TRVTH and PEACE HONESTLY PLEADED AND RIGHTLY SOUGHT FOR OR A Loyall Subjects Advice VSEFVLLTo CONFIRM HONEST CONVINCE IGNORANT CALME PASSIONATE Condemne Malicious Men. BY A True Lover OF GOD And King CHARLES Printed 1642. A PLEA FOR TRVTH AND MOTIVES FOR QVIET To the Reader MIght these Motives though undrest unset of as running out in haste like those Sabine Women too like in weaknesse in Romes infancy with disshevelled haire throwing themselves as interposers between their Parents and husbands now on point of a bloudy Incounter concerning them contribute a little to turne some of those Armes upon passion and mistakes now ready extended for blowes into embraces and those embraces againe into blowes from both reunited on the heads of the infernall Authors of these disunions and the moneys and munition sent to embroile us in civill warres not without good interest or gratefull acknowledgment of our owne on the senders heads and so might England and his Excellency grow both young againe in a second journey for the Palatinate these our stirres proving but as traynings for such a service But to draw nearer to breviate the case well by reducing it all if possible to one point issuable had been the next way to judge well of it whereas much dilating whilest it would explaine confounds weak judgements and such are most as too many quaint divisions questions and affectation of Method intended to cleare darken But since this Pamphet coming out in hast as its imperfection shews wants this advantage as others The judicious Reader if any such will reade it may in the perusing cast the chiefe points which are not many into a narrower posture fitter to judge upon whether the inferences held or rather since it may deserve no such paines he or any may abstract or take notice if any particular point chance to present it selfe that may any way serve the truth or them that love it THe principall point in which the others seeme to be conteined as the effect in the cause the future oake in the acome may be this If a King having his Prerogative bounded by Lawes Liberties Priviledges c. misled and seduced by those about him striving to make him absolute whom they hope absolutely to make use of or rather to speak in a more reverent phrase if such men as the principall agents perverting his good intentions and abusing the royall name and authoritie as their instrument or possibly the Prince himselfe misled by his own passions or mistakes or assuming arbitrary government endeavour and act and by a continued tenor or drift of his Counsels designes actions notwithstanding fitting Remonstrances made to the contrary persist in the pursuite of things dangerous and pernicious to the peoples religion libertie propertie priviledges lawes or suffer others to doe such things contrary to the originall intent end and trust of the first institutors of such a Monarchy not according to the contracts and conditions at his Coronation being for the good and happines of the people and consequently for the preservation of the said particulars and if the King afterwards desert oppose frustrate the publique Counsell of the Kingdome the Parliament going about after it hath in vaine sought remedie at his hands to suppresse the further growth of and to remedy such publique mischiefs and dangers growne through long want of due calling that good great Counsell and moreover if the Prince after all may and doth convert the power of the people it selfe to back still and carry on these designes and compasse these ends and the people be remediles then besides the unreasonablenes of the premisses inconsistent in themselves and other grosse absurdities that thereon follow the condition of a free Nation is worse then that of a most miserable slave For first being before in a free and happy estate every way it must bring it selfe into servitude and each man make one another mutually and those he holds dearest and his Countrey it selfe slaves and must expose his owne life that he may take the lives of whosoever refuseth slavery if much rather all be not already or before slaves if bound to doe and suffer such things at the pleasure or discretion of the Prince or rather of those about him Secondly besides thus each man being one anothers mutually and all their Countreys executioners each must be bound to expose all he hath and his life as much as in him lyeth to procure or advance the meanes of damnation of those he holds dearest nay of innumerable others and of himselfe Religion being part of the case Thus whereas it seemes sufficient to the constitution of a slave not to have power to dispose of himselfe or of what he hath in a passive way onely In this case men must be positively active against themselves Thirdly and lastly a whole Nation cannot fly or run away from a condition so miserable and by any other meanes unavoidable as a particular slave may More might be said in this point but what needed thus much were not their Judgements with whom we deale as turbulent as the waters they have troubled which sort a possibilitie of delusion that yet may partly hoodwinke them must distinguish from the other part among them whom malice hath made utterly reason and religion proofe and therefore their senses whose soules seeme nothing els are to be dealt with in another method But to the point the premises and consequence being utterly absurd inconsistent contradictory against reason and nature Princes being instituted for the peoples happines and so rather publici servi as regnum splendida servitus and since there is provision against the danger of the minoritie of a Prince who can be onely positively ill it being à fortiori reasonable that it should not be wanting against the perill from such a Prince as we propound who by meanes of a greater maturitie and authoritie may concurre more actively and consequently more perniciously to the greatest evill the people in our case if or when the King makes such attempts in reason cannot be without meanes of remedy It were perhaps so were a King instituted in an immediate miraculous extraordinary manner by God himselfe then a lower power could not disanull the act of the higher or perhaps there were colour if the people it selfe had absolutely given or entrusted it selfe to the power or Provision of the Prince at the first institution or framing of the Monarchy But with us the lawes customes priviledges power and use of Parliaments c. argue or rather are limitations restrictions conditions or reservations made upon the originall trust commission or delegation from the people or after upon occasion which it keeps in its owne power or reserves to it selfe as the supreame resort for extraordinary emergents Not let any thinke that the King having taken his oath for the keeping himselfe within his bounds or for the observing the lawes liberties priviledges or the like that he is hereupon onely left to God and his
conscience and the people without humane remedy if he exorbitate for they ought not to presume but to prove strongly if they could this which were for the disadvantage of the people so mainely for whose good all was intended at the first institution of the Monarchy and the peoples happines ought to be rather favoured and preferred in the interpretation of a doubtfull matter were this such as assuredly according with the first institutors intention and I thinke it is not so apparent if it be apparent at all that the King is so left to God onely as it is that the safetie and happines of the people is Lex suprema and the end of all which is out of doubt and therefore by this tye of an oath and all other fitting ties power and meanes also intended to be procured and secured and all oft little enough though such power is unlesse upon necessitie not onely not to be exercised but also to be kept as secret as may be that the Princes authoritie in as much as it may make for the good of the people may be kept up And perhaps the oath the people hath taken to the King especially as the people is represented in Parliament may respecting at this time this reason onely inferre as well on the peoples side that it is left to God onely thereupon and so supreame in point of judgement and power but allowing or rather understanding truly such power to be in the people and from it in the Parliament as hereafter may further appeare wee are to doe is not this way the peoples libertie rights happines safer and better assured together with the Kings just power or prerogative since the Parliament is not capable could it be willing to usurpe upon either as after may be shewed then imagining such supreame power to be invested in the King either the peoples right or the Kings just power it selfe can be seeing no man will deny but Kings are subjects capable of arbitrary or tyrannicall power oft times willing and giving the attempt and sometimes actually prevailing So if the framers of this Monarchy had intended such paramount power should be still in the King and that in such extraordinary emergents as now appeare in England they had been more solicitous of and provided better far for one meanes of diverse ordeined to an end then for the very end it selfe the peoples happines which they had left still depending dangerously on one mans conscience or will as it should at any time happen to change when so sure and safe a provision offered it selfe else-where as before is partly touched and had preferred the meanes before the end and so doe all the desperate malignants and the disorderers of our times State which is retrograde to reason others may better ensorce this point touching the intent of the first institution and adde expresse authorities perhaps out of the Lawes to this end or the practise of Parliaments in such times if such have ever before been or otherwise proceed by analogie and good consequences of reason If it be said that by such a provision of remedie for the people in danger as abovesaid a dangerous president of disobeying and weakning the Kings authority is introduced which may worke even danger of dissolution of the Monarchy Admitting but not granting that upon such a president once made upon an extraordinarie cause and that by an orderly way and which once done may well prevent all suture need of making any more such presidents admit such a danger even to the Monarchy followed thereupon which yet will not be made good in our present case as after will appear then here now is the point Among divers forms of government whereby a people may be governed that it may be happie which is the end and ayme of every such form this Nation chose one particular one which it judged fittest to compasse that end as indeed Monarchy duely tempered is the best but distempered by tyranny the worst the advantage of union or unitive power which it hath above other forms strengthening to evill when it degenerates as it did to good whilest it stood incorrupt but if this objection were of weight it would follow that it were more rationall that the peoples felicity which is the supreme end to which all good forms of government are ordained and tend should rather suffer then a particular form or fashion of government of which there are choice and any of which are but one meanes or way to compasse that end if it continue incorrupt but if corrupted to destroy the end and so one meanes to the end nay in our case a meanes if not rectified wholly to frustrate the end should be preferred before the end it self which it ought onely to serve nor can it be said the remedie were worse then the disease for what remedie can be so ill as that disease a free a glorious a noble Nation to fall to servitude spirituall and temporall from a long enjoyed Liberty in both kinds and our selves the instruments though to go on in such a case the remedie might not prove so ill or difficult if men would pay obedience duely there where reason tells them they owe it And should there be no such remedie for the people or for conservation of the frame of the government the constitution of this Monarchy which the King declareth he admireth so much were most deficient in the most principall point of all namely the defending and preserving it selfe the very foundation and ground-work as the end of all otherwise provisions orders Laws without which what were they but folly and phantasie Nay were not the folly of the first institution rather to be as much admited as raising an instrument utterly unfit for the purpose it was meant for had it left the maine end of all that is the peoples safetie libertie happinesse in such a case as ours without all possible nay without any provision expresse or imployed by common intendment or analogie of reason or rule of Law though the true the naturall the best or the onely provision or remedie to keep Prince and people in their due temper were so at hand so facile so offering it self and if not before usuall yet used possibly at the very time of such an institution and for that very purpole namely a Parliament or other meeting of the like nature without provision I say against the greatest publick mischief of all that ultimum malum Reipublicae as divine Plato termes it arbitrary power or tyranny and that a mischief so likely to happen more so oft attempted nay actually happening But he that implores force not now to speak of what is pretended herein by words and that though but to resist the orders of that power whose part alone it is to remedie the people in our case doth in fact deny that this Monarchy hath made such provision or hath that power so necessary to help and desend it self or that the people in
the world and so complaint be made to the Parliament thereof if it were to any end to complaine there of that which hath already passed without punishment But seeing the Parliament hath power the case standing as before hath been shewed to doe in all things as they see cause by good consequence their speeches necessarily preparing discussing agitating concluding what is so to be done cannot be subject to any limitting questioning or accompt abroad nor in reason therefore are to be divulged in that sence this being incompatible with such power But then these haters of our Law-makers and Lawes say Many of both Houses are away and so the acts lesse valid but be the number remaining little yet the acts of the Major part of that number are still good For neither the King that calied them away or countenanceth them that desert their stations may alledge this nor the Members that voluntarily not upon trust in those that remaine or leave obtained abandon their places there and duties are to take the benefit either of their owne wrong whether negligence in such Members or worse perhaps nor of their owne unworthinesse as Cowardise to oppose what they liked not which feare admitting such could be argues still that they that feared were the lesser number though what needed they feare to speake freely a dissenting lesser number being ordinary and sometimes a very few perhaps scarce enough to make a number dissenting openly from the rest of the whole House without any inconvenience It being allowed for any to speake their minds whilst a matter is in agitation before it be settled If they say they goe away that they may not seeme to allow what would passe though they were present then the Major part concurres to what is done by their owne confession els why stay they not to oppose it If they say so many are gone without leave of the Houses as put together would make the Major part supposing this were true either such a Major part went away at once in a body and then it was their fault not to stay for then they being the Major part had prevailed or they went by little and little and then still it was a Major part of the remainder that concurred to what was done els it had not passed and so the acts still good If they fly to say that they who thus deserted the House out of feare did it not as fearing the Parliament but the people granting these men this which is not their due that such had cause to feare the people and that such base feare when as they pretend they were to stand for the King Countrey Lawes Liberties Religion and did not render them utterly unworthy their places it may be answered briefly they that remained and carried matters might feare the King as much or more but their cause was noble and good but these or the like Cavils will no more hoodwinke the people their onely course were to produce some publique act of Parliament that might certifie the world that the King and both houses have long since unanimously concurred to dissolve this Parliament else Sophistry will not carry it against the manifest truth By the premisses or rather by diverse excellent Tractates published by others to the same or the like effect I hope it is even as cleare that the Parliament is and ought to be the supreame Judge in publique matters now in question in England as what it is it hath judged and ordered touching these things by so many publique orders declarations and the like and consequently that reason wills that they be sacred in our esteeme and punctually obeyed and executed and so no need of warre and whosoever goeth against reason and truth goeth against God himselfe who is Prima summa pura ratie and it will concerne him nearely to looke to it whether he be stronger then God goeth against himselfe if he be a man and shall first finde a civill warre in himselfe before he can cause it in his Countrey upon such grounds and for his Majestie he cannot as he is a King but judge that that man thinks dishonourably of him who goeth about to perswade him that that can be for his good that is not for the good of his Kingdome and so sever what is so excellently joyned or that the great Counsell of the Kingdome is not the onely at least the very best and the onely sure and securing way without all doubt for that Prince to follow that intends the publique good and which will ever assuredly concurre with him to that end nor in opposing an arbitrary power which ill men about him for their owne private and wicked ends would induce Doth the Parliament any thing but disenable a Prince or rather those about him from doing ill or more properly from usurping such power which to what end is it in a good Prince which he will or can never reduce to act or use but the false or pretended Mother of the childe who would have it divided whom the wisdome of the King may discerne will whisper there is no thankes or glory to doe good unlesse he might have done evill and so did good freely since free will onely merits I beleeve they hold merits it seemes these malignants setched not this Doctrine from heaven for there we may finde that confirmation in grace in the Angels and blessed spirits of just men whereby compleat free will or the remaines of it which free will argues but imperfection and mutabilitie power to sinne being but impotency and the King of Kings God himselfe who is perfection it selfe being above and without all power or possibilitie of doing any evill yet rather therefore I should say omnipotent in or for good that confirmation in grace I say by which free will is transfigured and sublimed into a state divine and Posse non peccare into non posse peccare is a transcendent blessing if not the very essence of celestiall beatitude where these suggest such a condition is to be declined though with ruine of all But howsoever the Divines of our times may not allow the explication or application of this point we may hope his Majestie out of his Princely care of the good of his people though both himselfe and it may beleeve well of his good intents to that purpose will be far from judging such a puntiglio of arbitrary power for however it may fill and tickle the phantasie yet deeply and duely penetrated into by judgement it appeares to resolve even into no more if a puntiglio be any thing or least it might possibly be thought he would or might have done evill had he not been restreined from it when he cannot violate such just restrictions without first doing the greatest evill of all to the publique from judging I say such a puntiglio a just and sufficient cause to destroy the people by a civill warre when were this power indeed justly belonging to him yet true love to his people might judge
their Herculesses honest men and men of honour ready to die for their Countrey if need require judging such a death infinitely to be preferred before the lives of the chiefest of these should they obtaine what they seeke But let us end this patheticall flying out though it be hard for the inferiour faculties sometimes not to stirre when the understanding somewhat inlightened hath inflamed the will On the other side so divine a gift as this Parliament thankfully recognized and made use of duely and the just power and dignitie of the Parliament and therein all our happinesse wisely and manfully now once asserted moderation and mediocritie induced the Monarchy duely tempered may be in humaine probabilitie perpetuall and all the surfet become Physicke And this violent Feaver of the State having amazed and drawne to an head all the malignant humours before dispersed all over the body and lying dangerously hidden and set on fire consumed and expelled them like the filth of an house swept into an heape and burnt the whole body may be much clearer sounder and better disposed then had not such a distemper ever beene I hope it appeares already were there no more then these presented weake reasons to an ordinary rationall man if far better from others be too meane for his Majestie what way he is to take that all may be well and seeing but one side can be trusted with the power of the Kingdome which of them is most unlikely to tyrannize or reduce all to arbitrary government or which will most probably use it to the publique good onely or whether in such extraordinary times it doe not most safely repose where it is originally naturally inherent viz. in the peoples owne hands and so in the Parliaments Nay were the case hitherto dubious yet since libertie first made appointed limitted prerogative for they confine together as the people in whom is the radicall primary supreame power and who made Kings not Kings people thought best when it first made choice of or instituted this one forme of government among divers others which we call Monarchy and whereof there are sundry degrees in sundry States some more some lesse trusted or limited as the first founders pleased els why are they not all equall since free and voluntary agents worke or doe onely so much or so far as they please and the various subordinate degrees or kinds of the creatures prove the divine Majestie to be agens liberrimum els the creatures would be all equall an involuntary or naturall agent as Philosophy termes it ever working as much as it can or to the utmost extent or sphere of its power and activitie and so an equalitie in the effects since I say libertie or the people first created as I may say Prerogative and that so tempered modified or graduated as it thought most conducible to its owne happinesse for the supreame power ever worketh for it selfe rather then for the subordinate or inferiour as being the end the efficient and finall causes being here co-incidents it is just that this namely libertie judge and give law to that and that this if an unnaturall jarre fall out gaine and prosper rather then the other and since the people reserved ever in its owne hands and saved to it selfe upon the trust to the Monarchy what priviledges right of Parliament or liberties c. parcell 〈◊〉 the originall power naturally in the people and which may draw backe to the fountaine the derivative power as the bloud and spirits to the heart when there is cause it thought best surely it must doe this with purpose to see them conserved as safely as may be and upon occasion to make use of them and enjoy them which could not be surely done without a power reserved to judge of the state of them and when they were to be used and the like for if the Prince be trusted touching the keeping himselfe within his limits he may even as well be trusted absolutely without limits nor such power to judge of them is to any purpose as above-said without power to execute what is judged hereupon fit So the Parliament judgeth in this case as the first authour and superintendent of the intent and is not as a partie to be judged Further were the matter yet dubious yet seeing the Protestant Religion the power being in the Parliaments hand is far more out of the reach of danger then the other way even without calling his Majesties good meaning into question therein as I hope anon will appeare it ought to put it out of all question how wee are to range our selves in these times The Parliament having our case so standing such power as is deduced whatsoever would seeme to oppose that power and stand in their way as they defend and assert the publique good so invaded must be voidable and usuall ordinary known lawes or customes made or in use supposing or whilest the Prince kept duely within his bounds which the King speakes so much of saying that he will ever governe by them and hold all to them but ever intending the publique good are no way to bound or tye up the transcendent power of the Parliament when it shall encounter new and never before heard of exorbitances or invasions of the publique good which the times that made those knowne Lawes never heard of so never provided against But by proportion of reason this Parliament may and ought as well provide by new Ordinances or orders for such new evills as they encounter as the former did for what they then met with for they had their originall also ex malis moribus bonae leges and had those times had such causes offered as these have they would have provided remedies of a nature like those this Parliament hath done the power and generall intentions of all times or the universall ground being still the same that is to defend and vindicate or procure the publique good and to tye them to the knowne or old Lawes in this case where the letter might kill were irrationall for so the first breaker of the Lawes might take the priviledge of the Lawes and advantage of his owne wrong and under the colours of the Lawes fight against and overthrow them or the rule reason or intention that caused them at first If it be said nothing was done by the King of publique consequence but by advice of the Judges it may be answered that the Parliament is the onely competent Counsell Judge in cases neerely concerning the publique and people in generall which the King is entrusted upon such occasions to call that the whole people may not but upon extraordinary causes be troubled to elect for Parliaments and attend that service But in such a case as ours by virtue of the legislative power residing in the Parliament it may make new Ordinances at least for the time as it sees occasion and judges to be in order to that supreame and immutable Law or Law of Lawes and end of them
it no other way usefull then to have the glory and thanks of relinquishing it voluntarily least otherwise the peoples good and safetie for a puntiglios sake or satisfying a phantasie or an humour of one man should depend on the turne or change of one mans will whensoever it may happen and more then this great and noble minded men though no Christians have more then once done when having in their hands absolute power over their Countrey not unjustly gotten they have freely and of their owne accord given it up absolutely judging it so best for their Countreys good leaving it even in full libertie and so living themselves in or rather under it but much higher in true glory and honour then ever But though such power is not here in his Majestie he is yet not without meanes in his hands and a faire opportunitie to lay a tye not altogether unlike on his people and to exhibit freely great and publique munificence all at once by a faire and voluntary relinquishing all contestation about it whilest yet a malignant faction preferring their passions before reason and conscience before his honour and safetie instigate and assist him as much as they can or rather would make him their instrument to compasse it by an unnaturall pernicious civill warre on whom the blame may justly be laid as they alone would have gone away with the benefit By these and the like passages had beene and even yet so it be betimes taken may be the way to the true arbitrary power indeed the peoples hearts where God begins with man as at the right end this is the divine Method which draw all the rest sweetly which the pretended false bastard arbitrary power could never by unjust violence effect and thus by fairely quitting the pursuite of the false the true may be gained a magnanimous Prince that confides in his owne vertue will put himselfe boldly and securely on the free wills of his Subjects It is in manner a divine Charecter Scire velle liberis hominibus imperare to know how to temper and governe free men Gentlemen Princes and in such a condition God made man to serve his glory best and is it not a more glorious thing when a Prince shall by his great proportionate and heroike vertues render them at his devotion and make them his voluntary slaves being otherwise free and noble then if he found them made slaves by the practise and vices of others or so made them such himselfe Thus a free people is a strong motive and occasion to a Prince to render them wholly his by extraordinary vertue the fall of this emulous Carthage would shake Rome though in opposition with it and therefore the noblest of the Romans best and most wifely loving Rome for Romes good advised Carthage should stand But reason evinceth that persisting as he doth he remaines sequestered from all just power and authoritie as touching the matters in question between him and his Parliament on the justice and wisdome whereof he may safely put himselfe secure that they will not not can devest him of any thing that justly belongs to him onely reason and right require that it be left to the Parliament to be the Judge thereof without which power the people and Kingdome cannot be safe as stands deduced Monarchy thus tempered by libertie and prerogative as it is remote from intrinsicke causes of dissolution so from externall If a Prince governing at discretion invade it the partie in the goodly arbitrary government excluded by the distemper of such a State from the benefits of libertie the partie I say for be a Prince never so absolute yet his Mamaluks his Militia by whose conspiracy or tyranny he awes and enslaves the rest not onely equall for the most part in point of libertie the Subjects of a free State but exceeding them far in all licentiousnes and tyrannizing and enslaving upon the matter the Prince himselfe as well as others justly lay on his owne shoulders by Gods judgement that which he makes or useth these as instruments to lay unjustly on the neeks of his other Subjects whom he ought to have protected Instances are requent of the Pretorian Cohorts or Legions tyranny on the Roman Emperours of the Janisaries on the great Turke of the Mamaluks on the Aegyptian Soldans and reason shews this danger is most to be feared where a Prince hath assumed the peoples libertie by publique oppression I say if the absolute Monarch invade the justly tempered the oppressed partie is not to be trusted but to be kept under by part of those he will trust he can trust none safely as certaine enemies at home so the power which he must trust doubly lessened the partie used goeth faintly on the free Nation for at best by bringing their free neighbours whence was the chiefe hope of assistance for the recovering their owne libertie into servitude they should but confirme and render remediles their owne slavery encreasing the strength of the oppressor and likewise on the same reason resist lesse if invaded Onely if the Prince will make accompt or can be content or cannot avoid to be himselfe an equall a companion with his Mamaluks Facinus quos in quinat aequat or rather to be tyrannized by them and his honour authoritie name person to be made their instrument against his people he may translate the said faintnes from them on himselfe though when all is done they are unsafely trusted who have before broken the great tye that to their Countrey else he must fly to forreigne helpe But on the other side the free Subjects duely interessed in the State loving it living like men defend invade the other nobly couragiously as in heart and men of honour and as oft for the good of the conquered with greater power as universally to be trusted Not to insist on riches the nerves of Warre infimtly increased by industry so encouraged by industry lost by servitude but what needs more or indeed so much if any thing in a matter so apparent Wee now have beene rapt sufficiently into the goodly imaginary heaven and the glory of it but with an hell of inextricable miseries to the Prince and people which these Gods of the infinite prerogative pretended are raising for themselves through a government at will but by such meanes and in such manner as shews they beleeve or hope for no other heaven hereafter These things being thus it must follow that those that oppose the Parliament and in it the kingdom in whom is the supreame power as reason hath evinced since contestation hapning as now between King and people the people must carry it oppose their Countrey reason right and the truth moved by defect of judgement or worse principles converting themselves and their power received from their Countrey to enable them to serve and defend it to the ruine of it and of all that is precious to men of honour and consequently that they are guiltie of their owne bloud and of
Inquisition such as most heretically shall not captivate and subdue their understanding and reason under so strong a faith as to beleeve that these chief ones who ought to be most eminent of all in practising the said principles of renouncing the world humility mortification c. which they recommend command and enjoyn as Leaders and Captains for all that should follow them on so difficult services can yet practice and pursue I say so ardently so desperately the clean contrary so as if they would have others quit the world onely that themselves might seise it and yet thus by their deeds drawing into suspition doubt misptision with multitudes of men nay even confuting their Doctrine not be a maine cause of the miseries and calamities of the world whilest deluges of sinne and wickednesse and pernicious consequences breake in at this so great an overture of the faith thus discountenanced and discredited and even called in question will not many incline rather to beleeve that this practice this doctrine so destructive one to the other is sowing their feilds with mingled seed wearing a garment mingled with woollen and linnen so forbidden in the Mosaike Law That such a ridiculous unsuitablenes between such profession doctrine such practise and deeds is rather a mockery of the world Will they not like one Cicero speaks of wonder cur aruspex videns risum teneret Though the Mahumetan sect be grosse and carnall and the Mahumetans themselves exceeding devout in their kinds and superstitious having their Church-men in great reverence diverse of them rich and profuse otherwise in works they conceive any way pious and charitable and though otherwise the Nation very covetous yet I thinke it will not be easie to shew that their chiefe Church men in generall in any temporall greatnesse or riches doe not much rather resemble the mendicant Orders among the Papists did they hold themselves to their Rules then the Papisticall or our Prelates and chiefe Clergy-men who yet professe themselves Leaders in so spirituall so heavenly and sublime so world-renouncing a way faith and doctrine It is true the Turkish Muphty or chiefe Priest is by the grand Turke partly to please the people in shew and shadow greatly honoured not perhaps without a competency in revenue but I take it hereabouts their devotion of any note this way ends As for any temporall greatnesse and riches the Mosaicall Clergie might have wee are taught these were rather grosse and sensible Types then any thing else of the spirituall eminency graces endowments and power that ought to shine in the sublime and heavenly Antitype whence their true authoritie with the people and reverence and even veneration to their doctrine places and persons must flow conserved encreased by ever constant and invincible rejections of the least not necessary temporall matter if pressed on them as an high dishonour or affront offered to discredit them a bribe to corrupt them in the execution of their Embassage a baite to entrap them and frustrate the service they are sent about a temptation of pernicious consequence nay of what the State may adjudge and assigne the Clergie as necessary if it might be a voluntary and absolute declining of part even of that for I doubt not but the State would appoint such a proportion as might to duely mortified and spirituall men afford matter for the honour of such a refusall would undoubtedly adde such authoritie and reverent regard to them and their doctrine that men seeing they seek them not theirs nor will admit more of the world then what is meerely necessary for them for the discharge of their places you shall discover a new world Men by such courses which will bring on doctrine proportionable will be so moved that cutting off each in his proportion greatly even their own superfluous vanities much more their sins what our spirituall men may so have refused with infinite more by others thus cut off may be distributed among the poore besides the benefit of such examples and doctrine extending even to these and so universall charitie reducing all to a blessed kinde if not of paritie yet of proportion leaving the least in a tolerable mediocritie a golden age or primitive times may rise againe in the world But the way to this heaven is first to goe by the gates of hell as through the Parliament the Kingdome is made at by the true malignants so through or under colour of a pretended malignant partie that seduceth or ruleth the Parliament the Parliament or authoritie and dignitie thereof is attaqued but sure this is propounded as an article of saith and to weake reason past comprehension how it can well be but how ever they are misbeleevers and hereticks that pertinaciously reject an article of faith and with force to be proceeded against yet force being found oft none of the best wayes to extinguish heresie but rather the canker spreaded and exasperated by rude handling many have not and will not be deterred from advancing such as these plaine or stronger oppositions if any of this malignant partie propound any thing as in all great assemblies some must breake the matter and begin and the house consent to the proposition it is now the act of the whole house if any propound or speake things that seeme to others offensive or to deserve animadversion and yet the house or major part punish it not they by such connivence for these men may be allowed to question still principles that the Parliament would doe dishonorably and yet come short of their malicious intents make it also this way their owne and so not these censors or any els but the Parliament as above appeared is to judge of the Parliament but such censors themselves are to be condemned by the Parliament for thus presuming or assuming to themselves the supreame power to judge besides particular charges and articles against such were to be offered to the House the accusers and witnesses to be produced and forth-comming that if they make not good their charges the parties unjustly molested and accused might have condigne reparations upon them and the House it selfe satisfaction the publique service thus causelesly interrupted and the integritie of the House called in question and the like appertaining to cases of this nature Such charges have been promised long since should suddenly appeare against the accused Members of the Parliament and by them as Justice earnestly required but appeare not all this while not so much as to the people abroad though this were not the right way which they so strive to incense against the Parliament but rather warre in stead of them and seeing so many of the very Members of the Houses of Parliament are their enemies falling off from them unjustly if none such still remaine among them were things appearing unjustifiable there said or done if it might stand with the libertie and power of Parliament not to have libertie of speech it might easily be made appeare in particular to