gracious Queen Elizabeth hath hitherto enjoyed that it lieth not in the ambitious Spaniard nor in the proud Prelate of Rome her mortal enemies her sworn and professed adversaries to shorten her days but one day or one minute Their wishes are on earth but cannot ascend to heaven they may purpose but not dispose they have often desired but could never prevail they have suborned many but never found nor shall find any that shall be able to accomplish their desire the Axe may be layed to the root of the Tree but it shall not have power to fell it the Lyon perhaps may go about to seek his prey but he shall never find it the divel as a divel may provoke and procure his instruments to be ready to further his attempts but Gods Angels attending on her person having a care of her health and a special charge of her safety will not permit divellish ministers to have the least power that may be over her The Rule and Government of Women is rare and omnia rara sunt chara Their Sex is weak and the Almighty hath promised to be the Protector of the infirm and weak Their capacity is not answerable to mans policy and the Lord hath said that his elect shall not be confounded with humane wisdom he hath said and we may swear That heaven and earth shall sooner perish then his word shall fail Why then do the Princes rage Why then do the Pope and the King of Spain fret and fume against the Lords Anointed Against his chsen Vessel Against his dear Virgin Why the cause is the Lords and he will try it he will end and determine it Is it because she upholdeth and defendeth the Spaniards afflicted and oppressed Subjects Why therefore she was ordained therefore the Lord preserveth her Is it because she liveth in peace and they in wars Why the Almighty hath blessed the Peace-makers and hath vowed to be the Protector and Patron of as many as love peace Is it because her subjects rebel not against her as theirs do Why that is an express and manifest sign of their evil and her good Government Is it because she withstandeth their attempts and purposes Why she medleth not with their doings but with such as tend to her hinderance and those it is both lawful and honourable for her to cross and prevent Briefly Is it because the wisest Princes and Subjects of the world favour her more then them Why that is because their actions are not in any respect equal or comparable unto hers for they pretend one thing and intend another her thoughts and pretensions do alwaies agree together They would seem to love Peace and yet dwell continually in wars she seeketh peace and embraceth it They combine themselves and employ their strength and Forces against Christian Religion she useth her power to no mans detriment or destruction Briefly they do or would usurp more then belongeth unto them and she requireth no more then is her own That such is her mind desire and purpose is most apparent to all the world because when she might have had the Soveraignty and universal Government of Flanders she accepted it not when she might have excluded the Spaniard out of the possession of his rich and wealthy Indies she deprived him not of them And when as her Forces are sufficient to disturb his whole Realms of Portugal and Spain she employeth them not to his disturbance But In magnis voluisse sat est She hath assaulted the Indies attempted the conquest of Portugal and assayed what her Forces could do in Spain It cannot be denyed but that her Majesty hath done as much and perhaps more then is said but not before she was provoked thereunto neither with a mind so much to prejudice the Spaniard as to provide for her own safety For when Sir Francis Drake with such Forces as he and his friends with a very slender help from her Highness had provided happily spoiled part of the Indies and returned thence with no smal prey if he had gone thitherward somwhat sooner then he did better furnished then he was with a larger commission then he had al which lay in her Majesty to have granted him undoubtedly either the season of the year or the number of his ships or the largenes of his Authority would both have encouraged and also enabled him to have done those her Highness enemies much more and greater despight then he did But as wise men going about a great piece of work and finding when they have begun the same that their ability will not serve to accomplish it sit down and study what ways to take and how to put those ways in execution for the full perfection of their enterprise So her Highness having so mighty an enemy as the Spaniard whose Attempts and purposes it was necessary for her own security to cross and prevent And finding that her Treasure was not comparable to his wealth especially seeing he attempted divers ways to annoy her and purposed to weary her with length of time and variety of expences resolved with her self that it could not be amiss to permit her loving Subjects to adventure some part of their wealth and a small portion of her own Treasure inâ—hope to bring from the Indies much more then they carried thither The which her Resolution being put in practise found the same event which was expected and the sequel thereof sufficiently declared that a greater Navy well furnished with sufficient men and good store of Victuals and Munition might then and may yet put her Majesty in quiet possession of the richest and best part of the Indies But it sufficeth her Highness to try the Forces of those Countries to acquaint her Sea men and Souldiers with the way thither to give them a taste of the Indian wealth and to make her power known as well unto the Inhabitants of those remote Countries as of other nearer Regions of the world who thought too basely of her strength and carried too good a conceipt of her Adversaries might and puissance And finally to fetch from her mortal enemies own Dominions some Treasure wherewith to withstand the Rancor and extremity of his malice In which Action her Majesty fully and wisely imitated the example of the Florentines who fearing that Pope Iulius the second would war upon them for consenting unto that Counsel which divers Cardinals with the consent and furtherance of the French King and other Princes had summoned against him and thinking it convenient to defray the charges of Wars moved in defence of Church-men with Church goods seized upon so much of the Clergies goods as they thought would suffice for the maintenance of those Wars Even so her Highness hearing that the Spaniard had a long time prepared to invade her Realm and being well assured that as soon as he could be well able he would send the same preparation towards England held it expedient and necessary to seek all means possible whereby
Navie when Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the famous overthrow for which all Christendom greatly rejoyced they might haply have gotten Constantinople and have recovered most part of the Turkish Dominion Next unto the House of Austria is the State of Venice which although it be far inferiour unto many Christian Princes in power and strength by land yet it yeildeth unto very few or none of them in force by Sea With this State the Spaniard knoweth also that it is very good and convenient for him to entertain peace and amity For albeit they have many Countries confining and bordering upon the Turk for the which they pay him yearly Tribute and that their Merchants have continual entercourse of Trade and traffique unto Turky and likewise the Turks with them which bringeth in inestimable wealth and benefit unto the State and that in consideration hereof the Turk will not easily offend them nor they willingly displease him yet the Venetians knowing him to be a Turk that is a common enemy of Christendom the devourer of other mens estates the disturber of the common peace and a most notable breaker of all League Truce and Amity as often as he stirreth they stand in continual awe of him and notwithstanding all leagues contracts and confederacies with him are content to joyn with the Spaniard at any time against him and to use the utmost of their power to annoy and molest him as it was seen by the great aid which they gave unto the Spanish King when as Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the above-mentioned overthrow Thus being assured of the Venetians friendship entertaining perfect and perpetual amity with the House of Austria and having the rest of the Princes of Italy for his friends he hath little occasion to fear the Turk And yet for his better security he seeketh to live in league and amity with him and likewise keepeth continual friendship with the Turks greatest enemies hoping to turn them upon him if at any time he should chance to attempt any act of hostility against any of his States and Dominions The French King is the second considerable friend or enemy the Spaniard hath of whose friendship or enmity he is to make no small account For albeit the one hath many more Kingdoms many more People and much more Treasure then the other yet because France is of it self and within it self a very great Kingdom well inhabited full of many great Cities replenished with all things necessary and sufficiently furnished with whatsoever is needful either for Peace or for War The King thereof is in my opinion nothing inferior unto the Spaniard and much more able to pleasure or annoy him then any other Prince of Christendom It may be said that the Spaniards many Dominions yeilds him infinite multitudes of Souldiers that his Indies furnish and enrich him with great abundance of Silver and Gold and that the one and the other make him in a manner invincible But if his men by reason they are far off cannot easily be brought together Iâ— because they are of divers Nations they will hardly agree long together It because they be of contrary natures and conditions they are not in like measure fit for the Wars If their discipline shall be found contrary their humours divers and their courages in no respects equal or like What benefit What good success may be expected of an Army being compounded of so many diversities Again if the wealth of the Indies may be as it hath been oftentimes intercepted If his Treasures do scant suffice for his ordinary and extraordinary expences If his debts be already more then he is well able to pay What booteth his wealth Or why should France fear his Treasure Or what just occasion hath he either in regard of his people or in respect of his gold to contemn or make small reckoning of the united Forces of France especially since the Countries of France are able to set forth such a sufficient Army to encounter with his forces at any time and the yearly revenues of the Crown of Fraâ—ce will serve to maintain and furnish the same Army withal things necessary Appianus Alexandrinus who lived in the time of Adrianus the Emperour in his History of the Roman Wars writeth That in his time the Emperour Adrianus had in pay 200m. Footâ—men and 500m. men at Arms 3000. Carts and Waggons for his Wars and 300m. Armors to Arm his Soulâ—iers withal he had also a Navy of 600. tall Ships and of 1500. Gallies with many other Vessels of divers sort and with an infinite number of all kind of Instruments and Weapons for Sea-fight besides 80. Ships with the Prores and the Poups of gold for a shew or ornamenâ— of his Wars And lastly he had in his Treasure-house 150m. Talents in ready coyn This force this preparation this strength and wealth seemed unto the same Author so great that in the proem of the very same History he saith That all the Forces of Alexander the Great of the Assirians of the Medians and of the Persians which were four mighty Emperours were never able to attain in 900. years unto half the power strength and greatness that the Romans had Titus Livius had the like opinion of the Roman power For he saith That Alexander King of Epirus was wont to say That all the Wars which Alexander the Great ever had were in comparison of his own Wars with women rather then with men And that all the life of Alexander the Great would not have sufficed to end and finish one only War with the Carthaginians with whom the Romans in the first Wars against them fought twenty four years together And that the Romans had overthrown above 1000. sundry Armies the least of all the which was far greater then the Armies of the Macedonians or of Alexander the Great All which may seem to be true because Plutarch in his Lives of the Roman and Greekish Worthies reporteth That Iulius Caesar took in his time one thousand Cities by assault overcame more then 300. sundry Nations took above a Million of men prisoners and slew better then another Million of men in divers Battels for if one General of the Romans wrought so many worthy Exploits subdued so many Regions and slew so many Enemies how infinite now incredible were the Armies and the Victories of the Romans who had many Captains As both the Scipios Fabius Maximus Pompeius Magnus and divers others not much inferior to Iâ—lius Caesar Notwithstanding all this that is said I must needs say that as Iohn Bodin a French Authour saith in his Book de Republica the Romans having made tryal of four several Estates As of a Royal a Tyrannical an Aristocratical and a Popular State never thrived better nor ever flourished more then they did under their Popular State And to what end say I thus Forsooth to this purpose To shew you that when the Romans were most mighty when their Authority was greatest when
afflicted is a point of great Inhumanity so to comfort the comfortless is a work of singular Justice and Lenity The commendation due to this kind of courtesie hath wrought so strange effects in the hearts of many Princes that some have received their professed Enemies others have fallen out with their dearest friends rather then they would restore a poor Prince being fled unto them for succour when he was demanded at their hands some have refused great rewards which have been offered them for the restitution of such as lived in exile and banishment within their Territories others have entertained them with large yearly Pensions and presently aided them for the recovery of their Kingdomes some have given them whole Cities to dwell in others have been so forward in releiving such as implored their help that they have lost their own Kingdoms for defending them It is written in the Histories of France that Charles the seventh having upon just occasion of offence and displeasure conceived against the Dolphin of France who was his eldest son banished him out of his Realm and commanded that none of his Subjects or Friends should receive him The Duke of Burgundy who was then Vassal unto the French King and mortal Enemy unto the Dolphin did not only receive him but also gave him leave to chuse what Castle Hold or City of his soever he would to dwell in and sent presently Embassadours to his Father to make his excuse for receiving him Piero Mexias in his Book of the lives of the Roman Emperours reporteth That the Emperour Henry the third when as Peter King of Hungary was driven out of his Kingdom by his own Subjects who for his evil Government had rebelled against him did not only harbour and entertain him but also restored him unto his Kingdom although the same Peter not long before had favoured the Duke of Bohemia who rebelled against the said Emperour The King of Cochin being required by the King of Calicut not to harbour his enemies which were fled unto him for succour Answered that he could not expel them out of his Cities having received them upon his word with which Answer the King of Calicut being highly displeased wrot him a Letter full of great threats whereat the King of Cochin laughed and willed the Messenger to tell him that he would not do that for fear of all his threats which he vouchsafed not to do at his request whereupon the King of Calicut suddenly prepared a great Army invaded the King of Cochins Realm drave him out of his Kingdom and enforced him to fly unto a certain Island of his own which was then in the hands of certain Portugals by whom he not long after was again restored unto his Kingdom Our Chronicles report That both Edward the fourth and Richard the third offered great Rewards unto the Duke of Brittan to restore unto them Henry Earl of Richmond who lived as a poor banished man within the Dukedom but no money could win him to yeild unto their desire The same Chronicles testifie that the poor King of Scots received Henry the sixth flying from the persecution of Edward the fourth and entertained him with a yearly Pension and aided him for the recovery of his Kingdom David distrusting the protection of God slyeth unto Achich King of Goth who giveth him Siglag to dwell in And Ierobâ—am flying unto Shishack King of AEgypt was honourably received of him and maintained there like a Prince until Rehoboam was deprived for his cruelty and he sent for out of Egypt and made King of Israel Frederick King of Naples being oppressed by his Uncle the King of Spain used unto the French King unto whom he made grievous complaints of the Catholique King because without any regard of the kindred and consanguinity that was betwixt them he had endeavoured by all means possible to deprive him of the Moity of his Kingdom Lewis the French King received him with great honour and courtesie made him Duke of Anjou and gave him 30000. Ducates of yearly Revenue Our Chronicles and other Histories are full of a number of the like Examples confirming the equity and commending the clemency and gentleness of such Princes as have yeilded competent relief to their neighbours to their enemies to their Allies and to meer strangers being enforced to crave their aid and assistance But hoping that these will suffice to satisfie and resolve you I will forbear to enlarge this discourse with the supersluous and needless recital of others It is commonly said that troubles come in post and depart by leisure And who so seeketh unquietness shall easily find it and therefore considering the displeasure that is done to the adversary of him that is received into another Kings Realm and protection the danger which the Receiver may incure and the manifest wrongs which are sometimes done unto the Receiver by the received together with their most unkind and unnaturall Ingratitude this kinde of charitie is sometimes termed crueltie this pity peril this favour extream folly and this compassion a passion not agreeable to reason and Princely policy Some Princes therefore weighting the perils that may follow the receiving of such Guests or the aiding of Princes who were expelled or banished from their own Dominions would neither receive them nor succour them unless they were well rewarded for their labour to the end that such a reward might recompence the costs and charges which do necessarily depend upon the harbour and relief which is given unto them Alexis sometimes Emperour of Greece being deprived of his Empire could not obtain any manner of aid from the Venetians the Marquess of Montferrat and the King of France until he had faithfully promised to pay the Venetians debts to recompence with so much ready money the harms which the Frenchmen had sustained by the Emperour Emanuel and to bestow the Earldom of Candia upon the forenamed Marquess Macrinus having slain the Emperour Bassianus enjoyed the Empire and his Son Antoninus Heliogabalus lived a long time in exile until his Mother Messa by great gifts and extraordinary liberality won the Soulders of Macrinus and his best Captains and Colonels to acknowledg him for the true and indubitate Heir of the Empire and in regard thereof and of the duty of the young child whom for his Fathers sake they quickly affected to deprive Macrinus of his usurped Diadem and Imperial Authority Other Princes perhaps terrified with the perils that accompany and attend upon the harbouring of such distressed Princes when they have once received them either restore them to their enemies or detain them as lawful Prisoners or cause them to be secretly murthered So did Alarick King of the Goths send King Siagrius who fled unto him for succour back again unto Clovis King of France his mortal enemy So did Toleny cause Pompey to be murthered who fled unto him as unto his ancient and faithful friend from the wrath and indignation of
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Their contracts bind them as much as Laws 19 20 R REmedies of Subjects against unjust Princes 26 S DOn Sebastian of Portugal intendeth to aid Muly Mahomet King of Morocco against his brother 28 Sforza Ursino and the Count de Terras Vedras and Emanuel Serradas unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 The Spanish liable to be depos'd for breaking the Laws of Aragon p. 17 He entreth into a League with Muly Malucco against his own Nephew Don Sebastian of Portugal 27 The Swedish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOME AFter that I had lived many years in voluntary exile and banishment and saw that the most happy and fortunate success which it pleased the Almighty to send unto my gracious Soveraign against the malicious and hostile Attempts which the Spanish Monarch both openly and covertly practised against her sacred Person and invincible State and Kingdom I began to despair of my long desired return into my native Countrey and to consider with my self with what price I might best redeem my sweet and inestimable liberty Sometimes I wished that her Majesty had as the Italian Princes have many confined and banished men abroad upon whose heads there are great Fines set to invite others to kill them in hope to receive those Fines in recompense of their murther But my wishes vanished as smoak in the wind and as long as I dwelt in those cogitations me-thought I did nothing else but build Castles in the Ayr then I applied my wits to think upon some other means of better hope and more probability and supposed that to murther some notable Traytor or professed enemy to my Prince and Countrey might be a ready way to purchase my desire But the great difficulty to escape unpunished the continual terror that such an offence might breed unto my conscience and the perpetual infamy that followeth the bloody Executioners of trayterous Murderers for I held it trayterous to kill my friend and acquaintance made both my heart and my hand to abhor any such action Martius Coriolanus seemed unto me a most happy man who when in revenge of a few mistaken injuries he had wrought his Countrey great despight and annoyance suffered himself with much difficulty to be intreated by his Wiâ—e his Mother and the Senate of Rome to return home and to become so great a Friend as he had been a Foe unto his country That day should have been more joyful unto me then the day of my birth and nativity wherein I might have seen a Letter from any of my friends with assurance of my pardon to call me home But I find my self so much inferiour to Coriolanus in good fortune as I come behind him in manly valour and other laudible qualities Whilest I lived in this perplexity I hapned by chance to meet with an honest and kind English Gentleman who was lately come out of Italy and meant to sojourn a few moneths in France and then to return into England He knew both me and my friends very well And although his License forbad him to converse with any Fugitives yet hearing by common and credible report that I was not so malicious as the rest of my Countrey-men but lived only for my conscience abroad he adventured now and then to use my company and with me and in my hearing to use greater liberty of speech then with any other of our Nation Whereupon I presumed that as I was trusted so I might trust him again and as he did conceal nothing from me so I might adventure to reveal to him the secret projects of my inward cogitations I therefore acquainted him with my eaâ—nest desire to return and with the great difficulty which I found to procure my return and he perceiving that my words agreed with my wishes and that my tongue uttered nothing but what my heart thought promised me faithfully to effect my desire if I would be content to grant his request I presuming that he would demand nothing but that which should be both honest and lawful gave him my faithful promise to satisfie his demand He accepted my offer and uttered his mind in this manner In my travel I have heard many things which I knew not when I came out of England and no more then I would and yet much more then I can be well able to answer when I come home if you will be as willing as I know you are able to frame me a good and sufficient answer to all that I have heard all the friends which I have in England shall fail me but that I will purchase your return home with credit and countenance And because your promise bindeth you to vouchsafe me this favour I will as briefly as I can possible shew you to what points I shall need and most desire your answer I heard Princes generally reprehend the Flomings perhaps more boldly then justly accused of rebellion the French men I know not how truly burthened with the same crime and our Sovereign in my poor opinion wrongfully blamed for aiding both the French and Flemish Nations I heard some men to maintain this strange opinion that the Turk had long before this day been utterly subverted or sorely weakned had not her Majesty holpen those two Nations which hindred both the French and Spanish Kings from imploying their united forces to the utter subversion of the Turk I heard some men charge us with vain-glory as men that had learned of the vain-glorious Souldier in Terence to brag of our valour and exploits in France where they could hardly believe that we ever obtained the tenth part of that which we boast to have atcheived And others who were better acquainted with our Histories and more affected with our conquests do wonder and marvell greatly howwe could lose in a very few years all that our Predecessors got with much effusion of blood and with great difficulty I heard the Spaniard our mortal and professed Enemy highly commended for that his Predecessors could of a mean Earl make themselves mighty Monarchs and because that he with his wisdom doth maintain and keep all that they got I heard his might magnified his Policy admired his Government extolled his Wisdom commended his Wealth feared and all his Actions justified I heard contrarywise our Portugal Voyage condemned the Cause thereof disliked the Success dispraised the Entertainment given unto Don Antonio disallowed and her Majesty accused to have given the Spaniard many and divers occasions of discontentment The death of the late Queen of Scots The intercepting of certain monies sent into the Low Countries The proceeding against Catholicks the expulsion of the Popes authority out of England the sending away of the Spanish Embassadour in some disgrace and our League and Amity with the United Provinces are the principal causes that displeased the Spaniard I heard it imputed unto her Majesty as a fault that her Grace continued in league with the late French King who was charged to
life and welfare of his Subjects but when the Prince casteth off humanity and the Subjects forget their duty when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed when he breaketh Laws and they desire to live under their ancient Laws when he imposeth new Tributes and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people their ancient Lawes Priviledges and Liberties and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers and Patrons to be done unto themselves and their Posterity Then changeth love into hatred and obedience into contempt then hatred breedeth disdain and disdain ingendereth disloyalty after which follow secret conspiracies unlawful assemblies undutiful consultations open mutinies treacherous practises and manifest rebellions The chief reasons whereof are because the common people are without reason ready to follow evil counsel easie to be displeased prone to conceive dislike not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers forgetful of many good turns if they be but once wronged more desirous to revenge an injury then to remember a benefit quickly weary of a Prince be he never so good if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them commonly affecting time that is past better then the present briefly all liking what the most like all inclining where the greatest part favoureth all furthering what the most attempt and all soon miscarried if the most be once misled This natural disposition of the common people is proved by common experience observed by wise Polititians and confirmed by many examples not of one Realm but of many Nations not of one age but of many seasons not of barbarous people but of civil Realms not of Kingdoms alone but of other manner of Governments briefly not of Subjects living only under Tyrants but also under the best Princes that ever were for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for antiquity or for greatness for strength or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings for absolute government of Rulers or for dutiful obedience of Subjects for good laws or for just and wise Magistrates and yet France that hath this commendation and these benefits hath many other times besides this and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns for proof whereof let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion begun in the late Kings time and continued in this Kings days They that write thereof at large and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred Offices appertaining unto Justice dearly sold Benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated new Impositions dayly invented and levied the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed old Officers unjustly displaced and men of base quality unworthily advanced they saw the late King carried away with vanities governed by a woman entred in League and Amity with their Enemies and fully resolved to follow his pleasure and to leave the administration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Enemies They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion unlikely to have any issue to succeed him not willing to establish any succession of the Crown after him and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion Lastly they saw that as long as he lived the King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed and that as soon as he dyed the said King was likely to be his Successor which hapning they considered the desperate estate of their Religion the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants and of their cause and quarrel the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes And lastly the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves and of their Families Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies and to prevent some of them and to redress and reform others they called a general Assembly of the three Estates implored the help of forreign Princes levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather together propounded means of Reformation to the King and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel they combined themselves against the Protestants his pretended and their open enemies seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength removed such Officers as disliked them and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause imployed men fit for their humours made for their purpose brought up in their Factions practised in their Quarrels affectioned in their Cause and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Favour of strange and mighty Potentates to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Protestants The King of Spain by the greatness of his Ambition and the Duke of Lorrain by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party and further their Attempts and Enterprises The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes beseeching them as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices so they would now that matters were grown to ripeness and secret Conspiracies to open resistance vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power In which Suit he findeth happy success and with promise of assured and sufficient aid is animated to proceed with courage and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly He therefore considering that for the better accomplishment of his designs it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain repaireth thither with all diligence And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them
they commanded all Italy they might justly stand in fear of such an Enemy in Italy as the King of France may be thereunto And so consequently that the present King of Spain whose power is by very many degrees inferiour and not equal to the Romans hath very great and just occasion to doubt and fear the French King for it is written that Hannibal who was the greatest enemy that ever the Romans had who in my simple conceit was the most wise politique and valiant Captain that ever lived who knew the strength of the Romans and how they might well and conveniently be annoyed by any Prince that would undertake Wars against them better then any General of former Age or of our time doth or can know being driven after the ruin and destruction of Carthage to fly for succour and for his last refuge unto King Antiochus delivered unto him for his sound and setled opinion that Italy was a Country that was able to yeild unto any forrain Enemy both Souldiers and Victuals against it self and yet whosoever would attempt any enterprise either secretly or openly against Italy must take the advantage of some Conspiracy Tumult or Commotion to be moved within the very bowels and entralls of Italy for that if the Romans might wholly enjoy and imploy the only forces and strength thereof there was never any King or any Nation that might justly and truly compare with the Romans Then if Italy be such a Country as undoubtedly it appeareth to be by Hannibals Testimony If it be able to yeild releif to Forrainers if the next way to win it be to have a partie and partakers in it who can be thought wise that shall be of opinion the Spaniard is of so great power and Authority in Italy that he should not need to fear the French Kings might or puissance Shall he not be feared because some men perhaps think him not able to set forth an Army sufficient to encounter with the Spanish Forces Why it is written that Alexander the Great who conquered mightier Princes then the present King of Spain is never had in amy Army above 30000. Foot-men and 4000. Horse-men It is writen that the very Romans whose power was such as you have heard it to be never used greater Forces against any forrain enemy then an Army of 40. or 50m. at the most Lastly it is Recorded that the Spanish Kings Father held an opinion for many reasons him thereunto moving that an Army of the same number and quality which Alexander used was without all doubt and controversie sufficient for any Prince whatsoever against any enemy was he never so mighty Again shall he not be feared because his Treasure is not equal unto the Spaniards Golden Mines Why it is true that money and Gold are the very sinews of War it is an infallible Maxime we hold it for a most ancient and over-ruled Rule but if riches had been the best and only means to subdue Nations never had the poor Romans at their first beginning nor the needy Swizzers in their Wars against the rich Duke of Burgundy nor the beggarly Normans in the Infantry of their Chivalry obtained such Victories and Conquests as they did But grant that the Spaniard needeth not fear any Enemy in Italy unless he be as mighty as the Romans both in money and in men If the French King shall be found to be such an enemy will the Spaniards favourers confess that he is worthy to be feared If they should not you would hold them to be senceless And if in this Point concerning the annoying of the Spaniard in Italy I prove him not in some manner equal to the Romans I can be content that my slender Reputation shall suffer any manner of indignity Titus Livius and many other Authors of the like Authority and Credit make true and large mention of the harms of the indignities and of the damages which the Romans sustained by Hannibal They report how he passed the Alpes with great difficulty brought in forces into Italy with great danger ruled his Souldiers with great dexterity provided things necessary for them with singular wisdom and providence won divers Princes of Italy to join with him and them with great Wit and Policy Lastly proceeded on his journey with so great courage and magnanimity prevailed in his enterprises with so good success and fortune terrified and daunted the invincible hearts and stomachs of the Romans with so many unexpected and notable Victories that they had no other way to be rid of him but to send Scipio to War in Affrica and by besieging Carthage to call him home to the releif of Carthage Now for the better proof of my purpose give me leave I pray you to compare the Spaniard and the Romans the French King and Hannibal together a Molehil indeed with a Mountain an Eagle in truth with a fly but such a Molehil and such a fly as will declare the greatness of the Mountain as will illustrate the might and vertues of the Eagle The Romans commanded all Italy The Spaniard ruleth most part of Italy they had no man in Hannibals time that durst oppose himself openly against him he hath few or none in our Age that dareth shew himself an open enemy against him they were generally feared he is undoubtedly redoubted they were assisted by their friends against Hannibal he would likewise find friends against the French King Briefly they stood upon their guard and he is not without his Garrisons But an Hannibal annoyed them when they were almost in the highest period of their pride and prosperity And why may not a French King work him annoyance when he standeth most assuredly upon his defence Shall he not be able to hurt him because the Alpes divide France and Italy and maketh the passage hard and difficult But Hannibal passed them when they were not so passable as they are now And how many times have the Frenchmen passed them since Hannibals time Shall he not find means to work him dispight and hindrance because he is not so well experienced in Wars as Hannibal was But may he not find many Captains who in these days have little less experience then Hannibal had Shall he not be sufficient to war against him in Italy because the Country is far better fortified then in Hannibals time but late experience hath taught us that those Fortifications Holds and Citadels could not stay the course of Charls the eighth King of France who passed through all Italy as a Conquerour until he came to the Kingdom of Naples which he also subdued Briefly shall he not prevail against him in Italy because the Spaniard is in League with most of the Princes hereof But Histories afford us many examples that the Italian Princes have oftentimes broken their League with the Emperour and other his Predecessors whose greatness they either feared or enveighed as they do the overgrowing power of the Spaniard at this present And why may not
these examples move them to do the like when as the like occasion of fear or of envy is offered unto them Hannibal counselled as you have heard Antiochus to war upon the Romans in Italy when they were far stronger then the Spaniards is and no man had better experience of the Romans or of Italy then Hannibal had The reasons therefore enforcing Hannibal to give that Counsel to Antiochus may as they have many times serve to move the French King to follow his counsel the rather because experience proved it to be true and Antiochus failed of his purpose because he hearkned to Hannibal's perswasion But this difficulty will be better cleared if I shall let you understand the opinion of one of the best Warriors of our Age as well touching the wealth as the strength of the French King Monsieur de la Nove who dyed but a few years past and when he lived was generally reputed and esteemed the best Captain of our time in his Book of Military discourses delivereth that the French King Henry the second levyed yearly by ordinary means of his Subjects fifteen Millions of Francks part whereof were engaged and pawned for his debts and yet saith he our King levieth no less at this day Here you see the French Kings Revenues were in some measure comparable unto the Romans For Plutarch in his before mentioned History writing of the life of Pompey who was surnamed the Great reporteth That the yearly and ordinary Revenues of the Roman Common-wealth before the Conquest obtained by Pompey came but to five Millions of Crowns which is fifteen Millions of Francks the just Revenue of the French King until that Pompey increased the same and brought it to eight Millions and 500 m Crowns and brought unto the Treasure-house ten Millions of Jewels and ready coin So if you remember that as it hath been shewed the Romans never flourished more then they did when they were governed by Consuls and not by Kings or by Emperours yea you shall see that the French King coming not much behind them in yearly Revenues may be thought in some respect equal unto them The same Mounsieur de la Nove in his twentieth Military Discourse talking of the might and puissance of the French King deliverâ—th That he may very conveniently set forth an Army of 60. Companies of men at Arms of 20. Cornets of light Horse-men and of five Companies of Harquebusiers on Horseback which were in all 10000. Horse-men besides 4000. Royters and 100. Ensigns of French Foot-men and 40. Ensigns of Swizzars and yet he shall leave his Frontier Towns sufficiently well armed and furnished with men and munition as well to defend as offend the enemy Du Haillan in his 14th Book of the History of France setteth down That Philip de Valois when as he warred with Edward the Third King of England for the Crown of France had an Army of 100 m fighting men The same Authour in his sixteenth Book writeth That Charls King of France meaning to go into England against King Richard as I take it the second brought to the Sluce in Flanders a Navy of 128â— Ships all loaden with men and munition which I have thought good to let you understand to the end you may see that if the Alps should be made unpassable by the Spaniard for the Frenchmen which was the Emperour Charls the fifth's purpose and intention to do if in his life time he could possibly have brought it to pass yet the French King is not unable or unfurnished of ships to convey and carry as his Predecessors have done a sufficient Army by Sea into Italy Plutarch in the life of Iulius Caesar recordeth that the Frenchmen came with an Army of three hundred thousand fighting men to raise Iulius Caesars Siege before Alexia a huge number and such a number as the Romans never used the like against any Forrain Enemy as the same Plutarch testifieth in the life of Fabius Maximus where he affirmeth that the greatest power which the Romans ever had against any enemy whatsoever was but eighty eight thousand souldiers and Andreas Ficcius in his book de Repub. reporteth that they seldome or never passed the number of forty or fifty thousand a less number then which Charls the fifth the present King of Spain's father held to be sufficient as I have said before to encounter with any Christian Prince and I have thought good to repeat because hearing what you have heard of the French power you may think the French King well able to annoy any King of Christendom For although I should grant that his power is weakned and he not able to arm such multitudes as his Predecessors have done for which I see no reason if he were freed of his Civil wars yet it must needs be granted that he could easily make an army of that number and therewith greatly prejudice the Spaniard in Italy especially since a Captain of valour and experience will adventure to set upon innumerable multitudes nothing fearing their number with a few well trained and experienced souldiers as Alexander the great did upon Darius his innumerable hoste and Hannibal did upon the Romans who as Polibius testifieth in his second book with scant twenty thousand feared not to fight with the Romans in Italy amounting unto seven hundred thousand footmen and seventy thousand horsemen Thus as in Revenues so in multitudes of Souldiers at the leastwise in such multitudes as they commonly used you see the French King is in some measure comparable to the Romans but especially in no respect inferiour unto Hannibal for men or money and therefore without all doubt and controversie as likely and able to war with the Spanish King within the very bowels of Italy as he was to contend with the Romans when they were strongest as all Princes are most commonly within their own Realms and Dominions especially if they have as the Romans had the same wholly and entirely to themselves But although this point touching the King of France his possibility and means to molest and trouble the Spanish King in Italy be well and sufficiently cleared by that which is said yet I cannot so leave it for I hold it convenient to let you know the opinion of his Father concerning the same matter He therefore considering the variable affections of the Princes of Italy the hidden and secret malice which they inwardly bear unto all strangers and forreigners the many pretensions which the French King hath unto Naples and Milan together with sundry prosperous attempts and journeys which of late years they have made into Italy counselled the present King of Spain his son at the time he resigned all his Kingdoms unto him a very rare and commendable act to carry a watchful and wary eye over the French King he willeth him to be jealous of his greatness and to seek all means possible to weaken him he adviseth how to war against France and how by his own
alwayes proveth peace betwixt Princes The one is permitted and entertained for commodities sake and for the benefit of the Subjects on both parts yea for the better maintenance of the Wars And the other is used and practised for his great advantage whose Embassadour can carry himself most wisely and most cunningly for Embassadours are as Phil. de Comines said very well but honourable Espies and therefore it is usual to let them remain and reside in Princes Courts not only after the rupture and breach of peace but also sometimes when they are at mortal Wars that they may be Mediators of peace Send therefore saith de Comines Embassadours unto thine Enemies even when thou art at most deadly feud with them For though thy charges in sending be great and thy Adversaries be wary and circumspect in foreseeing they shall do nothing to their prejudice yet if those whom thou sendest be wise they cannot chuse but learn somthing that may be very beneficial unto them and countervail their expences The reading of Histories hath taught me that Embassadours are sent from one Prince to another even in the hottest times of their Wars sometimes to demand a convenient place of parley So Caesar sent unto his enemy Ariovistus to require him to appoint some convenient place where they might meet and confer of matters concerning the profit of himself and of Ariovistus sometimes to require and offer conditions of peace So Divito was sent Embassadour unto Caesar to desire peace at his hands sometimes to spie and sound the affections of Subjects So Hannibal when he was coming into Italy sent certain Embassadours unto the French King being then subject unto the Romans to enquire of their affections and to see how they might be disposed and perswaded o suffer him to pass the Alpes quietly and to behold where he might pass them with least danger But I shall have occasion to handle this matter more largely hereafter And therefore from it again to my purpose The taking of the fore-mentioned money is the matter that is most urged and therefore must be more sufficiently answered This is the sore that gauleth the wound that grieveth the corroâ—ive that groweth To this therefore I will adde another Plaister It shall not suffice that the money intercepted was taken and esteemed not to be the King of Spains but to belong unto certain Merchants of Genoa that Allegation shall not go for sufficient and lawful payment but it shall be added yea and proved for an Embassadour was sent by her Majesty into Spain of purpose that her Highness complained unto the King of Spain of the great wrong that was done by the Duke of Alva unto her Majesty and unto her Subjects upon an unjust occasion of displeasure taken against her Grace and them for that money which if the King although it was certain it appertained unto those Merchants would needs have it it was offered unto him by the said Embassadour that it should be restored so that her Highness Subjects might enjoy their ancient Liberties and Priviledges within the Spanish Dominions and also a restitution might be made by the Duke of Alva for all that was wrongfully detained from them And the same Embassadour added further that it was never her Majesties mind to offend the Catholick king nor to provoke him to wrath and anger whose Friendship the knew might be a great help and honour unto her What might her Majesty have said more lovingly or what better satisfaction could the king of Spain demand Was he displeased because her Majesty gave no better audience unto the Duke of Alva his Secretary who was sent to admonish her Majesty not to meddle with any matter belonging to his Master Why his cross and rash dealing deserved no favour at her hands and made his Masters Subjects fare far worse then otherwise they should have done in England For her Highness hearing that the Duke had made stay of her Merchants and of their Goods to be even with him commanded that all the Merchants strangers that then lived in England and were Subjects to the King of Spain should likewise be arrested and their Goods attached and strait Commandment was given unto our Merchants that they should forbear to traffique into any place subject unto the Spanish Dominion until the Kings pleasure was fully known what should become of our Merchants Here you see that the unordinary and unkind proceeding of the Duke of Alva was occasion of greater unkindness then should have proceeded of so small a matter For if he had forborn to arrest our Merchants and to attach their Goods until his Masters pleasure had been known his Kings Embassadours had had better audience and his Subjects had been free from inconveniences and harms as they suffered by his default For after he had rashly and unadvisedly layed hands upon our Merchants and their Merchandizes her Grace could do no less then she did especially since the Lawes of her Realm have provided that her Subjects being restrained in the like manner shall have recourse unto her Highness as unto her chief Justice and there demand that the Subjects of a forraign Prince who hath offered wrong or violence unto them and their Goods be presently attached in England until our Merchants and their Goods be released and set at liberty by that Prince So the blame in this case must lye upon the Duke of Alva who when this occasion of rupture and variance was growing betwixt our Queen and his King should have wisely dissembled the same and quickly have extinguished the flames of the displeasure and discontentment that was likely to burn betwixt them For a Servant and Counsellor may offend as well in being too forward as in being too â—low in his Masters business as I shall have occasion to shew more at large hereafter the which when I shall handle will give light unto this matter and fully and throughly cleer the same Now to the proof that the King of Spain did before the intercepting of this money give her Majesty just occasion to â—eize upon the same and to detain it although it had been much more then it was for her own use and benefit It is since the taking of this money some four and twenty years agoe and therefore if it may be proved that long before that time the Spaniard hath dealt more like an enemy then a friend with her Majesty I think it will follow that she might justly have done him even then and before then far greater despight then ever she did When the late French King suffered the Duke of Alencon his Brother to take upon him the Title of the Duke of Brabant and the defence of those Countries he sent an Embassadour into Spain to excuse his Brothers going thither and to signifie unto the Spanish King that all that was there done was done without his Counsel and Privity The Spanish King was highly displeased with this Message and answered the Embassadour that he
or nothing always desirous to embrace many things although he holdeth not safe any thing But of Princes I had rather deliver unto you other mens judgments then mine own opinion You have heard what the Spanish Kingdoms are and by that which hath been said you may easily conjecture that his principal force and strength cometh from Spain and Italy Countries as far different in conditions and qualities as they are distant in place and scituation Of the force of these two Countries you shall therefore hear what a learned Writer and what I who am not worthy to write hath set down for his resolute opinion I have told you long since that Guicciardine termeth the Footmen of Italy Infamia della militia And now to the same purpose because it falleth out very fit for my purpose I may not forbear to tell you that the same Authour in his ninth Book of the same History useth of the Infantry of Italy these words following All Princes that can be served with High Dutchmen Spaniards or Swizzers refuse the service of Italian Footmen because they are neither acquainted with the Customs and Orders of other Nations nor accustomed to continue long in the field The same Writer considering that some kingdoms naturally are better able to defend themselves then offend their enemies delivereth for his opinion that the Spanish King is far better able to defend his Kingdom from any Invasion to be made by the King of France then to offend or annoy the said King By which two judgments I may boldly conjecture and prove my conjecture by Nicholaus Machiavelli who hath written a whole Chapter upon this Argument that not only the Spanish King but also any other Prince whatsoever being driven when he hath occasion to offend or invade an enemy to use forrain power and mercenary Souldiers is not to be esteemed a strong and mighty Prince and that such is the state and condition of the king of Spain is manifestly proved by the places before alledged out of Guicciardine For if his Italians the principal forces of an Army always consisting of Footmen be not fit for that service and his Spaniards are better able to maintain his Realm at home then to molest his enemies abroad who can justly esteem him strong whose chiefest strength dependeth wholy upon these two Nations And now to leave the Italians as men in this respect not worthy to be had in any great reckoning and to proceed more largely in the discovery and declaration of the Spanish valour True it is that as I have said before continual use and daily experience in Martial affairs have made them of late years very famous It is also most certain and manifest that they are very patient and able to endure labour hunger and thirst light of body sparing in their diet and therefore satisfied and maintained with a little wary and politique and therefore cunning in using and inventing new Stratagems briefly so desireous of Wars that unless they have a forrain enemy they will easily fall to variance and civil discord at home But if you call to remembrance how they come to that fame which now they have attained if you consider that they are as Titus Livius testifieth of an unquiet and contentious disposition and always affecting change and alteration if you call to mind that as Paulus Iovius reporteth they have minds evermore thirsting for Rule and Government whereunto if they once attain they bend their whole force and thoughts unto the purchasing of further and higher Authority Lastly if you weigh and remember that as Piero Mexias a Spanish Historiographer saith they cannot endure to be governed by a stranger you must needs think that the before mentioned vertues may be either obscured or hindred by these later vices For let them meet with a Nation not so timerous as those with whom they had to deal of late let them follow their natural disposition and so fall at variance amongst themselves let them still cover and affect Authority and so when they should jointly help one another against their enemies proudly disdain to be ruled by their own leaders as they have done of late years Lastly let them contemn a stranger as they did the late Duke of Parma or not agree with strangers as they did in Flanders what fruit may be expected of their service or what profit can proceed of their valour It is imputed unto the Germans for a great fault that when they are ready to join with their enemies in battel they oftentimes refuse to strike a stroke before they have their due and monethly pays and for this one fault Princes make no great account of them and yet the Spaniards who are subject to this fault as well as they are commended for their loyalty and obedience in so much that some men write that they were never discontent for want of their pay But if you read either the Indian History or the Writers of their late Wars in Flanders you shall find that they have oftentimes revolted for lack of their pay yea they have banded against their Captains and their best Souldiers have resisted the commandment of their Generals This I could prove by many Examples but one notable Example shall suffice for those many At what time it was agreed betwixt the King of Spain and the States of the Low Countries that all Spaniards shall depart thence It was thought convenient and necessary by Don Iohn de Austria who was the General for the King in Flanders to appoint some principal and chief Captains to have the leading and conducting of them into Italy Whereupon Don Iohn gave express commandment unto the Kings Secretary Escovedo to assemble the Counsel of War in the Town of Antwerp and there to consult and deliberate what man was meetest for that purpose This Councel assembled made special choise of Don Alonso de Vargas who willingly accepted the charge but Iulian Romero a man of great worth and no small experience openly reâ—uâ—ed to be commanded by Don Alonso alledging for the only reason of his disobedience that it would be a great dishonour for him to go into Italy under such a Leader because that he being Master of the Camp Don Alonso had been his Souldier and De Vergas as boldly protested that since he had been thought worthy by the Counsel to govern he would not be governed nor guided by Iulian Romero The Councel acquainted Don Iohn with this contention he fearing to discontent either Romero or Vergas and doubting that if they should be discontented some great inconvenience might follow thereon commanded the Councel to chuse a third man which was the County of Mansfield Whereat Don Alonso so stormed that he complained of Don Iohn de Austria a Danderas displagad with Banners displayed as the same Don Iohn termeth it in his Letters to the king of Spain yea it seemed that he was so displeased therewith and so resolute to signifie his grief and discontentment unto the
King that Don Iohn de Austria in his Letter unto the King is fain to intreat his Majesty that if Don Alonsâ— moved with the same passion which possessed him when he chid hand-smooth with him should so much forget himself as to write Alganalibertag some unbeseeming speech unto his Majesty Como la ha hecho a mi as he hath done â—aith he unto me it might please his Majesty not only to dissemble but also to comfort favour and promise him some high reward assuring his Majesty that whatsoever recompence his Grace should bestow upon him he would take the same as bestowed upon himself yea further beseeching his Majesty to let Don Alonso understand what he had written in his behalf and that his commendations hath not a little availed him to the end saith he Salga de la opinion que ya concedido he may conceive no more so evil an opinion of me as he hath done Was not this think you a point of great disobedience in a base Souldier as Don Alonso had been Was it not a bold part of a Souldier to rail at his General unto his face Was it not a fault severely punishable to refuse to march under a Leader chosen by consent of an whole Councel at War Was not that General in an evil case who was constrained to flatter so mean a Souldier Or can that king be thought to have obedient and loyal Souldiers who must of necessity be inforced not only not to punish but also to pardon and not to tolerate alone but also to recompence a rebellious and insolent Captain for fear of some inconvenience that might follow of his discontentment or punishment But this was not all And Don Alonso alone shewed not himself discontented Sancho de Avila the Colonel Mudragon the Captain Monteselega the Colonel Verdugo the Castellan Francisco Hermandes de Avila and many other of the most especial Captains of that time were likewise so displeased and uttered their discontentments in such manner as that Don Iohn was compelled as he testifieth in the same Letter to pacifie them not only by granting them their whole pays out of Wars which they had in Wars but also by promising them that they should have the like charges and Offices in the Dukedom of Milan as they had in Flanders Now whereas the wisest best and most serviceable Captains shew manifest signs of undutiful carriage and intolerable arrogancy may the meaner Souldiers be justly blamed if they fall into the like offence Or can that Nation be worthily commended for loyal and obedient Souldiers whose chief Officers do so highly forget and neglect their duty especially in a matter of such weight and importance as the departure of the Spaniards out of Flanders was at that time unto the King but this kind of disobedience is not usual and whereas there be good Masters there most commonly be likewise good servants So the Spanish King being better furnished with notable Captains then any other Prince in Christendom he must likewise have sufficient and good Souldiers And because it hath been said that not the number and multitude but the goodness and valour of Souldiers maketh their Kings victorious it must needs follow as a necessary consequent that the King of Spain whose Captains pass the Captains of all other Princes both in number and experience cannot be without good Souldiers and therefore is strong enough to encounter with any Adversary whatsoever To this Argument it is easily answered that although the valour of Souldiers is better to be regarded then the number yet that Prince who hath valiant Souldiers not being able to bring into the field a proportionable and equal number unto his enemies especially such enemies as rather excel then yeild unto his Subjects in valour and Chivalry may undoubtedly be held and reputed a Prince of no great strength and puiâ—sance If then you remember as you cannot forget that the Christian Adversaries with whom the king of Spain hath any great contention are the king of France and the Queen of England the Subjects of either of which Princes are neither inferiour unto the Spaniards in number or in valour you cannot chuse but perceive and see that the King is not of might and power sufficient to contend at once with both these Princes This was well known unto his Father who as it hath been said before so carried himself in all his life time that when he had England for his enemy France was his friend and when he fell at variance with France he presently procured the friendship and alliance of England Besides there is nothing more usual then to make conjectures of things to come by things that are past and to measure the present forces of Princes by their own or their Predecessors strength and power at other times for although a Kingdom be at sometimes more populous then at others yet because man in reason hath a better regard of that which is commonly and dayly seen then of that which happeneth very seldom he cannot greatly be deceived that measureth a new raigning Princes might and power by his own and his Predecessors former puissance But before I enter into the due consideration hereof it shall not be amiss to let you understand whence it cometh to pass that the Spaniards are lately become so famous as they are you know that in this our corrupt Age as men are friended so they are favoured that they who are highest in Authority are most commonly as high in praise as they are in preheminence that all men covet to win favour with the Mighty that no man can so securely as perhaps boldly derogate the least jot that may be from their credit and reputation who in common opinion are held praise worthy Common same is by Law a certain kind of proof and our common Proverb saith That it may be an untruth which two or three report but that can hardly be untrue which all or most men affirm to be certain and manifest yea such is the force of common same that whensoever it proceedeth first from grave and honest personages it carrieth great credit and he shall hardly be credited that shall venture to gainsay or control the same Since therefore divers Authors of great Antiquity of marvellous gravity of singular learning and rare wisdom have attributed in their speeches in their conferences in their writings more praises and far greater commendations unto Spain then unto any other Country many for fear to be reputed unwise if they should not subscribe to their opinion some to follow the new received custome of open and intolerable flattery and others for affection which easily deceiveth very wise men have of late years either thought it a duty or a degree and step to preferment to concur in opinion both openly and privately with as many as have dedicated their Studies and devoted themselves and their uttermost endeavours to the setting forth maintenance and augmentation of Spain and of the Spanish Kings honour and reputation Thence
Recaredus King of the Goths and of Spain was the first King that expelled the Arrian Heresie out of his kingdom and expresly commanded all his Subjects to receive and profess Christian Religion Whereby it appeareth that Spain lived from the time of St. Iames and St. Pauls being there until Recaredus his Raign which is better then four hundred years in manifest and manifold Heresies a crime which cannot be proved to have been in England or in many other Nations after they had once submitted themselves to the Doctrine of Christ and his Disciples Lastly if Spain will still continue to brag and say that their King Ferdinand was entituled by Alexander the sixth by the name of the Catholique King they may leave to boast thereof when they shall hear that Henry the eighth our King not much after the same time was surnamed by Leo the tenth Pope of Rome Defender of the Catholique faith and that the Switzers for their service done unto the same Pope Leo the tenth received of him the Title of Helpers and Protectors of the Ecclesiastical Liberty a Title in no respect inferiour unto that of Spain And lastly that Clouis King of France above nine hundred years before their Ferdinando the fifth was honoured with the Title of The most Christian King A Title as for Antiquity so for worthiness better then the other because the French Kings for the worthiness and multitude of their deserts towards the See of Rome are called Primâ—geniti Ecclesiae the eldest Sons of the Church of Rome Now from their faith towards God to their fidelity towards their Princes a matter sufficiently handled and therefore needless and not requiring any other confutation then the advantage that may be taken of Vasoeus his own words for if they have been faithful unto forrainers and strange Princes and have submited their necks unto many several Nations it argueth inconstancy fellow-mate to levity which is either a Mother or a guid unto disloyalty because light heads are quickly displeased and discontented minds give easie entertainment unto rebellious and treasonable cogitations To conclude then this Point with their learning let me oppose a Spaniard unto a Flemming a man better acquainted with the vertues and vices of his own Country then a stranger a man who giveth his Testimony of Vasoeus and of the cause of his writing of the Spanish History Iohn Vasoeus a Elemming seeing the negligence of the Spaniards and how careless they were to commit to perpetual memory the worthy exploits and actions of their own Nation began of late years to set forth a small Chronicle Why then the Spaniards are negligent they are careless of their own commendation so thought Vasoeus or else he had not written their History so saith Sebastianus Foxius the man whom I bring to confute Vasoeus the man who by attributing as you have heard more unto himself then any modest man unless it were a bragging Spaniard would do giveth me occasion to think that he will not derogate or detract any thing from the praises due unto his own Country This man therefore in his before mentioned Book speaketh thus of the learning of Spain Our Country men saith he both in old time and in this Age having continually lived in forrain or domestical Wars never gave their minds greatly unto study for the rewards of learning in our Country are very few and they proper unto a few paltry Pettyfoggers and our wits being high and lofty could never brook the pains that learning requireth but either we disdaining all kind of study give our selves presently to the purchase of Honours and Riches or else following our studies for a small while quickly give them over as though we had attained to the full and absolute perfeâ—tion of learning so that very few or none are found amongst us who may compare for learning with the Italians or have shewed the ripeness and sharp maturity of their wits in any kind of any kind of study You have heard two contrary opinions touching the Spaniards learning I leave it to your discretion to follow and beleeve which of them you please and withal to consider by the way what manner of Ecclesiastical Discipline and Government we should have if the Spanish ignorant and unlearned Clergy might as they have a long time both desired and endeavoured prescribe Laws and Orders unto all the Churches of Christendom The favourable Assertions in the behalf of Spain being thus briefly refelled it remaineth now to make a conjectural estimate of the Spanish present Forces by an Historical Declaration of the power thereof in times past and because it were over tedious to trouble you with the recital of such forces as Spain hath imployed many hundred years ago in her own defence or in disturbance of her forrain enemies abroad I will restrain my self unto such a time as is within the memory of man and especially unto the Raigne of Charls the fifth For as I take it Spain was never for this many hundred years so strong as when the said Charles was both King thereof and Emperor And albeit Piero Mexias in the life of Gratianus the Emperor attributeth so much unto Spaniards as that he more boldly then truly affirmeth that the Emperor flourished more under Spaniards then under any other Nation whatsoever and alledgeth for proof of his Assertion the flourishing Estate thereof under the before named Charles the fifth Yet I think that the Empire being added unto Spain rather beautified Spain then that Spain being conjoyned with the Empire did any thing at all illustrate the majesty of the Empire because as little Stars give no light or beauty unto the Moon but receive both from the Moon so a lesser dignity being joyned to a greater addeth no reputation thereunto but is greatly honoured and beautified by the conjunction thereof neither redoundeth it much in my simple opinion unto the honour of Spain or of the Empire that Charles the fifth was Emperor Spain is not greatly honoured thereby because Charles the fifth was a Flemming and no Spaniard and Spain came unto him as I have said by marriage with the heire of the Kingdoms of Arragon and Castile and the Empire was rather disgraced then honoured by the said Charles because he being born in Gaunt was not onely a vassal and natural-born subject unto the King of France but also unto the See of Rome for all the Dominions Lands and Seigniories which he had in possession saving those which he held of France and the Empire But Charles the fifth such an Emperor as he was and undoubtedly he was a very mighty wise and politick Prince never brought into the Field against any of his Enemies whatsoever so great forces and so mighty an Army as might worthily be called invincible by which name the proud and bragging Spaniards baptized their late Army against England This Emperor being as you may conjecture and perceive by that which hath been already said both Ambitious and Warlick
Rome that a petty Duke of Ferrara hath presumed to withstand the Popes Ordinances and Commandments that the Florentines warred many years against him that the Venetians make no account of his Forces that the nigher any Prince joyneth unto him the less he esteemeth him and lastly that a very small Army of Charles the fifth sacked not many years ago his Pontâ—fical Seat and put him to such a ransom as best liked the victorious and conquering Emperor But his Excommunications are more feared then his Forces and he hath much more money then might I must needs confess that many Princes have been excommunâ—cated by him but because I shall have occasion to shew what slâ—nder accompt both Kings and meaner Potentates have made of his turbulent and thundering Excommunications I will leave them and come unto his demean unto his treasure For the better determination whereof I think it convenient to declare unto you what kinde of men our Popes are of late dayes some of them are poor Inquisitors of base parentage brought up in beggery advanced by corruption and preferred unto that Dignity by Bribes Rewards aud Simony And they who have been of best birth amongst them have been but the younger brothers of Dukes of Florence of Ferrara of Mantua or of some like mean Prince and all of them have most commonly spent their poor patrimony and the small gains of their former life in the attaining of their Pontifical Dignity Besides when they come unto the height of that Authority either they spend their Revenues prodigally as did Paulus Tertius who in less then fifteen years wasted 25 millions of Gold or spare the same thriftily to buy some estate for their children as did Gregory the 13th so that what with prodigal spending what with extream covetousness tending to the advancement of their posterity the Popes have not much money otherwise to help their Allies and Confederates Moreover who so shal consider that their yearly Revenues are mightily decreased by by reason that Bohemia Hungary Denmark Sweden Scotland Holland England and most of France Flanders and Germany are fallen from their Obedience and vouchsafe not to send them yearly such Tributes Pensions Tenths and other Commodities as they were wont to receive from them must needs understand and confess that there can arise no great profit from their Alliance and Confederacy The terrour of their interdictions of which some Princes more Religious then wise have in times past made some small accompt The regard of their Authority of which when their vertues were more then now they are greater reckoning was made then is at this present the converting of their Crociados which were wont to be imployed in holy Wars into profane uses are the onely means and benefits wherewith they are now able to pleasure their best friends Leaving them therefore to their passions and extreme sorrows conceived for the small hope which they have to recover their losses which is in no respect answerable to the extremity of their desire I will descend unto the â—rinces of Italy as from a mountain unto a Molehill These Princes if they were to give aid and succour unto a King of France unto an Emperor or to any other Prince or Potentate pretending some Right Title or Interest unâ—o some Dukedom of Estate of Italy may perhaps yeeld such help and Assistance as happily may further such a Princes Enterprise But as for such a League and such forces as shall be sufficient to hasten the utter overthrow and subversion of all Protestant Princes or to revenge the great injuries and indignities lately endured by the Spanish king they are far unfit and unable to gather together any such strength and he is greatly deceived that caâ—rieth such an opinion of their might and power The best guard that they have is the reciprocal fear which one of them hath of another the continual and great jealousie which is betwixt them and the small and slender Love which one of them beareth unto another every one of them not onely enveighing but also withstanding by all means possible the advancement of the other be it in wealth or in credit in power or preheminence Their Subjects are not warlike their best Souldiers are as you have heard of no great value or estimation their Courage is soon cooled their Armies are quickly defeated there best Captains by reason of their long Peace are of mean experience and their is scant any Town City or Country that is not a witness of their Cowardise Adversity bondage and servitude you shall hear hereafter what discommodities may arise unto those Princes of Italy which have unadvisedly entered into this League and therefore from them unto the Peers of France These Princes are no other then Traitors Rebels and Conspirators against their Prince and Country And therefore detestable before God odious unto the world and execrable unto their Postâ—rity For although Princes according to the Common saying like such Treason as any wise is beneficial unto them yet all men hate and abhor Traitors especially such as these be who having received great honour pleasure and prefermen of their King did by all meanâ— possible endeavour to deprive him of his Crown Scepter and Life Their taking of many Towns their purpose to seize upon the Kings own person their desire to bring him to Paris as a Prisoner their carriage towards him there and their preparation Army and Hostility against him after his departure from thence do abundantly testifie and declare their Treason now what honour can it be unto the King of Spain to joyn and associate himself with such men as the world detesteth all men abhor and his own Spaniards will not onely hate but also be ashamed to receive them into their Company or to harbour them in their houses For I find in the Histories of France Italy and Spain that whenas the Emperor Charles the fifth intending to honour the Duke of Burbon who had revolted from his King unto his service prayed one of the chief and principal Dukes of Spain to lodge him in his Palace the Duke shewing himself therein a greater Enemy to Traitors then a Friend to Treason answered the Emperor that both he and his house were at his Majesties commandment but if that it pleased him to lodge the Duke therein he would set fire thereon as soon as the Duke should be out of it as on a house infected with the Treason of Burbon But Francis the first King of France used the like help of the Turks and Infidels to be revenged upon his Enemies and Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan to make himself the better able to withstand their violence which went about to deprive him of his Estate brought an Army of Turks into Italy and it is commonly said that the Queen of England was in the League with the Great Turk Why then may not the king of Spain imploâ—e and use the help of his Friends in France of whom because they
are Christians and Catholicks he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and Infidells Truly I have heard the befoâ—e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tuâ—k and his honour and reputation hath been and still is so much blemished thereby that a very wise and grave Author of our time to cover his fault with some honest pretence hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk The causes for which a Christian Prince may as he saith enter into League and Amity with this common Enemy of Christians are either to obtain Peace or Truce or to end a contenâ—ioâ— and quâ—rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade traffick iâ—to his Countries and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies And the same Author addeth that the said Francis being continually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of England within his own Realm and not being able to make his party good against them and other enemâ—es who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great manifest danger to lose his whole estate was counselled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sultan Solimon who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles thâ— 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League without the which he had been in great pâ—rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom For conservation whereof I read in Histories that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter confederâ—ted himself with the King of Bellemarine a Sariziâ— married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering therefore that necessity hath no law that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmenâ— maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Enemy hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries and that a noble and valiant heart detesteâ—h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor No man can can justly condemne Francis the first or the Duke of Milan Now touching the Queen of England her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth as well because she hath nothing to do with him as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwixâ— her and him she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any oâ—her Prince of Europe True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky to their great benefit and advantage her Majestiâ— hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the nâ—me of Ambassador as the Emperors the French Kings the Spanish Kings the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do and yet his Credit is such that either with favours or with presents wâ—ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and hâ—m to the Spanish Kings great hurt detriment But heâ— Majestie had â—ather that the Hâ—stories of our timâ— should mention her vertues then declare her policies and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age commend her Beautiâ— her bountiâ— and her goodness so her after-Commers should have occasion to pâ—aise and exâ—oll her constancy and Religious affection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France I think no good Christian can think bâ—tter of them then of a Turk and I am of opinion that the League and Amâ—ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be esteâ—med then the friendship of these Leaguers more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof and more assured and firmâ— unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Treâ—son and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators there can be no other League or Amitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all Ages and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief by so much his Infamy shame and dishonour is greater who asâ—ociateth himself with a Conspirator be iâ— that he conspireth against his Prince or against his Country or against both Such as a mans Companions are such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man The great and large Priviledges which belong unto Princes appointed by God to rule and governe his people make me forbeare to say so much as I might say in this place and yet I may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad Consciences of those Consciousles Councellors who have perswaded the King of Spain to forget and forgo his honour his Reputation his blood and his Parentage to joyne himself with those who may increase the number but not the Forces of his Allies I have oftentimes heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life that the elder a man is the wiser he should be that the Actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity are subject to the view the sight the censure and judgement of all men that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infamiâ— and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of Princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived I could with therefore that either the vertues of the late French King or the affinitie conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two Crownes or the conformitie of their religion or the remembrance of the greatness and power of France might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie Monarch of Spain from the Amitie of those Traitors and Felons of France to live in peace League and Amitie with his deare and beloved Brother of France But the detestable vice of Ambition which misleadeth the greatest and wisest Princes of the world with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their enterprises hath turned his love into hatred and covered the spots and blemishes of true dishonor with a Cloak of false honor and repuâ—ation And
all their audacious Enterprises but they care not for the first set as little by the second contemned the third and excommunicated them all They rest not satisfied with these honours they proceed further and desire more commanding that no secular Prince shall take upon him to give any Spiritual Living any Ecclesiastical Dignity they excommunicate as well those that give such Livings as those which receive them at their hands having obtained this advantage they covet still more and think it not sufficient to be Priviledged themselves but all the Clergy must participate and taste of their honours All Priests and Ecclesiastical persons must be exempt from all charges subsidies and impositions no man must be so bold as to meddle with their Rents with their Revenues The Bishops and all the Clergy are bound to them for their Liberality In requital therefore of these great Priviledges and Immunities it behooveth them to purchase and get the favour and good liking of all secular Princes of some to get as much by them as they can possibly of others to have their help against their enemies and against those that will not yeeld and condiscend to all their demands and desires They deal herein so cunningly that they finde some so ready willing and desirous to help and succour them that they vouchsafe to imploy their Goods their Subjects yea their own lives to do them service All Histories are full of Wars of Battels of Victories begun fought and obtained at the instance at the request and in the behalf of the Popes I shall not need to name the Princes to record the Battels or to mention the victories Our Histories and the Histories of all other Nations remember them sufficiently Our forefathers declared them unto their Posterity and we may have heard of them of our Fathers of our Grandfathers But to give the more credit unto my speech and occasion unto the incredulous to beleeve me the better I will briefly discover unto you the means the cunning and the subtilty which they have used to attain unto their greatness and height and to the continuance and perpetuity of their Rule and Government There is nothing more profitable or expedient for him that will advance himself in credit reputation and authority then to know the deliberations and purposes of his Enemies And because it is very difficult and hard to attain unto this knowledge he deserveth gret praise commendation that can behave himself so cunningly so politickly as to learn all his secret adversaries intents and practices and it is not only necessary to understand his determinations but also it is convenient and fitting sometimes to foresee and prevent them yea it is needfull to be acquainted with his Actions and not onely with those which he intendeth to do presently and at home but also with them which he purposeth to do hereafter and far from home for by understanding and knowing these things a man may quickly either get all that he desireth or else so temporize and prolong matters until the time fall out fit and favourable for his purpose All Princes therefore to have a certain and sure knowledge of these things are accustomed to have their Ambassadors in the Courts of their Friends and Confederates who do not onely send them certain news of the intents and purposes of their Friends but also whatsoever else is done or said in their Courts or in their Councils But the Pope as he challengeth unto himself a Preheminence above all other Princes so he far excelleth them all in this kinde of providence For besides that he hath his Ambassadors in the Courts of divers Princes he hath also his Espies his Favorites and his sworn men There are many Bishops Abbots Priors and Cardinals which are Councellors unto Kings although they have sworn to do nothing in prejudice of the Holy Church to condiscend unto nothing that shall weaken or diminish the Popes authority to learn espy understand prove attempt foresee and practice all things that may any wayes befit or advance his Pontifical Dignity Moreover to make his way more ready and easie for his Ambassadors to understand all that may stand him in steed he purchaseth the favour and good opinion of Princes Favourites and such as are neerest about them by rewards promises bribes and corruptions Unto some he giveth a Cardinalship unto others his daughters or kinswomen in marriage and not to leave the Princes themselves uncorrupted he sufferth them sometimes to take the tenths of their Kingdoms to make their profit of his Croicadoes and to procure them to be the more ready to do him pleasure he feedeth them with fair words with sweet and sugered speeches he adorneth them with new titles with new honours and dignities that are more gorgeous in shew then in deed calling some of them Catholick Kings others most Christian Kings some Protectors of the Sea of Rome and others Defenders of the Faith and when he hath occasion to change or innovate any thing then he helpeth himself with a specious shew of a zeal of Religion with the report and remembrance of that authority which he challengeth to have received from God and with a vain flourish of that honour and reverence which some Princes being more zealous and devout then wise have shewed unto him endeavouring to perswade others by their examples to do the like But if it chance either by the iniquity of time or by their incredulity whom he seeketh to make his Friends that they will not give ear unto his perswasions he hath presently recourse unto the decrees and constitutions of his Predecessors he wresteth the Text of the holy Scripture to serve his purpose and forgetteth nothing that hath been either done or devised and decreed for his advantage He putteth them therefore in mind that Boniface the eighth made a Decree That as many as would be saved and have a part in the Kingdom of Heaven must of necessity be obedient in all cases and in all places unto the Pope Wherein he doth not onely resemble but make himself equal to and better then his Master Christ because he while he was upon the earth did not onely shew obedience but also taught his Apostles as I have formerly said to be obedient unto Inferior Magistrates and such as were in Authority And the Pope will be both honoured and obeyed of the greatest Princes and Monarchs of the World Yea if all the Princes of Europe if the sacred and general Councils of all the Nations of the World should make a Law or Ordinance the same shall be of no force strength or validity if he do not approve ratifie and confirm the same and if any Prince being more bold then the rest presumeth to say there have been many bad and evil Popes it shall be answered him presently that he ought not therefore to contemn or reject their pontifical Authority and that no man upon earth may be so bold as to examine or reprehend or censure the
exactions as Slaomire King of Abredites and others for corruption as Adolph the Emperor But if all these Depositions were examined and tried by the Touchstone of Law I think the most part of them will be found scant lawful For all these crimes in private men are not capital and therefore why should they be so severely punished in Princes How many judges take Bribes and are not deposed How many Magistrates are negligent and are not punished How many Officers execute not their Offices and are not removed How many rich men offend in Adultery and are not censured briefly How many Noble men commit Adultery and Murther and are not condemned In Poland the Gentleman that killeth a Yeoman payeth but a certain Fine in money in France he that killeth another manfully and in the field is seldom executed In Italy many are vilely murthered and the Murtherers are not always punished And in all Countries grievous Crimes are either tolerated or pardoned sometimes because the Malefactors are descended of notable parents whom Princes are loth to offend and discontent You have heard how Dunorix was spared although he were a Traytor for Diviaticus his Brothers sake and our Chronicles report that Henry the Third having taken in the Barons Wars many Schollars of Oxford in Northampton who did him more harm then all the rest of his Enemies would have hanged them all had not his Council perswaded him to save them because in executing them he might displease their friends who were Gentlemen and Noblemen of great Houses Shall mean personages vile murtherers private men escape unpunished and must the Law be executed with all severity upon Princes They are in higher places their actions are beheld of all men and most men are lead by their example True but David was not punished as soon as he had killed Uriah Solomon was not deposed although he kept many Concubines Herod was not streightways deprived for murthering of Iohn Baptist and it was long before Saul was removed by David But how then May Princes offend as often as they will and never be punished No Must their Subjects endure all their Cruelties and Tyrannies No May they be troublesom unto their Neighbours untrue unto their Confederates Enemies unto the common peace and never to be reprehended No What course is then to be taken to bridle their Appetites and restrain their Insolency Truly I finde two notable Laws for the punishment of such Princes the one made by Conrad the Emperor and the other by Otho the Third Conrad his Law commanded all Princes to embrace Peace to maintain Law and Equity and not to disturb the quiet and peaceable Estate of the Empire and that whosoever transgressed in any of these three points should suffer death Othon his Law was much to the same effect but he added That the Prince offending in any of these three points should besides the loss of life lose all his States and Dominions and be held for a common enemy and that all the Princes of Christendom should rise in arms against him as a perturber of Christian peace and tranquillity But in these days Princes neither are nor will be nor can be ready to help every one that complaineth and why should Subjects seek for releif abroad that may be releived and succoured at home The course is ordinary the remedy easie if men will not deceive themselves in taking their course Every Country hath its Parliament every Kingdom the Assembly of their Estates there may their Griefs be heard their Wrongs red ressed and their Princes repressed And in this course the common people loseth not a jot of their Authority for they which attribute most unto the people take not every confused rude and tumultuous multitude for the people but a choice company of the wisest Nobility and of the most grave honest discreet and wise men amongst the Commonalty It must not be such base and busie companions as was Iack Straw in England Nicholas Rency in Rome Iaques Artevilla in Flanders George Zechius in Bohemia Anthony Bavadella in Spain and William Siler in Switzerland that must presume to controll mighty Kings or to alter well governed States For such petty Companions are better able to mislead a number of simple people with their venemous tongues then to consider with discretion that many things are done in every Kingdom which Princes know not of and that divers abuses are committed which the Officers that commit them keep as long as they can possible from their Princes knowledge which abuses should be quickly redressed if the king might be made acquainted with them These Companions consider not that there is an High Court of Parliament unto which Princes either can be contented or be constrained to submit themselves and wherein Subjects may speak unto their King freely so they speak reverently any thing that may benefit their Country I said reverently because methinks it is not tolerable that any Subject be he never so great and mighty should use unreverent speeches unto his King secretly much less in an open Parliament as did Richard Earl Marshal of England unto King Henry the third who when the King called him in choler and perhaps not without occasion Traytor gave him the lye in the Parliament House and told him to his face he cared not for him because he was well assured that as long as he lived in obedience unto the Laws of the the Realm he could not hurt him And when the king answered he could intercept his victuals and suffer no man to bring him any manner of Provision he replyed that if he sent any to intercept his victuals he would send them home shorter by the heads then they came Such an audacious and unreverent speech coming to the ears of such busie Companions as Iack Straw and Iack Cade were in England would make them take the Speaker for a Demy God for a Patron of his Country for a Protector of their Liberty and being carried from them unto others may draw them like a company of mad-men to adventure life and limbs for such a desperate Cataline and without ever considering whereabout they go to undertake for his sake the utter subversion of Town and Country But it may be said that I am like the Physitian that prescribeth a remedy unto his Patient but telleth him not how he shall come by it so I talk much of a Parliament but I conceal how difficult it will be to have a Parliament especially when a Prince without whose consent and commandment the same cannot be called knoweth or mistrusteth that any thing shall be debated and determined therein to his prejudice I cannot but acknowledge this difficulty and therefore if the wrongs that are offered be not too great it is better to suffer them with patience thâ—n to seek to reform them by violence But if the outrages grow once to be so extream that they are no longer to be endured I hold the same for a most unfortunate unhappy and
purpose before the meeting in such manner that they may see and hear one another but not come so near together that the one may hurt the other But Ambassadors are safe in their enemies Countries why then should Princes be in danger in their Neighbors Dominions The Answer is very easie â—ecause Ambassadors are not spared either for their own sakâ—s or for their Masters but because that without them there would never be an end of Hostility nor any â—eace after Wars Neither is the name or person of an Ambassador so inviolable either in peace or in the time of War but that there may be both a convenient time and a good occasion to punâ—sh an Ambassador For to omit that Olaus and Euetus killed the Ambassador of Illalcolnius King of Scots as Hector Boetius recordeth that Teaca Queen of Selavonia slew a Roman Ambassador as Polybius reporteth that the Athenians caused King Darius his Ambassador to be thrown and drowned in a deep Well as Herodotus testifieth and that William King of Sicily plucked out the eyes of Henry Dandelo Ambassador unto him from the Venetians as Illescas writeth because these and the like examples are manifest Presidents of barbarous cruelty rather then of Justice and Equity I will shew you by a few examples that an Ambassador hath been and may as often as the like occasion happeneth be lawfully punished or sent out of the Realm wherein he remaineth as an Ambassador Titus Livius writeth that when Brennus had found Quintus Fabius Ambustus fighting in the Camp of the Clusians against him he sent presently as Herald of Arms unto Rome to demand him to be delivered into his hands as a Breaker of the Laws of Arms because that being sent from the Romans as Ambassador unto him he returned not home as soon as he had done his Ambassage but remained still in the Clusians Camp and because the Romans did not deliver unto his Messenger the said Ambustus he left the siege of Clusius and conveyed his invincible Army unto Rome and therewith spoiled and sackt the City Adrian the fourth Pope of Rome sent his Chancellor Rowland and Cardinal Bernard unto Fredrick the Fourth who used such unreverend speeches unto the Emperor that the County Palatine of Vitilispatch not brooking the indignity that was offered unto his Master drew his sword and had not the Emperor staid his hand he had slain the Ambassador in his presence and the Emperor was so moved with indignation to see his insolent carriage and behaviour that he presently commanded him to avoid out of his Court and not to stay so long as to dispatch his necessary business The Romans when Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Caâ—us Flaminius were Consuls delivered Lucius Martinus and Lucius Manlius into the hands of the Carthaginians to be used at their pleasure and discretion because they had beaten their Ambassadors Edward the Second King of England amongst others sent a French Gentleman Ambassador into France whom the French King had not the Queen purchased his pardon had excommunicated as a Traytor because he presumed to serve his enemy for an Ambassador unto him Francis the First King of France sent Caesar Fregosus and Antony Rincone Ambassadors unto the Great Turk Charls the Fifth his Soldiers took them upon the River of Poe in Italy and presently slew them both The French King complaineth that they were wrongfully murthered the Emperor justifieth their death because the one being a Genouis and the other a Milanois and both in some manner his Subjects they feared not to serve the French King his enemy Henry the Eighth King of England commanded a French Ambassador to depart presently out of his Realm for no other occasion but for that hâ— was the professed enemy of the Sea of Rome The Seigniory of Venice understanding that certain Traitors who had revealed their secrets to the Turk were fled to hide themselves to the French Ambassadors house at Venice sent certain Offices to search the Ambassadors house for them and when the Ambassador forbad and refused to suffer those Officers to enter into his house the Senate made no more ado but sent for certain peeces of great Ordnance out of their Arsenal whereby they would have beaten down the house had not the said Ambassador as soon as he saw the same Ordnance yeelded the Traytors to their mercy and discretion I might alledge many more Histories to this purpose but I should be over long and tedious And yet I may not omit these two following because they are worthy observation and make more for my purpose then all the rest In the year 1544 the French King sent certain Ambassadors unto Charls the Fifth to Spires sending an Herald of Arms before with Letters unto the Emperor and unto the Princes Electors in which he required a safe Conduct for his Ambassadors The Herald is staid by the Cardinal Gavilla and made to deliver him his Letters and to shew the cause of his coming further he is commanded to keep his lodging and that no man should be suffered to speak with him and within four days he is willed to depart and take heed that he presume not to come within the Emperors Dominions another time without his leave he was now pardoned rather of lenity then of desert because he had broken the Laws of Arms And as concerning his Letters it was told him that the King his Master had so deserved of the Emperor and all the whole state of Christendom that the Emperor neither could nor would receive them This answer was given unto him written in French and certain Soldiers appointed to bring him to the Borders of France The second example is of a Bishop who in the year 1302 being sent Ambassador unto the French King from the Pope practised certain Treasons in France against the King whereof he is accused arraigned in the Court of Parliament at Paris and being found guilty is committed unto prison But he is delivered out of prison at the Popes request and both he and the Popes Nuntio are commanded to avoid the Realm The Pope excommunicateth the King for proceeding thus against his Ambassador and the King to requite him with the like courtesie commanded that no more money should be carried out of his Realm to Rome By these examples I may boldly infer two necessary Consequents the one that if Ambassadors fail in their duty or fall into these follies which I have mentioned they are either punishable or may be sent away in disgrace The other that the Spanish King hath no just cause to be offended with our Queens Majesty for the sending away of Dâ—n Bernardine Mendoza his last Ambassador in England For although he fought not in any Camp against her Majesty as did Ambustus against Brennus yet he perswaded divers of her Subjects to bear Arms against her although he used no uncivil and unreverent speeches against her Majesty as the Cardinal Bernard did unto the Emperor Fredrick yet he did both backbite and
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
to harbour their Ships their Ships that needed both harbour and reparations Was there any friend either within the Country or nigh unto the Country would bestow a little fresh water upon them for lack whereof many of their people died Was there ever a Priâ—ce or Potentate that would suffer them to repair either broken wind-shaken or Sea beaten Ships within his Dominion Brieflâ— was there any man that would furnâ—sh them with Masts Saâ—ls Cables and other things nâ—cessary for want whereof most of their Navy perished I will tell you a thing which may be strange to others but no news to you and yet worthy to be told because it is meet that it should be known unto all men When the report was certain in England that the Spanish Fleet and Forces were at hand instead of lamentatâ—ons weepings out-cries which things in time of sudden accidents are common and even used amongst valiant people the Queens Majesties ears were filled with Prayers Petitions and Motions sometimes of one Shire sometimes of another most humbly beseeching her Highness to give the Spaniards liberty to land with their Forces and them leave to encounter with them alone I my self do marvel and I think as many as shall hear it will marvel thereat that in men of one and the same Religion there should be divers opinions and different Judgements in matters concerning the advancement of their Religion Yet I know and you shall understand that the English Catholicks which are out of England and those that live within the same Realm were not all of one opinion of one minde when the Spaniards were coming for England for the one sort wished them all manner of happiness and prosperity and the other prayed to God not to prosper their journey much less their Attempt and besought the Queens Majesty to place them in the foremost Range and Ranck against the Spaniards and where they might endanger themselves most and do her Highness most service not because they were weary of their lives but for that they thought it most honorable to die in the defence of their Country and that God would never forsake them in so just a cause This may serve to shew that the Spaniards had and may have very small hope to finde any manner of aid within England And yet to clear this point the better may it please you to remember that when the report of the Spaniards coming began to be certain all those which we call Papists and our Adversaries term Catholicks at least the better sort of them were conveyed to several houses far distant the one from the other and there kept not like Prisoners but like Gentlemen of their calling and all the Nobility was commanded to repair to the Court of which commandment their followed two commodities The one That the Catholicks being under safe custody there was no man of account to sollicite the Subjects to Rebellion the other that if any small or great number had been disposed to rebell there was not any man of worth to be their Head And it hath seldom been seen that Rebels ever durst adventure to shew their evil inclination or adventuring had at any time good success without having some man of special accompt and authority for their head But Ireland and Scotland may be thought to favour the Spanish King and undoubtedly he hath been made beleeve that in either of those Realms he shall finde faithful friends and such as will adventure their lives to do him service Truly Ireland hath been a long time subject to the Crown of England but always divided into two Factions the one of civil and discreet people the other of wilde and savage men the first sort true and faithful Subjects unto their Soveraign and the other prone and ready to spurn against their Superiors but not able to do any great hurt no more then the Banditti of Italy which may rob a house spoil a little Village and set fire on a Castle and run away by the light when they have done and yet to be sure that no great annoyance should come from Ireland to England the best part of the Nobility of the Country was likewise called to the Court the strongest Holds were committed to the custody of faithful keepers and to hold them in better obedience there was sent over such a Lord Deputy as was well acquainted with their Customs practised in the Country and very well beloved of the people As for Scotland although the Kings thereof have always been for these many hundred years in firm league and amity with the Kings of France and of late years have had some occasion of extraordinary great love and friendship with the house of Guise the House that hath been as you have heard the onely upholder and maintaâ—ner of the Spanish Fact on in France yet because the present King of Scotland hath been nourished up from his infancy in the same Religion which the Queen of England professeth and for that he is bound unto her Highness for divers favors and courtesies shewed unto him in the time of his distress and necessity he is very well affected unto the State of England and desireth nothing more then the welfare of that Country the health and safety of the Queens Majesty and the reign and overthrow of all her Enemies which desire he signified unto her Majesty at such time as she thought she stood in need of his help offering to come in person to aid her Grace against the Spainards wiâ—h the greatest power he was able to make The Venetians brag of the strength of their City because it is distant five miles from any land and defended by a little natural Bank from the violence of the Sea How may England therefore boast of her strength since she is severed above thirty miles at the least from any other Nation not by a little Bank but by a great Sea especially if â—reland and Scotland be under her subjection and in League with her and also if the Maritine forces of the United Provinces be always ready to joyn with her against all her enemies It is not the happy success of one Battel nor the mighty or innumâ—rable forces of one Aâ—my that must or 〈◊〉 subdue England but he that will undertake to conquer our Realm must first overthrow our invincible Navy and then encounter with our strengths by Land and not obtain one onely but many Victories against them a matter in my simple conceit almost impossible especially for the King of Spain For besides that Fortune is seldom or never so constant or prodigal of her favours that she vouchsafeth unto any man any long continuance of desired happiness this impossibility will easily appear unto him that shall call to remembrance what hath been already said touching the Forces of England and Spain But the Romans first then the Danes next VVilliam the Conqueror Lastly Divers English Princes pretending right unto the Crown of England have with very small difficulty and with
living a long time as a banished man in Brittany with the Duke thereof could never be sent into his Country unto Edward the fourth or Richard the third although both of them knowing that that they could not Reign in security so long as he lived had requested him very earnestly of the Duke And the last of them ruled still in great fear but in Peace and Quietness untill that Isabella wife of Edward the fourth and Margaret the said Henries Mother by the help of a Physitian came to conferre together and in the end they concluded of this agreement that they would cause her Son the said Henry to return into England and to possess the Crown thereof with the help of his aid and their friends if he would take to wife the daughter of Edward the fourth Henry being certified hereof and also given to undeastand that Richard Thomas a man trained up in arms all the dayes of his life and Sir Iohn Savage would adventure their lives for him and that the Lord Bray had provided great sums of money to pay his Souldiers withal easily obtained of the king of France a small Army of 2000 men with which arriving in Wales and joyning with the Forces of the said Thomas he went towards London and upon his way daily received greater strength even of the Souldiers of king Richard his Enemy who by reason of the great cruelty and â—yranny which he used was forsaken of his own Friends and his Souldiers detesting his proud and cruel Government fought so in his behalf that they seemed more desirous he should lose then win the Field which fell out according to their desire By these Examples and others like unto these you may perceive that never any man had any good success against England who had not both a just cause to invade the same and a strong faction within the Realm And by that which hath been spoken you may understand that the Spaniard wanteth both the one and the other Here might I conveniently if I had not sufficiently declared the strength of England to make the difficulty and impossibility of the Spaniards purpose more apparent enter into a large discourse of the Forces thereof but let that suffice that hath been spoken And yet I may not forget to let you and as many as doubt of our strength understand that we have been and I know not why we should not still be so strong and fortunate that when the French were so many in the Field against us that they thought the very Boyes and Lacques in their Camp were able to subdue our Army and when the Scots thinking that because our king was in France with fourscore thousand English we had none but Priests and women left at home to encounter with them entred with main force into our Country and with assured hope and confidence to conquer the same we neither fearing the multitudes of the French nor being danted or terrified with the Scots suddain and advantagious Invasion subdued both Nations and took both their kings prisoners in the Field But our Englishmen cannot live with a little Bread and a Cup of Wine as the Spaniards can do they are not accustomed to endure cold to lie abroad in the Field to stand up to the knees in dirt and water to watch nights and dayes and briefly to take other such pains and travels as are incident unto wars To pleasure our Adversaries let us grant this to be so although the the contrary indeed is most true who amongst the bravest Spaniards or the greatest Souldiers in the World would willingly go to the wars if he should alwayes be subject unto these or the like incommodities And yet who would not rather endure and suffer them patiently then live in servitude or thâ—aldom or yeeld unto his mortal Enemies All Histories are full of examples of base and faint-hearted people the which having been compelled to fight for their lives because there was no other way to save or redeem the same have behaved themselves most manfully and have enforced their Enemies to yeeld unto reasonable Conditions of Peace which sometimes would not hearken unto any agreement and have constrained them to become humble Sutors who would not once vouchfaâ—e to hear their humble Petitions and truly extream perils and irresistible necessities have such force and vertue that oftentimes they put both heart and Courage into them which by nature are neither hearty nor couragious Considering therefore that our men shall fight at home and the Spaniard abroad that we will be as valiant to defend our selves as they can be couragious to offend us that when they have soiled us by Sea they must fight afresh with us by Land they being weary and we fresh they weak and we strong they lame and diseased and we whole and in perfect health Briefly they far from home and we at home for our wives for our houses for our children and for our goods Is it not likely that we should fight with greater courage with better success then they Considering again the England is fertile and replenished with all things necessary for mans sustentation That her Majesties Councellors are wise and provident her people rich and full of money her Subjects loving and well affected to her Highness and their Country Can there be any thing wanting that shall be needfull for the maintenance of a convenient Army Considering thirdly that if any want shall fall out their cause being general as the maintenance of the Spaniards Religion is universal and common to all his Confederates is it not to be thought that the Princes Protestants will supply those wants and fight for England as well and as willingly as the Papists will for Spain Considering fourthly that when Charles the fifth a Prince as I have said of greater power and of better experience then the Spanish king warred with the Protestants of Germany not onely the Princes of the Reformed Religion but also the French which hated their Religion aided and assisted them Can it be supposed that England should not finde the like aid and assistance Briefly Considering that the Spaniard cannot land his Army in any place in England where he shall not finde at the least ten thousand men to finde him work until a greater power come what hope can he then have to Land without Resistance to proceed without a Battel to fight without loss and to lose without extream confusion Our Armies therefore being equal to his and our hope more assured then his no wise or Politick man will doubt but that our success is likely to be far better then his and therefore his hope and expectation vain his purpose and intention ridiculous as well in regard of his course taken therein as of his possibility to attain thereunto But it behooveth a king to bridle and correct his Rebellious subjects and it is the part of a Protector of the Catholicks not to permit his own subjects or any other aiding or assisting them in
end and compose all contentions and Controversies that were in Germany for Religion not by force and violence but by fair means and gentleness praying them to have such an opinion of him and not to be moved with the threats and menaces of their Adversaries This Answer was given unto them when the Emperor was leading his Forces unto Marcelles in France against the King thereof with whom as soon as he was reconciled the Catholicks thinking that he had but dissembled with the Protestants but for a time hoping that he would bend his whole Forces against the Lutherans But he deceived them all and went into Spain from whence he sent an Honourable Ambassage into Germany to let the Protestants and all others understand that he would be very glad that all Contentions Debates and Controversies touching Religion should receive a final end and agreement by a General Assembly and Disputation of learned Divines to the end that the right and true Doctrine of Jesus Christ being by that means laid open and discovered he might establish and confirm the same with his Imperial power and authority It happened not long after that the Emperor had an occasion to pass through France into Flanders then the Enemies of the Reformed Religion began to promise to themselves great wonders and to conceive an assâ—red hope of an invincible power to be levied by the Emperor and the King of France against the Protestants for that then the two cheif Protectors of their Catholick Faith were throughly reconciled and were equally bent against Luther and his Followers and their conceits proved to be most vain and of that Journey followed no good success for them For the Emperor either because he would be still mindful of his promise or for that he knew that the Protestants strength increased daily caused a General Diet to be Assembled wherein although he was daily entreated by the Catholicks to declare open Wars against the Protestants yet he would never take that violent course but ordered that shortly after there should be a general Assembly in which the cause of Religion might be freely and lovingly decided by learned Divines who having lightly discussed some Points of Controversie were commanded by his Majesty to come to Ratisâ—one Where when as all Contentions could not be fully ended his Majesty was contented to refer the final Conclusion unto another General Assembly of which the success and event was so well known that I shall not need to acquaint you with the particulars thereof Now considering the Reasons Varieties and Circumstances of all that hath been said what may a man judge thereof but that the Almighty prevented crossed and hindered the determinations purposes and Enterprises of the Emperor and so guided and directed them that it lay not in their power to confoâ—nd the Protestants by force of Arms For if we shall consider the great strength of the Catholick Princes as well in Foot as in Horse the number of their Souldiers the multitude of their Provisions the greatness of their Treasure the vehemency of their hatred the wilfulness of their perseverance therein their courage their animating and provoking the Emperor against the Protestants and how to win him thereunto they spared no kind of policy cunning and deceit that humane wit could invent and that notwithstanding all their utmost endeavors they were then so far from attaining their purpose that in the very last Diet that was held certain points of Doctine were yeelded unto which before that Assemby both the Emperor and his best Divines held to be most erroneous It must needs be confessed that it was Gods pleasure so to dispose and govern the hearts of those Princes for in that Diet many opinions were received and allowed for good and godly for the maintenance whereof many Protestants had lost their goods their Countries and their lives The Catholicks therefore seeing that they prevailed not greatly by force and violence they cast off the Lyons skin and put on the Foxes whom they counterfeited so well that they brought the Protestants into disgrace by sowing false Rumors and Accusations against them And because they had rather lost much then gotten any thing by disputing with them they caused it to be bruited abroad that the Protestants durst no longer dispute with them and they gave liberty unto all sorts of people without any regard of learning or modesty to raile upon Luther and to write malicious and false Invectives against him A strange course and too much used in these dayes but in my simple opinion a course not now like to have better success then that course then had For as Luther when he saw that it was law 〈◊〉 for every man to exercise the bitterness of his pen against him conceived such malice against the Pope that he discovered many of his follies which might have lien hidden unto this day Even so it is greatly to be feared if men having more Zeal then Learning of greater Malice then Judgement shall be suffered to preach and write against the foolish impugners of our Ecclesiastical Discipline that either their Malice or their Ignorance will utterly disgrace the same because preaching by preaching may unhapply be disgraced and a few turbulent and unquâ—et spitâ—ts may with a small Pamphlet or with a simple Sermon do more harm then a number of learned men shall be able to amend or reform with great pains and travel Had not the Pope given too great encouragement to such as wrote against Luther Had not rude and ignorant men been suffered bitterly to inveigh against his Doctrine Had not certain malicious persons laboured to disgrace him with the Pope and the Emperor Had he not been condemned before he was heard Briefly had not his Books been unjustly adjudged to the fire he had never appealed from the Pope unto a General Council he had never laboured so much as he did in searching out and laying open the Popes Errors He had never made so bitter Invectives as he wrote against the Pope and his Bishops He had never impugned the Pope and his General Councils Auâ—hority He had never implored the Duke of Saxony and other Princes help and countenance He had never procured the Popes Canons to be burned Briefly he had never written a Book against the Catholicks Reformation so many things might and should still have remained as it were buried in obscurity which are now brought to light and made known and palpable to very Babes and Infants They therefore in my simple cenceir did not a little hurt and prejudice unto the Papists and their Cause who peâ—swaded the Pope and Emperor to make wars against Luther and his Adherents For since that time many other Nations besides Germany are fallen from their obedience to the Pope and from their good liking of his Religion and so many and divers opinions are now crept into mens hearts that I take it a thing almost impossible to reconcile those diversities For such is the nature of man that
States and to crosse his Counsels and Intentions in the use of those means For doth he continue in credit by the General reputation and conceit that is had of his wealth Let it be shewed that he is poor and needy Holdeth he his Subjects and Towns of Conquest in awe by keeping Garisons in them Seeke either to corrupt those Garrisons or to perswade those Towns to expel them Borrows he money in his need and necessity of the Genowaies and other Merchants of Italie Counsel them to call for their old Debts and to lend him no more money before they be paid Doth our Nation and others inrich his Country by resorting thither Let them repair no more then they needs must to those Countries Fetcheth he yearly great wealth from the Indies Let that be intercepted more then it hath been Placeth he wise Governors and Magistrates in his Dominions to Containe his Subjects in obedience and his Neighbours in fear Send Fire-brands and Authors of Sedition amongst his Subjects as he doth amongst ours and think it as lawfull and easie to estrange the affection of his wisest and most trusty Deputies and Lieutenants as it was and is for him to allienate the hearts of some of the Nobility of France from their King Hath he married the now Duke of Parma so meanly that he can not be able to recover his right to Portugal Or hath he so weakned Don Antonio that he shall never be able to returne into his Country Provoke the one to be his Enemy in putting him in mind of his Fathers untimely death and by remembring the great wrongs that he suffereth and let many Princes joyn in heart and in helpe to set up the other against him and to strengthen and succor both rather then the one or the other should not annoy him Is France unable to hurt him because France is divided Reconcile them that are dissevered and revive the quarrels and pretentions that France hath against him Presumeth he that the Germans will rather help then hurt him because he is ally'd to some in Conjunction of blood and to others in league of amity dissolve his alliances and debase the mightiest of his kindred To be short are the Pope the Venetians and the other Princes of Italy either for feare or affection his friends encourage the Timerous and fearfull and alter and remove the love and affection of them that beare him best good will But some man will say This is sooner said then done and therefore I have said nothing unless I shew you how all this may bee well and conveniently done There is a generall meanes and there are diverse special waies to effect all this I will acquaint you with both because you shall bee ignorant of neither and I will be as brief as I may because I take it high time not to trouble you any longer It is grown unto a general use of late yeares and undoubtedly it was usual in times past when Princes undertake any great actions or enterprises that may perhaps seem strange and somwhat unreasonable unto other Princes whose favor and friendship they desire to publish the causes and reasons which induce them to enter into those actions and in those Declarations to omit nothing that either may grace and credit them or discredit and disgrace their Adversaries The States of the Low Countries when necessity inforced them to renew Wars against the Spaniards published certain Books containing the causes which moved them thereunto and caused those Books to be imprinted in seven several Languages in Latine in French in their own Tongue in High Dutch in Italian in Spanish and in English to the end that all the Nations of the World hearing the Justice and Equity of their quarrel mâ—ght either as Friends help and assist them or as Neutrals neither aid nor hinder them as their Adversaries The late Duke of Alenson because it might seem strange unto some that he being a Catholick Prâ—nce would aid men of a contrary Religion and reprehensible unto others that being in some manner allied and a supposed friend unto the Spanish King he would accept the Title of the Duke of Brabant and undertake the defence of the Low Countries against the Spaniards made it appaâ—ent unto the world by the like means that it was not any ambitious mind or greedy desire of advancement but a Princely clemency and commiseration of the distressed state of that Country too much oppressed by the Spanish Tyranny that moved him to receive them into his Protection and Patronage The like did the County Palatine Cassimer when as he came into Flanders with his Forces And the like have many other Princes done not in just causes only but in matters that had far greater affinity with injustice and dishonesty then with justice and integrity That Duke of Burgondy which more wickedly then justly murthered the Duke of Orleance fearing that his murther might justly purchase him the Kings heavy displeasure and the general harted of all France suborned a learned and famous Divine named Iohn Petie not onely to excuse but also to commend and allow the execution thereof in many publick Sermons and writ divers Letters unto the best Towns of France to declare and justifie the cause that moved him thereunto Henry the Fourth of England whom many Hâ—storiographers hold rather for a wrongful Usurper then a lawful King to make it known by what Title he took upon him to be King of England sent divers Ambassadors into Spain Germany and Italy with such instructions and so forceable reasons that he made a bad cause seem just and equitable That Pope of Rome which as you have heardâ— betrayed Frederick the Emperor most leudly unto the Great Turk and was the onely cause of his long and chargeable imptisonment finding that his unchristian treachery being happily disclosed did greatly blemish his name and reputation to give some shew and colour of Justice to a bad cause caused to be published that two notable Murderers had been taken at Rome who voluntarily confessed that the Emperor Frederick had hired and sent them thither of purpose to kill the Pope How the Duke of Bnckingham and the more learned the conscionable Dean Richard Shaw justified in the Guild-hall of London and at Pauls Cross the unlawful and tyrannical Usurpation of Richard the Third our Histories make it so manifest that I need not to trouble you with the recital thereof Since therefore not mean and Lay-men onely but Noblemen and great Divines havâ— both defended and furthered wrongful causes and with their deâ—ence and furtherance have brought to pass their lend and wicked purpose why should not men sufficiently seen in matters of State and throughly furnished with all good qualities requisite in a good and worthy Writer of which sort this Realm had rather some want then any great store depinct the Spainard and his tyranny so lively and so truly that their reasons their perswasions and their admonitions may may shake the affections
is the force of ambition and unsatiabâ—e are the desires of covetous Princes who having subdued one Country seek presently after anoâ—her and when they have conquered that labour to attain unto new Conquests and never leave to inlarge their over large Territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies But it may be said the King of Spain is old but covetousness dieth not but increaseth in old age He is already Master and Lord of many Kingdoms and so many Countries But as I have said the more a man hath the more a man wanteth he being nigh unto deaths door thinks nothing of his death But every Prince before his death would be glad to make his name immortal his Dominions infinite He is a Catholick Prince therfore will hold his words and promises with Catholicks as he hath done hitherto But deceitful men keep touch in small matters to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence They may therefore justly fear that he who coveteth Kingdoms that are far from him is not without a great desire of States that joyn and border upon his Dominions and they may well think since he is descended as you shall hear anon of such Predecessors as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever just or unjust honest or dishonest commendable or reprehensible to enlarge their Dominions that he hath learned of them to have the like desires and use the like practises But grant they have no just occasion to distrust him what shall they gain by his friendship what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him He called them to help him But when forsooth when his ships were suâ—k bruised and broken some lost and never heard of and those which returned into Spain were so shaken and beaten with weather and Gun-shot that either they will be altogether unprofitable or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges and when his people were either drowned or so terrified that they will have a small desire and less courage to return in England But why implored he not their helps when he went for England with an assured hope and confidence of an happy Conquest of an honourable Victory He was loath to use their help because he thought himself able to aâ—tain his purpose without making them partakers of his glory and now that he hath failed of his purpose he calleth them unto a second voyage intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey and they must go to recover his credit and to revenge his quarrel who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit And how must they revenge his quarrel Forsooth by sending their best Soldiers into a strange Country by dis-furnishing themselves of Ships and Artillery and by lending him Munition and Mariners who might do well to spare his own people and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of Christendom Their Ancestors bought peace with unreasonable conditions and at a great price and they shall go to Wars where they have no cause of War Their Predecessors when any Nation dwelling beyond the Alps intended to pass the Alps endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage and to keep them at home and they having not felt the forces of such Nations these many years shall for his sake now go about to provoke them Their Forefathers lived quietly at home with their own and they shall disquiet themselves and other men and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage Their Parents never suffered their ships or their Souldiers to depart out of Italy for fear left the great Turk in their absence should invade their Country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the Heavens against the Windes against the Weather and the Sea for so they sight that fight against England Their hearts may tremble to think of it and that whâ—ch hath happened once may happen again If whilest their Forces shall be imployed in the Spanish kings service the Turk shall assail them at home shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of England Or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion For there is no other way to relieve them or to repel them But it may be said that the Spaniards credit and reputation will be their Buckler his greatness will restrain and repress their Adveâ—iaries Tell me you that think so Is he stronger then hâ—s Father was Hath he ever had better success in the Wars then he And yet in the prime and flower of his years and even when he thought himself free from all danger from all trouble and vexation of the Turks the Turks came to besiege Vienna which is the Emperors chief Seat and a City of as great strength as any other City of Europe They may consider that Armies that go far from home have as I have said seldom good success that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand seldom fall out well that men being once deceived of their expeâ—ation in any thing that they undertake proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action that to hang good Souldiers and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel is but to tempt God and lastly that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain All these being duly considered they may justly be afraid when they call to minde that their Navy which they shall send into England to help the king of Spain shall pass through many Seas Rocks with many contrary Winds in great Tempests and through manifest and dangerous parils and that their Souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst sometimes be Sea sick and in great danger of other diseases for where many be shut up close together there few can be in health long All this being duly considered they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the Spanish Fleet which went out of Spain with an assured hope of victory returned with great loss and ignommy And they may be discomforted when they enter into cogitation that the Spanish Navy returning to that place where they were once well beaten and remembring what small relief they had when they were in distress will not onely lose theâ—r courage themselves but also discourage their Italian Souldiers not being accustomed to sight so far from home or on so dangerous and troublesome Seas and with so valiant a Nation as the English Sea and Subjects are They may again be dismayed when they consider that although they should conquer England yet they cannot keep it long because they have no just cause to fight against England And lastly they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance that the small hope and confidence which they have
himself Monarch of all the world all the Princes of Christendom fearing his over growing greatness began to consult and take advice how they might bridle his ambition and hinder the proud and insolent projects of his aspiring and imperious minde But the Princes of Germany who had greatest occasion to fear him most were the fiâ—st that bended all their thoughts and all their cogitations to move the rest of the Princes and Potentates of Europe to joyn with them in League and Amity against him Then were there sent Ambassadors unto the King of England France and Denmark Then were there Letters written unto the Swiâ—zers Then were Letters dispatched to the Duke and Seigniory of Venice to desire help against the Emperor and to distract the Venetians from the League of Amity which they had with him and to intreat both the Venetians and the Switzers not to suffer any Forces to pass by their Dominions which should be sent out of Italy unto Caesar. Then did as many Princes as were not in League with the Emperor shew themselves forward in this honourable Action and those who for their Leagues sake could not openly assist the Confederates against Caesar exhorted others to joyn with them against him and to make them more able and willing to enter into the action they lent or paid them great sums of mony which they owed unto them Then since it behoveth Princes in wisdom and policy to keep their next neighbours as weak as they may since the Spaniard before the king of France changed his Religion pretended to war against him for no other causeâ— but to inforce him thereunto and now continueth his Wars and aiâ—ing his Rebels although the French king is of himself become a Catholick which proveth manifestly that it was not Religion but ambition that moved him to aid and assist those Rebels since it is apparent to the World that he onely disturbeth as I have said the peace and quietness of all the world and causeth the Turk to insult as he doth upon Christian Princes since both Othon the Third and Conrad the Emperors Laws injoyn all Princes as it hath been shewed upon other occasion to bend their Forces and to bandy themselves with main might against such a Prince and such a disturber of common peace as the Spaniard is I see no reason why the Princes of Christendom as well Friends as Foes unto him should not all joyntly and with one consent inforce him to contain himself within his bounds and limits and to succour and assist him against the common Adversary of Christian Religion who of late hath given the Christians no small overthrow The Popes of Rome were wont when Christendom stood in no greater danger of the Turk then it doth at this present to send their Ambassadors from Prince to Prince to reconcile them if they were at variance and to exhort them to imploy the uttermost of their powers against the professed Enemy of Christendom It is written that Paulus Tertius a Poâ—e that was ninety years old when he departed this world not long before he diâ—d considering the great danger and peril that was likely to fall upon Christendom by reason of the pride and ambition of the great Turk and the unnatural discord and dissention that was betwixt â—rancis the first and Charles the fifth sent his own Nephew the Cardinal Fernese unto them to make a friendly composition and agreement betwixt them The like Atonement might the present Pope make betwixt the French king and the Spaniard who hath now no other pretence to fight against France but that the king thereof although he is become a Catholick yet he remains Excommunicate a pretence both vain and frivolous because the kings of France and the Peer thereof and also all his Officers cannot be lawfully excommunicated by the Pope as it may appear by the priviledges granted unto divers kings of France by many Popes as namely by Martin the third and fourth Gregory the eighth ninth tenâ—h and eleventh Alexander the fourth Clement the fourth and fifth Nicholas the third Urban the fifth and Boniface the twelfth The which Priviledges are to be seen in the Treasury where the kings Charters are usually kept And when the Pope shall interpose his Authority many other Princes shall likewise labour to make them friends as of late years the King of Denmark was a Mediator of peace betwixt him and our gracious Sovereign And if when this motion shall be made unto him he will neither regard the Authority of the Intercessors nor respect the manifest eminent danger of Christendom but still continue and follow his ambitious nature and unchristian course then will it be a sit and convenient time to implore and imploy the aid and assistance of his near and dearest friends against him then because â—insmen forsake even the next of their own blood when they will not yeeld unto reason and friends many times fall unto variance when they are put in mind of old quarrels and antient injuries it will not be amiss to revive the memory of old and new wrongs and indignities offered by the house of Austria unto their Neighbors their Allies their Kinsmen their Friends and other Princes that now either fear or favour them Then would it be shewed that all the Emperors and Princes of that Family have neither regarded consanguinity of blood or alliance of Friendship nor the wealth of their Subjects nor the bonds of Equity and Reason but have always preferred their private gain before the Commonweal their own interest before their â—â—insmens and Friends commodity and advantage their own will and pleasure before all Law and Justice briefly their subtil devices and deceits before plain dealing and sincerity Then to begin with the infancy of their Family it would be made known that when they were but poor Counts of Hapsparge they encroâ—ched upon their Neighbours they wronged and oppressed the simple and well-meaning Switzers over whom they tyrannized so long that at length by common consent and by a general Revolt against them both they and their Officers were violently driven out of the Country Then would it be declared that Rodulph the first Emperor of their House obtained the Empire by plain deceit and cunning and so carried himself therein that he sought his own commodity more then the wealth of the Empire and shewed many evident signs and arguments of loathsom and detestable ingratitude For whenas the Empire had been void almost Twenty years and divers Compeitors affected the same as Henry of Thyringia and VVilliam Earl of Holland Alphons King of Castile and Richard Brother unto the King of England and all those Corrivals had almost wasted themselves and their friends in seeking for the place and in maintaining themselves therein The Electors being over-wearied with the length and troubles of this tedioâ—s Competency sent Conrade Archbishop of Coruge unto Othagarius King of Bâ—hemia to pray him to accept the Empire but he thinking himself not sufficient
and during the minority of his son he had caused Ferdinando his brother to be elected King of the Romans yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to perswade him to relinquish and resign that Title unto his Son Philip now and then King of Spain and also he sent for Maximilian his Son in Law and Nephew King of Bohemia to pray him to be content to condescend and yeeld unto his Fathers resignation and the Queen of Hâ—ngary and Gravilla the Emperors Chancellor made many Voyages into Hungary to intreat Ferdinando to yeeld unto this motion unto which neither the King of Hungary nor Maximilian his Son would vouchsafe their consents These three points being thus cleared it resteth to speak somewhat of Charls the Fifths Successors as Ferdinando Maximilion and Rodolph but their actions are fresh in memory And if the Law of the Emperors Creation called the Golden Bull which expresly forbiddeth to chuse above four in one house to succeed one after another in the Empire were as it should be in full force and strength none of them should be accounted or held lawful Emperors Now if the breach of this sacred and inviolable decree I mean the golden Bull which hath been infringed by making not four but seven or eight at the least of the House of Austria Emperors together shall nothing at all incense and instigate the Princes of Christendom against this ambitious and aspiring generation It shall be needful to revive the loathsom memory of many great and grievous indignities and ingratitudes unkindly and unjustly shewn by the late Emperors of the house of Austria unto divers great and mighty Princes of Germany and unto the Empire it self It must therefore be shewed unto them that Rodolph the first Emperor of this Race to assure unto himself and his Heirs the Dukedom of Austria and the States of Stiria and Suevia which were united unto the Empire for fault of Heirs Males resigned the Exerchat of Italy unto the Pope and freed as many Cities of Italy from the homage and obedience which they owed unto the Emperors as would buy their freedom and liberty of him for ready money Albeit his Son when he was Emperor fought many Battels and got many Towns with the Forces and Expences of the Empire but reserved all the profit arising by those Battels to his proper use and to have better and more easie entrance into Bilencia he usurped the State of the Marquess of Menia And Albert the Second enriched himself greatly although he ruled not long by troubles and divisions Is it not the House of Austria that hath wrongfully deprived many Princes and divers Electors of the Empire of their States and Dignities Is it not this house that hath unjustly compelled the greatest Princes of Germany to flie for succour and to seek the protection of the French King Is it not this House that hath unlawfully confiscated the States and Digninities of Iohn Fredrick Duke of Sexony Is it not this House that hath most cruelly razed the Walls and destroyed the Forts of the most noble and vertuous Prince the Lantsgrave of Hess Is it not this House that hath violently sacked destroyed and utterly overthrown the great and goodly Dukedom of Wittenberge Is it not this House that contrary to all humanity hath confiscated the greatest part of the Duke of Cleur his goods and made him too deer for a Wise that brought him Dowry Is it not this House that to make the Princes of Germany their Servants and Slaves have contrary to the Laws of the Empire erected a new Councel in the City of Spires Briefly Is it not this House that useth them most unkindly of whom they have received most Curtesie Have they ever had greater aid greater helps of any Princes of the Empire then of the Duke of Saxony Who sought for Frederick Duke of Austria against Lewis Duke of Bavaria more willingly and valiantly then Rodolph Duke of Saxony Ernest Duke of Saxony was the only cause and means that Maximilian was chosâ—n Emperor And Iohn Duke of Saxony went unto the Assault of Aba in Hungary and never departed thence until he made Maximilian Lord and Master of the whole Countâ—y Frederick of Saxony refused the Empire when it was offered unto him and procured it to be given unto Charles the Fift And yet the same Charls omitted no Art no cuning no way nor means that he could possibly devise to â—subvert and â—vinate the House of Saxony He set up Maurice and Agust his Brother against Iohn Frederick And Maximiliam stirred up the Sons of Iohn Frederick one against another Rodolph Count Palatine bore armes in the behalf of Frederick of Austria against his own brother Lewis Duke of Bamera and Frederick Count Palatine who was Recompenced for this pleasure by Frederick the Third who procured all the States and Princes of the Empire to be his mortall Enemies Briefly who favoured and furthered the Election of the last Maximilian so much as Frederick Count Palatine And yet not long after he gave so hard a sentence against him at Auspurghe that all the Princes of the Empire reversed the same in his Presence Now to speak of the Spanish Kings abuses towards the Princes of Germany and others were infinite labour and either that which I have already said is sufficient to cause him to be generally hated or the late Apologies of the Prince of Aurange of the State of the Low Countries of the now King of France of Don Antonio and of others will supply whatsoever I either for modestie or for brâ—vitiesake forbear to discover Then to conclude this point If France might be moved to set on Foot for the Kingdome of Navarre the Dukedom of Burgondy and all or part of the Lowcountries If the Pope might be intreaâ—ed to bestow the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily upon som Prince of worth and estimation If the Venetians and other Princes of Italy would be content to divide and share the Dukedom of Milan betwixt them If the States and Princes of the Empire would be pleased to reconcile the Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungary with the Dukedom of Austria unto the Empire If the Duke of Parma or Don Antonio might be seated in Portugall And lastly England Holland and other States and Pâ—inâ—es that are mighty upon the Seas would either stop the Spaniards passage into the Indies or intercept his Treasure when it cometh from thence the proud and insolent House of Austria should quickly be reduced unto their old and pristine Estate and the Princes of Christendome when they should have no Adversary to fear but the common Enemy of Christians should undoubtedly live in great security peace and Amity For then are Kingdomes most safe when their Neighbours Forces and their own strength are not greatly unequall And then should our English Island be the strongest and happiest Kingdom in Christendom But in taking this course it behooveth to be somwhat Circumspect least that the overthrow and downfall of
of Naples or of Portugal For so shall his Sons power be weakened his Daughter further off from us and from France and her ambition better satisfied with a kingdom then with a Title of Dutchess too base a name for so proud a woman and such an one as hath lived a long time in equall credit with a Queen And we finde that the desire of that Charâ—es his wife who of a Duke of Anioâ— was made and crowned King of Naples to be a Queen was the chiefe and special cause her Husband entered into that quarrel for his wife who was descended of a King and still lived among Queens would never suffer him to be at quiet until he had made her Queen There is no doubt but that the Princes of Italy could be very well content that the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily were in some such poor Princes possession rather under the subjection of the sole heir of Spain because he being a young Prince and King of so many Dominions will not perhaps be keep within his bounds as his old Father is and they would easily finde means to hold such a Prince long enough and to keep him from all kinde of ability to hurt and damnifie them For experience hath taught them that when Naples and Sicily were governed by a proper King and he alwayes Resident amongst them they lived not then in such danger or in such fear as they have been since the French or the Spaniards were Masters of those Kingdoms Duke Ernestus being placed thus far from us the question would be what Government would best content us in Flanders whether it were best to have a Prince there and if a Prince what he should be or else such a Government as is now amongst the United Provinces and if such a Government whether it were best to unite the rest of Flanders unto them that are already united The questions are full of difficulty and a man of far greater experience and wisdom then my self can hardly resolve them And yet because this is my last task I will as I have done in the rest adventure to commit my follies to your secrecy The pleasant and sweet Government under the States of the United Provinces The consideration of their Subjects quiet and welâ—are The regard of their wealth The credit whereunto they are grown The accompt that their Neighbours make of them The free Traffique which they have with Forreign nations The recourse of Strangers unto them The beauty and increase of their Cities lately enlarged and beautified and their strength being as I have once said already almost comparable unto the power of mighty Princes might easily induce them to consent to make one Common-wealth of all the seventeen Provinces But if they should all joyn in one Form of Government it were greatly to be doubted that they would grow so mighty in time that their might would make them ambitious and their ambition desirous to encroach upon their Neighbours who with the same and good of their great ease and prosperity would happily be content to shake off their Kings and live under their wings and protection Was it not the common report of the Romans good Government that made Forreign Nations desirous to be subject unto them Was it not the incorporating of those Nations into their own Cities and their permitting of them to enjoy the like Priviledges and Liberties as the Romans enjoyed that drew other people to follow the example of those Nations Was it not then seen and may it not be seen again thâ—â— the less Cities iimitated the greater and whether the first inclined thither the last repaired Is it not generally said that two eyes see more then one And do not many Councellors consult and resolve upon any thing better then a few and is it not true that it is not the Clymate or the Region that onely maketh men wise The Spaniard is wiser then the French-man the Florentines of a quicker wit and judgment then the Venetian and yet when the light-headed French-man beginneth once to be staid he is nothing inferior to the wise Spaniard and the Venetians when they consult upon matters of weight resolve them not so soon but better then the Floâ—entines The reason whereof is given by Bodin because the first trusting too much to the dexterity of their wits dwell obstinate in their first conceived opinions and sometimes will not yeeld unto the soundest judgments because they proceed from them who are either their enemies or in their opinions not worthy to be reputed wiser then they whereas the later distrusting every man his own judgement and examining soundly and with great deliberation all the reasons that may be alleaged pro con in any matter whatsoever after long conâ—erence and consultation conclude upon the best and wisest resolution Is it not this proved in the States of the United Provinces especially in the Hollanders who until of late years were commonly called by the Flemings The Blockish and hard-headed Hollanders and now they are grown equal to the wisest Flemings Italians French or Spaniards Court they not Princes that were wont onely to live by the transporting of commodities of their Island into England and other places Have they not their Agents in Princes Courts who in many years would not presume to look upon a Court and knew not how to behave themselves when they came thither Have they not learned the means and ways to insinuate themselves into Princes favours and continue themselves therein who not long ago cared for no Princes favour but â—or one Kings good will and countenance Sent they not their Ambassadors unto the Christening of the Scottish Prince Gave they not their Present as well as others and within it a yearly Pension unto the young Prince to be paid unto him yearly out of the rents of one of their Towns Have they not discovered a shorter way to the Indies and will they not take and make a benefit by the discovery Do they not daily encrease their Revenews Do not their Subjects that were wont to guide a Boat and govern an Oar now manage a Lance and handle a weapon as well as other Nations Do not the better sort amongst them who heretofore never medled with matters of State match the wisest Politicians in Counsel and the best Statesmen of the world in their writings And to be brief is it not likely that if they proceed as they have begun they will in time grow too strong and exceed the Seigniory of Venice the which if it be not assisted by other Princes of Christendom standeth in great danger to become a prey unto the Turk I have once already said it and cannot say it too often God grant that all the Princes of Christendom yea the Child that is unborn have not just occasion one day to curse the King of Spain for enforcing the States to know and use their strength Let us remember the weakness of the Switzers and call to minde upon
what occasion they began to encanton themselves how base men they were that were the first Authors thereof how Stansfather Gualter first and Arnold Melthdiall detesting the unsupportable Tyranny of the Governor Greisleir drew first divers Gentlemen and then the inhabitants of a few Towns to conspire the death of their Governour and the banishment of all the Officers set over them by the house of Austria how they beat down to the ground all their Castles how they perswaded the Towns of Sinty Ury and Underwald to free and emancipate themselves from the Thraldom and Bondage wherein they lived under the house of Austria How after this association others entred into League with them and briefly how after their general confederacy they lived many years contented with their own and scant knew what wealth meant Was it not wonderous that after the notable victory which they had at Grason against Charles Duke of Burgondy they knew not the worth or value of the goods that came to their hands Will any man beleeve that they should tear into a Thousand pieces the fairest pavilion that ever was seen in the world May it be credited that they sold great dishes and platters of clean Silver thinking that they had been of Tin for six pence a piece Will it not seem incredible that the fairest Diamond that was in those dayes in the world and had a very great and rich pearl hanging thereat was sold unto a Priest for a Florin and that he sent it unto their chief Governor who gave him but three Franks which is a French Crown for the same And to what reputation are these people now grown Are they not held the best Pikemen of the world Do not the greatest Princes of Europe seek their Amity and alliance Strive they not who shall first entertain them and continue longest in league with them Have they not more liberty in Italy then any nation whatsoever Are not the Grisons their Confederates free from the Inquisition a freedom not granted unto any Nation but unto them Was there not a time when a King of France for calling them base people was forsaken by them and made a prey unto his Enemies Did they not in revenge of that disdainfull word make a Road into his Country and had they not come unto the walls of Paris if they had not been intreated and hired for great Rewards to return into their Country Who can desire a more notable and worthy example of valour and fortitude then they shewed in Navar in Italy where they being in a strong Citty and not needing to make any sally out they came forth upon the French that lay before the Town went proudly and without fear upon the fearfull and terrible mouthes of their greatest Artillery took the same and bended it upon their Enemies whom with the onely help thereof they put to a most shamefull flight and to the edges of their unmercifull swords When we remember these men and enter into cogitation of the premisses we must justly fear that the Hollanders and their Adherents may one day have the like mindes and the like fortune And if they should chance to grow to the like greatness be it of minde or of fortune let us consider what advantage they shall have of Princes Even the same advantage which Titus Livius mentioneth in the comparison which he maketh betwixt Alexander the Great and the Romans For they have many Alexanders whereas a Kingdom should have but one and with this ones death his whole State should be endangered whereas the losse of some of their Alexanders shall not endanger their State and Kingdoms Enterprises shall perish with their King and their Attempts shall be performed by their surviving Alexanders Briefly the Kings posterity shall not resemble him and their Successors shâ—ll rather excel then not imitate them Thus to have all the Low-Countries governed by a few States or by one Prince wholly depending upon the King of Spain were in one and the same measure dangerous and therefore it were convenient for us in wisdom and policy to erect and establish such a Prince as should neither aâ—together depend upon France nor be wholy devoted unto Spain or else to divide the seventeen Provinces into divers several Cantons and to nourish continually a diversity of opinions and Religions amongst them whereby some of them being led to affect us and others to favour Princes of their Religion they shall be neither holpen nor hurt by them more then we nor we more then they Besides Experience yeeldeth us this comfort that as long as we shall entertain a free and loving 〈◊〉 entercourse of Trade and Traffique with them whereby their people may be inriched their Cities frequented and their several Artificers maintained and nourished so long may we be assured of their fast Friendship and Amity For if when as that notable contention and competency for the Crown of France was between Edward the third and Philip de Valâ—ys although Lewis the Earl of Flanders favoured the French King because he was his Vassal yet the Common people affected and furthered our Kings claim and quarrel and would not be drawn from us by any manner of whatsoever perswasion why may we not hope to fined the like affection in them even against their Soveraign if we should have the like occasion to use their furtherance For as then many of their Towns standing wholy upon the Trade of wooll with which their Diers Fullers and other such Artificers were maintained they would not leave us to lean to their Prince because if our King should not have sent thither our woolls they knew not how to live and for that France was not able to hurt them so much as England could do both by Sea and by Land so now if they should want such Commodities any long time as we send over unto them although they be now far stronger by Sea then they were then yet either the regard of profit or the fear of discommodity and hurt that might arise unto them by the discord betwixt us and them would cause them to stand fast and assâ—â—ed unto us rather then unto our Enemies especially if we shall entertain some such faithfull friends unto us amongst the common people as were the before mentioned Artevild Boscanus Agricola and others Thus Spain being weakned and the Low-Countries either all or the most part thereof well-affected unto us we shall stand in less danger and fear of France whose troubles and divisions although they begin now somewhat to cease yet I fear me that when they are once utterly extinguished they will be quickly revived again For as fire being but covered over with ashes and not throughly put out is soon kindled again so reconciled friends the causes of their former contentions not being wholly removed upon very light occasions fall again to strife and variance The experience thereof was seen in the Reign of Henry the third of England and in the time of Lewis Menervensis
crime worthy of death unless his Princes State be greatly endangered by his fault and folly Let all the ancient and new Histories be perused that handle matters of State All the large Volumns of Civilians be read that ever writ of points of Treason and all the Negotiations that have passed betwixt Prince and Prince be well and duly considered and it will appear that never any Princes servant or minister hath lost life for practising with his Masters Friends and Allies unless it were proved that through his fault of Friends they were made enemies For the Laws take not any man to be a traytor by whom his Princes State is not weakned or endangered or his Countries adversaries strengthned or assisted in deed or in counsel by advice or by action Then since it was not proved that Escovedo his practises with the King of France or with the House of Guise tended to the disadvantage of his Prince to the loss of his Realms the diminution of his Friends but rather to the advantage of the Kings Brother the benefit of the Low Countries and the continuance of the League and Amity betwixt France and Spain For Don Iohn de Austria his League with the Duke of Guise was concluded for the benefit and defence of both Kingdoms I see no reason why Escovedo should lose his life for contracting with France openly or secretly with the Kings pleasure or without his commission especially if it were not shewed that he had some express commandment not to deal in any matter of what nature soever with France without his privity For although it be a fault in a servant to be over-busie in his masters affairs into which divers servants fall many times either because they are desirous to be always doing somthing or for that they think they cannot be too careful and vigilant in any thing that concerns their masters yet it is an offence pardonable And the fault that proceedeth from temerity and rashness deserveth rather commiseration then cruelty pardon then punishment especially unless it be such a fault that hath no certain kind of chastisement appointed out by the Law But Escovedo was once well affected unto the Kings service and afterwards changed that affection But how will this be proved Bartell in his Book de Guelphis Gibellinis setteth down four causes or changes or signs of a changed affection and of a mans mind estranged and departed from that faction which he once liked and followed The first If he have any sudden occasion of quarrel and contention with a man that is mightier then himself amongst his own faction The second If any inheritance or great commodity be fallen unto him which he cannot enjoy unless he leave his old friends and lean unto their enemies The third If he be lately joyned in affinity with the contrary faction And the fourth and last if moved with any of these causes he departeth from one side unto another Of these four signs which was found in Escovedo Had he any quarrel with any one about his King that was greater then himself It appeareth not and Don Iohn de Austria testifieth unto the King that he was generally well liked and loved of all men Had he any league of kinred or affinity in Rome or France It was never urged against him and he never sought any occasion of any such alliance Left he his Masters service to serve the Pope or the French King There was nothing further from his heart Had he any pension of the Pope any fee of the French King any yearly reward of the House of Guise The intelligence that was given against him mentioneth no such matter and although he had some benefit by all these yet it maketh him no traytor For servants and Kings Counsellors may and do usually receive rewards of their Princes enemies much more of their friends which are given to the end they should do some good offices about their King and what Counsellor can be greatly blamed if he take a reward of an enemy to effect that which he knoweth his master would have effected Or who can justly think evil of that Counsellor who when an enemy seeketh a peace that will be both honourable and profitable to his Prince receiveth some notable reward to be a mediator of such a peace Is it not good to ease an indiscreet enemy of his money And have you not heard of Philip de Commines that divers great Officers of England had yearly Fees of the French King and yet were held and taken and that not wrongfully for good and faithful Counsellors unto their own King and Country It is noted for indiscretion and a great over-sight in the Seignory of Venice that when they send their Generals into the Field against their enemies they give them express charge and commandment not to fight a Battel without leave of the Senate because while they are sending for that leave they many times lose very good opportunities to overthrow their adversaries For that oft times it falleth out that the time the place and other circumstances give him opportunity to do better service then he should be able to do if he were precisely fastned unto his Instructions And undoubtedly the late Duke of Parma might have benefitted the Spaniard much more then he did in the Low Countries had he not been constrained to let slip many good occasions whilst he attended for advice and resolution out of Spain And it is certain that Don Iohn de Austria after his Victory at Lepantâ— might have done great service unto all Christendom had he not refused when he was requested by the Venetians to follow the victory because he had no warrant out of Spain to go further then he did And the Duke of Medina might as common fame reporteth in the late Spanish enterprize against England have annoyed our Realm much more then he did had he not stood so nicely to his Commission If therefore Flanders which in those days was very tumultuous and subject to divers accidents if France which favoured not England at that time so much as it doth at this present if the Pope who wanted not a number of fugitives to incense him against England if the House of Guise which had their secret friends and their privie practises in England if England it self which was the mark whereat the Pope the Spaniard and Don Iohn de Austria did shoot Briefly if all these together might minister many sudden occasions speedy resolutions and better furtherance from France from Rome then from Escovedo's practises were tolerable and his secret dealings gave the Spanish King no just occasion to put him to death It remaineth to see whether the cause of his death being unjust the King had any reasonable excuse to extenuate the murther He that cannot escape death but by killing another shall not be punished by death if he kill another because it is lawful to repel force by force The husband or father that killeth an adulterer in
committing the fact with his wife or daughter is not punished with death by Law because the greatness of his sorrow excuseth the grievousness of his offence and a man that being provoked by another by word or deed killeth the provoker is not subject to extream rigour of justice because whatsoever is done in heat of choler is rather excusable in mercy then punishable with extremity The King of Spain's life stood in no danger as long as Escovedo lived he had offered no violence to his wife or daughter and if he gave him any occasion to be angry or displeased with him there was time enough betwixt the occasion given and the hour of his death to allay the heat and to asswage his wrath There is not therefore any one just cause to excuse this murther but many to aggravate the same For first A King commanded it to be committed and Kings ought to preserve not murther their subjects Next an innocent man was murthered and it is better to save many offenders then to condemn one innocent Then the murtherer was as it were a father to the murthered Kings are called fathers of their subjects Again Escovedo was no stranger but the Kings servant and it is much more grievous to kill an houshold servanâ— then a stranger Again Escovedo was no base person but of good worth and of divers good qualities and he offendeth more that killeth an adulterer of good sort then he that murthereth one of vile and base condition Again Escovedo had deserved well of the King and had done him many good services and ingratitude is a detestable vice a fault punishable by Law Again Escovedo was done to death against Law and to murther a man without Law is a double breach of Law a breach in the murther and a breach in not observance of Law Again Escovedo was poysoned and the murther that is done with poyson because it is trayterously done is much more grievous then that which is performed Therefore Lastly When poyson took no effect he was killed with a sword and the murther that is iterated is more hainous it argueth perseverance in wickedness it sheweth that the offender is obdurate in malice it betrayeth his cruelty and declareth that nothing but death will satisfie him so it is sin in a Prince to think on such a murther wickedness to command it to be done cruelty to thirst after innocent blood ingratitude to render evil for good treason to take away a mans life by poyson and of all treasons the greatest when poyson faileth to use the sword and when God hath miraculously preserved an innocent man to attempt his death again and never to desist until he was massacred For Princes are armed with authority but they are to use the sword only against the wicked they may be cruel but with a kind of mercy and compassion they may censure all mens actions but with remembrance of mans imbecility with grief for their fall with sorrow for their temptation with hope of their amendment and with a desire of their conversion They must think that ignorance may mislead them Satan seduce them sin get the upper hand of them Gods good grace abandon them and that being destitute of his favour they are no more able to make any resistance against the divel 's temptations and when they have thought upon all this they must look upon themselves and in themselves consider that they be angry but without fin they may be moved but not so much as to forget to do justice punish offenders without hatred to their persons and not before that reason hath mastered their own affections mercy hath mitigated their rigour and wisdom hath nullified all the extremity of their inordinate passions This murder being then in thought in action in continuance and in iteration impious and detestable it resteth therefore to shew whether Antonio Peres yeilding his consent and putting his helping hand thereunto be not guilty of Escovedo his death as well as the King For the affirmative it may be said that in cases of felony murther and treason the principals and accessaries are held to offend in one and the same measure because they are most commonly subject to one and the same manner of punishment That servants to private men and Counsellors to Princes must obey God rather then their Masters the almighty in heaven rather then the mighty on earth That Peres knew in conscience that Escovedo had not deserved death That no man should do any thing against his Conscience and that Counsellors attend upon Princes to be disswaders of their follies and not executioners of their furies It had therefore been the part of Antonio Peres when he saw his King resolute to have Escovedo murthered not to have reprehended his wicked intention presently but to have attended some convenient time when the Kings fury and anger had been past when he would have hearkned unto reason and given an attentive ear unto good counsel and then not to have spared his tongue or his pen his counsel or his cunning his wits or his credit with his master until he had changed his mind For wise and discreet officers unto Princes will not presently obey their hasty furious and unadvised commandments but give them time to allay and pacifie and to consider with themselves what they have commanded and what mischiefs and inconveniencies may follow of their commandments And the Prince that hath such may think himself happy and when of a servant to his passions he returneth happily to himself that is to be a right Prince then will he thank them heartily for their good counsel It is written of a Duke of Britany that when he had taken Clission an high Constable of France who had made the French his mortal enemy and caused him to work his Countries great harm and annoyance he delivered him into the hands of Iohn Bavilion his trusty and faithful servant and commanded him to be caused to be drowned secretly Bavilion considering what danger might follow of his rash and hasty commandment preserved the Constable and within a few days after when he saw the Duke his master very pensive and sorrowful he presumed to demand the cause of his grief The Duke not being able to conceal any thing from him although he thought not to have found such comfort as he did by him acquainteth Bavilion with the â—â—use of his heavines which was that he had caused the Constable so unadvisedly to be made away Bavilion seeing the time fit to declare what he had done let the Duke understand that Clisson lived and by way of advice told him that by restoring his prisoner in safety without a ransome unto the French King he should bind the Constable to do him all manner of good offices about the king of France purchase the Kings assured friendship and procure his own Countries safety and quiet For which good counsel the Duke thanked him as much as for saving the Constable and found that by following
as have been lately subdued if prone and ready to rebel and if they shewed themselves mutinous and disobedient unto good Princes lastly to destroy one faction by another is of all actions the most inhumane of all inhumanity because it behoveth a Prince to preserve his subjects at home and abroad in time of peace and in time of wars against open adversaries and secret enemies Now if you look back upon all that hath been said you shall easily perceive that all these marks may be found in the Spanish King who hath not spared his son his brother his kinsman his nobility and peers whose Country hath by the testimony of their own writers no great store of learned men whose natural subjects are employed in forraign services whose forraign Dominions are maintained by domestical divisions whose guard consisteth of Flemmings although his Spaniards be the most trusty and loyal subjects that he hath whose spies are infinite or else his intelligences could not be so great as they are whose subjects cannot be rich because he fleeceth so mâ—ch whose wars are unlawful because they are begun without just occasion continued with iniquity and performed with barbarous cruelty briefly whose studies endeavours and purposes tend to no other end but to weaken all Christian Princes that he may tyrannize without comptrolment and make himself or successors monarchs of the whole world without resistance Then to conclude this Treatise which is added only to give some light to the precedent matter If it be perjury to break an oath willingly sacriledge to murther not only one but many Ecclesiastical persons unjustly hypocrisie to dissemble with friends cunningly tyrannie to afflâ—ct subjects wrongfully impiety to betray Christians unto Infidels wilfully and to murther kill and massacre subjects unlawfully I may more justly conclude then the French seditious author did against the late French King that the Spanish monarch may be lawfully excommunicated and deposed because all these crimes concur in him together and that no wars of what nature soever can be held unjust and unlawful that shall be enterprised and exercised against him so long as he shall continue to be as he is the common and only perturber of Christian peace and tranquility FINIS A. Coâ—ley Carion Plutarch Plutarch Herodorus De Hailon Plutarch Carion Plutarch Herodotus Titus Livius Holinshed Polid. Virg. Plutarch Herodot Don Antonius Apology Râ—stbergius Dubraevius Dinothus de Bello Belgico Plutarch Justinus Carion Du Haillan The same Author with Pol. Virg. and Hector Boetius Mores gentium Munster Frâ—â— Lean. Guido Donato Tit. Livi. Du Hailan Carion Terapha de vitis Reg. Hispan Polid. Vir. Holinshed Guicardin Paradin Dinothus de bello Belgico Gio. Giov. Pontavo della guerra di Napoli Nicolle Giles Annales de Aquitanie Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Hect. Boetius That the Turk is grown great by the dissention of Christian Princes Mar. Arrogo Pietro Mexias Illescas Du Haillan Carions Cron. Guyl Atchives Di Tyro nella Historia della guerra Hiâ—rusalemme An answer to an objection that Princes aid Rebels proving that in times past they did the like Terapha Holinshed Pol. Virg. Du Haillan That the Flemming had just cause to rebel against the King of Spain Anales Flandriae Marchantius Smillerus de Repub Helvetior Dinothus de bello Belgico Responce ala Declaration de D. Jehan de Austrice Discourse summarie de Estates Generals du Pags Bas. Dinothus D. Chytraeus That France hath rebelled against their Kings before this time Pedro Corn de la lyga q confederation Francesa The causes of the Leaguers rebellion their proceeding policies David Chytraeus Risembergius The Duke of Guise the head of the League his proceedings and policies The Duke of Guise his imitation of other great Rebels and a Comparison betwixt him and them C. Tacitus C Tacitus Plutatch Dion Piero Mexias Da Haillan A strange Interpretation of the Oath of Allegiance A comparison betwixt the Duke of Guise and Sâ—jan Caesar Pipin and Hugh Capet Du Haillan Du Haillan Holinshed Du Haillan denieth the Law Salique The Frenchmens first Objection and the answer thereunto Hottomanus de jure successionis The second Objection with the answer The third Objection and answer Guido Papnis quest 23. 9. Hostiensis extrâ—de major et obedientia c. dilecti filii Alexander Cent. 25. n. 20. vel 5. Baldus in tit Si defendo fuerit contra in t Dom. in generalâ— n. v. The fourth Objection and Answer John Bodin Philip de Comines Guicciardine Gâ—oviano Pontavo della guerra di Napoli Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Du Haillan Froissart The fifth Objection with the answer Hottomanus Gul Benedictus inc Raghutius in verb. mortui n. 49. Terrixubeus tract 2. Con Clus. q. Terapha Holinshed Hect. Boet. Hist. Poloniae Du Haillan Piero Mexias vida de Carlo Magno Du Haillan lib. 15. p. 214. The sixth Objection with the Answer John de Terra Rubea tract 2. conclus 9. 10 11 12. Guliel Benedictus in c. Ragnat in verbum eodem test num 148. Guido Papius quest 279. Nich. Gyles Froissart Froissart Nich. Gyleâ— Du Haillan lib. 21. Vita de Marc. Aurelio Tarapha Illescas lib. 6. Du Haillan lib. 6. Du Haillan lib. 8. Du Haillan lib. 2. Du Haillan lib. 2 6 8. Nic. Gyles Idem Idem Smillerus de republica Helvetiorum The reasons why England challengeth not her right in France Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Da Haillan Phil. de Comines Holinshed Polid. Virg. Hect. Boet. Vie da Francois Primier dece nom Phil. de Comines Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Annales de Aquitain T. Walsing in his Neustria Hect. Boet. The Causes and means how we lost all France Holinshed Polid. Virg. Du Haillan Ph. de Comines Paulus Aemilius Marco Arrogo sans occino nel suo governo Hect. Boet. Hottoman Joh. Tilletius Du Haillan lib. 15. Pedro Corneio de la lyga y Confederation Francesca How the King of Spain his Predecessors grew from mean Earls to be mighty Kings Historia Pontifical de D. Illescas Spanish Piero Mâ—xi Vida de Ludovico Sp. Nich. Giles Guicciard Vida de Don Alonso Du Hailan Nic Gyles Froissart Munsterus Functius Polid. Virg. Holinshed Terapha Guicciard That the Kingdom of Naples hath been fatal to many Nations Nic. Gyles Du Haillan Functius D. Illescas Piero Mexias vida de Wencelao D. Illescas vida de urbano 6. Functius lib. 10. Caxton Du Haillan Math. Paris Math. Paris Paul Jovius lib. 2. Guicciardine D. Illescas vida de Fagenio Phil. de Comines Guicciard lib. 5. Guicciard lib. 1. D. Illescas vida de Julio 2. Guicciard D. Illescas vida de Clemente 7. How the Spanish King came by Naples Guicciard lib. 5. 6. 9. Sleidon lib. 16. How the Spanish King came by the kingdom of Navarra Guicciard Terapha de Regibus Hisp. The Spaniards title to the Kingdom of Portugal Sleidens Commentaries Don Antonio his Apology Froissart vol. pr. c. 252. Du Haillan lib. 6. Froissart vol. 3. c. 25. D. Anton.