines striv'd to put forwards to make place for others that being come forth of the water they might be able to stand to the fight to which obstinacy there was added the Captaines encouragements Castruccio put his men in mind that these were the same enemies which but a little while agoe they had beaten at Sarravalle The Florentines reproachd theirs that they being many should suffer a few to overcome them But Castruccio perceiving that the fight lasted and that his owne and his adversaries were well wearied and that on each side many were hurt and slaine hee sent out another band of five thousand Foot and when hee brought them up to the very back of his owne that fought hee gave order that they before should open and wheele about one on the right hand the other on the left and so retire which thing done gave roome to the Florentines to advance and gaine some ground But when once they came to handy blowes the fresh men with those that were tir'd they staid not long ere they forc'd them back into the river between the Horse of the one side and the other yet there was not much advantage whereupon Castruccio knowing his owne inferiour had given order to the leaders that they should only maintaine fight as hee that hop'd to overcome the Foot which done he might bee able with more ease to overcome the Horse which fell out as hee purposd for having seene the Foot forc'd back into the river hee sent the rest of his infantery against the enemies Horse who with lances and darts wounding them and the Cavalery also pressing them with greater fury put them to flight The Florentine Commanders seeing the difficulty that their Horse had to passe strove to make their Foot passe on that part beneath the river to fight with the flanke of Castruccio's troops But the channell being deep and all above already possest by his men all this prov'd vaine Whereupon the whole army was put to rout to Castruccio's great glory and honour and of so great a multitude there escap'd not a third Many Chieftaines were taken and Charles sonne of King Robert together with Michaelangelo Falconi and Taddeo of the Albizi Florentine Commissaries fled thence to Empoli The spoyle taken was great the slaughter exeeeding great as a man may imagine in such and so great a conflict for of the Florentine army 20231 and of Castruccio's part 1570 were left dead upon the place But Fortune being enemy to his glory when as she should have given him life took it from him and interrupted those designes which hee a long time before had purposd to put in effect neither could any thing but death hinder him Castruccio had toyld himselfe all that day in the battell when at the end thereof all weary and sweaty he stayd about the port of Fucechio to attend the souldiers as they should returne from the victory and in person receive and thank them and partly if peradventure any thing should arise from the enemyes that they had made head in any place hee might bee ready to give order thereto judgeing it the office of a good Commander to be the first to get a Horse-back and the last to light off Whereupon hee standing exposd to a wind which ordinarily about midday rises upon the Arno and uses to be pestiferous hee was all over chill'd Which thing not being made account of by him was the occasion of his death for the night following hee was taken with a dangerous feaver which continually augmenting and the sicknesse being judg'd mortall by all the Physitians and Castruccio perceiving of it calld Paul Guinigi and spake to him these words Had I beleev'd my sonne that Fortune would have cut off my course in the midst of the way to arrive unto that glory which I by my so many good successes had promisd my selfe I should have lesse wearied my selfe and to thee as I should have left a smaller estate so also fewer enemies and lesse envy for I would have been content with the dominion of Lucca and Pisa and never subdu'd the Pistoyeses nor with so many injuries provoked the Florentines but by making the one and the other of these people my freinds I should have led a life though not longer yet surely more quiet and to thee should I have left an estate though lesse without doubt more secure and firme but Fortune who will dispose of all humane affayres gave mee not so much judgement that I was able first to know it or so much time that I was able to overcome it Thou hast heard for many have told thee and I never denyd it to thee how I came into thy fathers house being yet a young lad and voyd of all those hopes which every generous spirit ought to conceive and how I was by him brought up and belov d by him as much as if I had been of his own blood whereupon under his government I became valourous and grew capable of that fortune in which thou hast and dost see mee and because at his death hee committed thee and all his fortunes to my fidelity I have brought thee up with that affection and increasd them with that fidelity that I was and am bound to And because not only whether that alone which was left thee by thy father but that also which my fortune and valour got were thine I never would marry to the end that the love of children should never take mee off from shewing in any part that thankfullnesse towards thy fathers blood which I thought I was oblig'd to shew I leave thee therefore a very faire State whereat I am much pleasd but for that I leave it thee weake and unsettled I am exceedingly grieved there remaines to thee the City of Lucca which will never be content to live under thy government Pisa is also thine wherein there are men naturally inconstant and full of treachery which however it bee divers times accustomed to serve yet will it alwayes disdaine to have a Lucchese for its Lord. Pistoya likewise is left to thee very little faithfull to thee because it is divided and by fresh injuries provok'd against our Family Thou hast the Florentines for thy neighbours and those offended and divers wayes injuryed by us and not extinguisht to whom the news of my death would be more welcome