danger by reason of the Covetous humor of the Cretans For he brought a considerable sum of money with Him the rumour of which he knew was already spread abroad This therefore was his device Having fill'd a great number of Vessels with Lead and covering the top of them with Gold and Silver He places them in the Temple of Diana in the presence of the Gortynians pretending that He committed his whole Fortune to their Trust After he had put this cheat upon them He fills up several Brass hollow Statues which he had brought along with Him with his money and throws them negligently in the outward Court. In the mean time they guard the Temple with the greatest strictness not so much suspecting other people as fearing least Hannibal without their knowledge might remove the prize He had committed to them Thus our Carthaginian having sav'd his Treasure intire and finely deluded the people of Crete He came at length to Prusias the King of Bythinia in Pontey where He still preserv'd his old inclination towards Italy and made it his endeavor to engage the King against the Roman People But when He perceiv'd He was not strong enough of Himself to oppose them He Associated other Kings and Warlike Nations in a Confederacy Eumenes as being a great Friend to the Roman Interest refus'd to joyn in the Alliance so that they maintain'd a War with each other both by Sea and Land But being back'd by the Romans He was infinitely too hard for them Now Hannibal perceiving how necessary it was for the better success in His Affairs that Eumenes should be cut off he resolves upon this way to rid himself of Him They were in a short time to engage at Sea but Hannibal being overpower'd in number Stratagem was to supply the place of Strength Accordingly he charges his Men to get as many poysonous Serpents as they could and put them into Earthen Vessels of which they procur'd as commanded a considerable number On the day that they were to fight having call'd his Seamen together he gave them order that they should all rush together upon the Ship in which Eumenes was and that in the mean time they need not doubt but that they were able enough to defend themselves from the rest since they were provided of so great a number of Serpents It should be his business to shew them which was the Ship he would have assaulted and likewise to reward the person who should either kill the King or take Him Prisoner After he had given these directions the two Fleets being set in order and about to engage That his Soldiers might plainly see where this Eumenes was before the sign was given He sends out a Messenger in a small Boat having a white Wand in his Hand as a token of Peace when he was come near to the Enemies Fleet he shews them a Letter asks for the King upon which he was immediately Conducted to Him every one taking it for granted that Hannibal had sent him to treat of Peace the Messenger having thus discover'd to his own Party which was the Kings Ship returns again When Eumenes had broke open the Letter He found nothing contain'd therein but what tended to Laughter and Contempt of his Person He very much wonder'd what the meaning of this should be which tho he could not understand without any more ado He engages the Enemy At the very first Onset the Bythinians according to their orders rushing on altogether beset Eumenes his Ship who being not able to withstand their shock saved his Life by flight which he could never have effected had he not betook himself to his Guards in the neighbouring Shore When the rest of the Navy of Eumenes began more fiercely to Attack the Bythinians they pour'd in their Vessels upon them which at first the Enemy only Laught at who could not devise what their intent could be But when they perceiv'd that their Ships were full of Serpents being affrightned with the strangeness of the thing and knowing not what danger chiefly to avoid at last they tack'd about and made to their Port So that the Cunning of Hannibal was too Powerful for the Force of the Pergamenan Navy Who by the same kind of Stratagem had frequently obtain'd great Victories at Land While these things were Transacting in Asia King Prusias's Embassadors then at Rome being accidentally at Supper with Caius Quintus Flaminius the Consul somebody accidentally happening to mention Hannibals Name one of the company said that He was in their Kingdom The next day Flaminius acquaints the Senate with what had been affirm'd by this person who imagining that they should be never free from Treacheries so long as Hannibal was alive despatched Embassadors into Bythinia one of which was Flaminius who were to demand of the King that He should not protect their most inveterate Enemy but forthwith deliver Him up into their Hands Prusias could not deny but that Hannibal was in his Dominions tho He refus'd Himself to betray Him to the Embassadors desiring that they would not Request any thing which was so much against the Laws of Hospitality But let them take Him if they could who without any difficulties might find Him out Hannibal constantly confin'd Himself to one place being a Castle with which the King had Presented Him as a Reward for his Services which He so contriv'd that he had Sallies on all sides through which he might escape if he should have occasion for he always suspected that that would befall Him which at last did really happen The Roman Embassadors accompanied with a great number of Men having at length surrounded this Castle on all parts his Servant perceiving them from the Gate runs to his Master and acquaints Him that there appear'd a more then usual company of Armed Men upon which He commands him to go round all the doors of the House and speedily bring Him word whither there was any way to escape When the Boy had immediately acquainted him how the case stood and had farther assur'd Him that all the passages were stopt he was soon satisfied that this could not happen by accident but that they came to seize his person and that consequently he could not long enjoy his Life which He was resolv'd should not be in another Mans disposal upon which he immediately swallowed a dose of poyson which he was always accustom'd to carry with Him Thus this our most Valiant Hero harrass'd with numerous and various Labours repos'd himself in Death the seventieth year of his Age. Authors do not agree in whose Consulship He dyed For Atticus in his Annals affirms that Claudius M. Marcellus and Q. Fabius Labeo did then bare that Office Polybius on the other hand asserts that it was in the time of Lucius Aemilius Paulus and Cn. Baelius Tamphilus But Sulpicius different from both says that P. Corn. Cethegus and Marcus Baebius Tamphilus were at that time Consuls Tho this our Great Man was always imploy'd in the
the Athenians durst not maintain their station because they fear'd that if part of the Enemy's Fleet should get beyond Eubaea they would engage them on both sides Upon which account they were forc'd to leave Artemisium and sail to Salamis which is over against Athens But Xerxes having gain'd Thermopylae immediately marched to Athens where meeting with no opposition he kill'd the Priests which he found in the Tower and fir'd the City At the news of which the Sea-men were much terrified and when they durst not stand to their Colours and 't was the advice of most of them that every one should go home to their own Houses and defend themselves as well as they could within their Walls Themistocles alone stood undaunted telling them That so long as they held together in one Body they might equal the Enemy but protesting if once dispers'd they must necessarily perish And that that would be their fate he affirm'd to Eurybiades a King of the Lacedaemonians who then was Admiral Whom when he found not to be concern'd so much as he could have wish'd he sent one of his Servants in whom he could most confide to Xerxes by night to tell him That his Enemies were upon their flight and that if they should now escape he must expect a long and difficult War for then he would be forc'd to pursue them singly but if he would now Engage them he might in a short time destroy them all This stratagem so far prevail'd that his own Soldiers were compell'd to fight tho against their wills Whereupon Xerxes not in the least suspecting the trick which was put upon him fell upon them the next day in so narrow a Sea that his whole Fleet could not engage a place very disadvantageous to himself but on the contrary mighty advantageous to his Enemy So that he was Conquer'd rather by the Policy of Themistooles then by the Arms of Greece Altho Xerxes manag'd this Action extremely ill yet after all he had so great Reserves that even with them he might have beaten the Athenians but for the present he was forc'd to retreat For Themistocles fearing least he should go on with the War sent him word that the breaking down of the Bridge which he had built over the Hellespont was then in agitation to exclude his passage into Asia and made him believe it For that Journey which cost him six months travel when he came for Greece he perform'd the very same way in less then thirty days at his return looking upon himself not as conquer'd by Themistocles but preserv'd Thus by the Policy of one man Greece was restor'd to its liberty and Asia made subject to Europe This other Victory was not at all inferior to that at Marathon For here also at Salamis after the same manner a few Ships defeated the greatest Fleet that has been in the memory of man Great was Themistocles in this War and as great in Peace For when the Athenians had only the Phaleric a small and inconvenient Port by his advice they built a triple Haven at Pyraea and encompass'd it with such Walls that it equall'd the City in glory and excell'd it in usefulness He also rebuilt the Athenian Walls at his own hazard For the Lacedemonians having got a plausible reason viz. the Incursions of the Barbarians deny'd that any City ought to be built but at Peloponnesus lest there should be any Fortifications which might harbour their Enemies and therefore they endeavour'd to put a stop to their Buildings But their designs were quite contrary to their pretences For those two Victories that at Marathon and the other at Salamis made the Athenians so considerable all the World over that the Lacedaemonians were afraid they would have contended with them for the Soveraignty wherefore they used all means to keep them as low as possibly they could For after they heard that the Walls were begun they sent Ambassadors to Athens to forbid their proceedings Whilst they were there they desisted and told them that they would send Ambassadors to treat with them about that affair This Embassy Themistocles undertook and went first himself ordering the rest of the Ambassadors not to follow till they thought the Walls were high enough In the mean time all the City of what condition soever whether Bond or Free assisted in the work neither did they spare any place whether sacred or prophane public or private but took from all parts what materials would most conduce to the Fortifications So that their Walls were built with the Ruins of their Temples and Monuments Themistocles when he came to Lacedaemon did not immediately desire Audience of the Magistrates but spun out the time as long as he could making this his excuse that he expected his Collegues But whilst the Lacedaemonians complain that the Works nevertheless went on and that Themistocles endeavour'd to deceive them in the interim the rest of the Ambassadors arrive by whom when he was given to understand that the Fortifications were almost finish'd he address'd himself to the Ephori the chief Magistrates among the Lacedaemonians and told them That what they heard concerning their Fortifications was false wherefore he thought it but reasonable that they should send some persons of Trust and Quality to whom credit might be given to enquire into that affair and in the mean time they might keep him as their Pledge They granted his request and accordingly three Ambassadors are sent Men of great Honour and Repute on whom Themistocles order'd his Collegues to attend forewarning them not to suffer the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors to return till he himself was sent back When he thought they were arriv'd at Athens he waited upon the Senate and Magistracy and told them very frankly That by his Advice the Athenians had Wall'd in their Publick their Tutelar and Houshold Gods that they might with the more ease defend them from their Enemies which thing was justifiable by the Common Law of Nations neither did they do this with a design to incommode Greece for their City was as 't were a Bulwark against the Barbarians having twice routed the Persian Armada He told them That they did not act like just and honest men who rather regarded what conduc'd most to their own Greatness then what might be profitable to all Greece wherefore if they thought ever to have those Ambassadors return whom they had sent to Athens they must release him otherwise they must never expect to receive them again into their own Country Yet after all this he could not evade the envy of his Fellow-Citizens For even the same jealousie which condemn'd Miltiades banish'd Themistocles After which he went to Argos where living in much splendor upon the account of his great Endowments the Lacedaemonians sent Ambassadors to Athens with this Accusation against him That he had made a League with the King of Persia to destroy Greece For which Crime tho absent he was condemn'd of Treason Which thing so soon as he heard
commanded them to follow him and being mounted on an excellent Horse rid briskly up to the Enemy But Aspis perceiving the vigour of the first onset the least endeavours of resistance were discourag'd he immediately surrender'd himself and was sent in Chains to the King by Mithridates Artaxerxes whilst these things were in agitation recollecting that he had call'd one of his best Commanders from a considerable Post and sent him upon a trivial employment but thinking that perhaps he was not yet gone dispatch'd a Messenger to Ace with orders that he should by no means leave the Army But the Command was superseded for those that guarded Aspis were met upon the way Datames having accomplish'd his business with such unexpected Expedition was greater in the King's Favour then ever and became so considerable that he was the Envy of the whole Court. For they perceiv'd that his single interest was greater then theirs in conjunction and therefore all jointly conspir'd his ruin Pandates the Treasurer who was his Confident made him acquainted with all their designs and told him by Letter what danger he was in if any miscarriage should happen during his Conduct in Egypt That Kings took the Honour of great Actions to themselves but always imputed ill success to their Ministers and therefore were easily inclin'd to disgrace those whom they thought the occasion of it That His condition was worse then any others because it was the temper of the King to hate those most who had before been his chief Favourites Having receiv'd this news upon his coming back to the Army at Ace and knowing the advice was not to be contemn'd he resolv'd to leave the King's Service but did nothing that was inconsistent with his Trust for he left the Army under Mandrocles a Magnesian went with a Detachment of his own Men into Cappadocia and siez'd Paphlagonia which lay next to it without discovering his disaffection to the King After which he held a secret correspondence with Ariobarzanes got some men together and plac'd them in the fortified Towns for the defence of the Garrisons But it being Winter the season of the year hinder'd some of his designs Hearing the Pisidae were preparing some Forces against him he sent his Son Arisideus thither with an Army The young General was kill'd in the Engagement But his Father concealing the loss he had receiv'd went with some more men into the Field being willing to get to the Enemy before his Soldiers had the report of the Defeat for he thought the news of his Son's Death would very much discourage them Being arriv'd at the place he design'd he so Encamp'd that he could neither be oppress'd with the numerous Forces of the Enemy nor yet hinder'd from making any advantageous Assault His Father-in-Law Mithrobarzanes Captain of the Horse was then with him but thinking their condition very desperate went over to the Enemy Of which Datames having notice he presently consider'd that the noise of his being deserted by so considerable a man might make the rest revolt and therefore gave out that Mithrobarzanes was by his orders gone away like a Renegade that he might be admitted by the Enemy and so destroy them with less difficulty That therefore they ought not to deliver him into their hands but immediately to follow him which if they did with resolution the Pisidae could make no resistance for they would be slain both in their Camp and in the Field The Design being approv'd of he led out his Army and pursued Mithrobarzanes upon whose approach to the Enemy Datames commanded his Standard to be set up The Pisidae being in great confusion at the suddenness of the business suspected the Renegades and imagin'd they came with a treacherous design of doing the greater mischief Therefore they first fell upon them which surprising Accident put them in such disorder that they were forc'd to fight with those to whom they had fled and assist those whom they had deserted but being spar'd by neither were all presently cut off Datames afterwards falling upon the Pisidae forc'd them to fly kill'd many in the pursuit and took possession of their Camp By this Stratagem he at once punish'd the Deserters and gain'd a Victory over his Enemies and made that which was intended for his Ruin the means of his Success And perhaps it was a Design so cunningly laid and in so little time effected that History can shew nothing parallel to it Notwithstanding these great Exploits Scismas his eldest Son left him and gave the King an account of his defection Artaxerxes being troubled at the news for he knew he was to deal with a man of undaunted Courage one who never design'd any thing but what he dar'd venture to effect and never attempted any thing but what he had sufficiently consider'd sent Autophradates into Cappadocia Datames endeavour'd to possess himself of the Forest which is the passage to Cilicia but not being able so suddenly to get his men together he was oblig'd to take other measures yet he chose so commodious a place for his Camp that the Enemy could neither enclose him nor pass by him without being attacqu'd in several places and was posted so advantageously that in any Encounter their Multitudes could do very little damage to his small Company Altho Autophradates was sensible of all this yet he was resolv'd rather to engage him then either to continue long in that place or go back with a great Army for he had in the Field twenty thousand Horse an hundred thousand Foot and three thousand Slingers which were the Cardaces a people of the Lesser Asia besides these eight thousand out of Cappadocia ten out of Armenia five from Paphlagonia ten from Phrygia five from Lydia about three thousand of the Aspendii and Pisidae two from Cilicia as many of the Caspians and three thousand Mercenaries which he had out of Greece besides a considerable number of Light-Horse All Datames's hopes of doing any thing against such mighty Forces were in himself and the convenience of the place wherein he was Encamp'd for he had not the twentieth part of the men which were brought by Autophradates Nevertheless with these he ventur'd to give him Battel and in it with but the loss of about a thousand men cut off several thousands of His. In memory of which he erected a Trophy the next day in the place where they fought After he had remov'd his Camp from thence tho his Army was ever the least yet he was still greatest when the Fight was done for he understood the Country and always contriv'd that the Enemy should be confin'd to such narrow places where he had no room to manage any considerable number of men Autophradates finding the War prov'd more unsuccessful to his Master then to Datames solicited him to a Peace and promis'd to restore him to the King's Favour He accepted the Conditions tho he did not think them real and said he intended to send his Ambassadors to Artaxerxes in
opportunity of freeing Greece from the Persian Yoke alledging That if Darius and his Forces were but defeated now not only all Europe would be free from the apprehensions of his Arms for the future but that the poor Greeks likewise who inhabited Asia would be rescued from the slavery they underwent and the dangers they were expos'd to from their Persian Masters and that if the Bridge were but demolish'd the Design must of necessity take effect and the Persians perish either by the Sword or Famine in a few days When several of the Company had join'd with and seconded Miltiades Hestiaeus Milesius crav'd leave to dissent from them objecting That tho it might be expedient for the generality of the People to be freed from their subjection to Darius yet it could by no means be so to them who bore Command under Him That their power and interest was imbark'd in the same bottom with Darius 's Empire which if once overthrown their Employs must expire with it and they suffer by the hands of their own Fellow-Citizens And therefore that he was so far from concurring with them that for his part he thought it highly their interest that the Persian Empire should be upheld and establish'd When Miltiades understood by the sense of the Company that the point would be carry'd against him and easily imagining that of so many who were privy to the Consult some would certainly come in and inform the King of the Plot He thought it his safest way to leave the Chersonese and return to Athens And tho indeed the majority of the Cabal thought not fit then to concur with him in the Design yet was it a generous proposal in him in that he rather consulted the Liberty of his Country than his own private Interest Darius after his return from Europe into Asia being advis'd by his Council to try if he could reduce Greece under his Dominions fitted out a Fleet of Fifty Sail of Ships in order to that design whereof he made Datis and Artaphernes Admirals and gave them the Command of 200000 Foot and 10000 Horse alledging the affront that the Athenians had put upon him in assisting the Ionians in the taking of Sardis and putting the Garrison to the Sword as the ground and occasion of the War against them The Persians landing at Eubaea immediately made themselves Masters of Eretria and sent the Inhabitants of the Country into Asia to Darius From thence they marched as far as Attica into the Fields of Marathon which is but about ten miles from the Town The Athenians tho they were in a great consternation at the near approaches of so powerful an Enemy yet solicited they none but the Lacedemonians for their Assistance to whom they dispatch'd Philippus one of those Couriers whom they call'd * Hemerodromi to acquaint them what urgent occasions they had for their speedy Relief In the mean time they chose ten Great Officers to command the Army whereof Miltiades was one amongst whom it was hotly debated Whether it were more advisable for them torely upon the strength of the Town or to march out and fight the Enemy Miltiades press'd them with greater earnestness then any of the rest to pitch their Tents as soon as possibly they could for that by this means the Citizens would be excited to behave themselves more bravely when they saw how highly their Valour was rely'd upon and the Enemy's Advances would be retarded when they should observe with what a small handful of men they resolv'd to fight them There were none who actually assisted the Athenians in this juncture but the Plataeans who sent them a thousand men which made them completely ten thousand strong a small number but fir'd with a wonderful desire to be in Action Miltiades by this Counsel of his became more considerable then his Collegues for 't was upon the great Authority his Advice had amongst them that the Athenians march'd their Forces out of the Town where they encamp'd conveniently and the next day after at the foot of an Hill join'd Battel with all the Courage imaginable and the advantage of a new stratagem on their side For they had block'd up the passages with Trees in several places to the intent that they might both be shelter'd by the tops of the Mountains and that the Trees in the way might hinder the Enemies Horse from breaking in upon them Datis tho he saw that the Athenians had manifestly the advantage of the place yet relying upon the vast odds he had in the number and considering also that the Spartan Auxiliaries were not yet arriv'd resolv'd to engage them and accordingly led up an hundred thousand of his Infantry and ten thousand Horse with which he gave them Battel wherein the Valour of the Athenians so far exceeded that of their Enemies that they defeated ten times the number of their own Forces and so affrighted the Persians that they never offer'd to make towards their Camp again but fled to their Vessels Than which Fight never certainly was any thing more illustriously great and glorious For never did so small an handful of men conquer so numerous and powerful an Army And here it may not be improper to remarque what Miltiades had for the Reward of so great an Action whereby we may perceive how the same Humour and Genius runs thro all Bodies Politic. For as the Marks of Honour which the Romans formerly fix'd upon the bravest Men were very rare and inconsiderable and for that reason more signally honourable tho now indeed they are grown common and extravagant So we find it was anciently amongst the Athenians for this great Miltiades to whom all Greece as well as Athens ow'd their safety had only this Honour done him that when the Fight at Marathon was painted in the Gallery call'd Poecile he was drawn the first of all the ten Commanders exhorting his Soldiers and giving Battel to the Enemy And yet the same People after they had enlarg'd their Territories and became once corrupted with the Bribery of their Magistrates decreed no less then three hundred Statues to the Honour of Demetrius Phalereus After this Engagement at Marathon the Athenians made him Admiral of a Fleet of Seventy Sail of Ships to make War upon those Islands which had assisted the Barbarians Several whereof submitted without resistance and some he took by assault Amongst the rest that held out was the Island Parus a rich and arrogant People whom when he couldby no means perswade to a Surrendry he landed his men made his Works about the City and depriv'd them of all supplies and had by the help of Sconces gradually made his approches so near to the Walls that he was just upon the point of carrying the Town when there happen'd I know not how a Grove of Trees to be fired a far off in the Continent in the night time which as soon as it was perceiv'd by the Burgers and the Besiegers they both imagin'd that it was
of not thinking himself safe at Argos he went to Corcyra where understanding that the Governors of the City were very fearful lest the Athenians and Lacedaemonians should declare War against them upon his account he fled to Admetus the King of the Molossians who had formerly entertain'd him But at his first arrival not finding the King that he might be receiv'd by him with the greater fidelity he took his little Daughter and carried her with him into the Sanctuary a Custom which is very religiously observ'd among the Molossians and from thence he would not stir till the King had given him his Hand and receiv'd him into his Patronage which he afterwards faithfully perform'd For when he was demanded by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians he would not deliver him up but advis'd him to consult his own safety for 't was not likely that he should be secure in a place so nigh his Enemies Therefore he commanded him to be carried to Pydna and sent a sufficient Guard with him Whereupon he went a Ship-board incognito but a great Storm which then happen'd drove the Vessel upon the Island Naxus where at that time the Athenian Army lay Themistocles thought that if they should put in there he must necessarily perish so that by this ill fortune he was forc'd to discover himself to the Master of the Ship promising great Rewards if he would preserve him The Master commiserating the condition of so great a man kept his Ship at Anchor for a day and a night at a good distance from the Island and would not suffer any man to go out of it From whence he sail'd to Ephesus and there he landed Themistocles who afterwards sufficiently rewarded him for his great service I know that many Authors have reported that Themistocles went into Asia whilst Xerxes was King but I think Thucydides is rather to be credited who living about that Age wrote an History of those times and was also of the same City and he says that he came to Artaxerxes and wrote him a Letter after this manner I Themistocles am come unto you I who brought so many Calamities by the Grecians upon your Family when I was forc'd to make War with your Father to defend my own Country But I did him greater Services afterwards when I was safe and he in danger for when he would not go back into Asia after the Battel at Salamis I sent him word that it was then in agitation that the Bridge which he had made over the Hellespont should be broken down and that he should be surrounded by his Enemies by which message he escap'd the danger But now here I my self am come banish'd from all Greece humbly to entreat your Alliance which if I may but obtain you shall find me as great a Friend to you as I have been a dangerous Enemy to your Father But I would desire a Year's time to consider of those Affairs concerning which I intend to treat with you and when that is expir'd to permit me to come unto you The King admiring the greatness of his Spirit and being desirous to make such a man his Friend granted his Request All which time he spent in his Studies and in Learning of the Persian Language in which he became so great a Proficient that he discours'd the King more Elegantly then any of the Natives could And when he had made several promises to him and one especially of that which was most grateful viz. the destruction of Greece if he would be pleas'd to follow his Advice Being highly Rewarded by Artaxerxes he return'd again into Asia and dwelt at Magnesia which City the King gave to him using this expression That it would keep him in Bread for the Revenues of that Country amounted to fifty Talents yearly Lampsacum would afford him Wine and Myuntes Victuals There remain'd but two Monuments of him in our time his Sepulcher near the Town in which he was bury'd and his Statues in the Forum of Magnesia Concerning whose death Authors much differ but Thucydides seems to us to be most authentic who says that he dy'd of a Disease at Magnesia Neither does he deny but that there was a report of his voluntarily poisoning himself when he despair'd of Conquering Greece as he had promis'd the King The same Author also says that his Friends bury'd his Bones in Athens by stealth because the Laws forbid any one to be there Interr'd who is Condemn'd of Treason THE LIFE OF ARISTIDES Done into English by Mr. Mitchell M. A. of Trin. Coll. Oxon. ARISTIDES the Son of Lysimachus an Athenian came so near to Themistocles that he contested his Preeminence which made them detract from each other's Reputation and gave a full Example of the great Power which Eloquence has over Innocence For altho the Integrity of Aristides was such that for ought we yet know He was the only Person whom the World has hitherto thought fit to Entitle The Just yet He was so run down by Themistocles as to be Condemn'd by the Ostracism to Ten years Banishment Perceiving that the angry Multitude would not be appeas'd he yeilds to the Necessity of his Misfortune At his going off he observes one subscribing to his Banishment and asks him his Reason for it and what has Aristides done that he must be punish'd in so severe a manner The Accuser replies That indeed he did not know Aristides but was not satisfied that He above all men should so earnestly endeavour at the Name of Just He did not stay out the whole time of his Banishment for within six years Xerxes falling into Greece he was recall'd by an Act of the People He Engag'd in the Sea-Fight at Salamis which was before his Restauration He led up the Athenians in the Battel of Plataeae wherein Mardonius was slain and the Persian Army routed I find nothing of his Exploits in Military Affairs except in this Command but the Effects of his Sincerity his Justice and his Goodness are not easily related particularly 't was by his Conduct that when He and Pausanias who was Commander at the Overthrow of Mardonius were in the same Grecian Fleet the Dominion of the Seas was transferr'd from the Lacedaemonians to the Athenians the former before that time having been Lords both by Sea and Land The Insolence of Pausanias and the Justice of Aristides were the Cause that most of the Cities of Greece made a Defensive League with the Athenians and offer'd to fight under them against the Persians if there should be occasion Aristides was the man pitch'd upon to settle the Quota of each City for the Building of Ships and Raising an Army 'T was by His Advice that four hundred and sixty Talents were every year laid up at Delos which was appointed to be the place of the Common Treasury but afterward all the Money was remov'd to Athens As for his Moderation there can be no greater proof of it then that whereas he had so great Preferments yet he
King's Lieutenants found him set down in the midst of their Country before they had any notice of his design to their great astonishment and confusion they not being in a posture to make any defence The news of so unexpected a Guest could not long be conceal'd from the ears of Tissaphernes Artaxerxes's Viceroy there who upon the first Advertisement of it politickly desires a Truce with the Spartans under pretence of his friendly Interposition to accommodate matters amicably and fairly betwixt both parties but really for nothing else but to gain time to levy Forces However it was a Truce was agreed upon for three months the two Generals binding themselves with a solemn Oath to observe it And accordingly none was ever more punctually observ'd by Agesilaus and less by Tissaphernes who improv'd the time in making preparation for War This the generous Spartan knew very well but yet could not be induc'd to violate his Oath and make a breach saying That he should be the greatest Gainer at length for Tissaphernes by his Perjury must nceessarily expose himself and his undertakings to the just indignation of the Gods and Men But that he by his Religious observance should gain both Reputation and strength to his Party since the Gods are always more propitious to and all wise Men will the rather favour and wish well to those who put a value upon what they say and are true to the Trust which is repos'd in them The Truce expir'd Tissaphernes draws down his Forces into Caria partly to secure his own Possessions there and because that Country being of all the Richest would in all probability be the object of the Enemies first Attempt But he was mistaken in his conjecture for Agesilaus suddenly wheels about into Phrygia which he overran with such celerity that he had depopulated the whole Country before Tissaphernes had advanc'd one foot forward to its relief Having here gratified his Soldiers with the Spoils of the place he brought them back to their Winter Quarters at Ephesus where he set the Artisans on work to prepare and furnish him with all sorts of Arms and those of his Soldiers who were industrious to fit and Accoutre themselves therewith he for the encouragement of others oblig'd with some special Reward or Mark of his Favour as likewise every one who in their daily Military Exercises particularly Signaliz'd himself above the rest by which means he effected that in a few days he had the best appointed and the best Disciplin'd Army in the World When it was time to leave his Winter Quarters he publickly Proclaim'd what way he really design'd to direct his course having Learn'd by good Experience that the Incredulous Asian would never beleive the protests of his Enemy but would certainly send his Forces to Guard those Provinces which were most distant from that which he declar'd himself ready to invade Accordingly it prov'd for Agesilaus manifesting his design to make an inroad into Sardis Tissaphernes whose own fault it was thus to be deceived the second time again advances into Caria to defend it but by the event discovering his error he returns with all speed to the assistance of Sardis but it was almost too late for by that time he had reach'd the place the Active Agesilaus had posted himself in all the most important places of the Country and had loaded himself with the Spoils of it The Asians were much stronger in Horse and therefore the wary Spartans declin'd all opportunities of engageing in open Campaign and made choice of places the difficulty of which render'd the Enemy's Horse of little or no advantage to them by which policy he always remained absolute Conqueror in Asia tho much inferior in Power ballancing the inequality of Number with the excellency of his Conduct But whilst he was consulting to extend his Victories into the very bowels of Persia and to make the Sultan himself sensible of the heavy stroke of his Arms he receives an Express from the Ephori of Sparta commanding his speedy return thither the Athenians and Baeotians having denounced open War against that State And here we have a fair opportunity of discovering the excellent Piety as well as Fortitude of Agesilaus who when he was at the Head of a Victorious Army and might in despite of the World have put himself in possession of the whole Empire of Persia did yet notwithstanding so advantageous a prospect submit to the Commands of the absent Magistrates with so much readiness and condescention as if he had wore the character of a private Commoner in Sparta rather than of so great a Prince A rare example worthy of the best of Emperors Agesilaus the Incomparable Agesilaus to the scorn and Contempt of the Ambitious World chooses rather to be Master of a good Reputation then of the most flourishing Empire rather to Command the Affections of his Country then to be Lord of Asia Accordingly he is resolv'd and in pursuance of this so generous a resolution uses such Expedition that he passes the Hellespont with his whole Army in thirty days which Xerxes could not accomplish under a whole year But when he came near to Peloponnese he found his way block'd up at Coronea by the Athenians Boeotians and their Confederates who had posted themselves there to impede him in his passage But in vain did they contend against him who had Fortune at his Command for at the first encounter he gave them a total rour The Victory was great but yet the praise of it was further enhansed by his Religious Clemency for when some of the Enemy escap'd from the Battle had taken Sanctuary in Minerva's Temple and he was ask'd what he would be pleas'd to determine concerning them he strictly forbid any violence to be offer'd to them tho he might justly have Sacrific'd them as proper Victims to his deep Resentments and to that Noble Blood which he Himself had expended in the Quarrel having receiv'd some considerable wounds in the Fight But his Religious respect towards the Sacred Temples did not only evidence it self in Greece but in Asia too where he express'd the like concern to preserve the Sacred Altar and the Images of the Gods from violence and Prophanation and he was often observ'd to say That in his opinion he was equally Sacrilegious who offer'd violence to the Altar or the Votary at the Altar and that in effect he was the same Criminal who was an Enemy to the Sacred place or the Religion of the place After this Corinth was the chief Seat of Action from whence this took the Denomination of the Corinthian War Here albeit in one Engagement he had left 10000 of his Enemies breathless upon the ground and had so far weak'ned the Enemies Forces that in all Mens opinion they were perfectly broken and incapacitated ever to Rally again yet the Generous Agesilaus no less a Master of himself then the Enemy was so far from entertaining himself with any