and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576. THe 7. of Iune being Thursday the two Barks viz. the Gabriel and the Michael our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe and bare down to Detford and there we ancred the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boultspriâ— and forâ—mâ—st aboard of a ship that rode at Detford else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich The 8. day being Friday about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford and set saile all three of vs and bare downe by the Court where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could Her Maiestie beholding the same commended it and bade vs farewell with shaking her hand at vs out of the window Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings and thanked vs for it and also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs and declared to the company that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient and diligent to their Captaine and gouernours in all things and wished vs happie successe The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend by the castle or blockehouse we obserued the latitude which was 51. degrees 33. minâ— And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone I had sight oâ— Faire yle being from vs 6. leagues North and by East and when I brought it Northwest and by North it did rise at the Southermost ende with a litle hommocke and swâ—mpe in the middes The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale I cast about to the Westward the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me and the land of Faire yle West Southwest from me I sailed directly to the North head of that said land scunding as I ranne in hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms and gray redde shels and within halfe a mile of that Island there are 36. fathoms for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde and I found by my sounding hard rockes and foule ground and deepe water within two cables length of the shoare 28. fathome and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast the flood setteth Southeast and the ebbe Northwest The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head I did obserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest froÌ„ me 6. leagues and Swinborne head East southeast from me I found my eleuation to be 37. degr and my declination 22. degr 46. min. So that my latitude was 59. degr 46. min. At that present being neere to Swinborne head hauing a leake which did trouble vs as also to take in fresh water I plyed roome with a sound which is called S. Tronions and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water and faire sande You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17.15.12.10.9.8 and 7. fathoms and the sound lyeth in North northwest and there we roade to a West sunne stopped our leake and hauing refreshed our selues with water at a North northwest sunne I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay And running off toward Fowlay I sounded hauing fiftie fathome and streâ—mâ—e ground and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande hauing fiftie fathome at the South head and streamie ground like broken otmell and one shell being redde and white like mackerell The 27. day at a South sunne I did abserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees 59. min. truly obserued the winde at South Southwest I sailed West and by North. From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone the wind at South a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues and at the ende of this watch I sounded hauing 60. fathome with little stones and shels the Island from vs 8. leagues East The first of Iuly from 4. to 8. a clocke wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues and at that present we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to the Westwards this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6. leagues From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues At that present I found our Compasse to be varied 11. deg and one 4. part to the Westwards which is one point The 11 day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16. leagues and rising like pinacles of steeples and all couered with snowe I found my selfe in 61. degr of latitude Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150â— fathoms we hoised out our boate and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land but the land lying full of yce they could not get on land and so they came aboord againe We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues The 18. day at a Southeast sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg So I obserued it till I found it at the highest and then it was eleuated 52. deg I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce seeming a firme lande and we cast Westward to be cleare of it The 26. we had sight of a land of yce the latitude was 62. degrees and two minutes The 28. day in the morning was very foggie but at the clearing vp of the fogge wee had sight of lande which I supposed to be Labrador with great store of yce about the land I ranne in towards it and sownded but could get no ground at 100. Fathom and the yce being so thicke I could not get to the shoare and so lay off and came cleare of the yce Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare and sought a harborowe all the sownd was full of yce and our boate rowing a shoare could get no ground at a 100. fathom within a Cables length of
the riuer beginneth to be fresh thou shalt sayle in the midst of the riuer and thou shalt leaue the isle on the starreboord which is on the right hand and here the riuer is not past a quarter of a league broad and hath 20 and 30 fathoms water And towards the South shore there is a ledge of Isles all couered with trees and they end ouer against the point of the Isle of Orleans And the poynt of the isle of Orleans toward the Northeast is in 47 degrees and one terce of a degree And the Isle of Orleans is a fayre Isle all couered with trees euen vnto the riuers side and it is about 5 leagues long and a league and an halfe broade And on the North shore there is another Riuer which falleth into the mayne Riuer at the ende of the Island and Shippes may very well passe there From the middest of the Isle vnto Canada the Riuer runneth West and from the place of Canada vnto France-Roy the riuer turneth West Southwest and from the West ende of the Isle to Canada is but one league and vnto France-Roy 4 leagues And when thou art come to the end of the Isle thou shalt see a great Riuer which falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke and maketh a terrible noyse The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees and one sixt part of a degree The extension of all these lands vpon iust occasion is called New France For it is as good and as temperate as France and in the same latitude And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter is because the fresh Riuer is naturally more colde then the Sea and it is also broad and deepe and in some places it is halfe a league and aboue in breadth And also because the land is not tylled nor full of people and is all full of Woods which is the cause of colde because there is not store of fire nor cattel And the sunne hath his Meridian as high as the Meridian at Rochel and it is noone here when the Sunne is at South Southwest at Rochel And here the north starre by the compasse standeth Northnortheast And when at Rochel it is noone it is but halfe an houre pass nine at France-Roy From the sayde place vnto the Ocean sea and the coast of New France is not aboue 50 leagues distance And from the entrance of Norumbega vnto Florida are 300 leagues and from this place of France-Roy to Hochelaga are about 80 leagues and vnto y e Isle of Rasus 30 leagues And I doubt not but Norumbega entreth into the riuer of Canada and vnto the Sea of Saguenay And from the Fort of France-Roy vntil a man come foorth of the Grande Bay is not aboue 230 leagues And the course is Northeast and West Southwest not aboue 5 degrees and ⅓ difference and reckon 16 leagues and an halfe to a degree By the nature of the climate the lands toward Hochelaga are still better and better and more fruitfull And this land is fitte for Figges and Peares And I thinke that golde and siluer will be found here according as the people of the countrey say These landes lye ouer against Tartarie and I doubt not but that they stretch toward Asia according to the roundnesse of the world And therefore it were good to haue a small Shippe of 70 tunnes to discouer the coast of New France on the backe side of Florida for I haue bene at a Bay as farre as 42 degrees betweene Norumbega and Florida and I haue not searched the ende thereof and I knowe not whether it passe through And in all these Countreys there are okes and bortz ashes elmes arables trees of life pines prussetrees ceders great wallnut trees and wilde nuts hasel-trees wilde peare trees wilde grapes and there haue bene found redde plummes And very faire corne groweth there and peason grow of their owne accord gooseberries and strawberries And there are goodly Forrests wherein men may hunt And there are great store of stagges deere porkepicks and the Sauages say there bee Unicornes Fowle there are in abundance as bustards wilde geese cranes turtle doues rauens crowes and many other birds All things which are sowen there are not past 2. or 3. dayes in comming vp out of the ground I haue tolde in one eare of corne an hundred and twenty graines like the corne of France And ye neede not to sowe your Wheate vntill March and it will be ripe in the middest of August The waters are better and perfecter then in France And if the Countrey were tilled and replenished with people it would be as hotte as Rochel And the reason why it snoweth there oftener then in France is because it raineth there but seldome for the raine is conuerted into snowes All things aboue mentioned are true Iohn Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur Roberual There is a pardon to be seene fo◠the pardoning of Monsieur de Sain◠terre Lieutenant of the sayd Monsieur de Roberual◠giuen in Canada in the presence of the sayde Iohn Alphonse The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche knight Lord of Roberual to the Countries of Canada Saguenai and Hochelaga with three tall Ships and two hundred persons both men women and children begun in April 1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer and all the next winter SIr Iohn Francis de la Roche knight lord of Roberual appoynted by the king as his Lieutenant general in the countreis of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga furnished 3. tall Ships chiefly at the kings cost And hauing in his fleete 200. persons aswel men as women accompanied with diuers gentlemen of qualitie as namely with Monsieur Saine-terre his lieutenāt l'Espiney his Ensigne captain Guine-court Monsieu◠Noire fontaine Dieu lamont Frote la Brosse Francis de Mire la Salle and Roieze and Iohn Alfonse of Xanctoigne an excellent pilot set sayle from Rochel the 16. of April 1542. The same day about noone we came athwart of Chefe de boys where we were enforced to stay the night following On Munday the seuenteenth of the sayde Moneth wee departed from Chefe deboys The winde serued vs notably for a time but within fewe dayes it came quite contrary which hindered our iourney for a long space For wee were suddenly enforced to turne backe and to seeke Harborough in Belle Isle on the coast of Bretaigne where wee stayed so long and had such contrary weather by the way that wee could not reach Newfound lande vntill the seuenth of Iune The eight of this Moneth wee entred into the Rode of Saint Iohn where wee founde seuenteene Shippes of fishers While wee made somewhat long abode heere Iaques Cartier and his company returning from Canada whither hee was sent with fiue sayles the yeere before arriued in the very same Harbour Who after hee had done his duetie to our Generall tolde him that hee had brought certaine
the South parts of y e Ilands called De los Ladrones that is The Ilands of rouers or Islas de las Velas vnder 13. degrees and ½ in latitude Septentrionall and 164. degrees in longitude Orientall vpon the sixed Meridionall line which lyeth right with the Iland of Terçera From thence we helde our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues till we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo that is The point of the holy Ghost lying in the Iland Tandaya the first Iland of those that are called Philippinas Luçones or Manillas which is a countrey with fewe hilles with some mines of brimstone in the middle thereof From the point aforesayde wee sailed West for the space of eighteene leagues to the point or entrie of the chanell which runneth in betweene that Iland and the Iland of Luçon This point or entrie lieth scarce vnder 12. degrees All the coast that stretcheth from the entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo del Spirito santo is not very faire Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a hauen of indisserent greatnesse called Baya de Lobâ—s that is The Bay of woolues hauing a small Iland in the mouth thereof and within the chanell about halfe a league from the ende of the sayd Iland lyeth an Iland or cliffe when you passe by the point in the middle of the chanell â—hâ—n you haue fiue and twentie fathom deepe with browne sand there we found so great a streame running Westward that it made the water to cast a skum as if it had beene a sande whereby it put vs in feare but casting out our lead wee found fiue and twentie fathom deepe From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North and North and by East about tenne leagues lyeth the Iland of Catanduanes about a league distant from the lande of Luçon on the furthest point Eastward and from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West and Southwest lyeth the Iland Capuli about sixe leagues from thence stretching Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast being fiue leagues long and foure leagues broad and as wee past by it it lay Northward from vs vnder twelue degrees and ¾ and somewhat high lande Foure leagues â—rom the aforesayd Iland of Capuli Northwestward lie the three Ilands of the hauen of Bollon in the Iland of Luçones stretching North and South about foure leagues distant from the firme lande halfe a league whereof the furthest Southward lieth vnder thirteene degrees In this chanell it is twentie fathom deepe with white sand and a great streame running Southeast we passed through the middle of the chanell From this chanell wee helde our course south-Southwest and south-Southwest and by West for the space of twentie leagues vntill wee came to the West ende of the Iland of Tycao which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues This point or hooke lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¾ In the middle betweene this Iland and the Iland Capuli there lie three Ilands called the Faranias and we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all the Ilands at the depth of of 22. fathom with white sand From the aforesayd West point of the Iland Tycao to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sayle about the length of a league or a league and an halfe we put into that chanell holding our course South and South and by West about three leagues vntill we were out of the chanell at sixteene fathom deepe with halfe white and reddish sande in the chanell and at the mouth thereof whereof the middle lyeth vnder 12. degrees and â—â— and there the streames runne Northward The Iland of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and Southeast and is lowe lande whereof the Northwest point is about three leagues from the coast of Luçon but you cannot passe betweene them with any shippe but with small foists and barkes of the countrey This shallowe channell lieth vnder twelue degrees and running thorow the aforesaid chanell betweene the Ilands Tycao and Buryas as I sayd before we sayled Southward about two leagues from the Iland of Masbate which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long being in brâ—dth 4. leagues and lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¼ in the middle thereof and is somewhat high land From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas wee helde our course Westnorthwest for thirteene leagues leauing the Iland Masbate on the Southside and the Iland Buryas on the North side at the ende of thirteene leagues wee came by an Iland called Banton which is in forme like a hat vnder twelue degrees and â—â— when we had sayled the aforesayd thirteene leagues and eight leagues more on the South side wee left the Iland called Rebuiam which stretcheth Northwest and Northwest and by North and Southeast and Southeast and by South for the space of eight leagues being high and crooked lande whereof the North point lyeth vnder tweluâ— degrees and 2 3. and there you finde 35. fathom deepe with white sand From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine leagues there beginne and followe three Ilandes one of them being called Bantonsilla which is a small Iland in forme of a sugar loafe the second Crymara being somewhat great in length reaching East and West about two leagues the third Itaa or the I le of Goates hauing certaine houels By all these Ilands aforesayd you may passe with all â—ortes of shippes whereof the foremost lyeth Southward vnder twelue degrees and â—â— From the Iland of Bantonsilla or small Banton wee helde our course Northwest for the space of foure leagues to the chanell betweene the Ilands called de Vereies and the Iland Marinduque the Vercies lying on the South side vnder twelue degâ—ees and 3 4. which are two small Ilands like two Frigats and the Iland Marinduque on the North side vnder twelue degrees and 4 5. which is a great Iland stretching West northwest and Eastâ—outheast hauing in length 12 in bredth 7. leagues On the North side with the Iland Luçon it maketh a long and small chanell running somewhat crooked which is altogether full of shallowes and sandes whereby no shippes can passe through it The furthest point Westward of the same Iland lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and 1 4. It is high lande on the East side hauing the forme of a mine of brimstone or fierie hill and on the West side the land runneth downâ—ward at the point thereof being round like a loafe of bread in the chanell betweene it and the Vereies there are 18. fathom deepe with small blacke sand From the aforesayd chanell of Vereies and Marinduque wee helde our course Westnorthwest twelue leagues to the lande of Mindora to the point or hooke called Dumaryn lying full vnder thirteene degrees Fiue leagues forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left an Iland called â—sla del maestro del Campo that is The Iland of the Colonell lying vnder twelue degrees and 3 4. which is a small and flat Iland In this
course we had 45. fathom deep with white sand By this point or end of the Iland Marinduque beginneth the Iland of Myndoro which hath in length East and West fiue and twentie leagues and in bredth twelue leagues whereof the furthest point Southward lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and the furthest point Northward vnder thirteene degrees and 2 3. and the furthest point Westward vnder thirteene degrees This Iland with the Iland of Luçon maketh a chanell of fiue leagues broad and tenor twelue fathom deepe with muddie ground of diuers colours with white sande Fiue leagues forward from Marinâ—uque lyeth the riuer of the towne of Anagacu which is so shallowe that no shippes may enter into it From thence two leagues further lie the Ilands called Bacco which are three Ilands lying in a triangle two of them being distant from the land about three hundred cubits and between them and the land you may passe with small shippes And from the landâ— to the other Iland are about two hundred cubites where it is altogether shallowes and sandes so that where the shippes may passe outward about 150. cubites from the landeâ— you leaue both the Ilands on the South side running betweene the third Iland and the riuer called Rio del Bacco somewhat more from the middle of the chanell towardes the Iland which is about a league distant from the other the chanell is â—enne fathom deepe with mud and shelles vpon the ground the riuer of Bacco is so shallowe that no ships may enter into it From this Iland with the same course two leagues forward you passe by the point called El Capo de Rescalco where wee cast out our lead and found that a man may passe close by the lande and there you shall finde great strong streames and halfe a league forward with the same course lyeth the towne of Mindoro which hath a good hauen for shippes of three hundred tunnes Three leagues Northward from the same hauen lyeth the Iland called Cafaa stretching East and West being hilly ground From the sayde towne of Myndoro wee hâ—lde our course Westnorthwest eight leagues till wee came to the poynt or hooke of the sandes called Tulen lying vpon the Iland of Luçon which sande or banke reacheth into the Sea halfe a league from the coast you must keepe about an hundred cubites from it where you finde eight faâ—hom water muddie and shellie ground you runne along by those sandes North and North and by West for the space of two leagues till you come to the riuer called Rio de Anasebo all the rest of the coast called De los Limbones to the mouth or entrie of the Bay called Manilla which are foure leagues is sayled with the same course The Limbones which are Ilands so called are high in forme like a paire of Organs with good hauens for small shippes running along by the Limbones and two leagues beyond them on the South side wee leaue the Ilands of Fortan and foure Ilands more but the three Ilands of Lubao which are very low lie vnder 13. degrees and 1 3. and the Limbones lie in the mouth or entrie of the Bay of Manilla vnder 14 degrees and 1 4. From thence we ranne Northwest for the space of sixe leagues to the hauen of Cabite keeping along by the land lying on the West side where it is shallowe and is called Los Baixos del Rio de Cannas The shallowes of the riuer of Reedes all along this Bay in the same course there is from ten to foure fathom deepe Being by the point or hooke of Cabite then wee kept but an hundred paces from itâ— running Southwest southsouthwest and South vntill wee discouered the whole mouth or entrie of the Bay where wâ— might anker at foure fathom about two hundred cubites from the lande and then the towne of Manilla was two leagues Northward from vs. Chap. 2. The course and voyage of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen or roade of Manilla to the hauen of Macao in China with all the courses and situations of the places SAyling out of the hauen of Cabite lying in the Bay of Manilla wee helde our course Westwarde for the space of eighteene leagues to the point called El Cabo de Sambaâ—les and when wee were eight leagues in our way wee left the two Ilands Maribillas on the South â—ide and sailed about a league from them the point of Samballes aforesayde lyeth vnder foureteene degrees and 2 3. being low land at the end of the same coast of Luçon on the West side From the hooke or point aforesayde wee ranne North and North and by West for the space of fiue and twentie leagues about a league from the coast of Luçon to the point called Cabo de Bullinao all this coast and Cape is high and hilly ground which Cape lyeth vnder sixteene degrees and 2 3. From this Cape de Bullinao we helde our course North and North and by East for 45. leagues to the point called El Cabo de Bojador which is the furthest lande Northwarde from the Iland Luçon lying vnder 19. degrees The Cape de Bullinao being past the lande maketh a great crecke or bough and from this creeke the coast runneth North to the point of Bojador being a land full of cliâ—fes and rockes that reach into the Sea and the land of the hooke or point is high and hilly ground From the point of Bojador wee helde our course Westnorthwest an hundred and twentie leagues vnâ—ill we came to the Iland called A Ilha Branca or the white Iland lying in the beginning of the coast and Bay of the riuer Canton vnder two and twentie degrees hauing foure and twentie fathom browne muddie ground From the Iland Ilha Branca wee helde the aforesayde course of Westnorthwest for the space of sixteene leagues to the Iland of Macao lying in the mouth of the riueâ— of Canton and it maketh the riuer to haue two mouthes or entries and it is a small Iland about three leagues great Chap. 3. The Nauigation or course of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen of Macao to Newe Spaine with the situation and stretchings of the same with other notable and memorable things concerning the same voyage VVHen we had prepared our selues and had taken our leaues of our friends in Macao we set saile vpon the foure and twentieth of Iuly holding our course Southeast Southeast and by East being in the wane of the Moone for when the Moone increaseth it is hard holding the course betweene the Ilands because as then the water and streames run very strong to the Northwest wee trauailed through many narrowe chanels by night hauing the depth of eight or ten fathom with soft muddie ground vntill wee were about the Iland Ilha Branca yet we saw it not but by the height we knew that we were past it Being beyond it we ranne Eastsoutheast an hundred and fiftie leagues to get aboue the sands called Os
Nouember Take this aduise that if thou depart in February or March from Lisbone then thou shalt goe to beare with the land in nine degrees because that from March forwards raigne most commonly Southeast and Southwest windes And if by this height and course thou bring thy selfe nigh to the shore feare not to bring thy ship into 18 or 20 fadomes for all the coast is cleane and there are no more dangers but such as the sea doth breake vpon And if after thy fall with the land thou haue occasion to goe to the Northward and so going seest certaine sholdes doubt not to come for the North and thou shalt see the cape of Saint Augustine which lyeth as it were sloaping to the seaward and hath as it were a Whales head and hath vpon it a round hill with many hilles round about it And if thou come along the sea coast much about the depth aboue mentioned thou shalt see a little Island called Saint Alexio And from this Island to the cape of Saint Augustine are foure leagues and it standeth in eight degrees and three quarters The course that a man must keepe to the bay called A Bahia de Todos os Santos that is to say The bay of all Saints which lieth on the foresayd coast of Brasil IF thou goe for Bahia de Todos os Santos thou must keepe the course which I haue already set downe and shalt obserue the time from March forwards as also from October forwards Thou shalt vnderstand that the Bahia de Todos os Santos standeth in 13 degrees and â…“ and if thou goe in October or after October then goe to fall with the land in 12 degrees or 12 and a halfe And take this for a warning that when thou seest a white land and long bankes of white sand which shew much like linnen cloth when it is in whiting then thou must go along from the North to the South vntill this white land doe end and thou needest not to feere to goe along the coast for there are no sholds Before thou be cleane past the white land or white sands thou shalt haue sight of an Island that standeth along the bay I say on the Northside of the bay which is called Tapaon and here the land lieth West and by South When thou art so farre shot as Tapaon thou shalt see a certaine great tree which is round and standeth neere the sea vpon the very point of the entrance into Bahia on the Northside And marke well that if thou looke to the Southward and seest no white grounds such as I wrote of before but that they be all behind thee to the Northward then when thou seest none to the Southward thou mayest bee bold to beare in with Bahia And if when thou goest into Bahia to the Northwest and seest the sea to breake feare nothing for it is the breach of a certaine banke whereon thou shalt haue alwayes 5 or 6 fadomes water and this be sure of Thou shalt vnderstand that if thou come for this place from March to the end of April I would wish thee not to fall to the Southward of 13 degrees and a halfe And falling with the land and not seeing the white sands thou shalt striue to goe to the Northward And seeing the land in 13 degrees and a halfe thou shalt haue sight of an hill along the sea And if thou be nigh the land and cannot make it certaine what land it is thou shalt marke if it bee a round high hill along the sea that it is O morro de San Paulo or The hill of Saint Paul and it lieth blacke and bare on the top And from thence to Bahia is tenne leagues And here along this hill on the Northwest side there is a great riuer called Tinsare and it is a very good riuer And in the entrance of Bahia there are sixe or seuen fadomes water in the chanell And I aduise thee that being in the height of 13 degrees and a halfe thou come not neere the land for it hath a bay very dangerous And if thou goe from Bahia to Fernambuck then I aduise thee that thou take good heede of the coast on the Northeast and Southwest and thou shalt goe East if the winde will suffer thee to goe East and so goe thirtie or forty leagues off to the sea I aduise thee that thou beare not in with the land of Fernambuck but in the height of 9 or 10 degrees because that in 11 degrees thou shalt fall with the bay called A Enseada de Vazabaris Also if thou come from Portugal and fallest with the land in eleuen degrees beare not in with it neither come neere it for thou mayest hurt thy selfe in so doing but thou shalt shunne it and goe to the Southward For if thou lie to the North thou shalt bring thy selfe into some trouble This Bay of All Saints standeth in thirteene degrees And from thence to Fernambuck thou hast a hundreth leagues and the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest And from thence to Rio das Ilhas that is the riuer of the Islands the coast runneth Northeast and Southwest I meane taking a quarter of the North and South The course for Baia das Ilhas that is The bay of the Islands which lie on the sayd coast of Brasil the marks for the finding of them IF thou goe for Baia das Ilhas thou must looke for it in fifteene degrees lacking a quarter If thou be minded as I sayd to goe for these Isles if it bee from March forward thou shalt fall with the land in 15 degrees and a halfe and though it be in 15 degrees and 2 3 it is all the better And if thou haue sight of certaine high hilles that seeme to reach to the skie these hilles are called As Serras Raiemores Then hauing sight of these hilles thou shalt goe along the coast and feare nothing for there are no sholdes along to the North. And when thou seest the Islands thou mayest make accompt they be these which thou seekest for there are no other on al this coast and thou shalt see a round hil along the sea Thou shalt vnderstand that on the North side of this hill is the going in of the riuer But if it chance that thou finde thy selfe in a time that will not suffer thee to goe in then goe along the Islands giuing them a bredth off And thou mayest well come to an ankor hard aboord them for all is cleane ground And thou shalt finde eight or nine fadomes and from thence thou mayest goe into the riuer hard aboord the shore And if it chance that thou goe from the North to the South all along the great Island thou must keepe thy selfe from the land and when thou hast brought it Eastnortheast then thou mayest ankor two cables length from the shore for all is cleane ground If thou chance to arriue on this coast
seuen of the clocke Northnorthwest 42 leagues to the ende to fall with Shotland then the wind veared to the West so that we could lie but North and by West continuing in the same course 40 leagues whereby we could not fetch Shotland then we sayled North 16 leagues by estimation after that North and by West Northnorthwest then Southeast with diuers other courses trauersing and tracing the seas â—y reason of sundry and manifolde contrary windes vntill the 14 day of Iuly and then the sunne entring into Leo we discouered land Eastward of vs vnto the which we sayled that night as much as we might and after wee went on shore with our Pinnesse found little houses to the number of 30 where we knew that it was inhabited but the people were fled away as we iudged for feare of vs. The land was all full of little Islands and that innumerable which were called as we learned afterwards AEgeland and Halgeland which lieth from Orfordnesse North and by East being in the latitude of 66 degrees The distance betweene Orfordnesse and AEgeland 250 leagues Then we sailed from thence 12 leagues Northwest and found many other Islandes and there came to anker the 19 day and manned our Pinnesse and went on shore to the Islands and found people mowing and making of hay which came to the shore and welcomed vs. In which place were an innumerable sort of Islands which were called the Isles of Rost being vnder the dominion of the king of Denmarke which place was in latitude 66 degrees and 30 minutes The winde being contrary we remayned there three dayes there was an innumerable sort of foules of diuers kindes of which we tooke very many The 22 day the winde comming fayre we departed from Rost sailing Northnortheast keeping the sea vntill the 27 day and then we drew neere vnto the land which was still East of vs then went foorth our Pinnesse to seeke harborow found many good harbours of the which we entred into one with our shippes which was called Stanfew and the land being Islands were called Lewfoot or Lofoot which were plentifully inhabited and very gentle people being also vnder the king of Denmarke but we could not learne how farre it was from the maine land and we remained there vntil the 30 day being in latitude 68 degrees and from the foresaid Rost about 30 leagues Northnortheast The 30 day of Iuly about noone we weyed our ankers and went into the Seas and sayled along these Islands Northnortheast keeping the land still in sight â—ntill the second day of August then hailing in close aboord the land to the entent to knowe what land it was there came a skiffe of the Island aboord of vs of whom we asked many questions who shewed vnto vs that the Island was called Seynam which is the latitude of seuenty degrees and from Stanfew thirtie leagues being also vnder the king of Denmarke and that there was no merchandise there but onely dryed fish and traine oyle Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke inquired of him if we might haue a pilot to bring vs vnto Finmarke he said that if we could beare in we should haue a good harbour and on the next day a pilot to bring vs to Finmarke vnto the wardhouse which is the strongest holde in Finmarke and most resorted to by report But when wee would haue entred into an harbour the land being very high on euâ—ry side there came such flawes of winde and terrible whirle winds that we were not able to beare in but by violence were constrained to take the sea agayne our Pinnesse being vnshipt we sailed North and by East the wind increasing so sort that we were not able to beare any saile but tooke them in and lay a drift to the end to let the storme ouer passe And that night by violence of winde and thickenesse of mists we were not able to keepe together within sight and then about midnight we lost our pinnesse which was a discomfort vnto vs. Assoone as it was day and the fogge ouerpast we looked about and at the last we descried one of our shippes to Leeward of vs then we spred an bullocke of our fore-saile and bare roome with her which was the Confidence but the Edward we could not see Then the flaw something abating we and the Confidence hoysed vp our sailes the fourth day sayling Northeast and by North to the end to fall with the Wardhouse as we did consult to doe before in case we should part company Thus running Northeast and by North and Northeast fiftie leagues then we sounded and had 160 fadomes whereby we thought to be farre from land and perceiued that the land lay not as the Globe made mention Wherfore we changed our course the sixt day and sailed Southeast and by South eight and fortie leagues thinking thereby to find the Wardhouse The eight day much winde rising at the Westnorthwest we not knowing how the coast lay strook our sayles and lay a drift where we sounded and found 160 fadomes as afore The ninth day the wind â—earing to the South Southeast we sailed Northeast 25 leagues The tenth day we sounded and could get no ground neither yet could see any land wherat we wondered then the wind comming at the Northeast we ran Southeast about 48 leagues The 11 day the wind being at South we sounded and found 40 fadoms aud faire sand The 12 day the winde being at South and by East we lay with our saile East and East and by North 30 leagues The 14 day early in the morning we descried land which land we bare with all hoising out our boat to discouer what land it might be but the boat could not come to land the water was so shoale where was very much ice also but there was no similitude of habitation and this land lyeth from Seynam East and by North 160 leagues being in latitude 72 degrees Then we plyed to the Northward the 15,16 and 17 day The 18 day the winde comming at the Northeast and the Confidence being troubled with bilge water and stocked we thought it good to seeke harbâ—ur for her redresse then we bare roome the 18 day Southsoutheast about 70 leagues The 21 day we sounded and found 10 fadome after that we sounded againe and found but 7 fadome so shoalder and shoalder water and yet could see no land where we maruâ—iled greatly to auoide this danger we bare roomer into the sea all that night Northwest and by West The next day we sounded and had 20. fadoms then shaped our course and ran West Southwest vntill the 23. day then we descried Low land vnto which we bare as nigh as we could and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable Then wee plyed Westward along by that lande which lyeth West Southwest and East Northeast and much winde blowing at the West we haled into the sea North and by East 30. leagues Then the
company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better knowne vnto them and arriued at Yermouth The 30 of August with the force of the wind and a surge of the sea the Master of the Gabriel and the Boatswain were striken both ouerboord hardly was the Boatswain recouered hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea and yet the Barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde This Master was called William Smith being but a yong man and a very sufficient mariner who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord and that the Boatswain had him by the hand and could not saue him and so immediately vpon the end of his tale his dreame came right euilly to passe and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand hauing hold on a rope with the other vntill his force fayled and the Master drowned The height being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two hundreth leagues The last of August about midnight we had two or three great and sudden flawes or stormes The first of September the storme was growen very great and continued almost the whole day and night and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much beaten with the seas euery sea almost ouertaking our poope so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out and ease the rolling of our ship And so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe company with vs and our ship being higher in the poope and a tall ship whereon the winde had more force to driue went so fast away that we lost sight of them and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea The second day of September in the morning it pleased God of his goodnesse to send vs a calme whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine and almost ready to fall away Wherefore taking the benefite of the time we slung halfe a dozen couple of our best men ouer boord who taking great paines vnder water driuing plankes and binding with ropes did well strengthen and mend the matter who returned the most part more then halfe dead out of the water and as Gods pleasure was the sea was calme vntill the worke was finished The fift of September the height of the Sunne being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe In this voyage commonly wee tooke the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne because the long day taketh away the light not onely of the Polar but also of all other fixed Starres And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes Therefore wee alwaies vsed the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary winde making our Souhter way good as neere as we could to raise our degrees to bring our selues with the latitude of Sylley wee tooke the height the tenth of September and found our selues in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes The eleuenth of September about sixe a clocke at night the winde came good Southwest we vered sheat and see our course Southeast And vpon Thursday the twelfth of September taking the height wee were in the latitude of and a halfe and reckoned our selues not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley the weather faire the winde large at Westsouthwest we kept our course Southeast The thirteenth day the height being taken wee found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees the wind Westsouthwest then being in the height of Sylley and we kept our course East to run in with the sleeue or chanel so called being our narrow seas and reckoned vs short of Sylley twelue leagues Sonday the 15 of September about foure of the clocke we began to sound with our lead and had ground at 61 fadome depth white small sandy ground and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Sylley and set our course East and by North Eastnortheast and Northeast among The sixteenth of September about eight of the clocke in the morning sounding we had 65. fadome osey sand and thought our selues thwart of S. Georges channell a little within the banks And bearing a small saile all night we made many soundings which were about fortie fadome and so shallow that we could not well tell where we were The seuenteenth of September we sounded and had â—orty fadome and were not farre off the lands â—nd finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shelles and were shotte betwene Sylley and the lands ende and being within the bay we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by East way but were faine to make another boord the wind being at Southwest and by West and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands end to beare along the channel and the weather cleered vp when we were hard aboord the shore and we made the lands end perfit and so put vp along Saint Georges chanel And the weather being very foule at sea we couered some harborough because our steerage was broken and so came to ancor in Padstow road in Cornewall But riding there a very dangerous roade we were aduised by the countrey to put to Sea againe and of the two euils to choose the lesse for there was nothing but present perill where we toade whereupon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy from whence we were againe driuen being but an open roade where our Anker came home and with force of weather put to Seas againe and about the three and twentieth of September arriued at Milford Hauen in Wales which being a very good harborough made vs happy men that we had receiued such long desired safetie About one moneth after our arriuall here by order from the Lords of the Counsell the ship came up to Bristow where the Ore was committed to keeping in the Castel there Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes arriued in good safetie who hauing neuer a man within boord very sufficient to bring home the ship after the Master was lost by good fortune when she came vpon the coast met with a ship of Bristow at sea who conducted her in safety thither Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke called the Michael in the North parts which was not a little ioyful vnto vs that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe meeting againe and wee lost in all the voyage only one man besides one that dyed at sea which was sicke before he came
diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer some what neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said That here is the land of Saguenay which is rich and wealthy in precious stones And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found wriâ—ten these two lines following in the said Carde enclining toward the Southwest Here in this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues which they call in their language Canodeta Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you it is made after the maner of a sea Chart which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael and Iohn which at this present are in Canada If at their returne which will be God willing about Magdalene tyde they haue learned any new thing worthy the writing I will not faile to aduertise you thereof Your louing Friend IAQVES NOEL Here followeth the course from Belle Isle Carpont and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roberual 1542. BElles Isles are in 51 degrees and â…“ Belles Isles and Carpont are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and they are ten leagues distant Carpont is in 52 degrees Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are Northeast and Southwest and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay is 7 leagues The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and a halfe and on the Northside therof there is a rocke halfe a league from the Isle ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke And when thou commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the starreboord side and also on the larboord side there are two or three small Isles and when thou commest out on the Northeast side ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there is a shold which lieth on thy starboord side and saile thou by the North coast and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South because there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea And when thou art come athwart the hauen of Butes run along the North shore about one league or an halfe off for the coast is without all danger Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay and the Isles of Blanc Sablon which are within the Grand Bay neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast West and Southwest the distance is 30 leagues The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer against the Bay des Chasteaux and from theuce forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from land to land And the land on the South shore is all low land along the sea coast The North shore is reasonable high land Blanc Sablon is in 51 degrees â— The Isles of Blanc Sablon the Isles de la Damoiselle are Northeast Westsouthwest and take a little of the Westsouthwest and they are distant 36 leagues these Iles are in 50. deg ¾ And there is a good hauen you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the Northeast and within the distance of a pike an half because of a rocke which lieth on your larrebord side you may ancre in 10 fathome water ouer against a litle nooke and from the great headland vnto the place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables And if thou wouldest go out by the West side thou must saile neere the Isle by the starrebord giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the comming forth and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side by reason of a suncken flatte which lieth on the starrebord and thou shalt saile so on to the Southsouthwest vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth which is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles and thou shalt leaue it on the larrebord and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues because that Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast Southsouthwest Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours and on this coast there are faulcons haukes and certaine foules which seeme to be seasants The Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot are Northeast Westsouthwest take a little of the Northeast and southwest they are distant 18. leagues Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and ¼ And there the sea is broadest And it may be to the end of Newfoundland which is at the entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues which is the greatest bredth of this sea And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot Cape Tienot hath in y e sea 5 or 6 leagues distant froÌ„ it a sunkeÌ„ Iâ—land dangerous for ships The Cape Tienot and the midst of the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest they are 22. leagues distant the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49 deg ½ The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeastâ— the Northwest end is in 50. degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfeâ— and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad and from the Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is not aboue seuen leagues broad but vnto the firme land on the South side are about 15. leagues Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention toward the Southeast are Northeast and Southwest and are distant 30. leagues The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of Ascension are East and West and take a little of the Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 34. leagues The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle and a goodly champion land without any hilles standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster all couered with trees vnto the Sea shore and there are al sorts of trees as there be in France and there be wild beasts as beares Luserns Porkespicks And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues The Northwest end of the Isle the Cape des Monts nostre Dame which is on the maine land towards the South are Northeast and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues The Cape is in 49. degrees which is a very high land The Cape and end of the
as well there as in all places else both on the sand and on the greene soile on the hils as in the plaines as well on euery little shrubbe as also climing towardes the tops of high Cedars that I thinke in all the world the like abundance is not to be found and my selfe hauing seene those parts of Europe that most abound find such difference as were incredible to be written We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those hilles next adioyning being but of meane higth and from thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North and to the South finding no ende any of both wayes This lande lay stretching it selfe to the West which after wee found to bee but an Island of twentie miles long and not aboue sixe miles broade Under the banke or hill whereon we stoode we behelde the vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees and hauing discharged our harquebuz-shot such a flocke of Cranes the most pat white arose vnder vs with such a cry redoubled by many ecchoes as if an armie of men had showted all together This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere Conies Hares and Fowle euen in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance The woodes are not such as you finde in Bohâ—mia Moscouia or Hercynia barren and fruitles but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world farre bettering the Ceders of the Açores of the Indies or Lybanus Pynes Cypres Sassaphras the Lentisâ— or the tree that beareth the Masticke the tree that beareth the rine of blacke Sinaâ—â—n of which Master Winter brought from the streights of Magellan and many other of excellent smell and qualitie We remained by the side of this Island â—wo whole dayes before we saw any people of the Countrey the third day we espied one small boate rowing towardes vs hauing in it three persons this boat came to the Island side foure harquebuz-shot from our shippes and there two of the people remaining the third came along the shore side towards vs and wee being then all within boord he walked vp and downe vpon the point of the land next vnto vs then the Master and the Pilot of the Admirall Simon Ferdinando and the Captaine Philip Amadas my selfe and others rowed to the land whose comming this fellow attended neuer making any shewe of feare or doubt And after he had spoken of many things not vnderstood by vs we brought him with his owne good liking aboord the ships and gaue him a shirt a hat some other things and made him taste of our wine and our meat which he liked very wel and after hauing viewed both barks he departed and went to his owne boate againe which hee had left in a little Coue or Creâ—ke adioyning assoone as hee was two bow shoot into the water he fell to fishing and in lesse then halfe an houre he had laden his boate as deepe as it could swimme with which hee came againe to the point of the lande and there he deuided his fish into two parts pointing one part to the shipâ— and the other to the pinnesse which after he had as much as he might requited the former benefites receaued departed out of our sight The next day there came vnto vs diuers boates and in one of them the Kings brother accompanied with fortie or fiftie men very handsome and goodly people and in their behauiour as mannerly and ciuill as any of Europe His name was Granganimco and the king is called Wingina the countrey Wingandacoa and now by her Maiestie Virginia The maner of his comming was in this sort hee left his boares altogether as the first man did a little from the shippes by the shore and came along to the place ouer against the ships followed with fortie men When he came to the place his seruants spread a long matte vpon the ground on which he sate downe and at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did the like the rest of his men stood round about him somewhat a farre off when we came to the shore to him with our weapons hee neuer mooued from his place nor any of the other foure nor neuer mistrusted any harme to be offred from vs but sitting still he beckoned vs to come and sit by him which we performed and being set hee made all signes of ioy and welcome striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours to shewe wee were all one smiling and making shewe the best he could of all loue and familiaritie After hee had made a long speech vnto vs wee presented him with diuers things which hee receiued very ioyfully and thankefully None of the company durst speake one worde all the time onely the foure which were at the other ende spake one in the others eare very softly The King is greatly obeyed and his brothers and children reuerenced the King himselfe in person was at our being there sore wounded in a fight which hee had with the King of the next countrey called Wingina and was shot in two places through the body and once cleane through the thigh but yet he recouered by reason whereof and for that hee lay at the chiefe towne of the country being sixe dayes iourney off we saw him not at all After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked wee likewise gaue somewhat to the other that sat with him on the matte but preâ—ently he arose and tooke all from them and put it into his owne basket making signes and tokens that all things ought to bee deliuâ—red vnto him and the rest were but his seruants and followers A day or two aftâ—r this we fell to trading with them exchanging some things that we had for Chamoys Buffe and Deere skinnes when we shewed him all our packet of merchandize of all things that he sawe a bright tinne dish most pleased him which hee presently tooke vp and clapt it before his breast and after made a hole in the brimme thereof and hung it about his necke making signes that it would defende him against his enemies arrowes for those people maintaine a deadly and terrible warre with the people and King adioyning We exchanged our tinne dish for twentie skinnes woorth twentie Crownes or twentie Nobles and a copper kettle for fiftie skins woorth fifty Crownes They offered vs good exchange for our hatchets and axes and for kniues and would haue giuâ—n any thing for swordes but wee would not depart with any After two or three dayes the Kings brother came aboord the shippes and dranke wine and eat of our meat and of our bread and liked exceedingly thereof and after a few dayes ouerpassed he brought his wife with him to the ships his daughter and two or three children his wife was very well fauoured of meane stature and very bashfull shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather with the surre side next to her body and before her
of the Towne with his other boates and all his men unarmed and without weapons it was to be iudged he ment him little good hauing that aduantage of him that comming vpon the sudden hee might haue mischieued many of his men but the Captaine hauing vnderstanding thereof not trusting to their gentlenesse if they might haue the aduantage departed aboord his ships and at night returned againe and demanded amongst other talke what they ment by assembling their men in that order they answered that their Captaine being come to towne did muster his men according to his accustomed maner But it is to be iudged to bee a cloake in that comming for that purpose hee might haue done it sooner but the trueth is they were not of force vntill then whereby to enterprise any matter against vs by meanes of pikes and harquebuzes whereof they haue want and were now furnished by our Captaine and also 3. Faulcons which hauing got in other places they had secretly conueyed thither which made them the bolder and also for that they saw now a conuenient place to do such a feat and time also seruing thereunto by the meanes that our mâ—n were not onely vnarmed and vnprouided as at no time before the like but also were occupied in hewing of wood and least thinking of any harme these were occasions to prouoke them thereunto And I suppose they went about to bring it to effect in that I with another gentleman being in the towne thinking of no harme towards vs and seeing men assembling in armour to the treasurers house whereof I marueiled and reuoking to minde the former talke betweene the Captaine and him and the vnreadinesse of our men of whom aduantage might haue bene taken departed out of the Towne immediatly to giue knowledge thereof but before we come to our men by a flight-shot two horsemen riding a gallop were come neere vs being sent as wee did gesse to stay vs least wee should cary newes to our Captaine but seeing vs so neere our men they stayed their horses comming together and suffering vs to passe belike because wee were so neere that if they had gone about the same they had bene espied by some of our men which then immediatly would haue departed whereby they should haue bene frustrate of their presence and so the two horsemen ridde about the bushes to espie what we did and seeing vs gone to the intent they might shadow their comming downe in post whereof suspition might bee had fained a simple excuse in asking whether he could sell any wine but that seemed so simple to the Captaine that standing in doubt of their courtesie he returned in the morning with his three boats appointed with Bases in their noses and his men with weapons accordingly where as before he caried none and thus dissembling all iniuries conceiued of both parts the Captaine went ashore leauing pledges in the boates for himselfe and cleared all things betweene the treasurer and him sauing for the gouerners debt which the one by no meanes would answere and the other because it was not his due debt woulde not molest him for it but was content to remit it vntill another tune and therefore departed causing the two Barkes which rode neere the shore to weigh and go vnder saile which was done because that our Captaine demanding a testimoniall of his good behauiour there could not haue the same vntill hee were vnder saile ready to depart and therefore at night he went for the same againe receiued it at the treasurers hand of whom very courteously he tooke his leaue and departed shooting off the bases of his boat for his farewell and the townesmen also shot off foure Faulcons and 30. harquebuzes and this was the first time that he knew of the conueyance of their Faulcons The 31. of May wee departed keeping our course to Hispaniola and the fourth of Iune wee had sight of an yland which wee made to be Iamaica marueiling that by the vehement course of the Seas we should be driuen so farre to leeward for setting our course to the West end of Hispaniola we fel with the middle of Iamaica notwithstanding that to al mens sight it shewed a headland but they were all deceiued by the clouds that lay vpon the land two dayes together in such sort that we thought it to be the head land of the said yland And a Spaniard being in the ship who was a Marchant and inhabitant in Iamaica hauing occasion to go to Guinie and being by treason taken of the Negros afterwads bought by the Tangomangos was by our Captaine brought from thence and had his passage to go into his countrey who perceiuing the land made as though he knew euery place thereof and pointed to certaine places which he named to be such a place and such a mans ground and that behinde such a point was the harborow but in the ende he poiâ—ted so from one point to another that we were a leeboord of all places and found our selues at the West end of Iamaica before we were aware of it and being once to leeward there was no geâ—ting vp againe so that by trusting of the Spaniards knowledge our Captaine sought not to speake with any of the inhabitants which if he had not made himselfâ— sure of he would haue done as his custome was in other places but this man was a plague not onely to our Captaine who made him loose by ouershooting the place 2000. pounds by hides which hee might haue gotten but also to himselfe who being three yeeres out of his Countrey and in great misery in Guinie both among the Negros and Tangomangos and in hope to come to his wife and friendes as he made sure accompt in that at his going into the pinnesse when he went to shore he put on his new clothes and for ioy flung away his old could not afterwards finde any habitation neither there nor in all Cuba which we sailed all along but it fell out euer by one occasion or other that wee were put beside the same so that he was faine to be brought into England and it happened to him as it did to a duke of Samaria when the Israelites were besieged and were in great misery with hunger being tolde by the Prophet Elizaeus that a bushell of flower should be sold for a sickle would not beleeue him but thought it vnpossible and for that cause Elizaeus prophesied hee should see the same done but hee should not eate thereof so this man being absent three yeeres and not euer thinking to haue seene his owne Countrey did see the same went vpon it and yet was it not his fortune to come to it or to any habitation whereby to remaine with his friends according to his desire Thus hauing sailed along the coast two dayes we departed the seuenth of Iune bâ—ing made to beleeue by the Spaniard that it was not Iamaica but rather Hispaniola of which opinion the Captaine also was because
with flankers of great trees and stones filled with earth betweene and had not our comming disappointed their pretence they would haue made it one of the strongest places in all the maine There they ment to haue builded a great towne We found there three pieces of brasse ordinance sunke in the sea which we weighed vp all the people were fled and their goods carried away Up within this bay there was a little village but of no force where we found a great fresh riuer our men rowing vp some two leagues found pillage as wine and oyle and some small quantitie of yron After our comming hither to anker and the solemne buriall of our Generall sir Francis in the sea Sir Thomas Baskeruill being aboord the Defiance where M. Bride made a sermon hauing to his audience all the captaines in the fleete sir Thomas commanded all aboord the Garland with whom he held a Councell there shewing his Commission was accepted for General captain Bodenham made captaine of the Defiance M. Sauill captaine of y e Aduenture The 27 died captaine Iosias of the Delight and captaine Egerton a Gentlâ—man of the Foâ—e-sight and Iames Wood chiefe chirurgion of the fleete out of the Garland The 28 died Abraham Kendall out of the Saker At this place we watered againe washed our ships made new sailes it being by the Generall and all the captaines agreed that if we could by any meanes turne vp againe for Santa Martha we should if not to goe directly for England Here also we tooke in some balast as our neede râ—quired The 6 of Februarie the Elizabeth of M. Wattes was discharged and sunke and that day the Pegasus iolly was going on shore for water carying no guarde The Spaniards perceiuing it came downe vpon them killed two of them and tooke 2 or 3 prisoners and so ranne vp into the woods againe The seuenth the Delight and captaine Edens frigat were discharged and sunke because they were old and leakâ—d and the Queenes ships wanted saylers That day our men being mustered we had sicke and whole 2000. And the next day we set on shore all our prisoners as Spaniards and Negros But before at our first comming to Puerto Bello sir Thomas sent two of those Spaniards to Nombre de Dios and to Panama to fetch ransome for some of the chiefest prisoners but they neuer returned againe As we were setting saile there came one with a flagge of truce and told the General that they had taken 18 of our men and that they were well vsed adding that if he would stay 8 or 10 dayes longer they should be brought from Panama We supposed this to haue bene but a delay to haue kâ—pt vs there while the kings forces had come about by sea as they dayly expected We set saile the 8 of Februarie turning vp for Santa Martha and the 14 day we saw the Ilands of Baru some 14 leagues to the Wesâ—ward of Carthagena The Generall that night told vs he would stand in â—or the towne of Baru in the bay but that night blew so much winde and continued that small moone that the same night we lost the Foresight and the next day standing againe to make the land which we had made we lost companie of the Susan Parnel The Helpe and the Pegasus Then â—he next day we put ouer for Cape S. Antonie and gaue ouer Santa Martha The 25 we saw the Iland of Grand Cayman some 30 leagues to the Northwestward of Iamaica being a low sandie Iland hauing many tortoyses about it The 26 we saw the hie land of Cuba to the Eastward of the broken Ilands to the East of the Iland of Pinos and were imbayed in among those dangerous places But perceiuing it we stood out againe Southsoutheast and so got cleere and then stood away West and by North for the I le of Pinos which we saw the first of March It is a low land with wood and fresh water to the Western end If you come in with the middest of it you shall see rise vp aboue the rest of the land 8 or 9 râ—und homockes and the Westermost hath three in one Being that foorth with the West end and standing in for to water we espied 20 sayle of ships about one in the afternone This was a third part of the fleete which the king sent for Carthagena the rest of the fleete being gone for the Honduras They were in all 60 sailes sent onely to meete our fleete being commâ—nded wheresoeuer they heard we were to come vpon vs with all their three forces This fleete which we met withall came standing for Cape de los Corrientes and had bene refreshed at Hauana Assoone as they discried vs they kept close vpon a tacke thinking to get the winde of vs but we weathered them And when our Admirall with all the rest of our fleet were right in the wâ—nds â—ye of them sir Thomas Baskeruil putting out the Queenes armes and all the rest of our fleete their brauerie bare roome with themâ— and commanded the Defiance not to shoot but to keâ—pe close by to second him The Uiceadmirall of the Spaniards being a greater ship then any of ours and the best sayler in all their fleete loofed by and gaue the Concord the â—wo first great shot which she repayed presently againe thus the fight began The Bonauenture baâ—e full with her ringing her such a peale of ordinance and small shot withall that he left her with torne sides The Admirall also made no spare of powder and shot But the Defiance in the middest of the Spanish flâ—ete thâ—ndering of her ordinance and small shot continued the fight to the end So that the Uiceaâ—mirall with 3 or 4 of her consorts were forced to tacke about to the Eastward leauing their admirall and the rest of the fleete who came not so hotly into the fight as they did The fight continued two houres better At sunne set all the fleete tacked about to the Eastward we continued our coâ—rse to the Westward for cape de los Corrientes supposing we should haue met with more of their consorts In this conflict in the Defiance we had fiue men slaine three English men a Greâ—ke and a Nâ—gro That night some halfe houre after their fleete keeping vpon their weather quarter we saw a mightie smoke rise out of one of their great ships which stayed behind which happenâ—d by meanes of powder as we thinke and presently after she was all on a light fire and so was consumed and all burnt as we might well perceiue The next day beâ—ng thâ— second of March in the morning by breake of day we were hard aboord Cape de los Corrientes which is a bare low cape hauing a bush of trees higher then the rest some mile to the Eastward of the cape All Cuba is full of wood on the Southside The Spanish fleete which then were but 14 no more then we were kept still vpon our
in the time of the Northeast windes thou shalt seeke to fall with the land in foureteene degrees And if thou see a lowe land thou mayest make accompt it is the land called Ciemana and then thou shalt see Mangues And also thou shalt come along this coast to the South and when thou seest an ende of the low land then thou shalt finde an high land along the sea like the other that I haue made mention of before that is all sandie along the sea coast And thou must vnderstand that where the high land beginneth there is a little riuer called Rio das Contas but enter not into it it hath for a marke to be knowen by as it were a white mouth And from thence to the Islands thou hast nine leagues And at the ende of this high land to the Southward of it thou shalt find a great bay within the land then thou shalt looke to the Westsouthwest and shalt see another high land which lieth as it were in the middest of the bay and thou shalt there see certaine white houses which are the Ingenios or houses wherein they make sugar of Lucas Giraldo From thence thou shalt see the Isles being so farre shotte as Rio de Contas And thou shalt see within the land a round hill which is like Monte de laude and it hath another copple on the South side The course to sayle to Porto Seguro that is to say The safe hauen lying on the foresayd coast of Brasil the markes to know the same by IF thou goe for Porto Seguro and goest in the time of the Southeast windes which is from March forwards I aduise thee that thou fall not in more degrees then sixteen and a halfe because of the sholdes called Os baixos dos Abrolhos which are very dangerous and stretch very farre into the sea And also going West from them that thou keepe thy lead going and be often sounding And if thou chance to see the land and an high hill and long withall much like to The pike it is the hill that is called Monte Pasqual And from thence thou must goe to the North and when thou hast brought it Southwest of thee then thou mayest beare with the land but with great care to looke about thee Marke when thou seest the land and commest to see a red cliffe then looke to the Southward and thou shalt see a great smooth coast along the sea and then on the North side thou shalt deserue Porto Seguro And going along the coast thou shalt see the towne of Porto Seguro standing vpon the toppe of an hill which hill is a white rocke and on the North side of the sayd rocke there is a very hie land I aduise thee that when thou art East and West with the sayd land I meane with this rocke that then thou looke to the Northward and thou shalt see certaine rocks lying two leagues off into the sea whereon the sea doth breake and to the Southward of them thou mayest come to an ankor against the towne and hast a good place to ride in thirteen fadomes in sight of the towne And if it be thy chance to arriue in the time of the Northeast winds and commest in the height of fifteene degrees and two third parts and seest not certaine hilles then thou must goe along the coast being in 16 degrees and vnder the first hie land that thou shalt descrie thou shalt see certaine sandie bayes along the sea coast And if thou haue sight of a riuer in this height put not thy selfe into it neither beare with the land for it hath many sholdes And off them lie certaine sunken grounds called Os Baixos de Santo Antonio And from hence to the Southward lyeth Porto Seguro I aduise thee that going along the coast to the Southward and seeing such sholdes and the sea to breake vpon them as the other which I last spake of thou shalt runne along them a sea boord of them and when thou art at the end of them then the towne will beare West of thee and then thou mayest goe to thine ankoring place as is abouesayd giuing these sholds a good birth The course to the hauen named Baia do Spirito Santo that is to say The bay of the holy Ghost lying on the sayd coast of Brasil and the markes thereof THou shalt vnderstand that the ship that goeth for Spirito Santo when it hath doubled the sholdes called Os Baixos dos Abrolhos and hath brought it selfe in 20 or 19 degrees and a halfe then it may hall with the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a halfe and in twentie And the sayd shippe must goe in this height because on this coast there are no Monçoins If thou chance to come in the height of 19 degrees ½ and seest lowe land to the Northwest off thee then thou art on the North side of Spirito Santo and thou mayest make accompt that it is the land lying ouer Criquare and ouer the riuer called Rio dolce that is the riuer of sweete or fresh water If thou come along the land thou shalt find certaine high hilles but trust not the first that thou seest only For besides the rest thou shalt see a round hie hill which is at the capes end which is called la Sierra de mestre Aluaro Take heede that going for this land thou looke to the North and thou shalt see a riuer called Rio dos Reyes Magos that is The riuer of the three kings And comming to the Southward thou shalt see presently the mouth of the bay to open At the end of this hill on the South side thou hast a point of a rocke which is called A punta do Tubaron And on the South side of the bay it hath two or three blacke hie hilles and in the middest of the bay thou shalt goe in westward I aduise thee that in going in thou take heede of a sholde which lieth in the mouth of the bay thou must leaue it to the Southward of thee and then plie to double a certaine Island which lieth within and thou must leaue it to the Northward of thee and when it beareth on the North or Northeast thou mayest come to an ankor for all is cleane ground And if thou chance to come by this course and fallest in 20 degrees and seest many hilles and one among the rest very high and craggie it is called A Sierra de Guariparim that is the hill of Guaraparim and seest another hill on the North side which is called A Sierra de Pero Cam both these lie on the South side of Spirito Santo And from these hils thou shalt see a little hill named Guaipel And when thou seest these hilles thou shalt see three little Islands together lying to the Southward And then from these thou shalt see another rockie bare and round Island and to the land off this Island
Cape S. Francisco the course is North by East South and by West and the distance is 40 leagues Item Frâ—m Cape S. Francisco vnto the cape that is called Cape Blanco which cape is on the coast of New Spaine the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 160 leagues and you shall haue a great current that setteth out of the bay of Panama and the sayd current setteth South out Item From Cape Blanco vnto the Port de Veles the course is Northeast and Southwest and the distance 8 leagues Item From the Port de Veles vnto the port of S. Iohn the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 17 leagues Item From the port of S. Iohn vnto Rio Lexo the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 40 leagues Item From Râ—o Lexo vnto the gulfe of Fonsecco the course is Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast and they are distant 14 leagues Item In the mouth of Rio Lexo there lieth one iland and you must goe in on the Northwest part of that iland on the which iland you may be bolde for to borrow on and you must goe from that iland Southeast vp Item That in the gulfe of Fonsecco you shall haue lying ten ilands whereof three be peopled with Indians whereon you may haue water wood and salt Item On the West side of the gulfe of Fonsecco there is one towne of Indians which is called Mapal in which towne there is great store of beeues Item From the râ—uer Lexo vnto the bay of Sonsonate the course is East and West and the distance is 60 leagues Item From the bay of Sonsonate vnto the port of Aguaâ—â—lco the course is Northwest and by West Southeast aâ—d by East and the distance 160 leagues Item From the bay of Coppeleto vnto the port of Aguaâ—ulco it is 2 leagues the course is West and by North East and by South Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Angeles the course is East and West and they â—re distant 12 leagues Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Acapulco the course is West by North East and by South and the dâ—stance is 78 leagues Item From the port of Acapulco vnto the port of S. Iago the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 80 leagues Item From the port of S. Iago vnto the port of Natiuidad the course is East and West and the distance is 7 leagues Item From the port of Natiuidad vnto port of the ilands of Chiametla the course is East and West and the distance is 10 leagues Item From the ilands of Chiametla vnto Cape de los Corrientes the course is Northwest and by West Southeast and by East and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the Cape de los Corrientes vnto the bay of Xalisco the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 18 lâ—agues Item From the bay of Xalisco vnto the port of Chiametlan the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 30 lâ—agues Item From the Caâ—e de los Corrientes vnto tâ—e ilands called Las â—â—es Marias the course is Northwest and Southeaâ—â—â—nd tâ—e distance is 20 leagues Item From the Câ—pe de los Câ—rrientes vnto the cape of Santa Clara on the point of California the course is Weâ—tâ—orthwest and Eastsoutheast and the distance is 108 leagues A note from the coast of America vnto the Westwards ITem From the cape of Santa Clâ—ra vnto the ilands of The Ladrones the course is West and by South East and by Nâ—â—th and the distance betweene thâ—m is 1850 leagues Item That the â—ouâ—â—eâ—most iland of the Ladrones standeth in the latitude of 12 degrees and 10 minuts and from theâ—ce vnto the Northâ—rmost iland the course is Nâ—rthnortheast Sâ—uthsouthwest and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 200 leagues and the said Norâ—hermost iland standeth in 21 degrees 10 minuts Item From one of the ilands of the Ladrones which standeth in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts which iland is called Guâ—ihaâ—me vnto the Cape de Spirito santo which cape is vpon one of the ilands of the Philippinas the course is West and to the Southwards and the distance is 320 leagues Item From the cape of Spirito santo vnto the mouth of the entrance of the Streights of the Philippinas the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 15 leagues Item From the mouth of the Streights vnto the iland of Capul the course is Southwest and by West 6 leagues Item From the iland of Capul vnto the North head of the iland called Masbat the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues Item From the North head of the iland called Masbat vnto the iland called Seboion the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues A note of our course kept from the iland Seboion vnto the Southwards ITem From the iland of Seboion vnto the East end of the iland called Pannay the course is Southeast and by South Northwest and by West and the distance is 22 leagues Item That off the Easter end of the iland of Pannay there lie certâ—ine small ilands vnto the number of 12 or more and you shall haue shoald water among them Item From the Easter end of Pannay vnto a bay that iâ— called The bay of Lago grande on the same iland the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the diâ—â—ance is 18 leagues Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto the iland that is called Ysla de los Negros is the distance of 6 leagues Southeast and Northwest Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto three small ilands that stand in the latitude of 10 degrees the course is South and by West 12 leagues Furthermore from those three ilands vnto the Westermost end of Ysla de los Negros the course is Southwest and Northeast 10 leagues where we were cleere of the ilands of the Philippinas Item From the South end of Ysla de los Negros vnto the North head of the iland called Mindanao the course is South and North and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the North end of Mindanao vnto the South head of the sayd iland which is called Cape Cannal the course is South and by West North and by East and the distance is 26 leagues Item From the cape of Cannal betweene the South and the Westsouthwest about 10 or 12 leagues off you shall haue great store of small ilands about the number of 24 or more Item From the cape of Cannal vnto the cape of Batochina the course is Souâ—hsouthwest and Northnortheast and the distance is 100 leagues and betweene them setteth a great current vnto the Eastward Item
From the cape of Batochina vnto the West head of Iaua minor the course is Southwest aâ—d by South Northeast and by North and the distance betweene them is 220 leagues Item From the West end of Iaua minor vnto the East end of Iaua maior the course is West and by North and East by South and the distance betweene them is 18 leagues in the which course there lieth one iland betweene them which iland is in length 14 leagues Item From the East end of Iaua maior vnto the cape of Buena Esperança the course is West and by South and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 1800 leagues Item That Cape Falso standeth 30 leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Buena Esperança off the sayd Cape Falso you shal haue shoalding 20 leagues off in 80 or 90 fadoms the course is from Caâ—e Falso vnto the cape of Buena Esperança Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast A note of the distance and course from the cape of Buena Esperanza vnto the Northwards ITem From the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the iland of Santa Helena the course is Northwest and Northwest aâ—d by West and the distance betweene thâ—m is 600 leagues Item From the iland of Santa Helena vnto the iland of Flores the course betweene them is Northnorthwest and Northwest and by North and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 1200 leagues Item From the iland of Flores vnto the lands end of England the course is betweene the Eastnortheast and the Northeast and by East and the distance betweene them is foure hundred and fifty leagues A note of the variation of our Compasse IN primis The variation of our compasse on the coast of New Spaine iâ— the South sea in tâ—e latitude of 12 degrees was one point to the Eastwards Item the variation of our compasse betweene â—he cape of California and the ilands of the Philippinas was one point and an halfe vnto the Eastward that was that the North did stand North and by East and halfe a point vnto the East Item The variation of our compasse betweene the ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança was two points and an halfe at the most to the Westward that was that the Northnortheast was our North. A note of our time spent in sailing betweene certeine places out of England 1586. IN primis We were sailing betweene England and the coast of Guinea from the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 26 day of August vnto the hauen called Sierra leona where we watered and stayed vntill the 6 day of September Item Wee departed from the coast of Guinea for the coast of Brasil the 10 day of September and wee had sight of the coast of Brasil the 26 day of October being sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Frio and from thence wee were sailing vnto the iland of S. Sebastian vntill the 31 and last day of October where we watered and set vp our pinnesse and we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland in tenne fadoms and stayed there vntill the 23 day of Nouember Item The 23 day of Nouember we departed from the iland of Sant Sebastian keeping our course South and by West vnto the port that is called Port Desire where we arriued the 17 day of December in which port we graued our shippe and we stayed there vntill the 28 day of December where we ankered in 5 fadoms Item The eight and twentieth day of December wee departed from the Port of Desire toward the Streight of Magellan where wee arriued the third day of Ianuary and wee remained in the Streights vntill the foure and twentieth day of February where we watered in many places on the South side hauing the winde all that while betweene the Westsouthwest and the Northwest Item We departed out of the Streights the 24 day of February toward the iland of Mocha which island we had sight of the 14 day of March. Item The 14 day of March at night we ankered in the bay of Marroccos where we rode in 9 fadoms water Item The 15 day of March we ankered in the iland of Saint Marie on the North part of the island in eight fadoms water blacke sand wheâ—e we stayed foure dayes Item The 19 day of March we departed frâ—â— the island of Saint Marie and the same day we ankered in the bay of Conception where we stayed vntill the next day and there we rode in ten fadoms water shiâ—gie stones Item The 20 day of March we departed from the bay of Conception and the thirtieth day of March we arriued in the bay of Quintero where wâ— watered and there the first day of April we had twelue of our men slaine being on land for water and we stayed there sixe dayes and we ankered in 7 fadoms water white sand Item We departed from the bay of Quintero the 5 day of April and we arriued at the bay of Arica the 24 day of April and we ankered in 7 fadoms water Item The 27 day of April we departed from the bay of Arica and the third day of May we arriued in the bay of Pisca and we ankered in 4 fadoms water in oaze Item The 5 day of May we departed from the bay of Pisca and the 12 day we ankered in the bay of Cherrepe where we ankered in 7 fadoms water in white sand Item The 18 day of May we departed from the bay of Cherrepe and the 20 day of May we arriued in the bay of Payta where we ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 20 day of May we departed from the bay of Paita and the 26 day of May we ankered at the iland of Puna and we ankered in 5 fadoms Item From the iland of Puna we departed the fourth day of Iune vnto Rio dolce in the main where we watâ—red and we ankered in 10 fadoms water browne sand Item The 12 day of Iune we departed from the place where we watered being bound for the coast of New Spaine and the 29 day of Iuly wee arriued in the port of Aguatulco where wee watered and ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 3 day of August we departed from the port of Aguatulco and the 26 day of August we arriued at the port of S. Iago where wee watered and stayed there vntill the second day of September and ankered in 6 fadoms Item The 2 of Septâ—mber we departed from the port of S. Iago and the 3 day of September we put into a port one league vnto the Westwards of Natiuidad where we ankered in 8 fadoms water Item The 4 day of September wee departed from the port of Natiuidad and the 7 day of September we put into the bay of Xalisco where we ankered in 9 fadoms water and the 10 day of September we departed from the bay of Xalisco and the 12 day of September we ankered
of the English nation EDuinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis id est eius quae ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt Anglorum pariter Britonum populis praefuit praeter Cantuarios tantùm necnòn Menauias Britonum insulas quae inter Hiberniam Britanniam sitae sunt Anglorum subiecit potestati The same in English EDwin king of the people of Northumberland that is to say of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British nation except onely the people of Kent who also brought in subiection vnder the English the Isles of Man and Anglesey and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons which are situate betweene Britaine and Ireland Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose Lib. 2. cap. 9. ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcente simo vicesimo quarto gens Nordanhumbrorum hoc est ea natio Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat cum rege suo Eduino verbum fidei praedicante Paulino cuius supra meminimus suscepit cui videlicèt regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei regni coelestis potestas terreni creuerat imperij ita vt quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit omnes Britanniae fines qua velipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur sub ditione acceperit Quin Menauias insulas sicut supra docuimus imperio subiugauit Anglorum Quarum prior quae ad austrum est situ amplior frugum prouentu atque vbertate foelicior nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram iuxta aestimationem Anglorum secunda trecentarum vltrà spatium tenet The same in English IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord sixe hundreth twentie and foure the people of Northumberland to wit those English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber together with their king Edwin at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned embraced the Gospel Under which king after he had once accepted of the Christian faith the power both of the heauenly of his earthly kingdome was inlarged insomuch that he which no English king had done before him brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces of Britaine which were inhabited either by the English men themselues or by the Britons Moreouer he subdued vnto the crowne of England as we haue aboue signified the Hebrides commonly called the Westerne Islands The principall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the South and more abounding with corne then the rest conteineth according to the estimation of the English roome enough for 960. families and â—he second for 300. and aboue The voyage of Bertus generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland in the yere of our Lord 684 out of the 4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum misso Hiberniam cum excercitu duce Berto vastauit miserè gentem innoxiam nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam ita vt nec ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret hostilis At insulani quantum valuere armis arma repellebant inuocantes diuinae auxilium pietatis coelitus â—e vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint creditum tamen est quòd hi qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur ocyùs Domino vindice poenas sui reatus luerent The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 684 Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie which Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses they pleaded for reuenge And albeit cursed speakers can by no meanes inherit the kingdome of God it was thought notwithstanding that they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England about the yere 890. OCther said that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other Norman He sayd that he dwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast and affirmed that the land notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North yet it is all desert and not inhabited vnlesse it be very few places here and there where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast who liue by hunting all the Winter and by fishing in Summer He said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooue and know how farâ—e that land stretched Northward and whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the desert Whereupon he tooke his voyage directly North along the coast hauing vpon his sâ—eereboord alwayes the desert land and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean and continued his course for the space of 3. dayes In which space he was come as far towards the North as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land he knew not how farre Well he wist and remembred that he was faine to stay till he had a Westerne winde and somewhat Northerly and thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde â—orsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes and at the fifth dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course and in conclusion turneâ— backe againe for he durst not enter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land perceiuing that on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited which was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his owne dwelling whereas continually thorowout all his voyage he had euermore on his steereboord a wildernesse and desert countrey except
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
so that this latitude is the measure of the worlde from North to South and from South to North. And the longitude in which are also counted other 360 is counted from West to East or from East to West as in the Card is set The sayd latitude your Lordship may see marked and diuided in the ende of this Card on the left hand so that if you would know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth take a compasse and set the one foot of the same in the Equinoctial line right against the said region apply the other foote of the compasse to the said region or coast then set the sayd compasse at the end of the Card where the degrees are diuided And the one foote of the compasse standing in the line Equinoctial the other will shew in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the said region is in Also the longitude of the world I haue set out in the nether part of the Card conteining also 360 degrees which begin to be counted after Ptoleme and other Cosmographers from an headland called Capo Verde which is ouer against a little crosse made in the part Occidental where the diuision of the degrees beginneth and endeth in the same Capo Verde Now to know in what longitude any land is your Lordship must take a ruler or a compasse and set the one foot of the compasse vpon the land or coast whose longitude you would know and extend the other foot of the compasse to the next part of one of the transuersall lines in the Orientall or Occidental part which done set the one foot of the compasse in the said transuersal line at the end of the nether scale the scale of longitude and the other foot sheweth the degree of longitude that the region is in And your Lordship must vnderstand that this Card though little conteineth the vniuersall whole world betwixt two collaterall lines the one in the Occidentall part descendeth perpendicular vpon the 175 degree the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree whose distance measureth the scale of longitude And that which is without the two said transuersall lines is onely to shew how the Orientall part is ioined with the Occident and Occident with the Orient For that that is set without the line in the Oriental part is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidentall part and that that is set without the line in the Occidentall part is the same that is set within the line in the Orientall part to shew that though this figure of the world in plaine or flatte seemeth to haue an end yet one imagining that this sayd Card were set vpon a round thing where the endes should touch by the lines it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part ioyneth with the Occident as there without the lines it is described and figured And for more declaration of the said Card your Lordship shall vnderstand that beginning on the part Occidental within the line the first land that is set out is the maine land and Islands of the Indies of the Emperour Which maine land or coast goeth Northward and finisheth in the land that we found which is called here Terra de Labrador So that it appeareth the sayd land that we found and the Indies to be all one maine land The sayd coast from the sayd Indies Southward as by the Card your Lordshippe may see commeth to a certaine straight Sea called Estrecho de todos Santos by which straight Sea the Spaniards goe to the Spiceries as I shall declare more at large the which straight Sea is right against three hundred fifteene degrees of longitude and is of latitude or altitude from the Equinoctiall three and fifty degrees The first land from the sayd beginning of the Card toward the Orient are certaine Islands of the Canaries and Islandes of Capo verde But the first maine land next to the line Equinoctial is the sayd Capo verde and from thence Northward by the straight of this sea of Italie And so followeth Spayne France Flanders Almaine Denmarke and Norway which is the highest parte toward the North. And ouer against Flanders are our Islands of England and Ireland Of the landes and coastes within the streights I haue set out onely the Regions diuiding them by lines of their limits by which plainely I thinke your Lordship may see in what situation euerie region is and of what highnesse and with what regions it is ioyned I doe thinke few are left out of all Europe In the parts of Asia and Affrica I could not so wel make the sayd diuisiōs for that they be not so wel knowen nor need not so much This I write because in the said Card be made the said lines strikes that your Lordship should vnderstand wherefore they doe serue Also returning to the foresaid Capo verde the coast goeth Southward to a Cape called Capo de buona speransa which is right ouer against the 60. 65. degree of longitude And by this Cape go the Portingals to their Spicerie For from this Cape toward the Orient is the land of Calicut as your Lordship may see in the headland ouer against the 130. degree Frō the sayd Cape of Buona speransa the coast returneth to ward the line Equinoctial and passing forth entreth the red sea returning out entreth again into the gulfe of Persia and returneth toward the Equinoctiall line till that it commeth to the headland called Calicut aforesayd and from thence the coast making a gulfe where is the riuer of Ganges returneth toward the line to a headland called Malaca where is the principall Spicerie from this Cape returneth and maketh a great gulfe and after the coast goeth right toward the Orient and ouer against this last gulfe and coast be many Islands which be Islandes of the Spiceries of the Emperour Upon which the Portingals and he be at variance The sayd coast goeth toward the Orient and endeth right against the 155. degrees and after returneth toward the Occident Northward which coast not yet plainely knowen I may ioine to the New found lande found by vs that I spake of before So that I finish with this briefe declaration of the Card aforesayd Well I know I should also haue declared how the coasts within the straights of the Sea of Italie runne It is playne that passing the streights on the North side of that Sea after the coast of Granado and with that which pertaines to Spaine is the coast of that which France hath in Italie And then followeth in one piece all Italie which laud hath an arme of the Sea with a gulfe which is called Mare Adriaticum And in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice And on the other part of the sayd gulfe is Sclauonia and next Grecia then the streits of Constantinople and then the sea called Euxinus which is within the sayd streights and comming
worke that euer I saw the eyes and mouthes of sundrie of them were bloodie they had the shape of men women and children very grosly wrought that which they had made for other parts was also sprinckled with blood Some of their idols were an olde sticke with two or three notches made with a knife in it I saw much of the footing of the sayd Samoeds and of the sleds that they ride in There was one of their sleds broken and lay by the heape of idols there I saw a deers skinne which the foules had spoyled and before certaine of their idols blocks were made as high as their mouthes being all bloody I thought that to be the table wheron they offered their sacrifice I saw also the instruments whereupon they had roasted flesh and as farre as I could perceiue they make their fire directly vnder the spit Loshak being there present tolde me that these Samoeds were not so hurtful as they of Ob are and that they haue no houses as indeede I saw none but onely tents made of Deers skins which they vnderproppe with stakes and poles their boates are made of Deers skins and when they come on shoare they cary their boates with them vpon their backes for their cariages they haue no other beastes to serue them but Deere only As for bread and corne they haue none except the Russes bring it to them their knowledge is very baâ—e for they know no letter Tuesday we turned for the harborough where Loshaks barke lay whereas before we road vnder an Island And there he came aboord of vs and said vnto me if God sende winde and weather to serue I will goe to the Ob with you because the Morses were scant at these Islands of Vaigats but if he could not get to the riuer of Ob then he sayd hee would goe to the riuer of Naramzay where the people were not altogether so sauage as the Samoyds of the Ob are hee shewed me that they will shoot at all men to the vttermost of their power that cannot speake their speech Wednesday we saw a terrible heape of ice approch neere vnto vs and therefore wee thought good with al speed possible to depart from thence and so I returned to the Westwards againe to the Island where we were the 31 of Iuly Thursday I went a shoare and tooke the latitude which was 70 degrees 25 minutes and the variation of the compasse was 8 degrees from the North to the West Loshak and the two small Lodias of Pechora departed from this Island while I was on shoare taking the latitude and went to the Southwards I maruailed why he departed so suddenly and went ouer the shoales amongst the Islands where it was impossible for vs to follow them But after I perceiued them to be weatherwise Friday we road still the winde being at Northnortheast with a cruell storme The ice came in so abundantly about vs at both ends of the Island that we road vnder that it was a feareful sight to behold the storme continued with snow raine and hayle plenty Saturday we road still also the storme being somewhat abated but it was altogether misty that we were not able to see a cables length about vs the winde being at Northeast and by East Sunday at foure of the clocke in the morning we departed from this Island the winde being at Southeast and as we were cleere a sea boord the small Islandes and shoales it came so thick with mistes that we could not see a base shotte from vs. Then we tooke in all our sailes to make little way At a Southeast sunne it waxed cleere and then we set our sayles and lay close by the wind to the Southwards alongst the Islands of Vaigats At a West sunne we tooke in our sayle againe because of the great mist and raine Wee sounded at this place and had fiue and twenty fadomes water and soft blacke oze being three leagues from the shoare the winde being at South and by East but still misty Munday at an East sunne we sounded and â—ad 40 fadomes and oze still misty at noone wee sounded againe and had 36 fadome still misty Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sunne we let fall our anker in three and twenty fadome the mist still continuing Wednesday at three of the clocke in the morning the mist brake vp the wind being at Northeast by East and then we saw part of the Islands of Vaigats which we bare withall and went Eastsoutheast close by the winde at a West sunne we were at an anker vnder the Southwest part of the said Vaigats and then I sent our skiffe to shoare with three men in her to see if they might speake with any of the Samoeds but could not all that day was rainie but not windie Thursday the wind came Westerly so that we were faine to seeke vs another place to ride in because the wind came a seaboord land and although it were misty yet wee followed the shoare by our lead and as we brought land in the winde of vs we let fall our anker At a West sunne the mist brake vp so that we might see about vs and then we might perceiue that we were entred into a sound This afternoone we tooke in two or three skiffes lading of stones to balast our shippe withall It hyeth here foure foot water and floweth by fits vncertaine to be iudged Friday we road still in the sound the wind at Southwest with very much raine and at the end of the raine it waxed againe mistie Saturday there was much winde at West and much raine and then againe mistie Sunday was very mistie and much winde Munday very mistie the winde at Westnorthwest Tuesday was also mistie except at noone then the sunne brake out through the mist so that we had the latitude in 70 degrees 10 minutes the afternoone was misty againe the wind being at Westnorthwest Wednesday at three of the clocke afternoone the mist brake vp the wind came at Eastnortheast and then we weyed and went South by East vntil seuen of the clocke eight leagues thinking to haue had sight of the sandie hilles that are to the Eastwards of the riuer Pechora At a Northwest sunne we took in our maine saile because the wind increased went with a foresaile Westnorthwest the wind being at Eastnortheast at night there grewe so terrible a storme that we saw not the like although we had indured many stormes since we came out of England It was wonderfull that our barke was able to brooke such monstrous terrible seas without the great helpe of God who neuer fayleth them at neede that put their sure trust in him Thursday at a Southsouthwest sunne thanks be to God the storme was at the highest then the winde began to slake and came Northerly withall then I reckoned the Westermost point of the riuer Pechora to be South of vs 15 leagues At a
not need to buy woad so deare to the enriching of our enemies 13 Enquire of the price of leckar and all other things belonging to dying 14 In any wise set downe in writing a true note from whence euery of them doe come and where and in what countrey ech of them doth grow I meane where the naturall place of ech of them is as how neere to such a city or to such a sea or to such a portable riuer in Russia Persia or elsewhere 15 If before you returne you could procure a singular good workeman in the arte of Turkish carpet making you should bring the arte into this Realme and also thereby increase worke to your company Commission giuen by sir Rowland Hayward knight and George Barne Aldermen and gouernours of the company of English Merchants for discouery of new trades vnto Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman for a voyage by them to be made for discouery of Cathay 1580. in forme following IN the Name of God Almightie and euerlasting Amen This writing for commission Tripartite made the twentieth day of May Anno Dom. 1580. and in the 22. yeere of the reigne of our Souereigne Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. Betweene sir Rowland Hayward knight and George Barne Aldermen of the Citie of London and gouernours of the company of English Merchants for discouery of new trades for the behoofe and in the name of the said company on the first partie and Arthur Pet of Ratcliffe in the Countie Middlesex Captaine Master and chiefe ruler of the good barke called the George of London of the burthen of 40 tunnes or thereabouts on the second partie and Charles Iackman of Popler in the said Countie of Middlesex Captaine Master and ruler of the good barke called the William of London of the burthen of 20. tunnes or thereabouts which backes are now riding at anker in the riuer of Thames against Limehouse on the third partie witnesseth that the said Gouernours and company haue hired the saide Arthur Pet to serue in the said barke called the George with nine men and a boy And likewise the said Charles Iackman to serue in the said barke called the William with fiue men and a boy for a voyage by them to be made by Gods grace for search and discoueries of a passage by sea from hence by Boroughs streights and the Island Vaigats Eastwards to the countreis or dominions of the mightie Prince the Emperour of Cathay and in the same vnto the Cities of Cambalu and Quinsay or to either of them The which passage vpon authoritie of writers and great reason is conceiued to bee from the Vaigats Eastwards according to the description in plat of spirall â—ines made by master William Burrough whereof either of the saide Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman haue one deliuered vnto them and also one other sailing carde and a blanke plat for either of them But if it should not be in all points according to that description yet we hope that the continent or firme land of Asia doth not stretch it selfe so farre Northwards but that there may be found a sea passeable by it betweene the latitude of 70. and 80. degrees And therefore we haue appointed you with these two barkes to make triall of the same wishing you both to ioyne in friendship together as most deere friends and brothers to all purposes and effects to the furtherance and orderly performing of the same voyage And likewise order your companies that they of the one barke may haue such loue and care to helpe and succour them of the other as most deere friends and brothers would doe so as it may appeare that though they be two barkes and two companies which is so appointed for your greater comfort and assurance yet that you are wholy of one minde and bend your selues to the vttermost of your powers to performe the thing that you are both employed for Doe you obserue good order in your dayly seruice and pray vnto God so shall you prosper the better We would haue you to meete often together to talke conferre consult and agree how and by what meanes you may best performe this purposed voyage according to our intents And at such meeting we thinke it requisite that you call vnto you your mates and also Nicholas Chanceler whom wee doe appoint as merchant to keepe accompt of the merchandize you shall buy or sell barter or change to the ende that whatsoeuer God should dispose of either of you yet they may haue some instructions and knowledge howe to deale in your place or places And of all your assemblies and consultations together and the substance of matter you shal at euery time agree vpon we would haue you to note them in the paper bookes that wee giue you for that purpose vnto each barke one We do appoint Arthur Pet in the George as Admiral to weare the flagge in the maine top and Charles Iackman in the William as Uiceadmirall For good orders to be taken for your good and orderly keeping of company together which we wish may be such as you should neuer lose sight the one of the other except by both your consents to discouer about an Island or in some riuer when and where you may certainly appoint to meete together againe wee referre the same to your discretions And now for your good direction in this voyage we would haue you with the next good winde and weather that God shall send thereunto meete and conuenient after the 22. day of this present moneth of May saile from this riuer of Thames to the coast of Finmarke to the North Cape there or to the Wardhouse and from thence direct your course to haue sight of Willoughbies land and from it passe alongst to the Noua Zemla keeping the same landes alwayes in your sight on your larbcord sides it conueniently you may to the ende you may discouer whether the same Willoughbies land be continent and firme land with Noua Zembla or not notwithstanding we would not haue you to entangle your selues in any Bay or otherwise so that it might hinder your speedy proceeding to the Island Vaigats And when you come to Vaigats we would haue you to get sight of the maine land of Samoeda which is ouer against the South part of the same Island and from thence with Gods permission to passe Eastwards alongst the same coast keeping it alwayes in your sight if conueniently you may vntill you come to the mouth of the riuer Ob and when you come vnto it passe ouer the said riuers mouth vnto the border of land on the Eastside of the same without any stay to bee made for searching inwardly in the same riuer and being in sight of the same Easterly land doe you in Gods name proceed alongst by it from thence Eastwards keeping the same alwayes on your starboordside in sight if you may and follow the tract of it
being Northerly so that we could not come neere to it The 6. day about 2. in the afternoone the wind at North northwest we halde East southeast with a faire and gentle gale this day we met with ice About 6. in the afternoone it became calme we with saile and oares laide it to the Northeast part hoping that way to cleare vs of it for that way we did see the head part of it as we thought Which done about 12. of the clocke at night we gate cleere of it We did thinke it to be ice of the bay of Saint Nicholas but it was not as we found afterwards The seuenth day we met with more yce at the East part of the other yce we halde along a weather the yce to finde some ende thereof by East northeast This day there appeared more land North from vs being perfect land the ice was betweene vs and it so that we could not come neerer to it The same morning at sixe of the clocke wee put into the ice to finde some way through it wee continued in it all the same day and all the night following the winde by the North Northwest Wee were constrained to goe many pointes of our compasse but we went most an Easterly course The eight day the winde at North northwest we continued our course and at fiue in the morning we sounded and had 90. fadoms red oze This day at foure in the afternoone we sounded againe and had 84. fadoms oze as before At sixe in the after noone we cleared our selues of the ice and hald along Southeast by South we sounded againe at 10. a clocke at night and had 43. fathom sandy oze The 9. day at 2. in the morning we sounded againe and had 45. fadoms then there appeared a shadow of land to vs East Northeast and so we ran with it the space of 2. houres and then perceiuing that it was but fogge we hald along Southeast This day at 2. in the afternoone wee sounded and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes At tenne a clocke at night wee sounded againe and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze The tenth day the wind being at North northwest we haled East and by North which course we set because at ten of the clocke afore noone wee did see land and then wee sounded hauing 35. fadoms blacke oze All this day there was a great fogge so that wee durst not beare with the land to make it and so we kept an outwardly course This day at 6. in the afternoone we espied land wherewith we halled and then it grew calme we sounded and had 120. fadoms blacke oze and then we sent our boat a land to sound and proue the land The same night we came with our ship within and Island where we rode all the same night The same night wee went into a bay to ride neere the land for wood and water The 11. day the wind came to the East southeast this day about a league from vs to the Eastwards we saw a very faire sound or riuer that past very farre into the countrey with 2. or 3. branches with an Island in the midst The 12. of Iuly the wind was East Southeast This day about 11. a clocke in the morning there came a great white beare down to the water side and tooke the water of his own accord we chased him with our boate but for all that we could doe he gote to land and escaped from vs where we named the bay Bearebay This day at 7. in the after noone we set saile for we had good hope that the winde would come Westerly and with saile and oares we gate the sea All the night it was calme with fogge The 13. day in the morning the wind was very variable with fog and as it cleared vp wee met with great store of ice which at the first shewed like land This ice did vs much trouble and the more because of the fog which continued vntill the 14. day 12. of the clocke The 14. day in the morning we were so imbayed with ice y t we were constrained to come out as we went in which was by great good fortune or rather by the goodnesse of God otherwise it had bene impossible and at 12. of the clock we were cleere of it the wind being at South and South by West The same day we found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees 26. minutes we lay along the coast Northwest thinking it to be an Island but finding no end in rowing so long we supposed it to be the maine of Noua Zembla About 2. in the afternoone we laide it to the Southward to double the ice which wee could not doe vpon that boorde so that we cast about againe and lay West along vnder the ice About seuen in the afternoone we gote about the greatest part thereof About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice Southeast of vs and thus we were ridde of this trouble at this time The 15. day about 3. in the morning the wind was at South southwest wee cast about and lay to the Eastwards the winde did Wester so that wee lay South southwest with a flawne sheete and so we ranne all the same day About 8. in the after noone we sounded and had 23. fadoms small grey sand This night at twelue of the clocke we sounded againe and had 29. fadoms sand as afore The 16. day vnto 3. in the morning we hald along East Southeast where we found 18. fadoms red sand then we hald along Northeast In these soundings wee had many ouerfals This day at 10. of the clocke we met with more ice which was very great so that we coulde not tell which way to get cleere of it Then the winde came to the South Southeast so that we lay to the Northwards We thought that way to cleare our selues of it but that way we had more ice About 6. in the afternoone the wind came to the East Then we lay to the Southwards that wee had 30. fadoms blacke oze This day we found the pole to bee eleuated 69. deg 40. minutes and this night at 12. a clocke we had 41. fadoms red sand The 17. day at 3. in the morning we had 12. fadoms At 9. we had 8. and 7. all this day we ran South and South by West at the depth aforesaid red sand being but shallow water At eight in the afternoone the winde with a showre and thunder came to the Southwest and then wee ranne East Northeast At 12. at night it came to the South and by East and all this was in the bay of Pechora The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bare with the heaâ—land oâ— the bay where wee founde two Islands There are also ouerfals of water 〈◊〉 â—â—des We went between the maine and the Island next to the head where we had abouâ— 2. fadoms and a halfe We found
the pole eleuated 69. deg 13 minutes This day we had sight of Vaigatz the land of the maine of Pechora did trend Southeast we hald East southeast and had 10. fadoms oze all the same day vntill 4. in the after noone then being calme we ankered in 10. fadoms all the same night The 19. day at two in the morning we set saile and ran South and South southwest all the same day at 8.7 and 6. fadoms this was off the South part of Vaigatz this part of the land lieth North and South This day at 4. in the afternoone we found shallow water sometime 4. fadoms sometime 3. and 2. and a halfe and one fadome and a halfe there we ankered and sent our boate away to sound and all to leeward we had 4. foote and 3. foote and 2. foot there was not water for the boate betweene Vaigatz the other side finding no more water there was no other way but to goe backe as we came in hauing the wind Northwest so at twelue at niâ—ht we set saile The 20. day we plied to the Northwards and got deepe water againe 6. and 7. fadoms The 21. day the winde by the Northwest we hald along the coast North and North northwest we had 8. and 9. and 10. fadoms The 22. day the winde came to the Southwest wee bare along the coast of Vaygatz as wee found it to lie North and by West and Northnorthwest and North. The winde blewe very much with great fogge we lacking water and wood bare within an Island where wee founde great store of wood and water there were three or foure goodly founds Under two points there was a crosse set vp and a man buried at the foote of it Upon the said crosse Master Pet did graue his name with the date of our Lorde and likewise vpon a stone at the foote of the crosse and so did I also to the end that if the William did chaunce to come thither they might haue knowledge that wee had beene there At eight in the afternoone the winde came to the North northwest we set saile and turned out of the Bay The same night the winde came to the West so that wee lay North along the land The 23. day at fiue in the morning the wind came to the Southwest a Sea boord we sawe a great number of faire Islands to the number of sixe a sea boord of these Islands there are many great ouerfals as great streames or tides we halde Northeast and East northeast as the lande did trend At eight aforenoone the winde came to the Southeast with very much wind raine and fogge and very great store of ice a sea boorde so we lay to the Southwest to attaine to one of the Islands to harbour vs if the weather did so extremely continue and to take in our boate thinking it meete so to doe and not to towe her in such weather About twelue of the clocke it became very calme vpon the sudden and came vp to the West Northwest and Northwest by West and then we tooke in our boate and this done there came downe so much winde as we were not able to steere afore it with corse and bonnets of each we hald South with the land for so the land did trend This day all the afternoone we sailed vnder a great land of ice we sailed betweene the land and it being not able to crosse it About twelue at night we found the ice to stretch into the land that we could not get cleare to the Eastward so we laide it to the shore and there we founde it cleare hard aboord the shore and we found also a very faire Island which makes a very good harbour and within are 12. fadoms This Island is to y e Eastwards of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues This land of the maine doth trend Southeast and Southeast by East It is a very faire coast and euen and plaine and not full of mountaines nor rocks you haue but shallow water of 6. or 7. fadoms about a league from the shore all this morning we halled East southeast This day we found the pole to be eleuated 69. degrees 14. minutes About 12. a clocke we were constrained to put into the ice to seeke some way to get to the Northwards of it hoping to haue some cleare passage that way but there was nothing but whole ice About nine in the afternoone we had sight of the William and when wee sawe her there was a great land of ice betweene her and vs so that we could not come one to the other but as we came neere to her we sounded our trumpet and shot off two muskets and she put out her flag vpon her foretopmaste in token that she did see vs all this time wee did shorten our sailes and went with our foresaile maine top saile seeking the best way through the broken ice she making away the best that she could to follow vs we put out our flagge to answere her again with the like thus wee continued all the afternoone till about 12. a clocke at night and then we moared our ship to a piece of ice to tarie for the William The 25. day about fiue in the morning the William came to vs being both glad of our meeting The William had her sterne post broken that the rudber did hang clean besides the sterne so that she could in no wise port her helme with all hands she did lighten her sterne and trimme her head and when we had brought her forward all that we could wee brought a table vnder her sterne and without captaine did wind vp her sterne and so we made it as wel as the place would giue vs leane and in the ende wee brought her to steere againe Wee acknowledge this our meeting to be a great benefite of God for our mutuall comfort and so gaue his maiestie thanks for it All the night after we tooke our rest being made fast vpon a piece of ice the winde was at West Northwest but wee were so inclosed with ice that we coulde not tell which way to passe Windes wee haue had at will but ice and fogge too much against our willes if it had pleased the Lord God otherwise The 26. day the wind was at West Northwest we set saile to the Northwardes to seeke if we could finde any way cleare to passe to the Eastward but the further we went that way the more and thicker was the ice so that wee coulde goe no further So about foure in the afternoone we were constrained to moare vpon another piece of ice I thinke we sailed in all a league this day here we had 15. fadoms oze and this oze is all the chanell ouer All the same day after foure of the clocke and all the night we tarried there being without all good hope but rather in despaire This day Master Iugman did see land East Northeast from vs as he did thinke whether it were
and his gentlemen for to ride which were very richly furnished and by the way there meâ— with vs other chauses to accompany vs to the Court. When we came there wee passed thorow two gates at the second gate there stood very many men with horses attending on their masters When we came within that gate we were within a very faire Court yard in compasse twise so bigge as Pauls Church-yard On the right hand of the sayd Court was a faire gallerie like an Alley and within it were placed railes and such other prouision On the left side was the like halfe the Court ouer it was diuided into two parts the innermost fairer then the other The other part of that side is the place where the Councell doe vsually sit and at the inner end of that is a faire place to sit in much like vnto that place in Pauls Church-yard where the Maior and his brethren vse to sit thither was our Ambassadour brought and set in that place Within that sayde place is another like open roome where hee did eate Assoone as wee came in wee were placed in the innermost alley of the second roome on the left side of the Court which was spread with carpets on the ground fourescore or fourescore and tenne foot long with an hundred and fiftie seuerall dishes set thereon that is to say Mutton boiled and rosted Rice diuersly dressed Fritters of the finest fashion and dishes daintily dight with pritty pappe with infinite others I know not how to expresse them We had also rosted Hennes with sundry sorts of fowles to me vnknowen The gentlemen and we sate downe on the ground for it is their maner so to feede There were also Greekes and others set to furnish out the roome Our drinke was made with Rose water and Sugar and spices brewed together Those that did serue vs with it had a great bagge tied ouer their showlders with a broad belt like an arming belt full of plates of copper and gilt with part of the sayd bagge vnder his arme and the mouth in his hand then he had a deuise to let it out when he would into cuppes when we called for drinke The Ambassadour when hee had eaten passed by vs with the chauses aforesayd and sate him downe in an inner roome This place where he sate was against the gate where we came in and hard by the Councell chamber end somewhat on the left side of the Court this was at the East end of the Court for we came in at the West All this time our presents stood by vs vntill we had dined and diner once ended this was their order of taking vp the dishes Certaine were called in like those of the Blacke gard in the Court of England the Turks call them Moglans These came in like rude and rauening Mastifs without order or fashion and made cleaâ—e riddance for he whose hungry eye one dish could not fill turned two one into the other and thus euen on the sudden was made a cleane riddance of all Then came certaine chauses and brought our gentlemen to sit with the Ambassadour Immediatly came officers appointed Ianisers to beare froÌ„ vs our presents who caried them on the right side of the Court and set them hard by the doore of the Priuy chamber as we call it there all things stoode for the space of an houre Thus the Ambassadour and his gentlemen sate still and to the Southward of them was a doore whereas the great Turke himselfe went in and out at and on the South side of that doore sate on a bench all his chiefe lordes and gentlemen and on the North side of the West gate stood his gard in number as I gesse them a thousand men These men haue on their heads round cappes of mettall like sculles but sharpe in the toppe in this they haue a bunch of Ostridge feathers as bigge as a brush with the corner or edge forward at the lower end of these feathers was there a smaller feather like those that are commonly worn here Some of his gard had smal staues most of them were weaponed with bowes and arrowes Here they waitedâ— during our abode at the Court to gard their Lord. After the Ambassadour with his gentlemen had sitten an houre and more there came three or foure chauses and brought them into the great Turkes presence At the Priuy chamber doore two noble men tooke the Ambassadour by ech arme one and put their fingers within his sleeues and so brought him to the great Turke where he sumptuously sate alone He kissed his hand and stood by vntill all the gentlemen were brought before him in like maner one by one and ledde backewards againe his face towards the Turke for they might neither tarry nor turne their backs and in like maner returned the Ambassadour The salutation that the Noble men didâ— was taking them by the hands All this time they trode on cloth of golde most of the Noble men that sate on the South side of the Priuy chamber sate likewise on cloth of golde Many officers or Ianisaries there were with staues who kept very good order for no Turke whatsoeuer might goe any further then they willed him At our Ambassadours entring they followed that bare his presents to say twelue fine broad clothes two pieces of fine holland tenne piâ—ces of plate double gilt one case of candle sticks the case whereof was very large and three foot high and more two very great cannes or pots and one lesser one basin and ewer two poppiniayes of siluer the one with two heads they were to drinke in two bottles with chaines three faire mastifs in coats of redde cloth three spaniels two bloodhounds one common hunting hound two greyhounds two little dogges in coats of silke one clocke valued at fiue hundred pounds sterling ouer it was a forrest with trees of siluer among the which were deere chased with dogs and men on horsebacke following men drawing of water others carrying mine oare on barrowes on the toppe of the clocke stood a castle and on the castle a mill All these were of siluer And the clocke was round beset with iewels All the time that we stayed at the Councell chamber doore they were telling or weighing of money to send into Persia for his Souldiours pay There were carried out an hundred and three and thirty bags and in euery bagge as it was tolde vs one thousand ducats which amounteth to three hundred and thirty thousand * and in sterling Englâ—sh money to fourescore and nineteene thousand pounds The Captaine of the guard in the meane time went to the great Turke and returned againe then they of the Court made obeisance to him bowing downe their heads and their hands on their breasts and he in like order resaluted them he was in cloth of siluer he went and came with two or three with him and no more Then wee went out at the first gate and there we were commanded to stay vntill
103. li. of 16. ounces to the li. There is another waight called Pois Gerrin which is 150. li. of Marseils waight by which are sold all things to eate but spice is sold by the former waight From Alexandria to Cairo is three daies iourney but you must take a Ianissarie with you to go vp thither by water it is 8. dayes iourney Roials of Spaine are currant mony there and are the best money you can cary And 4. roials are woorth 13. Medins and 2. Medins are 3. Aspers Pistolets and crownes of France and Dollâ—rs will goe but of all Roials are best Rice is not permitted to goe out of the land but is kept for a victuall But with a present to the Bye and Ermine some may passe All sortes of spices be garbled after the bargaine is made and they be Moores which you deale withall which be good people and not ill disposed And after you be searched haue leaue to passe you must presently depart out of the port and if you doe not they will search you againe And you must depart in the day for in the night the castles will not suffer you to depart The duetie to the Consul is 2. in the hundred for his aide and meate and drinke and all And the port of Alexandria is good when one is within it with good ankers and cables Siluer is better currant then gold in Alexandria but both are good Commonly the Carauans come thither in October from Mecca to Cairo and from thence to Alexandria where the merchants be that buy the spices and therfore the spices are brought most to Alexandria where each Christian nation remaineth at the Consuls houses Yet oftentimes the christians go vp to Cairo to buy drugs other commodities there as they see cause And the commodities there vendible are all sorts of kersies but the most part blewes and of clothes all colours except mingled colours and blacks Pepper is vsually sold for 24. ducats the quintal Ginger for 14. ducats You must take canuas to make bags to put your commoditie in from Alexandria for there is none There is also fine flaxe and good store of Buffe hides A letter of the English ambassador to M. Edward Barton MAster Barton I send you 3. commandements in Turkish with a copy thereof in English to the ende our ships might not come in danger of breach of league if they should shoote at the gallies of those of Algier Tunis and Tripolis in the West which after you haue shewed the Bassas receiue againe into your hands and see them registred and then deliuer one of them to our friend M. Tipton the like you are to do with the priuilege which you cary with you and see them iointly registred in the Cadies booke deliuering the copy of the said priuilege sealed by the Cadi also to the sayd our friend M. Tipton taking a note of his hand for the receipt thereof and for deliuerie at all times to vs or our assignes And require them in her maiesties and the grand Signors name that they will haue our ships passing too and fro vnder licence and safeconduct for recommended in friendly maner Touching your proceedings in Tripolis with Romadan as I haue not receiued any aduise thereof since your departure so must I leaue you to God and my former directioÌ„ The ship patronised of Hassan Rayes which you wrote to be ours prooued to be a Catalonian As for ours by report of that Hassan and other Iewes in his ship it was affirmed to be sold to the Malâ—eses which with the rest you are to receiue there And hauing ended these affaires and registred our priuilege and these three commandements in Tripolis Tunis and Alger I pray you make speedy returne and for that which may be recouered make ouer the same either to Richard Rowed for Patrasso in Morea or otherwise hither to Iohn Bate in the surest maner you may if the registring of that your priuilege and these commandements will not suffer you in person to returne with the same From my Mansion Rapamat in Pera this 24. of Iune 1584. The commaundement obtained of the Grand Signior by her Maiesties ambassador M. Will. Hareborne for the quiet passing of her subiects to and froÌ„ his dominions sent in An. 1584. to the Viceroyes of Algier Tunis Tripolis in Barbary To our Beglerbeg of Algier WE certifie thee by this our commandement that the right honorable Will. Hareborne ambassador to the Queenes maiestie of England hath signified vnto vs that the ships of that countrey in their comming and returning to and from our Empire on the one part of the Seas haue the Spaniards Florentines Sicilians and Malteses on the other part our countreis committed to your charge which aboue said Christians will not quietly suffer their egresse and regresse into and out of our dominions but doe take and make the men captiues and forfeit the shippes and goods as the last yeere the Malteses did one which they tooke at Gerbi and to that end do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction whereupon they are constrained to stand to their defence at any such time as they might meet with them Wherefore considering by this means they must stand vpon their guard when they shall see any gallie afarre off whereby if meeting with any of your gallies and not knowing them in their defence they do shoot at them and yet after when they doe certainly know them do not shoote any more but require to passe peaceably on their voiage which you would deny saying the peace is brokeÌ„ because you haue shot at vs and so make prize of them contrary to our priuileges and against reason for the preuenting of which inconuenience the said ambassador hath required this our commaundement We therefore command thee that vpon sight hereof thou doe not permit any such matter in any sort whatsoeuer but suffer the sayd Englishmen to passe in peace according to the tenour of our commandement giuen without any disturbance or let by any means vpon the way although that meeting with thy gallies and not knowing them afarre off they taking them for enemies should shoot at them yet shall you not suffer them to hurt them therfore but quietly to passe Wherefore looke thou that they may haue right according to our priuilege giuen them finding any that absenteth himself wil not obey this our commandement presently certify vs to our porch that we may giue order for his punishment and with reuerence giue faithfull credite to this our commandement which hauing read thou shalt againe returne it vnto them that present it From our palace in Constantinople tâ—e 1. of Iune 1584. A letter of the honorable M. Wil. Hareborne her maiesties ambass with the grand signior to M. Tipton appointing him Consul of the English in Algier Tunis Tripolis of Barbarie MAster Tipton I haue receiued among others yours of the 10. of Nouember 1584. by Soliman Sorda certifying the
it is shut vp vntill the first of August but at the 10 of August it openeth by reason of the raine which ceaseth and the sea doeth then scoure the sands away againe The monson from Goa to the Northward to say for Chaul Diu Cambaia Daman Basaim and other places The ships depart betwixt the tenth and 24 of August for the Northward places abouesayde and to these places they may saile all times of the yeere except in the winter which beginneth and endeth at the times abouesaid The monson from the North parts for Goa The ships depart from Chaul Diu Cambaia and other places Northwards for Goa betwixt the 8 and 15 of Ianuarie and come to Goa about the end of Februarie The first monson from Diu for the straight of Mecca The ships depart from Diu about the 15 of Ianuarie and returne from the straights to Diu in the moneth of August The second monson from Diu for the straight of Mecca The ships depart betwixt the 25 and firstâ— of September and returne from the straights to Diu the first and 15 of May. The monson from Secutra for Ormus The ships depart about the tenth of August for Ormus albeit Secutra is an Island and hath but few ships which depart as abouesaid The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land come to Goa About the fifteenth of September the Moores of the firme lande beginne to come to Goa and they come from all parts as well from Balaguate Bezenegar as also from Sudalcan and other places The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land depart from Goa They depart from Goa betwixt the 10 and 15 day of Nouember Note that by going for the North is ment the departing from Goa for Chaul Diu Cambaia Daman Basaim Ghassain and other places vnto Zindi and by the South is vnderstood departing from Goa for Cochin and all that coast vnto Cape Comori The first monson from Goa for Ormus The shippes depart in the moneth of October from Goa for Ormus passing with Easterly windes along the coast of Persia. The second monson from Goa to Ormus The ships depart about the 20 of Ianuarie passing by the like nauigation and windes as in the first monson and this is called of the Portugals and Indians Entremonson The third monson from Goa to Ormus The ships depart betwixt the 25 of March and 6 of Aprill hauing Easterly windes till they passe Secutra and then they find Westerly windes and therfore they set their course ouer for the coast of Arabia till they come to Cape Rasalgate and the Straight of Ormus and this monson is most troublesome of all for they make two nauigations in the heigth of Seylan which is 6 degrees and somewhat lower The first monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa The ships depart from Ormus for Chaul and Goa in the moneth of September with Northâ— and Northeast windes The second monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa The second monson is betwixt the fiue and twentie and last of December with like winds as the former monson The third monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa The third monson the ships depart from Ormus for Chaul and Goa betwixt the first and 15 of April and they saile with Southeast windes East and Northeast windes coasting vpon the Arabia side from Cape Mosandon vnto Cape Rasalgate and hauing lost the sight of Cape Rasalgate they haue Westerly windes and so come for Chaul and Goa and if the said ships depart not before the 25 of April they are not then to depart that monson but to winter in Ormus because of the winter The first monson from Ormus for Zindi The ships depart for Ormus betwixt the 15 and 20 of Apriâ—l The second monson from Ormus for Zindi The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 20 of October for Zindi from Ormus The monson from Ormus for the red sea The ships depart from Ormus betwixt the first and last of Ianuarie Hitherto I haue noted the monsons of the ships departing from Goa to the Northward Now follow the monsons wherein the ships depart from Goa to the Southward ¶ The monson from Goa for Calicut Cochin Seilan and all that coast THe ships depart from those places betwixt the 1 and 15 of August and there they find it nauigable all the yeere except in the winter which continueth as is aforesaid from the 15 of May till the 10 of August In like maner the ships come from these places for Goa at euery time in the yeere except in the winter but of all other the best time is to come in Nouember December and Ianuary The first monson from Goa for Pegu. The ships depart from Goa betwixt the 15 and 20 of April and winter at S. Thomas and after the 5 of August they depart from S. Thomas for Pegu. The second monson from Goa for Pegu. The ships depart from Goa betwixt the 8 and 24 of August going straight for Pegu and if they passe the 24 of August they cannot passe that monson neither is there any more monsons till April as is aforesaid Note that the chiefest trade is to take money of S. Thomas rials and patechoni and to goe to S. Thomas and there to buy Tellami which is fine cloth of India whereof there is great quantitie made in Coromandel and brought thither and other marchandise are not good for that place except some dozen of very faire Emeraulds orientall For of golde siluer and Rubies there is sufficient store in Pegu. The monson from Pegu for the Indies The ships depart from Pegu betwixt the 15 and 25 of Ianuarie and come to Goa about the 25 of March or in the beginning of April Note that if it passe the 10 of May before the sayde ships be arriued in Goa they cannot come thither that monson and if they haue not then fet the coast of India they shall with great perill fetch S. Thomas The first monson from Goa for Malacca The ships depart betwixt the 15 and last of September and arriue in Malacca about the end of October The second monson from Goa to Malacca The ships depart about the 5 of May from Goa and arriue in Malacca about the 15 of Iune The first monson from Malacca to Goa The ships depart about the 10 of September and come to Goa about the end of October The second monson from Malacca to Goa The ships depart from Malacca about the 10 of February and come to Goa about the end of March But if the said ships should stay till the 10 of May they cannot enter into Goa and if at that time also they should not be arriued at Cochin they are forced to returne to Malacca because the winter and contrary windes then come vpon them The monson from Goa for China The ships depart from Goa in the moneth of April The monson from China for Goa The ships depart to be the 10 of May in Goa and being not then arriued they turne
in taste much like vnto whey but somewhat sweeter and more pleasant They cut the branches euery euening because they are feared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne They haue also great beanes as bigge as chestnuts and very hard with a shell in the stead of a huske Many things more nught be saide of the maners of the people and of the wonders and monstrous things that are engendred in Africke But it shall suffice to haue saide thus much of such things as our men partly sawe and partly brought with them And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines I described the same to haue holes by the side as in deede it hath as it is brought hither yet was I afterward enfourmed that those holes were made to put stringes or twigges through the fruite thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne They grow not past a foote and a halfe or two foote from the ground and are as red as blood when they are gathered The graines themselues are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi At their câ—mming home the keeles of their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with certaine shelles of two inches length and more as thicke as they could stand and of such bignesse that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them They certainely affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea becommeth those foules which we call Barnacles The like shelles haue bene seene in ships returning froÌ„ Iseland but these shels were not past halfe an inch in length Of the other that came from Guinea I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke and in maner couered with the said shels which in my iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling Their ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas whereof mention is made in the Decades These creepe betweene the plankes which they eate through in many places Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage this is worthy to be noted that wheras they sailed thither in seuen weekes they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes The cause whereof they say to be this That about the coast of Cabo Verde the winde is euer at the East by reason whereof they were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the maine Ocean to finde the winde at the West to bring them home There died of our men at this last voyage about twentie and foure whereof many died at their returne into the clime of the colde regions as betweene the Islands of Azores and England They brought with them certaine blacke slaues whereof some were tall and strong men and could wel agree with our meates and drinkes The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend them Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide colde then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate forasmuch as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies as colde constraineth and preserueth the same This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature that throughout all Africke vnder the AEquinoctial line and neere about the same on both sides the regions are extreeme hote and the people very blacke Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are very temperate and the people neither blacke nor with curlde and short wooll on their heads as they of Africke haue but of the colour of an Oliue with long and blacke heare on their heads the cause of which variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me That is that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne so that they had it North from them at noone the 14. day of March. And to haue said thus much of these voyages it may suffice The first voyage made by Master VVilliam Towrson Marchant of London to the coast of Guinea with two Ships in the yeere 1555. VPon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of Wight out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes the one called the Hart the other the Hinde both of London and the Masters of them were Iohn Ralph and William Carter for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de Sestos in Guinea and to other hauens thereabout It fell out by the varietie of windes that it was the foureteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth and being there arriued wee continued in that roade sixe dayes and the 20. of October we warpt out of the hauen and set saile directing our course towards the Southwest and the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master This day we ranne about 40. leagues also The second day we ranne 36. leagues The third day we had sight of Porto Santo which is a small Island lying in the sea about three leagues long and a league a halfe broad is possessed by Portugals It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hilles neere together The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley which makes it to beare that forme The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks This Island lyeth in thirty and three degrees The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle of Madera which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo towards the south-Southwest that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull and is inhabited by Portugals it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and high By three of the clocke this day at afternoone we were thwart of Porto Santo and we set our course Southwest to leaue the Isle of Madera to the Eastward as we did Porto Santo These two Islands were the first land that we saw since wee left the coast of England About three of the clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera within three leagues of the West ende of it and by meanes of the high hilles there we were becalmed We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues The fourth day wee lay becalmed vnder the Isle of Madera vntill one of the clocke at afternoone and then the winde comming into the East wee went our course and ranne that day fifteene leagues The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif otherwiseâ— called the Pike because it is a very high Island with a pike vpon the top like a loafe of suger The same night we raised the Isle of Palma which is a high land also and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif The 7. day we
weather The castle and we waied in the Christopher and went roome with her The 12 day the Tyger came roome with vs and she and the Christopher finding themselues to stand in great need of victuals would haue gone with the Portugals ships to haue fetched some of them forth but our master and company would in no case consent to goe with them for feare of hanging when we came home and the other two ships being fully minded to haue gone and fearing that their owne company would accuse them durst not go to them After this by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnesse which could receiue no victuals from the other shippes but from vs onely we tooke out all our men and put twelue Frenchmen into her and gaue them victuals to bring them to Shamma The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arriued at Shamma and the Christopher within two leagues off them but could not fetch the winde by reason of the scantnesse of the winde which hath bene so scant that in fifteene dayes we haue plied to the windewards but twelue leagues which before we did in one day and a night The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse and went to the towne of Shamma to speake with the captaine and he tolde me that there was no golde there to be had nor so much as a hen to be bought and all by reason of the accord which he had made with the Portugals and I seeing that departed peaceably from him The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnesse and tooke one marchant of our ship and another of the Tyger and sent her to Hanta to attempt if she could doe any thing there That night they could do nothing but were promised to haue golde the next day The next day which was the 22 being come we sent our pinnesse to Hanta againe but there neither the captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with vs but intised vs from place to place and all to no purpose This day we put away our pinnesse with fiue and twenty Frenchmen in her and gaue them such victuals as we could spare putting fifteene of them to the ransome of sixe crownes a man The 23 of Iune our pinnesse came to vs from Hanta and tolde vs that the Negros had dealt very ill with them and would not traffike with them to any purpose The 24 we tooke our boat and pinnesse and manned them well and went to the towne of Shamma and because the Captaine thereof was become subiect to the Portugals we burned the towne and our men seeking the spoile of such trifles as were there found a Portugals chest wherein was some of his apparell and his weights and one letter sent to him from the castle whereby we gathered that the Portugall had bene there of a long time The 25 day about three of the clocke at afternoone we set saile and put into the sea for our returne to England The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore againe and made our reckoning to be â—ighteene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we set off When we came to make the land we found our selues to be eighteene leagues to the leeward of the place where we set off which came to passe by reason of the extreame currant that runneth to the Eastward when we perceiued our selues so abused we agreed to cast about againe and to lie as neere the winde as we could to fetch the line The seuenth of Iuly we had sight of the I le of S. Thome and thought to haue sought the road to haue ancred there but the next morning the winde came about and we kept our course The ninth the winde varying we kept about againe and fell with the Iland of S. Thome and seeking the road were becalmed neere the Iland and with the currant were put neere the shore but could haue no ground to ancre so that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse and the other ships their skifs to towe from the Iland which did litle good but in the end the winde put vs three leagues off the shore The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast about whereby we iudged them to haue agreed together to goe seeke some ships in the road and to leaue vs our men were not willing to goe after them for feare of running in with the Iland againe and of putting our selues into the same danger that we were in the night before but we shot off a piece and put out two lights and they answered vs with lights againe whereupon we kept our course and thought that they had followed vs but in the morning we could not see them so that they left vs willingly and we determined to follow them no more But the eleuenth day we altered our opinion and course and consented to cast about againe for the Iland to seeke our ships and about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we met with them The 13 we fell againe with the Iland of S. Thome and the same night we found our selues directly vnder the line This Iland is a very high Iland and being vpon the West side of it you shall see a very high pike which is very small and streight as it were the steeple of a church which pike lieth directly vnder the line and at the same South end of the Iland to the Westward thereof lieth a small Iland about a mile from the great Iland The third of August we departed froÌ„ the I le of S. Thome met the winde at the south-Southwest The 12 day we were in the height of Cape verde The 22 day we fell with one of the Iles of Cape verde called The I le of Salt and being informed by a Scotish man that we tooke among the Frenchmen vpon the coast that there were fresh victuals to be had we came to an ancre there The 23 day in the morning we maâ—ned our skiffe and went a shore and found no houses but we saw foure men which kept themselues alwayes farre from vs as for cattell we could finde none but great store of goats and they were so wilde that we could not take aboue three or foure of them but there we had good store of fish and vpon a small Iland which lay by the same we had great store of sea-birds At night the Christopher brake her cable and lost an ancre so that she could tary no longer so we all wayed and set saile Upon the same Iland we left the Scotish man which was the occasion of our going aland at that place but how he was left we could not tell but as we iudged the people of the Iland found him sleeping and so caried him away for at night I went my selfe to the Iland to seeke him but could heare nothing of him The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord vs tolde vs that his men were so weake and the
articles which I haue receiued but also will giue some particular notes which I haue noted in the affaires which you haue committed vnto mee with the best helpe and counsell I can Thus the liuing God keepe your worships all Bristoll this 11 of December 1561. Your worships to comand to his power Iohn Lok The relation of one VVilliam Rutter to M. Antony Hickman his master touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562 by Sir William Gerard Sir William Chester M. Thomas Lodge the sayd Antony Hickman and Edward Castelin which voyage is also written in verse by Robert Baker WOrshipfull sir my duty remembred this shal be to declare vnto you the discourse of this our voyage since our departure out of England from Dartmouth at which time I gaue you to vnderstand of our departure which was the 25 of February 1562. Thâ—n hauing a prosperous winde we departed from thence and sailed on our voyage vntill we arriued at Cauo verde the 20 of March making no abode there but sailed along the coast to our first appointed port Rio de sestos at which port we arriued the third of Aprill in the morning hauing the sight of a Frenchman who assoone as he perceiued vs set saile and made to the sea in the meane time we came to an anker in the rode and after that he had espied our flag perceiuing vs to be Englishmen he bare with the shore hailed our ships with his ordinance at which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the riuer in traffike and had vnderstanding of the Negros that he had bene there three dayes before our comming so we concluded together that if he sent his pinnesse to traffike we would not suffer him vntill we had taken further order with their captaine marchants In the afternoone the pinnesse came into the riuer whose men we willed to make no traffike vntill we had talked further with their captaine whom we willed that night to come aboord our admirall which was done At which sayd time M. Button and Iohn Munt went aboord the Minion where the Frenchmen were there concluded that they should tary by vs eight dayes and suffer vs quietly to traffike wherewith they were not well pleased Wherevpon the next morning they departed from vs sailing alongst the coast to the Eastward towards Potis which he did to hinder our traffike that way wherefore the marchants of the Minion we concluded forasmuch as at that present we vnderstood that there were no sailes past alongst that we should go before to the end we might not be hindred of our traffike by the Frenchmen which thing we did and at our comming thither we found the Frenchman in traffike to the West of Potis by whom we passed arriued at Rio de Potis the 12 of April where we remained in traffike vntill the 15 of the sayd moneth and then departed from thence along the coast toward Sant Andre where we appointed by agreement to tary for the Minion and the 17 at night we came to the riuer of S. Andre in which very day the Minion came vnto vs telling vs that they met at cauo das Palmas a great ship and a caruell of the king of Portugals bound to the Mina who gaue chase vnto them and shot freely at them and the Minion in her defence returned her the like but God be praised the Minion had no hurt for that time In the end we concluded to hasten towards cauo de tres puntas to haue put them from the castle if by any meanes wee might and when wee were come to the Cape we lay a hull one night and two dayes and doubting they had bene past the Minion went neere the shore and sent her merchants to a place called Anta where before-tune we had traffâ—ke and the next morning very early being the 21 of the sayd moneth we againe had sight of the ship and the carauell a good way to sea-boord of vs. Then we presently set saile and bare with the formost of them hoping to haue got betweene the castle and them but we came short of our purpose which was no small griefe vnto vs all and when they had gotten the castle to friend they shot at vs freely and we at them and the castle at vs but we profited litle In the afternoone we set saile came to the town of Don Iuan called Equi where the 22 in the morning we went a shore to traffike but the Negros would not vntill they had newes from Don Luis for at that time Don Iuan was dead and the 23 came Don Luis his sonne and Pacheco minding to traffike with vs at which said day came two galies rowing along the shore from the castle minding to keepe vs from our traffike The 24 we set saile and chased the galies to the castle againe The Negros being glad of that required vs to goe to Mowre which is some 3 leagues behind and thither would they come for that they stood in feare of the Portugals and there we remained for the marchants that came out of the countrey which were come with their gold but Anthonio don Luis his sonne and Pacheco were aboord the Minion And the 25 in the morning came the two galies from the castle againe vnto vs the weather being very calme they shot at vs and hit vs 3 times and shortly after the wind came from the shore at which instant we discried the ship the carauell comming towards vs then we weighed and set saile and bare as neere vnto them as we could but it was night or euer wee met with them and the night being very darke we lost them The next day plying to the shore at night we agreed to go with Cormantin but the next morning being the 28 we were but a litle distant from the great ship and the 2 galies hauing no wind at all and the carauell hard aboord the shore Then being calme came the 2 galies rowing to the sterne of the Minion and fought with her the most part of the forenoone and in the fight a mischance hapned in the Minions steward-roome by means of a barrell of pouder that tooke fire where with were hurt the master gunner the steward and most part of the gunners which the galies perceiuing began to be more fierce vpon them and with one shot cut halfe her foremast in twaine that without present remedie shee was not able to beare saile and presently vpon this the great ship sent her boat to the galies who suddenly departed from vs. And after their departure we went aboord the Minion to counsell what were best to be done at which time they were sore discomftted Whereupon we deuised what was best to be done and because wee knew that the Negros neither would nor durst traffike so long as the galies were on the coast it was therefore agreed that
in litters of Cedar artificially wrought and richly dressed In the second place marcheth a great company of footemen sumptuously apparelled Then afarre off commeth one of these Bonzii master of the ceremonies for that superstition brauely clad in silkes and gold in a large and high litter excellently well wrought accompanied with 30 other Bonzii or thereabout wearing hats linnen albes and fine blacke vpper garments Then attired in ashe colour for this colour also is mourning with a long torch of Pineaple he sheweth the dead body the way vnto the fire lest it either stumble or ignorantly go out of the way Well neere 200 Bonzii folow him singing the name of that deuill the which the partie deceassed chiefly did worship in his life time and there withall a very great bason is beaten euen to the place of fire in stead of a vell Then follow two great paper baskets hanged open at staues endes full of paper roses diuersly coloured such as beare them doe march but slowly shaking euer now and then their staues that the aforesayd flowers may fall downe by litle and litle as it were drops of raine and be whirled about with wind This shower say they is an argument that the soule of the dead man is gone to paradise After al this eight beardles Bonzii orderly two and two drag after them on the ground long speares the points backward with flags of one cubite a piece wherein the name also of that idole is written Then there be caried 10 lanterns trimmed with the former inscription ouercast with a fine vaile and candles burning in them Besides this two yoong men clothed in ashe colour beare pineaple torches not lighted of three foote length the which torches serue to kindle the fire wherein the dead corpes is to bee burnt In the same colour follow many other that weare on the crownes of their heads faire litle three square blacke lethren caps tied fast vnder their chinnes for that is honorable amongst them with papers on their heads wherein the name of the deuill I spake of is written And to make it the more solemne after commeth a man with a table one cubite long one foot broad courred with a very fine white vaile in both sides whereof is written in golden letters the aforesayd name At the length by foure men is brought foorth the corps sitting in a gorgeous litter clothed in white hanging downe his head and holding his hands together like one that prayed to the rest of his apparell may you adde an vpper gowne of paper written full of that booke the which his God is sayd to haue made when he liued in the world by whose helpe and merites commonly they doe thinke to be saued The dead man his children come next after him most gallantly set foorth the yongest wherof carieth likewise a pineaple torch to kindle the fire Last of all foloweth a great number of people in such caps as I erst spake of When they are al come to y e place appointed for the obsequie al the Bonzii w t the whole multitude for the space of one houre beating pannes and basons with great clamours call vpon the name of that deuill the which being ended the Obsequie is done in this maner In the midst of a great quadrangle railed about hanged with course linnen and agreeably vnto the foure partes of the world made with foure gates to goe in and out at is digged a hole in the hole is laied good store of wood whereon is raised gallantly a waued roofe before that stand two tables furnished with diuers kindes of meates especially drie Figs Pomegranates and Tartes good store but neither Fish nor Flesh vpon one of them standeth also a chafer with coales and in it sweete wood to make perfumes When all this is readie the corde wherewith the litter was caried is throwen by a long rope into the fire as many as are present striue to take the rope in their handes vsing their aforesayd clamours which done they goe in procession as it were round about the quadrangle thrise Then setting the litter on the wood built vp ready for the fire that Bonzius who then is master of the ceremonies saieth a verse that no bodie there vnderstandeth whirling thrise about ouer his head a torch lighted to signifie thereby that the soule of the dead man had neither any beginning nâ— shall haue at any time an ende and throweth away the torch Two of the dead man his children or of his neere kinne take it vp againe and standing one at the East side of the litter the other at the West doe for honour and reuerence reach it to each other thrise ouer the dead corps and so cast it into the pile of wood by and by they throw in oyle sweete wood and other perfumes accordingly as they haue plentie and so with a great flame bring the corpes to ashes his children in the meane while putting sweete wood into the chafer at the table with odours doe solemnly and religiously worship their father as a Saint which being done the Bonzii are paied each one in his degree The master of the ceremonies hath for his part fiue duckats sometimes tenne sometimes twentie the rest haue teene Iulâ—es a piece or els a certaine number of other presents called Caxae The meate that was ordained as soone as the dead corps friends and all the Bonzii are gone is left for such as serued at the obsequie for the poore and impotent lazars The next day returne to the place of obsequie the dead man his children his kinred and friends who gathering vp his ashes bones and teeth doe put them in a gilded pot and so carie them home to bee set vp in the same pot couered with cloth in the middest of their houses Many Bonzii returne likewise to these priuate funerals and so doe they againe the seuenth day then cary they out the ashes to bee buried in a place appointed laying thereupon a foure square stone wherein is written in great letters drawen all the length of the stone the name of that deuil the which the dead man worshipped in his life time Euery day afterward his children resort vnto the graue with roses and warme water that the dead corps thirst not Nor the seuenth day onely but the seuenth moneth and yeere within their owne houses they renue this obsequie to no small commodities and gaine of the Bonzii great rich men doe spend in these their funerals 3000 duckats or thereabout the meaner sort two or three hundred Such as for pouertie be not able to go to that charges are in the night time darke long without all pompe and ceremonies buried in a dunghill They haue another kinde of buriall especially neere the Sea side for them that bee not yet dead These fellowes are such as hauing religiously with much deuotion worshipped Amida now desirous to see him doe slay themselues And first they goe certaine dayes begging almes the which they thrust
day at night themselues lying a hull in waight for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest of the Island of Flores The 15 we had leaue to depart with a fly-boat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome which was taken by â—he Queenes ships whereof my Lord Admirall gaue me great charge not to leaue her vntill she were harbored in England The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Coruo bare off vs East and by South sixe leagues off The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the West Indies but she could tell vs no newes The next day we had sight of another sayle this day also one of our company named M. Wood died The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland whereof Master Iuie was Maister The second of October we met with a ship of New-castle which came from Newfound-land and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish The 6 we had sight of Sillie and with raine and winde we were forced to put into S. Maries sound where we staied all night and 4 dayes after The 11 we set saile againe and comming out had three fadom vpon the barre at a high water then we lay out Southeast through Crow-sand and shortly after we had sight of the lands end and at ten of the clocke we were thwart of the Lysart The 13 we were put into Dartmouth and there we stayd vntill the 12 of December From thence we put out with the winde at West and the 18 of December God be praised we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper 150 Elephants teeth and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth Kersies Bayes Linnen cloth Yron vnwrought Bracelets of Copper Corall Hawks belles Horsetailes Hats and such like This voyage was more comfortable vnto vs then the first because we had good store of fresh water and that very sweet for as yet we haue very good water in the shippe which we brought out of the riuer of Benin the first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day being the 7 of Iune 1592. to be seen aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld In this voiage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the equinoctiall line and there we found it more temperate then where we rode And vnder the line wee did kill great store of small Dolphines and many other good fishes and so did we all the way which was a very great refreshing vnto vs and the fish neuer forsooke vs vntil we were to the Northwards of the Ilands of Azores and then we could see no more fish but God be thanked wee met with good company of our countrey ships which were great comfort vnto vs being fiue moneths before at Sea without any companie By me Iames Welsh master of the Richard of Arundell in both these voyages to the riuer of Benin An Aduertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spaine from Angola by one Baltazar Almeida de Sousa touching the â—tate of the foresayd countrey written the 21 of May 1591. THe 26 of Iuly I certified your maiestie by Iohn Frere de Bendanha your maiesties pay-master and commissioner with the gouernour Paulo Dias which is lately deceased of all things that happened the 28 of December in the yere last past 1590. Now I thought it conuenient to aduertise your maiestie what hath fallen out since that time which is as foloweth The gouernour Luis Serrano encamped himselfe eight leagues from Cabasa where the Negro king dwelleth with 350 Portugal souldiers afterward being there encamped it hapned that the king of Matamba sent a strong and mightie army in warlike maner with strange inuentions for the sayd purpose So the king of Angola gaue this other king battell and the gouernour sent 114 souldiers Portugals to helpe the said king of Angola in which battell it was the will of God that our army was ouerthrowen and all slaine as well our Portugals as the Moores which tooke part with them So with this ouerthrow it happened that this realme the second time hath rebelled against your maiestie Hereupon the Gouernour assembling the rest of his Portugall souldiers to the number of 250 altogether went to Amasanguano which is now his place of abode Moreouer besides the manifold losses which haue be fallen the Portugals in this realme your maiestie hath sustained other great misfortunes both in your lands and goods And because I cannot personally come to certifie your maiestie thereof I thought it good to write some part of the same whereby your maiestie may vnderstand the estate of this countrey This realme for the most part thereof hath twise bene wonne and twise lost for want of good gouernment For here haue bene many gouernours which haue pretended to do iustice but haue pitifully neglected the same and practised the cleane contrary and this I know to be most true But the onely way to recouer this realme and to augment your maiesties lands goods and treasure must be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here which must bring authoritie froÌ„ your maiestie and by taking streight order that euery captaine which doeth conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts Likewise your maiestie must send hither 2000 good souldiers with munition and sufficient store of prouision for them And by this means your highnesse shall know what yeerely reuenue Angola will yeeld vnto your coffers and what profit will grow thereof Otherwise your maiestie shall reape but litle benefit here If with my presence I may doe your maiestie any seruice in giuing information of the state of this realme as one which haue had experience thereof and haue seene the order of it vpon the vnderstanding of your maiesties pleasure herein I will doe my best indeuour And the cause wherefore I haue not done this heretofore hath bene by reason that the Gouernours of this realme would suffer none of the captaines which haue conquered this countrey to informe your maiestie of that which is needfull for your seruice and the augmenting of this conquest Our lord preserue your catholique person with increase of many kingdomes and the augmentation of your crowne Written in the conquest of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591. Your maiesties most loiall subiect Baltazar Almeida de Soâ—za A true discourse written as is thought by Colonel Antonie VVinkfield emploied in the voiage to Spaine and Portugall 1589. sent to his particular friend by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as hauing bene seduced by particular report haue entred into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise and Actors of the same ALthough the desire of aduancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many perswasions you vsed to hold me at
North hauing alwaies the desert land on the Starborde and on the Larbord the maine sea continuing his course vntill hee perceiued that the coast bowed directly towards the East or else the Sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre where he was compelled to stay vntil he had a westerne winde or somewhat vpon the North and sayled thence directly East alongst the coast so farre as hee was able in foure dayes where he was againe inforced to tary vntill hee had a North winde because the coast there bowed directly towards the South or at least opened he knew not howe farre into the land so that he sayled thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauell in the space of fiue dayes where hee discouered a mighty riuer which opened farre into the land and in the entrie of this riuer he turned backe againe Whereby it appeareth that he went the very same way that we now doe yerely trade by S. Nicholas into Moscouia which way no man in our age knew for certaintie to be by sea vntil it was since discouered by our English men in the time of King Edward the sixt but thought before that time that Groneland had ioyned to Normoria Byarmia c. and therefore was accompted a new discouery being nothing so indeede as by this discourse of Ochther it appeareth Neuerthelesse if any man should haue taken this voyage in hand by the encouragement of this onely author he should haue bene thought but simple considering that this Nauigation was written so many yeres past in so barbarous a tongue by one onely obscure author and yet we in these our dayes finde by our owne experiences his former reports to be true How much more then ought we to beleeue this passage to Cataia to bee being verified by the opinions of all the best both Antique and Moderne Geographers and plainely set out in the best and most allowed Mappes Charts Globes Cosmographical tables discourses of this our age and by the rest not denied but left as a matter doubtfull To prooue by reason a passage to be on the Northside of America to goe to Cataia c. Chap. 3. FIrst all seas are maintained by the abundance of water so that the neerer the end any Riuer Bay or Hauen is the shallower it waxeth although by some accidentall barre it is sometime found otherwise But the farther you sayle West from Island towards the place where this fret is thought to be the more deepe are the seas which giueth vs good hope of continuance of the same Sea with Mar del Sur by some fret that lyeth betweene America Groneland and Cataia 2 Also if that America were not an Island but a part of y e continent adioyning to Asia either the people which inhabite Mangia Anian Quinzay c. being borderers vpon it would before this time haue made some road into it hoping to haue found some like cōmodities to their owne◠3 Or els the Scythians and Tartarians which often times heretofore haue sought farre and neere for new seats driuen thereunto through the necessitie of their cold and miserable countreys would in all this time haue found the way to America and entred the same had the passages bene neuer so straite or difficult the countrey being so temperate pleasant and fruitfull in comparison of their owne But there was neuer any such people found there by any of the Spaniards Portugals or Frenchmen who first discouered the Inland of that countrey which Spaniards or Frenchmen must then of necessitie haue seene some one ciuil man in America considering how full of ciuill people Asia is But they neuer saw so much as one token or signe that euer any man of the knowen part of the world had bene there 4 Furthermore it is to be thought that if by reason of mountaines or other craggy places the people neither of Cataia or Tartarie could enter the countrey of America or they of America haue entred Asia if it were so ioyned yet some one sauage or wandring beast would in so many yeres haue passed into it but there hath not any time bene found any of the beasts proper to Cataia or Tartarie c. in America nor of those proper to America in Tartarie Cataia c. or any part of Asia Which thing proueth America not onely to be one Island and in no part adioyning to Asia But also that the people of those Countreys haue not had any traffique with each other 5 Moreouer at the least some one of those painefull trauellers which of purpose haue passed the confines of both countreys with intent only to discouer would as it is most likely haue gone from the one to the other if there had bene any piece of land or Isthmos to haue ioyned them together or els haue declared some cause to the contrary 6 But neither Paulus Venetus who liued and dwelt a long time in Cataia euer came into America and yet was at the sea coastes of Mangia ouer against it where he was embarked and perfourmed a great Nauigation along those seas Neither yet Verarzanus or Franciscus Vasques de Coronado who trauelled the North part of America by land euer found entry from thence by land to Cataia or any part of Asia 7 Also it appeareth to be an Island insomuch as the Sea runneth by nature circularly from the East to the West following the diurnal motion of Primum Mobile which carieth with it all inferiour bodies moueable aswel celestiall as elemental which motion of the waters is most euidently seene in the Sea which lieth on the Southside of Afrike where the current that runneth from the East to the West is so strong by reason of such motiō that the Portugals in their voyages Eastward to Calicut in passing by Cap. de buona Sperança are inforced to make diuers courses the current there being so swift as it striketh from thence all along Westward vpon the fret of Magellan being distant from thence neere the fourth part of the longitude of the earth and not hauing free passage and entrance thorow the fret towards the West by reason of the narrownesse of the sayd Straite of Magellan it runneth to salue this wrong Nature not yeelding to accidentall restraints all along the Easterne coastes of America Northwards so far as Cape Fredo being the farthest knowne place of the same continent towards the North which is about 4800 leagues reckoning there withal the trending of the land 8 So that this current being continually maintained with such force as Iaques Cartier affirmeth it to be who met with the same being at Baccalaos as he sayled along the coastes of America then either it must of necessitie haue way to passe from Cape Fredo thorow this fret Westward towards Cataia being knowen to come so farre onely to salue his former wrongs by the authority before named or els it must needes strike ouer vpon the coast of
leagues and from Terra de Labrador 50. 5 Moreouer Aluarus Nunnius a Spaniard and learned Cosmographer and Iacobus Cartier who made two voyages into those parts and sayled 900 miles vpon the Northeast coastes of America doe in part confirme the same 6 Likewise Hieronymus Fracastorius a learned Italian and trauailer in the North parts of the same land 7 Also Iaques Cartier hauing done the like heard say at Hochelaga in Noua Francia how that there was a great Sea at Saguinay whereof the end was not knowen which they presupposed to be the passage to Cataia Furthermore Sebastian Cabota by his personal experience and trauel hath set foorth and deâ—cribed this passage in his Charts which are yet to be seene in the Queens Maiesties priuie Gallerie at Whitehall who was sent to make this discouery by king Henrie the seuenth and entreâ— the same fret affirming that he sayled very farre Westward with a quartâ—r of the North on the Northside of Terra de Labrador the eleuenth of Iune vntill he came to the Septentrionall latitude of 67 degrees and a halfe and finding the Seas still open sayd that he might would haue gone to Cataia if the mutime of the Master and Mariners had not bene Now as these mens experience hath proued some part of this passage so the chapter following shal put you in full assurance of the rest by their experiences which haue passed through euery part thereof To prooue by circumstance that the Northwest passage hath bene sayled throughout Chap. 4. THe diuersitie betweene bruite beastes and men or betweene the wise and the simple is that the one iudgeth by sense onely and gathereth no surety of any thing that he hath not seene felt heard tasted or smelled And the other not so onely but also findeth the certaintie of things by reason before they happen to be tryed Wherefore I haue added proofes of both sorts that the one and the other might thereby be satisfied 1 First as Gemma Frisius reciteth there went from Europe three brethren through this passage whereof it tooke the name of Fretum trium fratrum 2 Also Plinie affirmeth out of Cornelius Nepos who wrote 57 yeeres before Christ that there were certaine Indians driuen by tempest vpon the coast of Germanie which were presented by the king of Sueuia vnto Quintus Metellus Celer the Proconsull of France 3 And Plinie vpon the same sayth that it is no maruell though there be Sea by the North where there is such abundance of moisture which argueth that hee doubted not of a nauigable passage that way through which those Indians came 4 And for the better proofe that the same authoritie of Cornelius Nepos is not by me wrested to proue my opinion of the Northwest passage you shall finde the same affirmed more plainly in that behalfe by the excellent Geographer Dominicus Marius Niger who sheweth how many wayes the Indian sea stretcheth it selfe making in that place recital of certaine Indians that were likewise driuen through the North Seas from India vpon the coastes of Germany by great tempest as they were sayling in trade of marchandize 5 Also while Frederic Barbarossa reigned Emperour Anno Do. 1160. there came certaine other Indians vpon the coast of Germanie 6 Likewise Othon in the storie of the Gothes affirmeth that in the time of the Germane Emperours there were also certaine Indians cast by force of weather vpon the coast of the sayd countrey which foresaid Indians could not possibly haue come by the Southeast Southwest nor from any part of Afrike or America nor yet by the Northeast therefore they came of necessitie by this our Northwest passage To prooue that these Indians aforenamed came not by the Southeast Southwest nor from any other part of Afrike or America Cap. 5. FIrst they could not come from the Southeast by the Cape de bona Sperança because the roughnes of the Seas there is such occasioned by the currents and great winds in that part that the greatest Armadas the king of Portugal hath cannot without great difficulty passe that way much lesse then a Canoa of India could liue in those outragious seas without shipwracke being a vessell of very small burden and haue conducted themselues to the place aforesayd being men vnexpert in the Arte of nauigation 2 Also it appeareth plainely that they were not able to come from alongst the coast of Afrike aforesayd to those parts of Europe because the winds doe for the most part blow there Easterly off from the shore and the current running that way in like sort should haue driuen them Westward vpon some part of America for such winds and tides could neuer haue led them from theÌ„ce to the said place where they were found nor yet could they haue come from any of the countries aforesayd keeping the seas alwayes without skilful mariners to haue conducted them such like courses as were necessary to performe â—uch a voiage 3 Presupposing also if they had bene driuen to the West as they must haue bene comming that way then they should haue perished wanting supplie of victuals not hauing any place once leauing the coast of Afrike vntill they came to America nor from America vntill they arriued vpon some part of Europe or the Islands adioyning to it to haue refreshed themselues 4 Also if notwithstanding such impossibilities they might haue recouered Germanie by comming from India by the Southeast yet must they without all doubt haue striken vpon some other part of Europe before their arriuall there as the Isles of the Açores Portugal Spaine France England Ireland c. which if they had done it is not credible that they should or would haue departed vndiscouered of the inhabitants but there was neuer found in those dayes any such ship or men but only vpon the coasts of Germanie where they haue bene sundry times and in sundry ages cast a land neither is it like that they would haue committed themselues againe to sea if they had so arriued not knowing where they were nor whither to haue gone 5 And by the Southwest it is vnpossible because the current aforesayd which coÌ„meth from the East striketh with such force vpon the fret of Magellan and falleth with such swiftnesse and furie into Mar del Zur that hardly any ship but not possibly a Canoa with such vnskilfull mariners can come into our Westerne Ocean through that fret from the West seas of America as Magellans experience hath partly taught vs. 6 And further to prooue that these people so arriuing vpon the coast of Germany were Indians not inhabiters of any part either of Africa or America it is manifest because the natiues both of Africa and America neither had or haue at this day as is reported other kind of boates then such as do beare neither mastes nor sailes except onely vpon the coasts of Barbarie and the Turkes ships but do carie themselues from place to place neere the shore by
Arambec corruptly called Norumbega with the Paâ—entsâ— letters and aduertisements thereunto belonging The voyage of the two ships whereof the one was called the Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 day of May in the 19 yere of king Henry the eight and in the yere of our Lord God 1527. for the discouerie of the North partes MAster Robert Thorne of Bristoll a notable member and ornament of his country as wel for his learning as great charity to the poore in a letter of his to king Henry the 8 and a large discourse to doctor Leigh his Ambassadour to Charles the Emperour which both are to be seene almost in the beginning of the first volume of this my work exhorted the aforesaid king with very waighty and substantial reasons to set forth a discouery euen to the North Pole And that it may be knowne that this his motion tooke present effect I thought it good herewithall to put downe the testimonies of two of our Chroniclers M. Hall and M. Grafton who both write in this sort This same moneth say they king Henry the 8 sent 2 faire ships wel manned victualled hauing in them diuers cunning men to seek strange regions so they set forth out of the Thames the 20 day of May in the 19 yeere of his raigne which was the yere of our Lord. 1527. And whereas master Hal and master Grafton say that in those ships there were diuers cunning men I haue made great enquirie of such as by their yeeres and delight in Nauigation might giue me any light to know who those cunning men should be which were the directers in the aforesaid voyage And it hath bene tolde me by sir Martine Frobisher and M. Richard Allen a knight of the Sepulchre that a Canon of Saint Paul in London which was a great Mathematician and a man indued with wealth did much aduance the action and went therein himselfe in person but what his name was I cannot learne of any And further they told me that one of the ships was called The Dominus vobiscum which is a name likely to be giuen by a religious man of those dayes and that sayling very farre Northwestward one of the ships was cast away as it enâ—â—ed into a dangerous gulph about the great opening betweene the North parts of Newfoundland and the countrey lately called by her Maiestie Meta Incognita Whereupon the other ship shaping her course towards Cape Briton and the coastes of Arambec and oftentimes putting their men on land to search the state of those vnknowen regions returned home about the beginning of October of the yere aforesayd And thus much by reason of the great negligence of the writers of those times who should haue vsed more care in preseruing of the memories of the worthy actes of our nation is all that hitherto I can learne or finde out of this voyage The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536 and in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8. ONe master Hore of London a man of goodly stature and of great courage and giuen to the studie of Cosmographie in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8 and in the yere of our Lord 1536 encouraged diuers Gentlemen and others being assisted by the kings fauour and good countenance to accompany him in a voyage of discouerie vpon the Northwest parts of America wherein his perswasions tooke such effect that within short space many gentlemen of the Iâ—â—â—es of court and of the Chancerie and diuers others of good worship desirous to see the strange things of the world very willingly entred into the action with him some of whose names were as followeth M. Weekes a gentleman of the West countrey of fiue hundred markes by the yeere liuing M. Tucke a gentleman of Kent M. Tuckfield M. Thomas Buts the sonne of Sir William Buts knight of Norfolke which was lately liuing and from whose mouth I wrote most of this relation M. Hardie M. Biron M. Carter M. Wright M. Rastall Serieant Rastals brother M. Ridley and diuers other which all were in the Admyrall called the Trinitie a ship of seuen score â—unnes wherein M. Hore himselfe was imbaâ—ked In the other ship whose name was the Minion went a very learned and vertuous gentleman one M. Armigâ—l Wade Afterwaâ—des Clerke of the Counsailes of king Henry the 8 and king Edward the sixth father to the worshipfull M. William Wade now Clerke of the priuie Counsell M. Oliuer Dawbeney marchant of London M. Ioy afterward gentleman of the Kings Chappel with diuers other of good account The whole number that went in the two tall ships aforesaid to wit the Trinitie and the Minion were about sixe score persons whereof thirty were gentlemen which all we mustered in warlike maner at Graues-end and after the receiuing of the Sacrament they embarked themselues in the ende of April 1536. From the time of their setting out from Grauesend they were very long at sea to witte aboue two moneths and neuer touched any land vntill they came to part of the West Indies about Cape Briton shaping their course thence Northeastwardes vntill they came to the Island of Penguin which is very full of rockes and stones whereon they went and found it full of great soules white and gray as big as geese and they saw infinite numbers of their egges They draue a great number of the foules into their boates vpon their sayles and tooke vp many of their egges the foules they flead and their skinnes were very like hony combes full of holes being flead off they dressed and eate them and found them to be very good and nourishing meat They saw also store of beares both blacke and white of whome they killed some and tooke them for no bad foode M. Oliuer Dawbeny which as it is before mentioned was in this voyage and in the Minion told M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple these things following to wit That after their arriuall in Newfoundland and hauing bene there certaine dayes at ancre and not hauing yet seene any of the naturall people of the countrey the same Dawbeney walking one day on the hatches spied a boate with Sauages of those parts rowing downe the Bay toward them to gaze vpon the ship and our people and taking vewe of their comming aloofe hee called to such as were vnder the hatches and willed them to come vp if they would see the natural people of the countrey that they had so long and so much desired to see whereupon they came vp and tooke viewe of the Sauages rowing toward them and their ship and vpon the viewe they manned out a ship-boat to meet them and to take them But they spying our ship-boat making towards them returned with maine force and fled into an Island that lay vp in the Bay or riuer there and our men pursued them into the Island and the Sauages fledde and escaped but our men found a
the continent of the hither part of America betweene the degrees of 30. and â—0 of septentrionall latitude Within which degrees by computation Astronomicall and Cosmographicall are doubtlesse to bee found all things that be necessarie profitableâ— or delectâ—ble for mans life The clymate milde and temperate neyther too hote nor too colde so that vnder the cope of heauen there is not any where to be found a more conuenient place to plant and inhabite in which many notable Gentlemen both of our owne nation and strangers who haue bene trauailers can testifie and that those Countries are at this day inhabited with Sauages who haue no knowledge of God Is it not therefore I say to be lamented that these poore Pagans so long liuing in ignorance and idolatry and in sort thirsting after Christianitie as may appeare by the relation of such as haue trauailed in thâ—se partes that our hearts are so hardened that fewe or none can be found which will put to their helping hands and apply themselues to the relieuing of the miserable and wretched estate of these sillie soules Whose Countrey doeth as it were with armes aduanced aboue the climates both of Spaine and France stretch out it selfe towards Engâ—and only In maner praying our ayde and helpe as it is not onely set forth in Mercators generall Mappe but it is also found to be true by the discouerie of our nation and other strangers who haue oftentimes trauailed vpon the same coasts Christopher Columbus of famous memorie the first instrument to manifest the great glory and mercy of Almightie God in planting the Christian faith in those so long vnknowen regions hauing in purpose to acquiant as he did that renoumed Prince the Queenes Maiesties grandfather King Henry the seuenth with his intended voyage for the Westerne discoueries was not onely derided and mocked generally euen here in England â—ut afterward became a laughing stocke to the Spaniards themselues who at this day of all other people are most bounden to lande and prayse God who first stirred vp the man to that enterprise And while he was attending there to acâ—uaint the King of Castile that then was with his intended purpose by how many wayes and meanes was he derided Some scorned the pildnesse of his garments some toâ—ke occasion to iest at his sample and silly lookes others asked if this were he that lowâ—s â—o lowe which did take vpon him to bring men into a Countrey that aboundeth with Golde Pearle and Precious stonesâ— If hee were any such man sayd they he would carry another maner of countenance with him and looke somewhat loftier Thus some iudged him by his garments and others by his looke and countenance but none entred into the consideration of the inward man In the ende what successe his Uoyage had who list to reade the Decades the Historie of the West Indies the conquest of Hernando Cortes about Mexico and those of Francisco Pizarâ—o in Peru about Casamalcha and Cusco may know more particularly All which their discoueries trauailes and conquests are extant to be had in the English tongue This deuise was then accounted a fantasticall imagination and a drowsie dreame But the sequele thereof hath since awaked out of dreames thousands of soules to knowe their Creator being thereof before that time altogether ignorant And hath since made sufficient proofe neither to be fantasticke nor vainely imagined Withall how mightily it hath inlarged the dominions of the Crowne of Spaine and greatly inriched the subiects of the same let all men consider Besides it is well knowen that sithence the time of Columbus his first dicouerie through the planting possessing and inhabiting those partes there hath bene transported and brought home into Europe greater store of Golde Siluer Pearle and Precious stones then heretofore hath bene in all ages since the creation of the worlde I doe therefore heartily wish that seeing it hath pleased almightie God of his infinite mercy at the length to awake some of our worthy Countrey men out of that drowsie dreame wherein we haue so long slumbered That wee may now not suffer that to quaile for want of maintenance which by these valiant Gentlemen our Countreymen is so nobly begun enterprised For which purpose I haue taken vpon me to write this simple short Treatise hoping that it shall be able to perswade such as hâ—â—e bene and yet doe continue detractors and hinderers of this iourney by reason perhaps that they haue not deliberately and aduisedly entred into the iudgâ—ment of the matter that yeâ— now vpon better consideration they will become fauourable furtherers of the same And that such as are already well affected thereunto will continue their good disposition And withall I most humbly pray all such as are no â—igards of their purses in buying of costly and rich apparel and liberall Contributors in setting forth of games pastunes feastings and banquets whereof the charge being past there is no hope of publique profite or commoditie that hence forth they will bestowe and employ their liberality heretofore that way expended to the furtherance of these so commendable purposed proceedings And to this ende haue I taken pen in hand as in conscience thereunto mooued desiring much rather that of the great multitude which this Realme doeth nourish farre better able to handle this matter then I my selfe am it would haue pleased some one of them to haue vndertaken the same But seeing they are silent and that it falleth to my lotte to put pen to the paper I will endeuour my selfe and doe stand in good hope though my skill and knowledge â—ee simple yet through the assistance of almightie God to prooue that the Uoyage lately enterprised for trade traffique and planting in America is an action tending to the lawfull enlargement of her Maiesties Dominions commodious to the whole Realme in generall profitable to the aduenturers in particular beneficiall to the Sauages and a matter to be atteined without any great danger or difficultie And lastly which is most of all A thing likewise tending to the honour and glory of Almightie God And for that the lawfulnesse to plant in those Countreyes in some mens iudgements seemeth very doubtfull I will beginne the proofe of the lawfulnesse of trade traffique and planting The second Chapter sheweth that it is lawfull and necessarie to trade and traffique with the Sauages And to plant in their Countries And diuideth planting into two sorts ANd first for traffique I say that the Christians may lawfully trauell into those Countries and abide there whom the Sauages may not iustly impugne and forbidde in respect of the mutuall societie and fellowshippe betweene man and man prescrided by the Law of Nations For from the first beginning of the creation of the world and from the renewing of the same after Noes flood all men haue agreed that no violence should be offered to Ambassadours That the Sea with his Hauens should be common That such as should fortune to
order to our chyrurgion to dresse the wounded men one of which was wounded vnto death That done we had then time to view our prize which we found of great defence and a notable strong ship almost two hundred tun in burden very well appointed and in all things fitted for a man of warre They had also foureteene or fifteene men more which were then absent from the ship otherwise we should haue had the hoter fight The same day we got our sailes to the yard and our top masts on end and rigged the shippe what we could The 26 day we got some oile aboord and there we taried vntill the second of August fitting our selues for the sea and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs. During our â—â—ode there we diuided our men and appointed to ech ship their company my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the prize wherein when we were shipped and the company there arose great enmity against vs by the other shippe which afterward was quieted The second day of August hauing taken in water and wood we put to sea from that harborow in company of the Hopewell with puâ—pose to go directly to Parlican which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland where we eâ—pected another prize But when we came to sea we found our sailes so olâ—e our ropes so rotten and our prouision of bread and drinke so short as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August and sent them aboord the Hopewell to certifie them the cause of our resolution for England wherat they were generally offended thinking and saying that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them To conclude they sent vs word that they would keepe vs company for England But I had giuen William Crafton commission before to go for the Islands of the Açores and there to spend his victuals for a man of warre The next day being the fift of August hauing a faire winde we put off from the coast of Newfoundland and kept our course directly for England the Hopewell keeping vs company vntill midâ—ay whenas hauâ—ng lost vs in a fogge she shot off two pieces of ordinance and we answered her with three afterwarde wâ— spake not with her supposing that she went for the Islands The 27 of August drawing neere the coast of England we sounded and found ground at seuenty fadoms Some of the mariners thinking we were in Bristow channell and other in Silly channell so that through variety of iudgements â—nd euill marinership we were fame to dance the hay foure dayes together sometimes running to the Northeast sometimes to the Southeast then againe to the East and Eastnortheast Thus did we spend faire winds and lose our time vntill the last of August And then it pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of Bristoll from whence we sâ—ayed our course and aftâ—r diuers dangers the third of September we mâ—t with the Tramontane of the Queene off of Dartmouth to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of The fift of Septeâ—â—er I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight and within few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London where she was made prize as beloâ—ging to the enemies of this land Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we trauelled THe Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists The ground of it is very rocky and vpon it there is great store of firce trees and in some places red and abouâ— the shore it hath great abundance of cod-fish We were on land in it in foure seuerall places 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon 2 At Cape Rase 3 At the harborow of Lano which lieth foure leagues to the West beyond Cape Laurence 4 At S. Marie port The Island of Menego for the soile is much like Newfoundland but the fish about it as also thorowout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton is much larger and better then that of the Newfoundland This Island is scant two leagues long and very narrow In the midst of it a great way within the wood is a great poole Here we were thrise on shore once at the East side and twise at the West The three Islands of birds are sandy red but with the multitude of birds vpon them they looke white The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in a paued street The greatest â—f the Islands is about a mile in compasse The second is little lesse The third is a very little one like a small rocke At the second of these three lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses which when our boat came nere them presently made into the sea and swam after the boat Brions Island wee found to be very good and sandy ground It hath in it store of firre trees It is somewhat more then a league long and about three leagues in compasse Here we were on land once and went from the one side of it to the other The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island hauing also abundance of firre trees It seemeth to be in length about twelue or thirteene leagues at least We were there in harborow but not on shore which we much desired and hoped to haue bene but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons mentioned before preuented vs. The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd but somewhat lesse We were not on shore vpon it but rode before it at anker The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland but rather better Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower then the hils as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land as the West We went on shore vpon it in fiue places 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away 2 At Cibo 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo and the New port 4 At the New port And 5 at Port Ingles or the English port Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island Isle Blanche and of Ramea they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood great store of wild corne like barley sâ—rawberries gooseberries mulberies white roses and store of wilde peason Also about the sayd Islands the sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer through the labour of man plenty of all kinde of our graine of roots of hempe and other necessary commodities Charles Leigh CERTAINE VOYAGES CONTAINING THE Discouerie of the Gulfe of Sainct Laurence to the West of Newfoundland and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places with a
of you to vnderstand that for the present and speedy supply of certaine our knowen and apparant lackes and needes most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of vs or any other in this land of Virginia wee all of one minde consent haue most earnestly intreated and vncessantly requested Iohn White Gouernour of the planters in Virginia to passe into England for the better and more assured help and setting forward of the foresayd supplies and knowing assuredly that he both can best and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for vs all and he not onee but often refusing it for our sekes and for the honour maintenance of the action hath at last though much against his will through our importunacie yeelded to leaue his gouernement and all his goods among vs and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into England of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter as all others we doe assure our selues by these presents and will you to giue all credite thereunto the 25 of August 1587. The Gouernour being at the last through their extreame intreating constrayned to returne into England hauing then but halfe a dayes respite to prepare himselfe for the same departed from Roanoak the seuen and twentieth of August in the morning and the same day about midnight came aboord the Flieboat who already had weyed anker and rode without the barre the Admirall riding by them who but the same morning was newly come thither againe The same day both the ships weyed anker and set saile for England at this weying their ankers twelue of the men which were in the Flyboate were throwen from the Capstone which by meanes of a barre that brake came so fast about vpon them that the other two barres thereof strooke and hurt most of them so sore that some of them neuer recouered it neuerthelesse they assayed presently againe to wey their anker but being so weakened with the first sling they were not able to weye it but were throwen downe and hurt the second time Wherefore hauing in all but fifteene men aboord and most of them by this vnfortunate beginning so bruised and hurt they were forced to cut their Cable and leese their anker Neuerthelesse they kept company with the Admirall vntil the seuenteenth of September at which time wee fell with Coruo and sawe Flores September THe eighteenth perceiuing of all our fifteene men in the Flyboate there remained but fiue which by meanes of the former mischance were able to stand to their labour and that the the Admirall meant not to make any haste for England but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase the Flyboate departed for England with letters where we hoped by the help of God to arriue shortly but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty dayes hauing had sometimes scarse and variable windes our fresh water also by leâ—king almost consumed there arose a storme at Northeast which for sixe dayes ceased not to blowe so exceeding that we were driuen further in those sixe then we could recouer in thirteene daies in which time others of our saylers began to fall very sicke and two of them dyed the weather also continued so close that our Mastâ—r sometimes in foure dayes together could see neither sunne nor starre and all the beuerage we could make with stinking water dregs of beere and lees of wine which remayned was but three gallons and therefore now we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea October THe 16 of October we made land but we knowe not what land it was bearing in with the same land at that day about sunne set we put into a harbour where we found a Hulke of Dublin and a pinnesse of Hampton riding but we knew not as yet what place this was neither had we any boate to goe ashore vntill the pinnesse sent off their boate to vs with 6 or 8 men of whom we vnderstood wee were in Smerwick in the West parts of Ireland they also releeued vs presently with fresh water wine and other fresh meate The 18 the Gouernour and the Master ryd to Dingen a Cushe 5 miles distant to take order for the new victualing of our Flieboate for England and for reliefe of our sicke and hurt men but within foure daies after the Boatswain the Steward and the Boatswains mate died aboord the Flieboat and the 28 the Masters mate and two of our chiefe sailers were brought sicke to Dingen Nouember THe first the Gouernour shipped himselfe in a ship called the Monkie which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England leauing the Flyboat and all his companie in Ireland The same day we set sayle and on the third day we fell with the North side of the lands end and were shut vp the Seuerne but the next day we doubled the same for Mounts Bay The 5 the Gouernour landed in England at Martasew neere Saint Michaels mount in Cornewall The 8 we arriued at Hampton where we vnderstood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth and had bene there three weekes before and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not onely come home without any purchase but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse and death of their chiefest men that they were scarse able to bring their ship into harbour but were forced to let fall anker without which they could not wey againeâ— but might all haue perished there if a small barke by great hap had not come to them to helpe them The names of the chiefe men that died are these Roger Large Iohn Mathew Thomas Smith and some other saylers whose names I knew not at the writing hereof An. Dom. 1587. The names of all the men women and children which safely arriued in Virginia and remained to inhabite there 1587. Anno regni Reginae Elizabethâ— 29. IOhn White Roger Baily Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper Thomas Steuens Iohn Sampson Dyonis Haruie Roger Prat. George How Simon Fernando Nicholas Iohnson Thomas Warner Anthony Cage Iohn Iones William Willes Iohn Brooke Cutbert White Iohn Bright Clement Tayler William Sole Iohn Cotsmur Humfrey Newton Thomas Colman Thomas Gramme Marke Bennet Iohn Gibbes Iohn Stilman Robert Wilkinson Iohn Tydway Ambrose Viccars Edmond English Thomas Topan Henâ—y Berry Richard Berry Iohn Spendloue Iohn Hemmington Thomas Butler Edward Powell Iohn Burden Iames Hynde Thomas Ellis William Browne Michael Myllet Thomas Smith Richard Kemme Thomas Harris Richard Tauerner Iohn Earnest Henry Iohnson Iohn Starte Richard Darige William Lucas Arnold Archard Iohn Wright William Dutton Mauris Allen. William Waters Richard Arthur Iohn Chapman William Clemenâ— Robert Little Hugh Tayler Richard Wildye Lewes Wotton Michael Bishop Henry Browne Henry Rufoote Richard Tomkins Henry Dorrell Charles Florrie Henry Mylton Henry Paine Thomas Harris William Nichols Thomas Pheuens Iohn Borden Thomas Scot. Peter Little Iohn Wyles Brian Wyles George Martyn Hugh Pattenson Martin Sutton Iohn Farre
Iohn Bridger Griffen Iones Richard Shabedge Iames Lasie Iohn Cheuen Thomas Hewet William Berde Women Elyoner Dare. Margery Haruie Agnes Wood. Wenefrid Powell Ioyce Archard Iane Iones Elizabeth Glane Iane Pierce Audry Tappan Alis Chapman Emme Merrimoth Colman Margaret Lawrence Ioan Warren Iane Mannering Rose Payne Elizabeth Viccars Boyâ—â— and children Iohn Sampson Robert Ellis Ambrose Viccars Thomas Archard Thomas Humfrey Thomas Smart George How Iohn Prat. William Wythers Children borne in Virginia Virginia Dare. Haruie Sauages Manteo That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them Towaye That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them To the Worshipful and my very friend Master Richard Hakluyt much happinesse in the Lord. SIr as well for the satisfying of your earnest request as the performance of my promise made vnto you at my last being with you in England I haue sent you although in a homely stile especially for the contentation of a delicate care the true discourse of my last voyage into the West Indies and partes of America called Virginia taken in hand about the end of Februarie in the yeare of our redemption 1590. And what euents happened vnto vs in this our iourney you shall plainely perceiue by the sequele of my discourse There were at the time aforesaid thereâ—â— ships absolutely determined to goe for the West Indies at the speciall charges of M. Iohn Wattes of London Marchant But when they were fully furnished and in readinesse to make their departure a generall stay was commanded of all ships thorowout England Which so soone as I heard I presently as I thought it most requisite acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh therewith desiring him that as I had sundry times afore bene chargeable and troublesome vnto him for the supplies and reliefes of the planters in Virginia so likewise that by his endeuour it would please him at that instant to procure license for those three ships to proceede on with their determined voyage that thereby the people in Virginia if it were Gods pleasure might speedily be comforted and relieued without further changes vnto him Whereupon he by his good meanes obtained license of the Queenes Maiestie and order to be taken that the owner of the 3 ships should be bound vnto Sir Walter Ralegh or his assignes in 3000 pounds that those 3 ships in consideration of their releasement should take in transport a conuenient number of passengers with their furnitures and necessaries to be landed in Virginia Neuerthelesse that order was not obserued neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid But rather in contempt of the aforesaid order I was by the owner and Commanders of the ships denied to haue any passengers or any thing els transported in any of the â—aid ships sauing only my selfe my chest no not so much as a boy to attend vpoÌ„ me although I made great sute earnest intreatie aswell to the chiefe Commanders as to the owner of the said ships Which crosse and vnkind dealing although it very much discontented me notwithstanding the scarsity of time was such that I could haue no opportunity to go vnto Sir Walter Ralegh with complaint for the ships being then all in readinesse to goe to the Sea would haue bene departed before I could haue made my returne Thus both Gouernors Masters and sailers regarding very smally the good of their countreymen in Virginia determined nothing lesse then to touch at those places but wholly disposed themselues to seâ—ke after purchase spoiles spending so much time therein thaâ— sommer was spent before we arriued at Virginia And when we were come thither the season was so vnfit weather so foule that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast hauing not seene any of our planters with lesse of one of our ship-boates and 7 of our chiefest men and also with losse of 3 of our ankers and cables and most of our caskes with fresh water left on shore not possible to be had aboord Which euils â—nfortunate euents as wel to their owne losse as to the hinderance of the planters in Uirginia had not chanced if the order set downe by Sir Walter Ralegh had bene obserued or if my dayly continuall pâ—â—itions â—or the performance of the same might haue tâ—ken any place Thus may you plainely perceiue the successe of my fist last voiage to Virginia which was no lesse vnfortunately ended then frowardly begun and as lucklesse to many as sinister to my selfe But I would to God it had bene as prosperous to all as noysome to the planters as ioyfull to me as discomfortable to them Yet seeing it is not my first crossed voyage I remaine contented And wanting my wishes I leaue off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable to my will Thus committing the reliefe of my discomfortable company the planters in Virginia to the merâ—iful help of the Almighty whom I most humbly beseech to helpe comfort them according to his most holy will their good desire I take my leaue from my house at New towne in Kylmore the 4 of February 1593. Your most welwishing friend IOHN WHITE The fift voyage of M. Iohn VVhite into the VVest Indies and parts of America called Virginia in the yeere 1590. THe 20 of March the three shippes the Hopewell the Iohn Euangelist and the Little Iohn put to Sea from Plymmouth with two small Shallops The 25 at midnight both our Shallops were sunke being towed at the ships stearnes by the Boatswaines negligence On the 30 we saw a head vs that part of the coast of Barbary lying East of Cape Cantyn and the Bay of Asaphi The next day we came to the I le of Mogador where rode at our passing by a Pinnesse of London called the Mooneshine Aprill ON the first of Aprill we ankored in Santa Cruz rode where we found two great shippes of London lading in Sugar of whom we had 2 shipboats to supply the losse of our Shallops On the â— we set sayle from the rode of Santa Cruz for the Canaries On Saturday the 4 we saw Alegranza the East I le of the Canaries On Sunday the 5 of Aprill we gaue chase to a double flyboat the which we also the same day fought with and tooke her with losse of three of their men slaine and one hurt On Munday the 6 we saw Grand Canarie and the next day we landed and tooke in fresh water on the Southside thereof On the 9 we departed from Grand Canary and framed our course for Dominica The last of Aprill we saw Dominica and the same night we came to an anker on the South-side thereof May. THe first of May in the morning many of the Saluages came aboord our ships in their Canowes and did traffique with vs we also the same day landed and entered their Towne from whence we returned the same day aboord without any resistance of the Saluages or any offence done to them
had bene there lately nor yet any fresh water in all this way to drinke Being thus wearied with this iourney we returned to the harbour where we left our boates who in our absence had brought their caske a shore for fresh water so we deferred our going to Roanoak vntill the next morning and caused some of those saylers to digge in those sandie hilles for fresh water whereof we found very sufficient That night wee returned aboord with our boates and our whole company in safety The next morning being the 17 of August our boates and company were prepared againe to goe vp to Roanoak but Captaine Spicer had then sent his boat ashore for fresh water by meanes whereof it was ten of the clocke aforenoone before we put from our ships which were then come to an anker within two miles of the shore The Admirals boat was halfe way toward the shore when Captaine Spicer put off from his ship The Admirals boat first passed the breach but not without some danger of sinking for we had a sea brake into our boat which filled vs halfe full of water but by the will of God and carefull styrage of Captaine Cooke we came safe ashore sauing onely that our furniture victuals match and powder were much wet and spoyled For at this time the winde blue at Northeast and direct into the harbour so great a gale that the Sea brake extremely on the barre and the tide went very forcibly at the entrance By that time our Admirals boate was halled ashore and most of our things taken out to dry Captaine Spicer came to the entrance of the breach with his mast standing vp and was halfe passed ouer but by the rash and vndiscreet styrage of Ralph Skinner his Masters mate a very dangerous Sea brake into their boate and ouerset them quite the men kept the boat some in it and some hanging on it but the next sea set the boat on ground where it beat so that some of them were forced to let goe their hold hoping to wade ashore but the Sea still beat them downe so that they could neither stand nor swimme and the boat twise or thrise was turned the keele vpward whereon Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung vntill they sunke were seene no more But foure that could swimme a litle kept themselues in deeper water and were saued by Captain Cookes meanes who so soone as he saw their ouersetting stripped himselfe and foure other that could swimme very well with all haste possible rowed vnto them saued foure They were a 11 in all 7 of the chiefest were drowned whose names were Edward Spicer Ralph Skinner Edward Kelley Thomas Beuis Hance the Surgion Edward Kelborne Robert Coleman This mischance did so much discomfort the saylers that they were all of one mind not to goe any further to seeke the planters But in the end by the commandement perswasion of me and Captaine Cooke they prepared the boates and seeing the Captaine and me so resolute they seemed much more willing Our boates and all things fitted againe we put off from Hatorask being the number of 19 persons in both boates but before we could get to the place where our planters were left it was so exceeding darke that we ouershot the place a quarter of a mile there we espied towards the North end of the Iland y e light of a great fire thorow the woods to the which we presently rowed when wee came right ouer against it we let fall our Grapnel neere the shore sounded with a trumpet a Call afterwardes many familiar English tunes of Songs and called to them friendly but we had no answere we therefore landed at day-breake and coÌ„ming to the fire we found the grasse sundry rotten trees burning about the place From hence we went thorow the woods to that part of the Iland directly ouer against Dasamongwepeuk from thence we returned by the water side round about the North point of the Iland vntill we came to the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1586. In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the Saluages feet of 2 or 3 sorts troaden y t night and as we entred vp the sandy banke vpon a tree in the very browe thereof were curiously carued these faire Romane letters CRO which letters presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find the planters seated according to a secret token agreed vpon betweene them me at my last departure froÌ„ them which was that in any wayes they should not faile to write or carue on the trees or posts of the dores the name of the place where they should be seated for at my coÌ„ming away they were prepared to remoue from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine Therefore at my departure from them in An. 1587 I willed them that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places that then they should carue ouer the letters or name a Crosse ✚ in this forme but we found no such signe of distresse And hauing well considered of this we passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses but we found the houses taken downe and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees with cortynes and flankers very Fort-like and one of the chiefe trees or postes at the right side of the entrance had the barke taken off and 5. foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was grauen CROATOAN without any crosse or signe of distresse this done we entred into the palisado where we found many barres of Iron two pigges of Lead foure yron fowlers Iron sacker-shotte and such like heauie things throwen here and there almost ouergrowen with grasse and weedes From thence wee went along by the water side towards the poynt of the Creeke to see if we could find any of their botes or Pinnisse but we could perceiue no signe of them nor any of the last Falkons and small Ordinance which were left with them at my departure from them At our returne from the Creeke some of our Saylers meeting vs tolde vs that they had found where diuers chests had bene hidden and long sithence digged vp againe and broken vp and much of the goods in them spoyled and scattered aboue but nothing left of such things as the Sauages knew any vse of vndefaced Presently Captaine Cooke and I went to the place which was in the ende of an olde trench made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas wheere wee found fiue Chests that had bene carefully hidden of the Planters and of the same chests three were my owne and about the place many of my things spoyled and broken and my bookes torne from the couers the frames of some of my pictures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne and my armour almost eaten through with rust this could bee no othâ—r but the deede of the Sauages our enemies at Dasamongwepeuk who had watched the
haue pearced euen vnto the vttermost regions After this sort the North climate a fruitfull father of so many nations hath oftentimes sent foorth this way and that way his valiant people and by this meane hath peopled infinite Countreys so that most of the nations of Europe drawe their originall from these parts Contrariwise the more Southerne regions because they bee too barren by reason of their insupportable heate which raigneth in them neede not any such sending forth of their inhabitants and haue bene oftentimes constrained to receiue other people more often by force of armes then willingly All Africke Spaine and Italie can also testifie the same which neuer so abounded with people that they had neede to send them abroad to inhabite elsewhere as on the contrary Scythia Norway Gotland and France haue done The posterity of which nations remaineth yet not only in Italy Spaine Africke but also in fruitful and faire Asia Neuerthelesse I find that the Romans proceeding further or rather adding vnto these two chiefe causes aforesaid as being most curious to plant not onely their ensignes and victories but also their lawes customes religion in those prouinces which they had conquered by force of armes haue oftentimes by the decree of their soueraigne Senate sent forth inhabitants which they called Colonies thinking by this way to make their name immortall euen to the vnfurnishing of their own Countrey of the forces which should haue preserued the same in her perfection a thing which hindred them much more then aduanced them to the possession of the vniuersal monarchy whereunto their intention did a spire For it came to passe that their Colonies here and there being miserably sacked by strange people did vtterly ruine and ouerthrow their Empire The brinks of the riuer of Rhene are yet red those of Danubius are no lesse bloody and our France became fat with their blood which they lost These are the effects and rewards of al such as being pricked forward with this Romane and tyrannical ambition will goe about thus to subdue strange people effects I say contrary to the profit which those shall receiue which onely are affectioned to the common benefite that is to say to the generall policie of all men and endeuour to vnite them one with another aswell by trafficke and ciuill conuersations as also by military vertues and force of armes when as the Sauages will not yeeld vnto their endeuours so much tending vnto their profit For this cause princes haue sent forth out of their Dominions certaine men of good actiuity to plant themselues in strange Countreys there to make their profite to bring the Countrey to ciuilitie and if it might be to reduce the inhabitants to the true knowledge of our God an end so much more commendable as it is farre from all tyrannicall and cruell gouernement and so they haue alwayes thriued in their enterprises and by little and little gained the heartes of them which they haue conquered or wonne vnto them by any meanes Hereof wee may gather that sometimes it is good yea very expedient to send forth men to discouer the pleasure and commoditie of strange Countreys But so that the Countrey out of which these companies are to passe remaine not weakned nor depriued of her forces And againe in such sort that the company sent forth be of so iust sufficient number that it may not be defeited by strangers which euery foote endeuour nothing else but to surprise the same vpon the sudden As within these few daies past the French haue proued to my great griefe being able by no means possible to withstand the same considering that the elements men and all the fauours which might be hoped for of a faithfull and Christian alliance fought against vs which thing I purpose to discouer in this present historie with so euideut trueth that the kings Maiesty my soueraigne prince shall in part be satisfied of the diligence which I haue vsed in his seruice and mine aduersaries shall find themselues so discouered in their false reports that they shall haue no place of refuge But before I begin I will briefely set downe the situation and description of the land whereunto we haue sailed and where we haue inhabited from the yeere 1561. vnto sixty fiue to the ende that those things may the more easily be borne away which I meane to describe in this discourse The description of the VVest Indies in generall but chiefly and particularly of Florida THat part of the earth which at this day we call the fourth part of the world or America or rather the West India was vnknowen vnto our ancestours by reason of the great distance thereof In like maner all the Westerne Islands and fortunate Isles were not discouered but by those of our age Howbeit there haue bin some which haue said that they were discouerd in the time of Augustus Caesar and that Virgil hath made mention thereof in the sixt booke of his AEneidos when he saith There is a land beyond the starres and the course of the yeere and of the Sunne where Atlas the Porter of heauen sustaineth the pole vpon his shoulders neuerthelesse it is easie to iudge that hee meaneth not to speake of this land whereof no man is found to haue written before his time neither yet aboue a thousand yeeres after Christopher Colon did first light vpon this land in the yeere 1592. And fiue yeeres after Americus went thither by the commandement of the king of Castile and gaue vnto it his owne name whereupon afterward it was called America This man was very well seene in the Arte of Nauigation and in Astronomie whereby hee discouered in his time many lands vnknowen vnto the ancient Geographers This Countrey is named by some the land of Bresill and the lande of Parots It stretcheth it selfe according vnto Postell from the one Pole to the other sauing at the streight of Magelan whereunto it reacheth 53. degrees beyond the Equator I will diuide it for the better vnderstanding into three principall parts That which is toward the Pole Arcticke or the North is called new France because that in the yeere 1524. Iohn Verrazzano a Florentine was sent by King Francis the first and by Madam the Regent his mother vnto these newe Regions where he went on land and discouered all the coast which is from the Tropicke of Cancer to wit from the eight and twentieth vnto the fiftieth degree and farther vnto the North. Hee planted in this Countrey the Ensignes and Armes of the king of France so that the Spaniardes themselues which were there afterwarde haue named this Countrey Terra Francesca The same then extendeth it selfe in Latitude from the 25. degree vnto the 54. toward the North and in Longitude from 210. vnto 330. The Easterne part thereof is called by the late writers The land of Norumbega which beginneth at the Bay of Gama which separateth it from the Isle
we had planted in the place where the Vice-roy betrayed M. Hawkins our general as hath bene declared The sending of those souldiers to euery of those Porâ—s and the strengthening of them was done by commandement from the king of Spaine who wrote also by them to the general of his fleete giuing him in charge so to doe as also directing him what course he should keepe in his comming home into Spaine charging him in any hand not to come nigh to the yles of Açores but to keepe his course more to the Northward aduertising him withal what number and power of French ships of warre and other Don Antonio had at that time at Terçera the yles aforesaid which the general of the fleete wel considering and what great store of riches he had to bring home with him into Spaine did in all very duetifully obserue and obey for in trueth he had in his said fleete 37. saile of ships and in euery of them there was as good as 30. pipes of siluer one with another besides great store of gold Cochinilla sugars hides and Cana Fistula with other Apothecary drugs This our general who was called Don Pedro de Guzman did prouidently take order for for their most strength and defence if neede should be to the vttermost of his power and commanded vpon paine of death that neither passenger nor souldier should come aboord without his sword and harquebush with shot and powder to the end that they might be the better able to encounter the fleete of Don Antonio if they should hap to meete with them or any of them and euer as the weather was faire the said general would himself go aboord from one ship to another to see that euery man had his ful prouision according to the commandement giuen Yet to speake truely what I thinke two good tall ships of warre would haue made a foule spoile amongst them For in all this fleete there were not any that were strong and warlike appointed sauing only the Admiral and Uice-admiral And againe ouer and besides the weakenesse and the ill furnishing of the râ—st they were all so deeply laden that they had not bene able if they had bene charged to haue held out any long fight Wel thus we set saile had a very ill passage home the weather was so contrary We kept our course in maner Northeast and brought our selues to the height of 42. degrees of latitude to be sure not to meete with Don Antonio his fleete and were vpon our voyage from the 4. of Iune vntill the 10. of September and neuer saw land till we fell with the Arenas Gordas hard by S. Lucar And there was an order taken that none should goe on shoare vntill he had licence as for me I was knowen by one in the ship who told the Master that I was an EnglishmaÌ„ which as God would it was my good hap to heare for if I had not heard it it had cost me my life Notwithstanding I would not take any knowledge of it and seemed to be mery pleasant that we were all come so wel in safety Presently after licence came that we should go on shoare and I pressed to be gone with the first howbeit the Master came vnto me said Sirra you must goe with me to Siuil by water I knew his meaning wellinough that he meant there to offer me vp as a sacrifice to the Holy house For the ignorant zeale of a number of these superstitious Spaniards is such that they thinke that they haue done God good seruice when they haue brought a Lutheran herelike to the fire to be burnt for so do they account of vs. Wel I perceiuing all this tooke vpon me not to suspect any thing but was still â—ocund mery howbeit I knew it stood me vpon to shift for my selfe And so wayting my time when the Master was in his cabbin asleepe I conueyed my selfe secretly downe by the shrowds into the ship boate and made no stay but cut the rope wherewithal she was moared and so by the cable haled on shore where I leapt on land let the boate goe whither it would Thus by the helpe of God I escaped that day then neuer stayed at S. Lucar but went all night by the way which I had seene other take toward Siuil so that the next morning I came to Siuil and sought me out a workemaster that I might fall to my science which was weauing of taffataes and being intertained I set my selfe close to my worke and durst not for my life once to stirre abroad for feare of being knowen and being thus at my worke within 4. dayes after I heard one of my fellowes say that he heard there was great inquiry made for an Englishman that came home in the fleete what an heretique Lutheran quoth I was it I would to God I might knowe him surely I would present him to the Holy house And thus I kâ—pt still within doores at my worke and fained my selfe not well at ease that I would labour as I might to get me new clothes And continuing thus for the space of 3. moneths I called for my wages and bought me all things new different from the apparell that I did weare at sea and yet durst not be ouerbold to walke abroad and after vnderstanding that there were certaine English ships at S. Lucar bound for England I tooke a boat and went aboord one of them and desired the Master that I might haue passage with him to goe into England and told him secretly that I was one of those which Captaine Hawkins did set on shore in the Indies he very courteously prayed me to haue him excused for he durst not meddle with me prayed me therefore to returne from whence I came Which when I perceiued with a sorowful heart God knoweth I tooke my leaue of him not without watry cheekes And then I went to S. Mary port which is 3. leagues from S. Lucar where I put my selfe to be a souldier to goe in the king of Spaines Gallies which were bound for Maiorca and comming thither in the end of the Christmas holidayes I found there two English ships the one of London and the other of the West countrey which were ready fraighted and stayed but for a faire wind To the Master of the one which was of the West countrey went I and told him that I had bene 2. yeeres in Spaine to learne the language and that I was now desirous to goe home and see my friends for that I lacked maintenance and so hauing agreed with him for my passage I tooke shipping And thus through the prouidence of Almighty God after 16. yeeres absenceâ— hauing sustained many and sundry great troubles and miseries as by this discourse appeareth I came home to this my natiue countrey of England in the yeere 1582. in the moneth of February in the ship called the Landret and arriued at Poole The trauailes of Iob Hortop which
the arriuall of the Spanish fleete which was dayly looked for there might no cause of quarrell rise betweene vs and them but for the better maintenance of amitie their commandement might be had in that behalfe This message being sent away the sixteenth day of September at night being the very day of our arriuall in the next morning which was the seuenteenth day of the same moneth we sawe open of the Hauen thirteene great shippes and vnderstanding them to bee the fleete of Spaine I sent immediatly to aduertise the Generall of the fleete of my being there doing him to vnderstand that before I would suffer them to enter the Port there should some order of conditions passe betweene vs for our safe being there and maintenance of peace Now it is to be vnderstood that this Port is made by a little Iland of stones not three foote aboue the water in the highest place and but a bow-shoot of length any way this Iland standeth from the maine land two bow shootes or more also it is to be vnderstood that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships to arriue in safety because the North winde hath there such violence that vnlesse the shippes be very safely morâ—d with their ankers fastened vpon this Iland there is no remedie for these North windes but death also the place of the Hauen was so little that of necessitie the shippes must ride one aboord the other so that we could not give place to them nor they to vs and here I beganne to bewaile that which after followed for now said I I am in two dangers and forced to receiue the one of them That was either I must haue kept out the fleete from entring the Port the which with Gods helpe I was very well able to doe or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed treason which they neuer faile to execute where they may haue opportunitie to compasse it by any meanes if I had kept them out then had there bene present shipwracke of all the fleete which amounted in value to sixe Millions which was in value of our money 1800000. li. which I considered I was not able to answere fearing the Queenes Maiesties indignation in so waightie a matter Thus with my selfe reuoluing the doubts I thought rather better to abide the Iutt of the vncertainty then the certaintie The vncertaine doubt I account was their treason which by good policie I hoped might be preuented and therefore as chusing the least mischiefe I proceeded to conditions Now was our first messenger come and returned from the fleete with report of the arriuall of a Viceroy so that hee had authoritie both in all this Prouince of Mexico otherwise called Nueua Espanna and in the sea who sent vs word that we should send our conditions which of his part should for the better maintenance of amitie betweene the Princes be both fauourably granted and faithfully performed with many faire wordes how passing the coast of the Indies he had vnderstood of our honestâ— behauiour towardes the inhabitants where we had to doe aswell elsewhere as in the same Port the which I let passe thus following our demand we required victuals for our money and licence to sell as much ware as might furnish our wants and that there might be of either part twelue gentlemen as hostages for the maintenance of peace and that the Iland for our better safetie might be in our owne possession during our abode there and such ordinance as was planted in the same Iland which were eleuen peeces of brasse and that no Spaniard might land in the Iland with any kind of weapon these conditions at the first he somewhat misliked chiefly the guard of the Iland to be in our owne keeping which if they had had we had soone knowen our fare for with the first North winde they had cut our cables and our ships had gone ashore but in the end he concluded to our request bringing the twelue hostages to ten which with all speede of either part were receiued with a writing from the Uiceroy signed with his hande and sealed with his seale of all the conditions concluded forthwith a trumpet blowen with commandement that none of eiâ—her part should be meane to violate the peace vpon paine of death and further it was concluded that the two Generals of the fleetes should meete and giue faith ech to other for the performance of the premisses which was so done Thus at the end of 3 dayes all was concluded the fleete entered the Port saluting one another as the maner of the sea doth require Thus as I said before thursday we entred the Port Friday we saw the fleete and on munday at night they entered the Port then we laboured 2 daies placing the English ships by themselues the Spanish ships by themselues the captaines of ech part inferiour men of their parts promising great amity of al sides which euen as with all fidelitie it was ment on our part so the Spaniards ment nothing lesse on thâ—ir parts but from the maine land had furnished themselues with a supply of men to the number of 1000 and ment the next thursday being the 23 of September at dinner time to set vpon vs on all sides The same Thursday in the morning the treason being at hand some appearance shewed as shifting of weapon from ship to ship planting and bending of ordinance from the ships to the Iland where our men warded passing too and fro of companies of men more then required for their necessary busines many other ill likelihoods which caused vs to haue a vehement suspiâ—ion and therewithall sent to the Uiceroy to enquire what was ment by it which sent immediatly straight commandement to vnplant all things suspicious and also sent word that he in the faith of a Uiceroy would be our defence from all villanies Yet we being not satisfied with this answere because we suspected a great number of men to be hid in a great ship of 900 tunnes wâ—ich wâ—s mored next vnto the Minion sent againe to the Uiceroy the master of the Iesus which had the Spanish tongue and required to be satisfied if any such thing were or not The Uicâ—roy now seâ—ing that the treason must be discoueredâ— foorthwith stayed our master blew the Trumpet and of all sides set vpon vs our men which warded a shore being stricken with sudden feare gâ—ue placâ— fled and sought to recouer succour of the ships the Spaniardes being before prouided for the purposâ— landed in all places in multitudes from their ships which they might easily dâ—e without boates and slewe all our men a shore without mercie a fewe of them escaped aboord the Iesus The great ship which had by the estimation three hundred men placed in her secretly immâ—diatly fell aboord the Minion but by Gods appointment in the time of the suspicion we had which was
intelligence which way the English men were gone and following them he met by the way the ships which the English men had taken of whom he learned that the English men were gone vp the riuer and he going thither when he came to the mouth of the riuer the captaine of Panama knew not which way to take because thâ—re were three partitions in the riuer to goe vp in and being determined to goe vp the greateâ—t of the three riuers he saw comming downe a lesser riuer many feathers of hennes which the Englishmâ—n had pulled to eate and being glad thereof hee went vp that riuer where hee sâ—w the feathers and after that he had bene in that riuer foure daies he descried the Englishmens pinnesse vpon the sands and comming to her there were no more then sixe Englishmen whereof theâ— killâ—d one and the other fiue escaped away and in the pinnesse he found nothing but victuals but this captaine of Panama not herewith satisfied determined to seeke out the Englishmen by land and leauing twenty men in his pinnesses hee with 80 shot went vp the countrey hee had not â—â—ne hâ—lfe a league but hee found a house made of boughs where they found all the Englishmens gâ—â—â—s and the gold and siluer also and carying it backe to their pinnesses the Spaniards were â—eâ—ermined to goe away without following the English men any further But at the end of three dayes the English captaine came to the riuer with all his men and aboue 200 Negros and set vpon the Spaniards with great fury But the Spaniards hauing the aduaâ—tage of trees which they stood behind did easily preuaile and killed eleuen Englishmen and fiue Negros and tooke other seuen Englishmen aliue but of the Spaniardsâ— two were slaine and fiue sore hurt Among other things the Spaniards enquired of the Englishmen which they tooke why thâ—y went not away in fifteene dayes liberty which they had They answered that their Captaine had commaâ—ded them to carie all that golde and siluer which they had to the place where they had left their shippe and they had promised him to carie it although they made three or foure iourneys of it for hee promised to giue them part of it besides their wages but the marinerâ— would haue it by and by and so their Captaine being angry because they would not take his word fell out with them and they with him in so much that one of the company would haue killed the Captaine so that the Captaine would not haue them to carie the treasure but sayd hee would seeke Negros to carie it and so he went and sought for Negros and bringing those Negros to carie it hee met with the fiue English men that hee had leâ—t in his pinnesse which ranne from the Spaniards and the rest also which ran from the house and they told him what the Spaniards had done and then making friendship with all his men hee promised them halfe of all the treasure if they got it from the Spaniards and the Negros promised to helpe him with their bowes and arrowes and thereupon they came to seeke the Spaniards and now that some of his company were killed and taken hee thought it best to returne to his ship and to passe backe for England The Spanish captaine hearing this hauing buried the dead bodies and hauing gotten all things into his barkes and taking the English men and their pinnesse with him he returned to Panama so the voyage of that English man did not prosper with him as hee thought it would haue done Nowe when the foure barkes were come to Panama they sent aduise also to Nombre de dios and thâ—y of Nombre de dios sent also from them other foure barkes which as the Spaniards say found the English ship where she was hid and brought her to Nombre de dios and that the Uiceroy of Peru not thinking it good to suffer fiftie English men to remaine in the countrey sent a seruant of his called Diego de Frees with a hundreth and fifty shot into the mountaines to seeke them out who found them making of certaine Canoas to goe into the North sea and there to take some barke or other some of them were sicke and were taken and the rest fled with the Negros who in the end betrayed them to thâ— Spaniards so that they were brought to Panama And the Iustice of Panama asked the English captaine whether hee had the Queenes licence or the licence of any other Prince or Lord for his attempt And he answered he had none whereupon hee and all his company were condemned to dyeâ— and so were all executed sauing the Captaine the Master the Pilot and fiue boyes which were caried to Lima and there the Captaine was executed with the other two but the boyes be yet liuing The king of Spaine hauing intelligence of these matters sent 300 men of warre against those Negros which had assisted those English men which before were slaues vnto the Spaniards and as before is sayd fled from their masters vnto those mountaines and so ioyned themselues to the Englishmen to the ende they might the better reuenge themselues on the Spaniards At the first comming of these 300 souldiers they tooke many of the Negros and executed great iustice vpon them But after a season the Negros grew wise and wary and preuented the Spaniards so that none of them could be taken The Spaniards of that countrey marueiled much at this one thing to see that since the conquering of this land there haue bene many Frenchmen that haue come to those Countreys but neuer saw English men there but onely those two of whom I haue spoken And although there haue many Frenchmen bene on the coast yet neuer durst they put foote vpon land only those two English men aduentured it and did such exploits as are before remembred All these things comming to the hearing of the king of Spaine he prouided two Gallies well appointed to keepe those coastes and the first yeere they tooke sixe or seuen French ships And after that this was knowen there were no more Englishmen or Frenchmen of warre that durst aduenture to approch the coast vntill this present yeere 1586 that the aforesayd Francis Drake with a strong fleete of 24 ships arriued there and made spoile of Santo Domingo Carthagena and S. Augustine things that are knowen to all the worlde But it is likely that if the King of Spaine line he will in time prouide sufficient remedy to keepe his countreys and subiects from the inuasion of other nations The voyage of Master Andrew Barker of Bristol with two ships the one called the Ragged staffe the other the Beare to the coast of Terra firma and the Bay of Honduras in the West Indies in the yeere 1576. Wherein the reasons are premised which mooued him to set forth this voyage against the Spaniards collected out of certaine notes and examinations touching this enterprise by M. Richard Hakluyt FIrst
the landing place being but one and that vnder the fâ—uour of many platformes well furnished with great ordinance to depart with the receit of many their Canon-shot some into our ships and some besides some of them being in very deede full Canon high But the only or chiefe mischiefe was the dangerous sea-surge which at shore all alongst plainly thrâ—atned the ouerthrow of as many pinnesses and boates as for that time should haue attempted any landing at all Now seeing the expectation of this attempt frustrated by the causes aforesaid we thought it meeter to fall with the Isle Hierro to see if we could find any better fâ—rtune and comming to the Island we landed a thousand men in a valley vnder a high mountaine where we stayed some two or three houres in which time the inhabitants accompanied with a yong fellow borne in England who dwelt there with them came vnto vs shewing their state to be so poore that they were all ready to starue which was not vntrue and therefore without any thing gotten we were all commanded presently to imbarke so as that night wee put off to sea Southsoutheast along towards the coast of Barbary Upon Saturday in the morning being the 13. of Nouember we fell with Cape Blanke which is a low land and shallow water where we catched store of fish and doubling the Cape â—e put into the Bay where we found certaine French ships of warre whom wee entertained with great courtesie and there left them This afternoone the whole fleet assembled which was a little scattered about their fishing and put from thence to the Isles of Cape Verde sailing till the 16. of the same moneth in the morning on which day we discried the Island of S. Iago and in the euening we ankered the fleet between the towne called the Playa or Praya and S. Iago where we put on shore 1000. men or more vnder the leading of M. Christopher Carleil Lieutenant general who directed the seruice most like a wise commander The place where we had first to march did affourd no good order for the ground was mountainous full of dales being a very stony and troublesome passage but such was his industrious disposition as he would neuer leaue vntill wee had gotteÌ„ vp to a faire plain where we made stand for the assembling of the army And when we were al gathered together vpon the plaine some 2 miles from the town the liâ—utenant general thought good not to make atteÌ„pt til daylight because there was not one that could serue for guid or giuing knowledge at al of y e place And therfore after hauing wel rested euen halfe an houre before day he commanded the army to be diuided into 3 speciall parts such as he appointed wheras before we had marched by seueral coÌ„panies being therunto forced by the badnesse of the way as is aforesaidâ— Now by the time wee were thus ranged into a very braue order daylight began to appearâ— and being aduanced hard to the wall we saw no enemie to resist whereupon the Lieutenant generall appointed Captaine Sampson with thirtie shot and Captaine Barton with other thirtie to goe downe into the towne which stood in the valley vnder vs and might very plainely bee viewed all ouer from that place where the whole Army was now arriued and presently after these Capâ—aines was sent the great ensigne which had nothing in it but the plaine English crosse to be placed towardes the Sea that our Fleet might see Saint Georges crosse storish in the enemies fortresse Order was giuen that all the ordinance throughout the towne and vpon all the platformes which were aboue fiftie pieces all ready charged should be shot off in honour of the Queenes Maiesties coronation day being the seuenteenth of Nouember after the yeerely custome of England which was so answered againe by the ordinance out of all the ships in the fleete which now was come neere as it was strange to heare such a thundering noyse last so long together In this meane while the Lieutenant generall held still the most part of his force on the hill top till such time as the towne was quartered out for the lodging of the whole Armie which being done euery captaine tooke his owne quarter and in the euâ—ning was placed such a sufficient gard vpon euery part of the towne that we had no cause to feare any present enemie Thus we continued in the citie the space of 14. dayes taking such spoiles as the place yeelded which were for the most part wine oyle meale and some such like things for victuall as vineger oliues and some such other trash as merchandise for their Indians trades But there was not found any treasure at all or any thing else of worth besides The situation of S. Iago is somewhat strange in forme like a triangle hauing on the East and West sides two mountaines of rocke and cliffe as it were hanging ouer it vpon the top of which two mountaines were builded certaine fortifications to preserue the towne from any harme that might bee offered as in a plot is plainely shewed From thence on the South side of the towne is the maine sea and on the North side the valley lying betweene the foresayd mountaines wherein the towne standeth the said valley towne both do grow very narrow insomuch that the space betweene the two cliffes of this end of the towne is estimated not to be aboue 10. or 12. score ouer In the middest of the valley commeth downe a riueret rill or brooke of fresh water which hard by the sea side maketh a pond or poole whereout our ships were watered with very great ease and pleasure Somewhat aboue the towne on the North side betweene the two mountains the valley wareth somewhat larger then at the townes end which valley is wholly conuerted into gardens and orchards well replenished with diuers sorts of fruites herbes and trees as lymmons orenges sugar-canes cochars or cochos nuts plantans potato-rootes cucumbers small and round onions garlicke and some other things not now remembred amongst which the cochos nuts and plantans are very pleasant fruites the saide cochos hath a hard shell and a greene huske ouer it as hath our walnut but it farre exceedeth in greatnesse for this cochos in his greene huske is bigger then any mans two sistes of the hard shell many drinking cups are made here in England and set in siluer as I haue often seene Next within this hard shell is a white rine resembling in shewe very much euen as any thing may do to the white of an egge when it is hard boyled And within this white of the nut lyeth a water which is whitish and very cleere to the quantitie of halfe a pynt or thereaboutes which water and white rine before spoken of are both of a very coole fresh tast and as pleasing as any thing may be I haue heard some hold opinion that it is very restoratiue The plantan groweth in cods somewhat like
fish to be taken with hookes and nets also we stayed on shore and fowled Here sir Iohn Hawkins was extreme sicke which his sicknes began vpon newes of the taking of the Francis The 18 day wee weyed and stoode North and by East into a letter sound which sir Francis in his barge discouered the night before and ankored in 13 fadoms hauing hie steepe hils on either side some league distant from our first â—iding The 12 in the morning we weied and set sayle into the sea due South through a small sâ—reit but without danger and then stode West and by North for S. Iuan de Puerto rico and in the after noone left the 3 small Islands called The passages to the Southward of vs and that night came vp to the Eastermost end of S. Iohn where sir Iohn Hawkins departed this life â—pon whose decease sir Thomas Baskcruil presently went into the Garland At 2 of the clocke we came to anker at the estermost side of the chiefe towne called Puerto rico in a sandie bay 2 miles off â—here we receiued from their forts and places where they planted Ordinance some 28 great shot the last of whiâ—h strake the admâ—rall through the misâ—n and the last but â—ne strake through her quarter into the sterage the Generall being there at supper and strake the stoole from vndâ—r him but hurt him not but hurt at the same table sir Nicholas Clifford M. Browne captaine Stratford with one or two more Sir Nicholas Clifford and master Browne died of their hurts Then wee set sayle and stood to the Eastward and at midnight tacked about to the West and in the morning came to an anker before the point without the towne a little to the Westwards by the 3 Islands The 13 we rode still vntill night when in the beginning with twenty fiue pinnesses boats and shallops manned and furnished with fire-workes and small shot wee went into the rode within the great castels and in despite of them fired the fiue Zabras or frigats all ships of two hundreth tunnes the piece or more quite burning the Rere admirall downe to the water which was the greatest shippe of them all and also mightily spoiled the admirall and viceadmirall notwithstanding the castles and ships gaue vs a hundreth eightie and fiue great shot besides small shot abundance They had also sunke a great shippe in the mouth of the chanell and rafted it ouer with hâ—r mastes almost to the very fortes and castles so as they thought it impregnable The frigats had in each of them twenty pieces of brasse and a hundreth barrels of powder Their chiefe lading that they brought thither was silke oyle and wine The treasure which they went to fetch which was brought thither in a ship called the Vigonia was conueyed into the strongest and surest castell of defence being as one of the prisoners câ—nfessed three millions of ducats or fiue and thirty tunnes of siluer Also they had sent all the women children and vnable persons into the woods and left none but souldiers and fighting men in the towne The fight on our side was resolute hote and dangerous wherein wee lost some forty or fifty men and sâ— many were hurt There was also great death of the Spaniards aboord the frigats with burning drowning and killing and besides some taken prisoners The 14 we rode stil being within shot of the vttermost castell but they fearing the neâ—t night we would come in againe began to warpe vp the other 4 frigats beginning first with the Admirall which whether by chance or their owne willes wee saw to sinke and as wee suppose so did they with all the rest or else by stealth got vp farther within their chiefest forces The 15 also we rode still and at afternoone wee espied a carauell comming from the castell point but before our pinnesses could fetch her vp she ranne on shore where our boates could noâ— come at her because of the breach and also many of the Islandâ—rs came downe to guard her with shot The beginning of this night we weyed and stoode one houre to the East and then tacked about to the West The 16 being Sunday and the 17 also we were becalmed The 18 we ankered a little to the Southward of the Southwest point of the Island giuing the point a birth because of a shoald of sand that lieth some two cables length off there we rode iâ— foure fiue and siâ—e fadomes faire white sand where wee set vp more pinnesses washed our ships and refreshed our men on shore Here the Generall tooke a pinnesse of Hispaniola with diuers letters signifying that two Englishmen of warre had done great hurt along their Island The 20 the Generall rowed to the Pheniâ— the Delighâ— and the carâ—uell and caused them to wey and anker right against the mouth of a fresh riuer in two fâ—domes water in ozie sâ—nd to the Southward of the other ships some league or more The Generall went into this riuer three or fouâ—e leagues vp and tooke horses in the countrey Sir Thomas Baskeruil rowed vp the riuer and stayed there all night and went vp into the land three or foure leagues The 23 wee discharged a barker called the Pulpit and burnt her and at three of â—he clocke that afternoone when we were ready to set saile there came aboord â—he Defiance our Admiral a Spaniard with his wife who feared some great torment for not hauing repaâ—red to the towne according to the Generals commandement of that Island who had commanded that all able men of the fleete should repaire to the towne to defend it against vs. Then we stood againe West and by North because of a ledge of rocks that lie sunke 4 or 5 leagues off the Southside of the Island The 25 we stood away Southwest and saw Mona being a lowe flat Island betweene Hispaniola and S. Iuan de Puerto rico That day the Exchange of captaine Winter spent her boulâ—sprite and in the beginning of the night the Phenix was sent backe to seeke â—er which by Gods help that night met with her and kept her company vntil the neâ—t morning then taking in a small table from her for a towe but by 9 that morning she spent her maine mast and split her foreyard breaking also her tow so as they were faine to saue some trifles out of her and the men and to sinke the hull Then we stood away South and South and by West aâ—ter the fleete and the 26 in the morning had sight of the fleete againe The 29 we had sight of the Island called Curâ—çao within 8 leagues of the mâ—ineâ— and on the Northwest side came to an anker in very deepe water hard aboord the shore without any danger but the Generall weyed presently and stoode away Northwest by the West and Northnorthwest for the maine and that night saw Aruba being somewhat a lesse Island then the other we left it some three leagues to the Southward
from the fury of the enemies shot And so with ensigne displayed taking with vs our sixe dead men wee retired with more safetie to the hauen where we tooke a frigat which rode ready fraught with the kings tribute in siluer and other good commodities which were presently to bee transported to S. Iuan de Vllua and brought the same and our Periago or Canoa to my ship which lay in two fadome water sixe leagues from the town being not able to come any neerer for the sholds vpoÌ„ that coast Ouer against the place where our ship rode stoode a towne of 300 or 400 Indians called Sebo which we likewise tooke where wee found Champeche-wood good to dye withal with waxe and hony This done we left this coast and turned vp to Cape de Cotoche againe and ankored euery day at noone because of the brizes and in turning vp I lost my barke called the Aduenture which was taken by 2 frigats of warre which were manned out from Campeche wherein Captaine Hen and thirteen of my men were taken and afterward executed as since we vnderstand by some Spanish prisoners that were taken in those parts After we had stayed fiue weekes on this coast wee shaped our course for Hauana where finding nothing we disemboqued and came along by the Isle of Bermuda and crossed ouer to The banke neere Cape Race in 22 fadomes and from thence sayling for England we fel with Sillie about the first of Iuly and within two dayes after arriued at Plimmouth where we found the Right honorable the Erle of Essex setting forth with a great fleet for the Isles of the Açores An excellent ruttier for the Islands of the VVest Indies and for Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna IF a man depart from the barre of S. Lucar in Summer time hee must steere Southwest vntil hee hath sight of Punta de Naga which is in the Isle of Tenerif The markes to know it be these An high point sâ—oping to the sea at the Easter point it hath two down falles like particions and they shew to be separated from the maine of the Island stand in 28 degrees a halfe And if thou wilt haue sight of the Grand Canaria and findest thy selfe with Punta de Naga thou shalt then steere Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Canaria which standeth in 28 degrees And thou must come to ankor on the Southeast side of the Island But I aduise thee if it be in winter time that thou keepe another course and that as followeth The course that a man must keepe departing in winter for the Indies from Sant Lucar DEparting from Sant Lucar in winter thou shalt goe West and by South keeping along the coast because if thou goe farre from the coast thou shalt meete with the wind off the sea vntill thou be as high shot as Cape Cantin which is a low flat cape with the sea And thou shalt see a great wood before thou come at this cape called Casa del Cauallero And from thence thou shalt steere thy olde course that is Southwest and by South for the Isles of Alegrança and Lancerota and when thou art North and South with Alegrança thou shalt steere thence Southwest and so thou shalt see the Canaria which is a round high land and standeth in twentie eight degrees What thou must doe if a contrary wind take thee fiftie leagues off the shore VVHen thou art fifty leagues shot on thy way into the sea Southwest off and there thou chance to meete with a contrary winde off the sea and if it force thee to put roome then thou shalt steere Northeast and by East and shalt hall with sight of Cabos del Plata which shew when thou art a seaboord so farre as thou mayest descrie them to be like two points of white sand and if it be cleere thou shalt see within the land certain high hilles lying Northwest and by West called las Sierras de Zahara and being three leagues from land thou shalt haue thirtie fadomes water and sand And from thence to the bay of Cadiz thou shalt goe along Northwest by the coast and if thou be in thirtie or forty â—adomes thou shalt haue â—aze but if thou bee in lesse then thirtie fadomes thou shalt haue other sounding which if it chance then thou art against S. Pedro. And if it bee by day thou shalt see the Ermitage of Sant Sebastian which seemeth to be a shippe under sayle And thou shalt goe into the bay taking heede of the Puercos giue them a good birth off And if thou chance to bee benighted when thou fallest with the bay and wouldest goe into the bay thou shalt carie thy lead in thy hand and be sounding and finding thy selfe in rockie ground thou shalt steere North because of shunning the Puercos and yet giue them not too great a birth because of The Diamant and so thou mayest goe in sounding when thou thinkest good And being benighted and then not East and West with the bay and if thou doest not goe into it then make the largest boord thou caust keeping off till day If thou be at the Canaries and wouldest sayle to Nueua Espanna thou shalt sayle foure and twenty houres South because of the calmes of Fierro And from thence thou shalt goe Westsouthwest vntill thou finde thy selfe in twenty degrees And then thou must goe West and by South which is the course for the Isle Deseada And from Deseada thou shalt goe West and by North because of the variation of the compasse And falling with Deseada thou shalt finde it to rise low with the sea and it standeth in 15 degrees And the eastermost part is the sharpest and smaller then the West point And if thou are going for Tierra firma thou shalt goe West and by South vntill thou come to Dominica and there on the Northwest side is a riuer where thou mayest water The marks to know it bee a certaine high land full of hilles And seeing it when thou art farre off to the seaward it maketh in the middest a partition so that a man would thinke it deuided the Island in two parts And this Island standeth in 14 degrees and a halfe I aduise thee that if thou wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna and so doest passe betweene Guadalupe and Monserate to the Westward that being thus open off the entrance betwixt them thou shalt go Westnorthwest and so shalt haue sight of Santa Cruz which standeth in seuenteene degrees and a halfe And the markes to know it be these It is an Island not uery high and lyeth East and West and at the East end it is lower then at the West end And going forward on thy course thou shalt runne Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe to haue sight of the Isle of San Iuan de Puerto rico which is an Island lying East and West and standeth in eighteene
degrees And the markes be these That on the West end it is lowest and the Eastermost is the highest And if thou fall with the middest of the Island then thou shalt goe a long it to the West vnto Cabo Roxo which is the end of the Isle And from thence the coast runneth North to Punta Aguada Cape Roxo hath certaine red cliffes Thou must steere West and by South from Cape Roxo to find Mona and so thou shalt haue sight of Mona And the marks thereof be these it is a low land lying East and West and on the East end it is highest it hath a slope towards the sea and standeth in 18â— degrees rather lesse then more And if it be by daâ— then thou shalt runne West and shalt see Saona which is an Island lying without Hispaniola and â—yeth East and West and is full of trees and hath certaine sandy bayes And if it bee cleere weather thou shalt see within the land of Hispaniola certaine hie hils called las Sierras de Yguey And being benighted vpon Mona then thou shalt steere West and by South because of certaine shoalds that lye off Saona but hauing day light and no sight of land thou shalt loofe vp Northwest and so passe by it and as thou goest along the coast of Hispaniola and seest the sea to be cast vp into the aire then thou shalt be about 10 leagues off the harbour of Santo Domingo and these mountings vp are called The Spoutes But I aduise thee that if thou bee benighted when thou fallest with Santo Domingo then thou must keepe the hils called Sierras de las minas viejas to the Northwest And if thou wouldest goe into Santo Domingo and meetest there with a forcible Northerly wind then the best way is to runne East till it be day And hauing daylight thou shalt cast abâ—ut and so thou must ply to wind-ward vntill the Northerly wind be done and when it is past make all the saile thou canst to hale with the sight of Calle de las Damas and when thou hast sight thereof thou shalt lye with thy stemme with a sandie Bay which lye thou the other side and then must take in thy maine saile and go so till thou bring thy selfe open with the midst of the riuer and so hauing opened the riuerâ— thou must go with great care in the middest of the same with all thy sailes vp except thy maine saile â—nd thou must haue thy boat out if it be needefull to sound or to tow thy ship if the cast too much to the loofe for the currents will cast here to the loofe wherefore bee sure to haue thy boat out to helpe thy steâ—rage and this is the way whereby thou must worke The course from Santo Domingo to go for Nueua Espanna I Aduise thee that if thou wilt goe from Santo Domingo for Nueua Espanna thou shalt goe Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Punta de Niçao which is a low point and is the end of the hilles called Sierras de las minas Vieias and towards the Northwest of them thou shalt see a lowe land and to goe into Hocoa thou shalt stirre from this poynt of Niçao Westnorthwest and thou shalt see the point of Puerto Hermoso and the Bay that it maketh and thou must be sure to keepe neere the shore to find a good road and feare â—ot to go neere the land for all is deepe water and cleare ground and let not fall thine anker till thou be past all the riuers and beware of the land for if thou ride much without thy anker wil come home because it is rocky and slatte ground And thou must be ready that when thine anker commeth home thou haue thy moarings readie in thy boat to carry on shore with foure or fiue men and if thou thinke good thou mayest let them fall on land with a rope And when thou are come to anker thou mayest send on shore to moare so shalt thou be best moared The course from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna GOing from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna thou shalt stirre Southwest and this way thou shalt and the Isles Beata and Alto velo Beata hath these marks It is a low land with the sea and full of trees and on the East side an high land or cliffe and Alto velo hath these markes A blacke round land and the Eastermost part thereof is highest and it hath a downefall When thou art North and South with * then thou shalt go West vntill thou be so farre shot as the Frailes and from thence goe West and by North and keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of Cape Tiburon And if by keeping this course thou haue sight of a little Island thou mayest make account it is the Isle of Baque and it is hard to the land and from thence thou shalt go West keeping thy selfe out vntill thou double a poynt that maketh as it were a great Bay and then thou must go West and by North till thou come to Cape Tiburon that hath a round blacke land and in some part thereof certaine white cliffes I aduise thee that when thou art against Cape de Tiburon thou stirre Northwest and so thou shalt haue sight of Cuba which lyeth East and West and thou shalt see certaine hilles which are called Sierras del Cobre and in the highest of them is the harbour of S. Iago de Cuba and finding thy selfe so thou mayest runne West vnto Cape de Cruz. And before thou seest Cape de Cruz thou shalt see the hils called Sierras de Tarquino and from these hils to Cape de Cruz the land wareth lower and lower and it is lowest of all at the Cape it selfe And if thou chance to haue the water troubled as though thy ship did raise vp the sand from the ground be not afraid for this place is called The nine fathoms for thou shalt find no lesse water vpon it and it is the shallowest water that thou shalt haue Thou must marke that Cape de Cruz maketh an eâ—de of the coast that commeth from the East to the West and beginneth the course that goeth North and South and standeth in 19. degrees rather more then lesse From Cape de Cruz thou must stirre Westnorthwest and this way thou shalt haue sight of the Isle de Pinos and if thou haue faire weather then thou must goe Northwest and by West because of the currents that will set thee out to sea And keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of an high land I tell thee it is the marke of the Isles called los Iardines and is commonly called the land of Zagneio and then thou shalt goe West and by South and if it bee by night then goe Westsouthwest vntill thou haue brought thy selfe out from The Iardines And being by day thou shalt keepe off the land and
certayne shoald whereupon the sea doth alwayes beate I aduise thee that if thou canst not passe on the West side then thou must goe betwixt the sayd little copple that is like a sayle and the shoald for the passage is good But if thou depart from the Serranilla to the Northwest and seest a lowe land with the sea and certaine white sandy bayes and on the West side seest a low land and on the Eastside a little coast lying East and West thou mayest make account it is Cape de Corrientes And if thou goe from Cape de Corrientes for Cape de Santo Antonio thou must goe Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe with the Cape The marks be a low land full of trees with certaine white sandie bayes and vpon the Cape it selfe thou shalt see two thicke groues of great trees and they be vpon the Cape it selfe To go from the Cape de Sant Antonio for Hauana in the time of the North winds thou shalt goe Northwest vntill thou be cleere of all the shoalds of the Cape and then hale thy bâ—wlines and go as neere the wind as thou canst possibly vntill thou bring thy selfe vnto 24. degrees and there sound and thou shalt find it the Tortugas and thy sounding will be white sand Thou must take heede what is said in the Chapter before for he that writ the same hath seene it and bene witnesse to this that comming from Seranilla and stirring North and by East he had sight of an Island standing in 16. degrees and it is on the shoalds of Cape de Camâ—ron And from thence if thou haue the wind large goe Northeast and by East because of the variation of the compasse and thou shalâ— make thy way Eastnortheast and thou shalâ— fall with Isla de Pinos This I I say because the currents set sometime West and so it fell out to bee true in March. Anno Domini 1582. I tell thee farther that wee came out from this aforesayd Isle stirring North and by East for the wind would not suffer vs to lye neerer the East and one euening at Sunne going downe we fell with a lâ—nd that had the â—ame markes to our iudgement with the Cape de Corrientes and because night was at hand we wrought to double Cape de Sanâ— Anâ—onio stirring West and about midnight we had land all high right aheadâ— the câ—â—st lying Southwest and then we cast and lay Northeast till day And bâ—ing day wee saw the land all ahead and we plied to wind-ward to the East and kept it a larboord till we had brought it Southwest And to be short we went hâ—re on land in the same place that we first fell wâ—th in the euening before and it was an Island called Coçumel lying on the coast of Incatan And this Island was the land which we saw first seeming by the marks to be the Cape de Corrieâ—tes Wee came to an ankeâ— about the middest of the Island rather to the Norther then the Souther part there we found a towne of Indians who gaue vs all things which we needed for our money and wee carried our Astrolabs on sâ—â—re and tooke the height in 19. degrees and one tierre A man may goe betweene this Island and the coast of â—ucaâ—an and the Cape de Cotoche at pleasure Northeast and the water wil set in thy fauour and thou must go till thou be in 24. degrees and so thou shalt haue the sounding of the Tortugas The course to be kept from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna IF thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna and beeing late thou shalt stirre Westnorthwest till thou be in the height of 24. degrees and from thence thou shalt stirre something to the West vntil thou bring thy selfe North and South with the litle Iland called Vermeja and when thou art so thou shalâ— go Southwest by this way thou shalt find Villa Rica which is in 19 degrees a halfe and the signes be these Thou shalt find a ledge of high hils lying Northeast and Southwest But if thou chance to fall with a coast that lieth North and South then thou mayest account that it is about the low ground of Almeria which hath these markes It is a land not very high and it is full of little copples And if thou haue cleare weather thou shalt see within the land certaine high hils which are called the hils of Papalo And I aduise thee that beeing so farre shotte as the poynt called Punta delgada which is the ende of all those hilles of Villa Rica thou mayest stirre thence South and by West and thou shalt goe along the coast and shalt see a lowe land and with this land thou shalt fall going for Saint Paul and being so farre shotte as Saint Paul if thou wilt goe in o the harbour thou must stirre Southwest and this is the course that thou must keepe being shotte into the Bay And thou shalt goe along the coast of the lowe land in sight thereof and keeping this course thou shalt see on the other side a blacke hill and it is called Monte de Carneros Take this for a note that it lyeth ouer the house of Buytron and as thou doest come neerer to the poynt of rockes thou must bee sure to keepe thy lead going and shalt haue foure fathomes and a halfe or fiue fathâ—mâ—s and so thâ—u mayest goe through the middest of the chanell And comming against the castle thou shalt giue it some breadth off towards the Aâ—recise or rocke and hauing doubled the castle thou shalt goe from thence and shalt bring thy selfe to an anker hard by the Herreria which is a cleane Bay and thou shalâ— ride against the hospitall I aduise thee that if thou be benighted when thou are neere to S. Paul and meetest with a Northerly wind after midnight that then thy best way is to bring thy selfe into thy coarses and lye by plying to windward and to seaward in 20. fathomes which depth thou shalt haue neere the shâ—re to the Northward and being day then goe in with the harbour as thou canst best obseruing what is abouesaid And I aduise thee if thou come from Villa Rica and findest thy selfe in 20. degrees and a halfe and seest no land and seest that the water doth alter thou shalt sound 60. fathomes water and if in this depth thou hast oaze make account thou art East and West with the riuer of Almeria This course is from the Cape of Santo Antonio to Nueua Espanna without or aseaboord the Alacranes or Scorpions Now followeth how to worke if a man come betwixt the Alacranes and the maine If thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio and wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna within the Alacranes thou must sâ—irre West and by South and by this way thou shalt bring thy selfe in 20. fathoms and
vntill hee bring himselfe Northeast and Southwest which the same point and then he must stirre away South to fetch the said pointâ— The signes of Punta de Naga THe said point or Head-land is an high point of Land and plaine vpon the toppe like a table and without it there are two litle rockie Islands and vpon the North side of the said point is another point called Punta de hidalgo anâ— vpon the top thereof are 2. picked rockes like vnto the eares of a Hare The course from the Canaries to the VVest Indies IF you set saile from any of the Islands of the Canaries for the West Indias you must stirre away 30. or 40 leagues due South to the ende you may auoid the calmes of the Island of Fierro and being so farre distant from the said Island then must you stirre away West Southwest vntill you finde your selfe in 20. degrees and then saile West and by South vntill you come to 15. degrees and ½ And from thence stirre away West and by North and so shall you make a West way by reason of the Northwesting of the Compasse which West way will bring you to the Island of Deseada The markes of the Island of Deseada THis Island Deseada lieth East Northeast and West Southwest hauing no trees vpon it and it is proportioned like a Galley and the Northeast ende thereof maketh a lowe nose like the snowe of a galley and by comming neere it and passing by the Norther ende thereof you shall perceiue white broken patches like heapes of sand with red strakes in them the south-Southwest end of this Island maketh like the tile of a galley And this Island standeth in 15. degrees and ½ Markes of the Island of Monserate MOnserate is an high Island and round full of trees and vpon the East side thereof you shall perceiue certain white spots like sheetes and being vpon the South side at the very point of the Island somewhat off the land it maketh like a litle Island and putting your selfe either East or West from that point in the midst thereof will appeare a great broken land Markes of the Island of Marigalanta MArigalanta is a smooth Island and full of wood or trees and as it were of the fashion of a galley vpon her decke and being on the Southeast side about halfe a league off you shall make certaine homocks of blacke stones and certain white patches but on the West side appeare faire white sandy shores or plaines Markes of the Isle of Dominica THe Island of Dominica lieth Northwest and Southeast and vpon the Northwest side it sheweth more high and if you come neere it at full sea it will shew like two Islands but by comming neerer vnto it you shall perceiue it to be but one and vpon the Southeast side you shall make or see a plaine and long point and vpon the same point appeareth a cliffe like to the cliffe of Cape Tiburon and vpon the North side a litle from the land it sheweth like a litle Island and vpon the top thereof is as it were an high steeple and vpon the Norther side you shall perceiue it like many white sheetes Markes of the Island of Guadalupe THe Island of Guadalupe lieth on the West of Deseada and vpon the Southwest part thereof appeare many hie mountaines but vpon the East side it maketh certaine tables which are called the high part of Guadalupe And this Island is cut North and South so that the Canoas of India do passe from the North to the South of it as if it were two Islands Markes of the Isle of Matalina or Martinino THe Isle of Matalina is high and full of mountaines hauing in the midst thereof 3. homocks the middlemost homocke being highest sheweth like the great bowle of an hat And vpon the North side it appeareth like three little Islands And in this Island there are warlik Indians like those of Dominica Markes of the three small Islands called Islas de Los Santos or the Islands of Saintes LOs Santos are 3. Islandes lying one close by another vpon the South side of Guadalupe For to goe with S. Iuan de Puerto rico you must stirre away Northwest vntill you fall with the Isle of Saba Markes to know the Isle of Saba SAba is a litle Island and round about it you shall see the bottome but feare not for there is no danger but that which you shall see and round about it it maketh as it were certaine heapes of white sand and by the side thereof it sheweth like a Ship vnder saile but follow that direction that I haue giuen and you shall see La virgin gorda Markes to know the Isle called La virgin gorda LA virgin gorda is an high Island and round and seeing it you shall espie all the rest of the Virgines which lye East and West one from another and are baâ—e without any trees You may goe about by them vntil you see the litle gray Island which you shal see by it selfe by the Virgines and comming neere to the sayd Island ouer that you shall by and by rayse sight of the white litle Iâ—land which seemeth like a ship vnder saile And if you will passe betweene this litle whiâ—e Iâ—land or bare rocke and the greene Island you must beware that you leaue the white Island on the larbourd side of you and come no neerer it then a Calieuer-shot and so shall you passe through 12. fadome-water and then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you enter into the Hauen of Puerto rico and if you chance to passe the sayd Island by night goe by the foresaid direction vntâ—ll the first watch be out and then take in your sayles and so driue vntill it bee neere day and then hoise sayles and stirre away Southwest seeking the sayde Port and when you come to the entring within you must stay till 10. of the clocke for the sea-turne And know that hauing the Loguilo at Southwest then shall the Harbour be off you North and South Directions from Monserate to Santa Cruz. HE that departeth from Monserate to Santa Cruz must stirre away Westnortwest and by the same course you shall seaze vpon S. Iuan de Puerto rico Markes to know the Isle of Santa Cruz. SAnta Cruz is an Island not very high all full of homocks and comming with it at full sea it will shew like the Virgines and vpon the East side there are two homocks higher then all the reâ—t And by this course you may goe to the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and hauing found it you may sayle along the South coast East and West vntill you come to Cabo Roxo Markes to know Cape Roxo CApe Roxo is a low Cape and trayling to the sea-ward hauing certaine heapes of broken ground thereon which are like a homocke and at full sea the same sheweth like a litle Island from the land by it selfe but comming neere vnto
suâ—e they are The Iardines and then stir out againe South till you bee cleare of them and when you haue brought them North of you then may you stirre away West if it bee by day if it bee bynight West and by South till you see the Island of Pinos The markes of Isla de Pinos THe Island of Pinos stretcheth it selfe East and West and it is full of homocks and if you chance to see it at full sea it will shewe like 3. Islands as though there weâ—e diuers soundes betweene them and that in the midst is the greatest and in rowing with them it will make all a firme lande and vpon the East side of these three homocks it will iâ—â—we all ragged and on the West side of them will appeare vnto you a lowe point euen with the sea and oftentimes you shall see the trees before you shall discerne the point Directions from the Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes IF you saile from the foresayde Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes stir away West and by North and before you come to the sayd Cape vpon the Northside of you you shall see certâ—ine mountaines all full of homocks which are called Las Sierras de Guanaguaâ—ico and that vpon the West part hath more homocks then that on the other Markes of Cape de Corrientes CApe de Corrientes is a lowe Cape though not so low as the other part of the land that lyeth along by it for it is more lowe and hath vpon it 4. or 5. great splats like vnto oxen and the very point of the Cape is all white sand and from thence Westward you shall discerne no lande for it maketh a great bay and from hence you must saile to Cape de Sant Anton. Markes of Cape de Sant Anton. THe cape of Sant Anton is lowe by the sea and all full of shrubs or trees and you shall see within the land a lake of fresh water and if you want water there you may water and vpon the North side of the said Cape you shall discerne a palme tree higher then the rest of the trees and it sheweth round like a bowle at the top like to the top of a ship and North from the Cape are certaine sholdes which are 2. or 3. leagues long Directions from the Cape de S. Anton to Nueua Espanna on the outside of the small Islands called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you will sayle from Cape Sant Anton to Nueua Espanna with a North winde then stirre away Westnorthwest from 21. to 22. degrees and then sound vpon the pracel or flat and if you see by this direction that you holde water then stir away Northwest vntill you lose the ground and then follow your course againe vntill you haue brought your selfe into 24. degrees and ½ and then saile West vntill you bring your selfe North and South with the Isle Veâ—meja or The red Isle then stir away Southwest and by this way you shall finde Villa rica on the coast of Nueua Espanna And if by going this course you be in 19. degrees and ½ and chance not to see the lande then stir away West vntill you see Villa rica and from thence saile you South for the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua and if you should be neere the land you must stir South and by West towardes the same harbour And if you chance to see the Volcan or burning hill to beare west by South from you then know that the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua shal be East and west off you Markes of Villa rica VIlla rica standeth in 19. degres and ½ and the signes thereof are certaine high hilles full of homocks of many heads which haue on the top of theÌ„ certain white patches after the maner of white beaten wayes and these hils lie Northeast and Southwest And if you doubt whether these be the Sierras or hils of S. Martin wet your lead or sound and if you finde bottome they are the Sierras of Villa rica and saile you to the landward and looke by how much you come neerer the land so much will they seeme lower vnto you but so doe not the hilles of S. Martin for the neerer you come to them the higher will they appeare to you and likewise if they â—e the hilles of Sâ— Martin you shall not finde bottome but euen at land it selfe Markes of Rio de las palmas and of the riuer of mountaines called Rio de las montannas IF you should chance to fall with Rio de las palmas or The riuer of palmes or els with the riuer of Mountaines it is all of plaine lande and full of trees and certaine woodie homocks and among them certaine heapes of saâ—d and all this along by the sea side and if you went by land to the riuer of Panuco you shall haue many mouthes or openings of plaias or strands where also are many lizas or oazy places which â—â—retch to Rio Hermoso You must beware what part soeuer you happen of this coast to fall withall to discouer it and although you knowe it you must sound the depth because if the windes bee Easterly the current setteth there much to the North but if you should be 40. leagues at sea then this current setteth to the Northeast Markes of Rio Hermoso or The beautifull riuer IF you wil seeke the riuer talled Rio Hermoso looking well within the land you shal see three homocks of an high hill and those two which are to the landward within are rounder theÌ„ the other which is neerest the sea for that it is longer and bigger and lyeth North and South and you shall bâ— 4. leagues at sea when you shall see them and they are called The sierraâ— or mountaines of Tamaclipa and from thence to the riuer of Panuco there is no high land but all lowe and euen with the sea and full of palme trees and other trees Markes of the riuer of Panucâ— IF you fall with the riuer of Panuco betweene which and the foresayde Villa rica standeth the Island called Isla de Lobos or The Isle of seales the markes bee these From the mouth of the riuer it maketh a great day without and at the ende of this bay vpon the Northside there is oazy low and bare ground altogether without trees and at the out ende of the oazy lowe place vpon the West side it maketh a low homock like to a Lizards head and when you see the aforesayde cliffe you shall bee in the opening of the mouth of the sayd riuer and then shall you see a little low tower hauing on the top of it a crosse which the fishermen call Marien and this barre hath on it 2. fathom waterâ— and 2. and ½ and you neede not to stay for the tyde for that it floweth not there and that you may the better knowe whether you bee in this bay
which I haue mentioned or not you shall see certaine hils at West Southwest which are called Las sierras de Tarquiaâ— and â—orthwith also you shall see the oazy place that I speake of which goeth to the mouth of the â—iuer where standeth a towne called S. Luis de Tampice and from thence to Panuco you haue 9. leagues by land The markes of Isla de lobos or The Isle of seales ISla de lobos is a small Island nothing so big as the caâ—de doth shew it and in it is a litle grâ—uâ— or wood of palme trees and all the rest of the Island is without trees and râ—â—nd about it are â—undry Playas or strandes and it is inclosed round about with aâ—raçifes or shoalds and chiefly toward the maine lande And from thence to Cape Roxo or The red Cape are 3. leagues And if you will come to anker at this Island to water for that there is water in it you may ride on all the South side close by the poynt that stretcheth to the Westward and you may passe by the East side of it and ride in 22. fathom and vntill you come to 15. fathoms all is cleane ground Markes of the riuer of Tuspa IF you fall with the riuer of Tuspa you must beware the sholdes which run 5. or 6. leagues into the sea and vpon this â—iuer of Tuspa within the lande there are high hilles which lie Northeast and Southwest and haue their ending vpon the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer you shall perceiue a white cliffe which will shew vnto you like the castle of S. Iuan de Vllua Markes of the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul IF you chance to fall with the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul take heede for the sayd bay is a deepe bay and the hilles of Tuspa haue their ending vpon this bay And in the mouth of this riuer of Sâ— Peter and S. Paul are two homockes of white sand the Westermost being bigger thâ—n that on the Northeast And by and by you shall perceiue the water to change white which commeth out of the riuer and sounding you shall finde sande mixed with clay vpon your lead and looke vpon the West side and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines of S. Paul which are two and that on the North side is higher then the other Markes of Almeria IF you should chance to fall or come vpon the plaines of Almeria it is a lande â—ull oâ— many homocks some with tuftes of trees on them and some baâ—e with white sand and in 60. faâ—homs you shall haue clay or oaze and in 30. fathom to the landward sand And from thence to Punta de hidalgo oâ— Punta delgada the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest Soundings of Villa rica IF you fall with Villa rica in 30. fathoms you shall finde clay or oaze and in some places stones and neere the lande you shall haue sand and vpon the port of S. Iuan de Vllua you shall haue in some places clay or oaze and in some places herring bones and in other places mase and and vpon the rocks called Cabeças anegadas you shall haue small blacke sande at 17. fathom two leagues from land And if you see a coast that lieth Northeast and Southwest and another Northwest and Southeast you shall be vpon S. Paul and if you should be vpon Cabeças anegadas you shall finde in 30. fathoms great sand blacke and in 28. fathoms you shall haue the sand white like the shauings of free stone and from S. Paul to the barre of Vera Cruz it is clay or oaze and from thence to S. Iuan de Vllua you haue many deeps which at one sounding bring you clay and at another sand and at another clay and mase together and herring bones and in some 35. or 40. fathom you shal finde rockie ground and in some places sand and in some other places herring bones and we call this Comedera de pescado or The foode of fishes The course from Cabo de Corrientes and Cabo de S. Anton vpon the West end of Cuba towards Nueua Espanna within the Isles called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you saile from Cape de Corrientes towarde Nueua Espanna on the inside of The Alacranes you must stir West and when you thinke you haue sailed 35. or 40. leag you shall sound vpon the pracel and you shall come vpon many bristlings of watersâ— which if it were faire weather would seeme a skull oâ— fish And before you come out of the bristlings if you sound you shal haue depth as I haue sayd If you goe from Cape de S. Anton by the inside of The Alacranes you must stir away West and by South and you shall finde sounding in the same order as I haue sayd you shall haue white sand and neere the land you shall finde it like the shauings and peckings of free stone and white sand like houre-glasse-sand and sometimes periwinkles or small shelles Also if you sound in deepe water and on the sudden â—inde rockes then knowe that you are vpon The Alacranes and then stir away Westsouthwest vntill you finde cleane ground and til you bring your selfe into 18. or 20. fathoms And if you goe deeping your water then stir away West and by these depths you shall go sounding and then taking your heigth by sunne or starre you must beware that you passe not 21. degrees â—â— or 21. degrees and ½ at the most and in this heigth and at 18. or 20. fathoms you shall follow your way and if you deepen water edge to the Northwestward and if you alter more your depth edge to the Southwestward vntill you haue gotten so farre ahead as Cape Sisal and discouered the coast of Campeche which coast lyeth North and South and you shall take vp on your lead white sande like houreglasseâ— sand and sometime periwinkles or small shelles and by and by you shall goe increasing depth vntil you lose it and so shal you passe between the Triangle and the Sandy Iland The course betweene the Triangle and the Sandy Island to S. Iuan de Vllua VVHen you haue lost your depth stirre away Southwest to fetch the Sierras or hils of S. Martin and to knowe the hils of S. Martin there are 2. hils stretching Northeast and Southwest and the Southwest is greater then that on the Northeast but the Northermost hill is higher and maketh on the top a flat point and very high and without it it hath an Island which is called Roca partida or The clouen rock and if it be cleare on the Southwest side an high lande like a top-saile will appeare and then shall you bee North and South with The Pan or Loafe of Nisapa Note that these Sierras or Hilles of Sant Martin are all blacke and full of trees and make no shewe as Villa rica doth And marke
our pilot withall for being naturall of those riuers we assured our selues hee knew the way better then any stranger could And indeed but for this chance I thinke we had neuer found the way either to Guiana or backe to our ships for Ferdinando after a few dayes knew nothing at all nor which way to turne yea and many times the old man himselfe was in great doubt which riuer to take Those people which dwell in these broken islands and drownâ—d lands are generally called Tiuitiuas there are of them two sorts the one called Ciawani and the other Waraweete The great riuer of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall out on the North side of his owne maine mouth on the South side it hâ—th seuen other fallings into the sea so it disâ—mbâ—queth by sixteâ—ne armes in all betweene Ilands and brokâ—n ground but the Ilands are very great many of them as bigge as the Isle of Wight and bigger and many lesse Fâ—om the first branch on the North to the last of the South it is at least 100 lâ—agues so as the riuers mouth is 300 miles wide at his entrance into the sea which I take to be farre bigger then that of Amazones All those that inhabit in the mouth of this riuer vpon the seuerall North branches are these Tiuitiuas of which there are two chiefe lords which haue continuall warres one with the other The Ilands which lie on the right hand are called Pallamos and the land on the left Horotomaka and the riuer by which Iohn Dowglas returned within the land from Amana to Capuri they call Macuti These Tiuitiuas are a very goodly people and very valiant and haue the most manly speech and most deliberate that â—uer I heard of what nation soeuer In the Summer they haue houses on the ground as in other places in the Winter they dwell vpon the trees where they build very artificiall townes and villages as it is written in the Spanish story of the Weâ—t Indies that those people do in the low lands nere the gulfe of Vâ—aba for betweâ—ne May September the riuer of Orenoque riseth thirty foot vpright and then are those ilands ouerflowen twenty foot high aboue the leuell of the ground sauing sâ—me few raised grounds in the middle of them and for this cause they are inforced to liue in this maner They neuer eat of any thing that is set or sowen and as at home they vse neither planting nor other manurance so when they come abroad they refuse to feed of ought but of that which nature without labour bringeth â—orth They vse the tops of Palmitos for bread and kill deere fish and porks for the rest of their sustenance They haue also many sorts of fruits that grow in the woods and great variety of birds and fowle And if to speake of them were not tedious and vulgar surely we saw in thâ—se passagâ—s of very rare colours and formes not elsewerâ— to be found for as much as I haue either seene or read Of these people those that dwell vpon the branâ—hes of Orenoque called Capuri and Macurâ—o are for the most part carpenters of canoas for they make the most and fairest canoas and sel them into Guiana for golde and into Trinidad for tabacco in the â—xcessiue taking whereof they exceed all natâ—ons and notwithstanding the mâ—istnesse of the aire in which they liue the hardnesse of their diet and the great labours they suffer to hunt fish and fâ—wle for their liuâ—ng in all my life either in the Indies or in Europe did I nâ—uâ—r bâ—hold a more goodly or better fauâ—urâ—d pâ—â—ple or a more manly They werâ— woont to make warre vpon all nations and especially on the Canibals so as none durst without a good strâ—ngth trade by those riuâ—rs but of late they are at peace with their neighbours all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy When their commandâ—rs die they vse greâ—t lamentation and when they thinke tâ—e flesh of their bodies is putrified and fallen from the boâ—es then they take vp the caâ—case againe and hang it in the caciques house that died and dâ—â—ke his scull wâ—th feathers of all colours and hang all his golde plates about the bones of his armes thighs and legs Thosâ— natiâ—ns which are callâ—d Aâ—wacas which dwell on the South of Orenoque of whâ—â—h place and nation â—ur Indian pilot was are disperâ—ed in many other places and doe vse to bâ— at the bones of their lords into â—owder and their wiues and friends drinke it all in their seuerall sorts of drinks After we departed from the port of these Ciawani wee passed vp the riuer with the flood and ankered the ebbe and in this sort we wâ—nt onward Thâ— third day that we â—ntred the riuer our galley came on ground and slucke so fast as we tâ—ought that â—uen there â—ur discâ—uery had ended and that we must haue left fourescâ—re and ten of our men to hâ—ue iâ—haâ—ited like râ—oks vpâ—n trees with those nations but the next morning after we had cast out all her â—allast with tugging and halling to and fro we got her aflote and went on At fouâ—e dâ—yâ—s â—nd wee fell into as gâ—odly a riuer as euâ—r I beheld which was called The great Amana which râ—nne mâ—re dirâ—ctly withâ—ut windings and turnings then the other but soonâ— after the flood of the sea left vs and bâ—ing inforced eitâ—er by maine strength to row against a violent current or to returne aâ— wisâ— as we went out we had then no shift but to perswade the companies that it was bâ—t two or threâ— dayeâ— wâ—rke and therefore desired them to take paines euâ—ry gentleman others taking their turnes to row and to spell â—ne the other at the houres end Euâ—ry day we passed by goodly branches of riuers some falling from the West otheâ—s froÌ„ the East into Amana but thosâ— I leaue to the dâ—scription in the Cart of discouery where euery one shal be namâ—d with his rising and dâ—scent When three dayes more were ouergone our companies began to despaire the weather being extreamâ— hote the riuer bordered with very high trees that kept away the aire and the current against vs â—uery day strongâ—r thâ—n othâ—r but we euermore commanded our pilots to promise an ende the next day and vsed it so long as we were driuen to assure them from foure reaches of the riuer to three and so to two and so to the next reach but so long we laboured that many dayes were spent and wee driuen to drawe our selues to harder allowance our bread euen at the last and no drinke at all and our men and our selues so wearied and scorched and doubtfull withall whether wee should euer performe it or no the heat increasing as we drew towards the line for wee were now in fiue degrees The further we went on our victuall decreasing and the aire breeding great faintnesse wee grâ—w weaker and weaker when wee had most need of
went about and stoode off South southwest one watch then the wind shrinked to the Southwest that we could lye but South southwest sixe glasses so that at three a clocke wee cast about and lay Northwest sixe glasses and North northwest a watch being then eight a clocke the next day The 26. day wee lay as nigh as wee coulde betweene the North and the North northeast and saw the same land againe and made it to bee the foreland of Fontenay and the ragges to bee the Seames which bare now East Northeast of vs and wee stoode on till tenne a clocke then being within two leagues of the rockes and lesse wee cast about and stoode off Southwest because wee could not double the vttermost rockes when we were about we draue to the Southwards very faste for the ebbe set vs West southwest and being spring tides it horsed vs a pace to leewards for the space of one houre then with the flood which was come we draue againe to windewards at twelue at noone it was calme till 6. afternoone then wee stoode about larbord tacked South southwest one watch then at midnight wee cast about and stoode ouer North till foure aforenoone The 27. day hauing brought the land East southeast of vs we made it to be Sylly being before deceiued and went hence East by North to double Grimsbie leauing The bishop and his clearks to the Southwestwards which we before tooke to be The Seames At 7. a clocke in the afternoone we sawe the lands end of England which bare East by North off vs and is 7. leagues off from Sylly The 29. day at sixe a clocke beforenoone we had brought the Ramhead North of vs and were within a league of it and went in Northeast next band being thicke and foggie and little winde so that at eleuen a clocke we got in within the yland and there by mistaking of a sounding our ship came aground betweene the yle and the maine and there sate till 4. a clocke in the afternoone that it was halfe flood The 30. day about 9. a clocke with much adoe I furnished away P. Ieffries M. Symberbe and William Towreson with letters after dined at M. Blaccollers and made many salutations with diuers gentlemen The 31. I wrought abord all day and put our ship and things in order Afternoone I hauing pitie of some poore men of Milbrooke which were robbed the night before by a pirate named Purser which rid in Cawson bay I consented to goe out with the Edward in company of a small shippe which they had furnished to bee their Master so about fiue of the clocke in the afternoone came a hundreth men of theirs abord of mee About twelue a clocke wee set saile and by three afore day wee were gotten to the windwards of him then bee set saile and went hence to the Eastwards and outsailed vs because our consort would not come neere him after a small chase which we gaue him to no effect wee returned into our old road and there moared the ship about nine of the clocke in the forenoone and hence went all the Milbrooke men agaiâ—e ashore from mee And thus I ended a trouble some voyage The voyage set out by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland in the yere 1586. intended for The South sea but performed no farther then the latitude of 44 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial Written by M. Iohn Sarracoll marchant in the same voyage THe 26. day of Iune in the yeere 1586. and in the 28. yeere of the Queenes maiesties raigne wee departed from Grauesend in two ships the Admirall called The red dragon and the other The barke Clifford the one of the burden of 260. tunnes with 130. men and the other of the burden of 130. tunnes with 70. men the Captaine of the Admirall was M. Robert Withrington Of the vice-admirall M. Christopher Lister both being furnished out at the costs and charges of the right honorable the Erle of Cumberland hauing for their masters two brethren the one Iohn Anthonie and the other William Anthonie The 24. of Iuly wee came into the sound of Plimmouth and being there constrained by Westerly winds to stay till the 17. of August wee then departed with another ship also for our Rear-admirall called the Roe whereof M. Hawes was Captaine and a fine pinnesse also called the Dorothie which was sir Walter Raleghs We foure being out in the sea met the 20. of August with 16. sailes of hulkes in the Sleeue who named themselues to bee men of Hamborough laden and come from Lisbone Our Admirall hailed their Admirall with courteous wordes willing him to strike his sailes and to come abord to him onely to know some newes of the countrey but hee refused to do so onely stroke his flag tooke it in The vice-admirâ—l of the hulkes being a head would neither strike flagge nor saile but passed on without budging whereupon our Admirall lenâ— him a piece of Ordinance which they repayed double so that we grew to some little quarel whereupon one of the sternemost hulkes being as I suppose more afraide then hurt stroke amaine our Admirall being neere him laid him abord and entred with certaine of his men how many I know not for that we were giuing chase to the Windermost men thinking our Admirall would haue come vp againe to vs to haue made them all to haue stroke but the weather growing to be very thicke and foggie with small raine he came not vp but kept with another of the hulkes which Captaine Hawes had borded and kept all night and tooke out of her some prouision that that they best liked They learned of the men that were in the hulke that there were 7. hulkes laden in Lisbone with Spaniards goods and because their lading was very rich they were determined to go about Ireland and so they let her goe againe like a goose with a broken wing The next day after being the 21. day wee espied 5. sailes more which lay along to the Eastwards but by reason of the night which then was neere aâ— hand wee could hardly come to them Yet at last we hailed one of the biggest of them they tolde vs that they were al of Hamborough but another saide shee was of Denmarke so that indeede they knew neither what to say nor what to do Our Admirall being more desirous to folow his course then to linger by chasing the hulks called vs from pursuing them with his trumpet and a piece of Ordinance or els wee would haue seene what they had bene and wherewith they had bene laden The 22. day because of contrary winde wee put into Dartmouth all 4. of vs and caried there seuen dayes The 29. we departed thence and put out to Sea and began our voyage thinking at the first to haue runne along the coast of Spaine to see if wee could haue mette with sâ—me good prize to haue sent home to my Lord but our Captaine thought
cast off another and filled our owne ships with the necessaries of them The 8 day wee put off to sea but yet with much adoe came againe to our ankoring place because of the weather The 10 day the admirall sent for vs to come aboord him and being come hee opened a Carde before all the company and tolde vs that my lords voyage for the South sea was ouerthrowen for want of able men and victuals and that therefore hee thought it best to plie for some of the Islands of the West India or the Açores to see if they could meete with some good purchase that might satisfie my lord These wordes were taken heauily of all the company and no man would answere him but kept silence for very griefe to see my lords hope thus deceiueâ— and his great expenses and costs cast away The common sort seeing no other remedie were contented to returne as well as he The 16 day wee espied a sayle whereupon our pinnesse and Dalamor gaue her chase and put her ashore vpon the Island where the men forsooke her and ran away with such things as they could conueniently carte our pinnesse boorded her and found little in her they tooke out of her nine chests of sugar and one hogge and 35 pieces of pewter and so left her vpon the sands From this time forward we began to plie Northwards and the first of Iuly fell with the land againe where we fished and found reasonable good store I tooke the latitude that day and found our selues in 10 degrees and 22 minutes The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck and wee came so neere it that Dalamor as he told vs espied some of the ships that were in the harbour yet notwithstanding we all fell to leeward of the riuer could not after that by any meanes recouer the height of it againe but we ceased not on all parts to endeuour the best we could oftentimes lost company for a day or two one of another but there was no remedie but patience for to Fernambuck we could not come hauing so much ouershot it to the Northward and the wind keeping at the South and Southwest The 20 day I tooke the Sunne in 5 degrees 50 minuts which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck and the further wee went the more vnto wardly did the rest of our ships worke either to come into hauen or to keepe company one with another And â—ruely I suppose that by reason of the froward course of the Admirall he meant of purpose to lose vs for I know not how the neerer we endeuoured to be to him the further off would he beare from vs and wee seeing that kept on our owne course and lookt to our selues as well as we could The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation for our best course some would goe for the West India some directly North for England and in conclusion the greater part was bent to plie for our owne countrey considering our necessities of victuals and fresh water and yet if any place were offered vs in the way not to omit it to seeke to fill water The 26 day in the morning we espied a lowe Island but we lost it againe and could descrie it no more This day we found our selues in 3 degrees and 42 minutes The 27 day we searched what water we had left vs and found but nine buts onely so that our captaine allowed but a pinte of water for a man a day to preserue it as much as might be wherâ—with euâ—ry man was content and we were then in number fiftie men and boyes The first of August we found our selues 5 degrees to the Northward of the line all which moneth we continued our course homâ—ward withoâ—t touching any where toward the end whereof a sorrowfull accident fell out in our hulke which being deuided from vs in a calme fell a fire by some great negligence and perished by that meanes in the seas wee being not able any wayes to helpe the ship or to saue the men The 4 day of September we had brought our selues into the height of 41 degrees 20 minutes somwhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores and thus bulting vp and downe with contrary winds the 29 of the same moneth we reachâ—d the coast of England and so made an end of the voyage A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal borne in the citie of Eluas continued vnto the yere 1587. Wherein among diuers rare things not hitherto deliuered by any other writer certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truâ—ly reported whâ—ch was intercepted with the author thereof at the riuer of Plate by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586. FRancis Drâ—ke an Englishman being on the sea and hauing knowledge of the small strength of the towne of Nombre de Dios came into the harborough on a night with foure pinnesses and landed an hundreth and fifty men and leauing one halfe of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there hee with the rest entred the towne without doing any harme till hee came at the market place and there his company discharging their calieuers and sounding their trumpets which made a great noyse in the towne were answered by their fellowes in the force who discharged and sounded in like maner This attempt put the townesmen in such extreme feare that leauing their houses they fled into the mountaines and there be thought themselues what the matter should be in the towne remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarme But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion ioyned foureteene or fifteene of them together with their pieces to see who was in the towne and getting to a corner of the market-place they discouered the Englishmen and perceiuing that they were but a few discharged thâ—ir pieces at them and their fortune was such that they slew the trumpetter and shot the captaine whose name was Francis Drake into the legge who feeling himselfe hurt retired toward the Fort where he had left the rest of his men but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet and being not answered againe and hearing the calieuers discharged in the towne thought that their fellowes in the towne had bene slaine and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses Now Francis Drake whom his men carried because of his hurt when he came to the fort where he left his men and saw them fled he and the rest of his company were in so great feare that leauing their furniture behinde them and putting off their hose they swamme waded all to their Pinnesses and departed forth of the harbour so that if the Spaniards had followed them they might haue slaine them all Thus Captaine Drake did no more harme at Nombre
haue it by and by whâ—reat the captaine being angry becâ—use they put to small trust in his word would not suffer his saylers to carrie it but said he would get Negros to serue his turne and so these wâ—re the Negros aforesaid whom he had brought to carry away the golde and siluer but by the way he met with the fiue Englishmen which fled from the pinnesse who told him of the Spaniards and then he made friends with all his men and got the Negros to take his part but hauing the ouerthrow and his best men being slaine and taken prisoners he thought to haue returned to his ship and so to haue gone for England The Spanish captaine hauing heard this discourse of the English prisoners buried the dead bodies embarking all things and with the Englishmen and their pinnesse returned backe vnto Panamá Thus was the Engliâ—hmens voyage ouerthrowen Now so soone as the the foure barkes and the pinnesse were arriued at Panamá the Gouernour of that place sent a messenger ouerland to Nombre de Dios to aduertise the townesmen where the Englishmens shiplay whereupon they of Nombre de Dios manned out foure ships and went into the bay of Dariene where the Englishmen had left their ship which they tooke away with them to Nombre de Dios with all her ordinance so that the poore Englishmen were left in the mountaines very naked and destitute of all comfort for the Spaniards had taken out of the foresaid house of boughes all their tooles other necessaries so that they could by no meanes haue any succour whereas oâ—herwise they might haue builded another pinnesse and prouided better for themselues to haue returned for their owne countrey These newes comming to the earâ—s of the Uâ—ceroy of Peru he thought it not conuenient to suffer those fiftie Englishmen which were yet aliue to continue in the mountaines among the said Negros Wherefore he sent a seruant of his called Diego de Frees with 150 shot to seeke them who at length found them making of Canoas to take some one small barke or other that sayled to and againe in the North sea whereby they might the better shift for themselues but before they had finished their pretended worke the Spanish souldiers set vpon them and tooke fifteene of them that were sicke but the rest fled whom the Spaniards pursued among the mountaines and in the end the Negros betraied them and they were all taken and carried to Panamá Where the Iustice asked the English captaine whither he had the Queenes license or the license of any other Prince or Lord And he answered that he had noâ—e but that he came of his owne proper motion Which being knowen to the Iusâ—ice the Captaine and his companie were condemned and were all put to death at Panamá sauing the Captaine himselfe the Master and the Pilot and fiue boyes which were caried to Lima where the Captaine and the two other men were executed but the boyes are yet liuing The king of Spaine hauing intelligence of these matters sent 300 men of warre against those Negros who had assisted the Englishmen which Negros before were slaues vnto the Spaniards and as is aforesaide fled from their masters into those mountaines and so ioyned themselues to the Englishmen thinking by that meanes to be reuenged of the Spaniards crueltie At the first comming of these three hundred souldiers they tooke many of the Negros and did great iustice on them according to the qualitie of their offences But after a season the Negros grew wise and wary and preuented the Spaniards so that none of them could be taken Whereof the king being aduertised by his Captaines as also how the countrey was full of mountaines and riuers and very vnhealthfull insomuch that his souldiers died he wrote vnto his said Captaines to make an agreement with those Negros to the ende the countrey might be in quiet And so they came to agreement with the Captaines of the Negros and all was appeased Afterward the Negros inhabiting two places which the Spaniardes allotted vnto them the kings pardon was proclaimed vnto all those which before the day of the proclamation thereof had runne from their Masters vpon condition that from that day forward whatsoeuer other fugitiue Negros should resort vnto them they should returne them home either dead or aliue if not that they should pâ—y for them Upon these conditions and to make all quiet in the mountaines all things were concluded and agreed vpon So that now the Negros dwell in great townes where they haue Spaniardes for their teachers and a Spaniard for their Iudge and with this they holde themselues very well contented and are obedient vnto their rulers The Spaniards since they conquered those parts haue seene many Frenchmen on that coast but neuer any Englishmen in that place saue those two onely which I haue before mentioned And although the Frenchmen haue come strong yet durst they neuer put foot on shore as the English did But the king of Spaine hearing that Englishmen as well as Frenchmen beganne to haunt that coast caused two gallies to be made and well appointed to keepe the coast The first yeere that they were made they tooke sixe or seuen French ships So soone as this was knowen there vsed fewe English or Frenchmen of warre to come on the coast vntill this yeere 1586. when as the aforesaid Francis Drake came with a strong fleete of about foure and twentie ships and did such harme as is well knowen vnto all Christendome But God sparing the king of Spaine life hee will sufficiently prouide to keepe his subiectes from the inuasions of other Nations Now to go forward with our begunne discourse the next towne vpon this coast beyond Nombre de Dios is Cartagena it standeth in a more healthfull place and is a greater towne then the other bordering vpon a better countrey which aboundeth with plentie of victuals and hauing a very good port for the harbour of ships and it is called Cartagena because it resembleth very much the citie of Cartagena in Spaine I containeth aboue foure hundred housholds It is very rich by reason of the ships staying there when they goe or come from Spaine And if the ships chance to winter before they goe home into Spaine then they lie at Cartagena Also it is greatly enriched by the marchandize which is there discharged to be carryed to the new kingdome of Granada from which kingdome much golde is brought vnto Cartagena This new kingdome of Granada is two hundred leagues within the land neither can they trauel from Cartagena to this kingdome by land because of the mountaines and standing waters which lie in the way so that they are faine to carry their goods vp a riuer called The great riuer of Magdalen They can goe with tâ—eir barkes but two hundred leagues vp this riuer for although it be large and very deepe yet there runneth so swift a current that the
Malucos were in that part of the worlde which was allotted to the king of Spaine and that he would finde a shorter way thither then the Portugales tooke and layed before them such infallible reasons that the Councell giuing credite vnto his wordes sent him to sea with fiue ships and 400 men all very well appointed With these fiue ships setting saile from S. Lucar he came to the coast of Brasill where at that time two places were inhabited by Portugales and so sayling on along that coast he passed by the riuer of Plate which riuer was discouered a little before by Solis And notwithstanding many stormes and great mutinies among his companie he came at length vnto 48 degrees to the Southwards of the riuer of Plate where he found an harbour which he named Puerto de Sant Iulian and wintered there and there also he hanged 5 men and put on shore a Priest because they would haue made the company to stand against their captaine and so to haue returned backe againe But in the end hauing pacified his men he put to sea and within 5 dayes after he found the streights which by him were so much desired but before he entered the said streights there befell such a mutinie in one of his ships that the same ship returned backe againe And so himselfe with the other foure ships entering the streights one of the said foure with all the men therein was cast away at the very enterance which losse notwithstanding he proceeded on with the other three ships and passing many troubles and dangers in this long discouery ceased not to prosecute his intended voyage This discouery was at the first thought very profitable vnto the Spaniards but of late it hath prooued very hurtfull vnto them by meanes of certaine coasters which haue sayled the selfe same course These streights stand in 52 degrees and a halfe of Southerly latitude Also here is to be noted that it is colder to the Southward of the line then to the Northward in such wise that in forty degrees to the Southward the colde is more sharpe then in fiftie degrees to the North experience doth alwaies shew the same for it is as colde euen in the streights of Magellan as it is in sixty degrees of Northerly latitude Howbeit the colde is not the cause why nauigators frequent not the same but the Westerly and Southerly windes which blowe most furiously on that coast and that oftentimes out of the very mouth of the streightes and so continue for the most part of the yeere Also there runneth sometimes such a strong current that if the winde and it goe all one way the cables cannot holde neither can the ship withstand the force thereof For which cause and also for that there is no harbour till you be passed 30 leagues into the said streights most part of the ships that haue gone thither haue indured many troubles before they could come to the streights and being come to the mouth thereof they haue bene hindered by the current and winde and so haue beene put backe againe And to the end you may vnderstand the truth I will declare vnto you all the shippes that haue past through the said streights since Magellan first found them vnto this present yeere of 1586 when I haue once ended my discourse of Magellan his owne voyage Nowe you are by the way to vnderstande that the North side of the enterance of these streights is plaine lande without any wood or trees here are likewise some Indians though not many yet are they very mightie men of bodie of ten or eleuen foot high and good bow-men but no man-eaters neither haue they any victuals but such as they get by hunting and fishing they couer their bodies with the skinnes of beasts that they kill to defend them from the colde neither was there euer to this day any siluer or golde found among them or in their countrey These Streights they say extend in length from East to West about an hundred and twentie leagues At the middle of these streights on the North side are many mountaines couered with snow which mountaines stretch from thence along the frontiers of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada euen vnto the shore of the North sea at Santa Martha as I haue before signified It is a wonder to behold the exceeding heigth of these mountaines and the way which they continue couered with snow for euen vnder the Equinoctiall line they haue as much snowe vpon their tops as in 52 degrees Also it is worthy the remembrance that all this countrey towarde the South sea is very fruitfull and the people very discreete and gentle but all the coast towardes Brasill vpon the North sea is poore whereas neuer yet was found any commoditie of account and the people themselues are very cruell and saluage for the will of God is that good and ciuill men should inhabite fruitfull countries And for the better vnderstanding hereof you must note that all the land lying betweene the said ridge of mountaines and the South sea is called by the names of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada which are the best and richest countreys in all the world and most part of the land from the said mountaines to the North sea is called Brasiâ—l being a mountainous countrey where as yet was neuer found either golde or siluer From the said mountaines in the middle of the streights the land riseth high till you come to the end of the streights where you enter into the South sea in which place next the South sea the streights are very dangerous by reason of the sholdes rocks that lie on the North side Thus Magellan after he had entered the South seaâ— within 60 dayes came to the Iles of the Malucos without touching at any land vntill he came thither and so seeking there to lade his ships at an Iland inhabited by Moores he was by them treacherously slaine Now the Spaniards being too few for the managing of all three ships because many of them were dead partly with sicknes and partly with the hardnesse of the voiage determined to abandon one of their said ships and so manned the other two which two being laden with spices and other riches knew not what course they were best to take howbeit at length it was determined that one of these two ships should go for Nueua Espanna and the other for the cape of Buena Esperança and so for Spaine The ship that went for Spaine was called The Victorie the Pilot whereof was a Bisâ—ain named Iuan Sebastian del Cano to whom the king gaue great rewardes and appointed him the globe for his armes whereon was written Primus omnium circunde distime that is thou art the first man that euer sayled about me And albeit this voyage was so long and troublesome as is before mentioned yet many others haue attempted the same And the next that sought
of people it contayneth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a fort built hard by it and here are 500 souldiers continually in garrison Betweene this place and Valparizo the Indians call the coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing 25 leagues vp into the countrey is the principall towne of all Chili and the seate of the gouernour it consisteth of about 800 houses The port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next towne neere the sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the land and containeth about 200 houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a gentleman which is gouernour of the towne hath an Ingeuio for sugar at this place endeth the whole prouince of Chili Here also the mountaines ioyning hard vpon the sea are the cause why all the land betweene Copiapo and Peru containing 160 leagues lyeth desolate The first towne on the coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any farther I will here also declare vnto you the first discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the sea-coast againe and to the ende you may vnderstand mee the better I will begin with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this maine land passing ouer the mountaines they discouered the South sea where because they found Indian people with gold and pearles they built a towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the sea-side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by sea to the coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly winds blowing on this coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to shippes sayling that way and by land the passage was impossible in regard of mountaines and riuers yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Island of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Piçarro borne in the citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a company vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the coast of Peru and hauing obtained licence of the gouernour of that place Francisco Piçarro set foorth with two foresayd Carauels and 100 men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Piçarro sayling along the coast met with much contrary winds and raine which put him to great trouble and he began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sailing of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery riuer and bay that hee saw along the coast which was the chiefe cause that hee stayed so long on his voyage also thirtie of his company dyed by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last hee came to an Island called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supply of victuals of men which ship being departed 40 of his men that remained behind made a mutiâ—y and passed vp into the countrey meaning to returne by land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Piçarro was left vpon the said Island onely with thirteene men who although he had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would he rather die then goe backe and his 13 men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine land in the night season Thus he continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with 40 men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecured his voyage till he came to the first plaine countrey of Peru called Tumbez where he found a fort made by the king of Peru against the Indians of the mountaines Wherefore Piçarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a people of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in gold and siluer and well apparelled At this port of Tumbez hee tooke 30000 pezos of gold in trucke of marchandize and hauing too few men to proceede any further hee carried two Indians with him to learne the language and returned backe for Panama Upon this discouery Francisco Piçarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to â—raue of the king the conquest of this land Whither being come the king granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a fleete of ships and brought also along with him foure of his brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his voyage for Peru being accompanied with his partner Diego de Almagro They sailed first to the Island called Isla del Gallo where Francisco Piçarro and his brethren went on land and left Diego de Almagro in the ships And the whole number which afterward landed on the maine land were 60 horsemen and 120 footemen with two great field-peeces But before we proceede any farther we thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru and the naturall disposition of the inhabitants This countrey was called Peru by the Spaniards of a riuer so named by the Indians where they first came to the sight of gold From which riuer standing vnder the line till you come to Copiapo the first towne on the coast of Chili stretcheth the land of Peru for the space of eight hundred leagues vpon sixe hundred whereof from Aâ—acama to Tumbez did neuer drop of raine fall since the flood of Noah and yet is it the fruitfullest land for all kind of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life that is to be found in all the world besides The reason why it raineth not in this land is because it beeing a plaine countrey and very narrow and low situate betweene the Equinoctiall and the tropique of Capricorne there runneth on the West frontier not aboue twentie leagues from the sea called Mar del Sur Eastward thereof a mighty ridge of high mountaines couered with snow the height of which mountaines so draweth
at the island of S. Andrew where we ankered in 17 fadoms water Item The 17 day of September we departed from the island of S. Andrew and the 24 day of September we put into the bay of Chiametlan where we ankered in 8 fadoms water and the 26 of September we departed from the bay of Chiametlan and the 28 day wee ankered vnder the islands of Chiametlan in 4 fadoms Item The 9 day of October wee departed from the islands of Chiametlan and crossing ouer the mouth of Mar vermejo the 14 day of October we had sight of the cape of California Item The 15 day of October we lay off the cape of S. Lucas and the 4 day of Nouember we tooke the great and rich ship callâ—d Santa Anna comming from the Philippinas and the 5 day of Nouember we put into the port of S. Lucas where we put all the people on shore and burnt the Santa Anna and we ankered in 12 fadoms water Item The 19 day of Nouember we departed from the port of S. Lucas and the 3 day of Ianuary wee had sight of one of the islands of the Ladrones which island is called The island of Iwana standing in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts Item The 3 day of Ianuary we departed from the iland of Iwana and the 14 day of Ianuarie we had sight of the cape of Spirito santo and the same day we put into the Streights of the Philippinas and the 15 day of Ianuary we ankered vnder the iland of Capul on the which iland we watered and wooded Item The 24 of Ianuary we departed from the iland of Capul and the 28 day of Ianuary we arriued in the bay of Lago grande which bay is in the island of Pannay where there were Spaniards building of a new ship Item The 29 of Ianuary wee departed from the bay of Lago grande and the same day at night wee were cleere from the islands of the Philippinas shâ—ping our course towards the ilands of Maluco Item From the 29 day of Ianuary vnto the first day of March we were nauigating between the West end of the island of Pannay and the West end of the island of Iaua minor Item The first day of March wee passed the Streights at the West head of the island of Iaua minor and the 5 day of March we ankered in a bay at the Wester end of Iaua maior where wee watered and had great store of victuals from the towne of Polambo Item The 16 day of March wee departed from the island of Iaua maior and the 11 day of May we had sight of the land 40 leagues vnto the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança the land being low land A note from the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the Northwards ITem The 21 day of May wee departed from the cape of Buena Esperança and the 8 day of Iune we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland of Santa Helenâ— where we watered and made our abode 12 dayes Item The 20 day of Iune at night wee departed from the island of Santa Helena and the 4 day of Iuly we passed vnder the Equinoctiall line Item The 20 day of Iune at night wee departed from the island of Santa Helena and the 25 day of August in the morning wee had sight of the islands of Flores and Coruo in the latitude of 40 degrees Item The 9 day of September 1588 wee arriued after a long and terriblâ— tempest in the Narrow seas in the hauen of Plimmouth in safetie by the gracious and most mercifull protection of the Almighty to whom therefore be rendered immortall praise and thankesgiuing now and for euer Amen A note of our ankering in those places where we arriued after our departure from England 1586. IN primis Wee ankered in the harborow of Sierra leona in 10 fadoms water and a Northwest winde in that rode is the woorst that can blow Item You may anker vnder the island that is called Ilha Verde in 6 fadoms water and the winde being at the Westnorthwest is the woorst winde that can blow Item You may anker vnder the island of S. Sebastian on the Northwest part in 10 fadoms and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in Port Desire in 5 fadoms water and a West and by South winde is the woorst Item You may anker vnder Cape Ioy without the mouth of the Streights of Magellan in 7 fadoms water Item You may anker within the Straights of Magellan vâ—till you come vnto the first narrowing in 25 or 30 fadoms water in the mid way of the Streights Item You may anker in the second narrow of the Strâ—ights in 16 fadoms water Item You may anker vnder Penguin island on which side you please in 6 or 7 fadoms water Item You may anker in Port Famine in 5 or 6 fadoms water and a Southsoutheast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in Muskle coue which coue is on the South side and is 7 leagues to the Southwards of Cape Froward and you shall ride in 12 fadoms Item You may anker in Elizabeth bay which bay is on the North side of the Streights in 8 fadoms water Item From Elizabeth bay vnto Cabo descado you may anker on both sides of the Streights in many places A note of our ankering after we were entred into the South sea IN primis You may anker in the bay of Mocha in 7 or 8 fadoms water and there a Northeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the North side of S. Mary island in nine fadoms water and there a Northnorthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Conception vnder one small island in 9 fadoms water and â— Northnorthwest winde is the woorst winde in that bay Item You may anker in the bay of Quintero in 7 fadoms water and a Northnorthwest wind is the worst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Arica in 6 fadoms and in that bay a Westnorthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Pisca and Paraca in fiue fadoms and in that bay a Northnorthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the bay of Cherepe in 8 fadoms and there from the Northwest vnto the Southeast it is open Item You may anker in the bay of Paita in 7 fadoms water and there a Northnortheast wind is the woorst winde Item You may anker on the Northeast part of the island of Puna in 4 fadoms and a Northeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker at Rio dolce where wee watered vnto the Easâ—wards of the island of Puna in 10 fadoms A note of what depths we ankered in on the coast of New Spaine ITem You may anker in the port of
are in 44. deg and easie to passe But 5. leagues iourney to passe the 3. Saults Ten dayes iourney from the Saults to this great Lake The Saults are in the latitude of 44. deg Belle Isle Carpont in 52. degrees The Grand â—â—â— in 52. and an halfe A flatte rocke Butes The Isle of Blanc Sablon oâ— white sand The seuerall breadâ—hs of the Grand Bay Blanc Sablon in 51. deg 2. third parts The Islâ—s de la Damoâ—selle in 50 deg 3. fourth parts Many Isles good harboâ—â— Cape Tienot in 50 deg one fourth part The Isle Ascension Asâ—â—â—pâ—ion or Nâ—tiscotto The commendation of the Isle of Ascenâ—ioÌ„ From Cape Briton to the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension is but 50 leagues The Cape of Monâ—z nostre Dame The Bay of Molues oâ— Gaspay The Bay de Chaleuâ— or of Heate The Bay of Ognedoc Greater store and betteâ— fish then in Newfoundland Fouleâ— Trees The month of the riuer of Canada twenty fiue leagues broad The 7 Iâ—les in 50 degrees and a halfe The riuer is here but 10 leagues broad The point of Ongear in 49 degrees and a quarter The Isle of Raquelle in 48 degrees and two third parts The riuer 8 leagues broad The entrance oâ— Saguenay The sea of Cathay The riuâ—r not past 4 lâ—agues ouer The Isle of Hares in 48 and one siâ—â—â—nth part Note The isle of Filbeards in 47 degreeâ— and 3. quarters The beginning of the fresh water The riuer but a quarter of a league bâ—oad The Isle of Orleans in 47. degrees and one third part Canada â— leaguâ— to the West of the Isle of Orleans The Fort of France-Roy stood in 47 degrees and one sixâ— part Why the couÌ„trey is colder in the Winter then France A second reason The variation of y â— compasse From the foâ—t of France Roy vnto y e mouth of the Grand Bay 230 leâ—gs Gold and sâ—luâ—r like to be â—ound in Canada A Bay in 42. degrees giuing some hope of a passage Trees â—edde plums Fowle Corne. Wheate to be â—owen in March The cause of the ofteÌ„ snowing in Canada Diamonts Golde foâ—â—d Iâ—qâ—es Carâ—â—er sâ—oâ—e away Iuly France prime August 1542. September 14 The proportion of their victuals The length of the winter They had women with them Their apparell So haue they of Ceuola and Quiuira and Meâ—a Incognita Their victuals They remoue from place to place Fish Beastes Fowle Their breaâ— of great Myl or Maâ—â— Drinke of Seâ—â—e oyle at their great â—eastâ— Their goâ—ernment The 5. of Iune The 6. of Iune Monsieur de Royeâ—e The 14. of Iune The 19. of Iune Maiz. The 22. of Iuly 1543. Note Free denization granted Anno 1581. A Southerly course not greatly needful for Virginia A sweet smell from the land The first riuer Iuly 13 possession taken Abundance of grapes The Isle of Wokokon Goodly Cedars Pines Cypres Sassaphras Conference with a Saâ—agâ—â— Abundance of fish The arriuall of tâ—e kings brother Trafficke with the Sauages Tinne much â—steemed White corall Perlâ—s Pitch trees The manner of making their boates 〈◊〉 Island The great kindnes of the kings brothers wife A solemne banker Their Idolâ— Skicoak a great towne A ship cast away Their weapons Oâ— Pâ—â—â—â—uaioc Roanoak sixteen miles long They land vpon the Iland of S. Iohn de Porto Rico. They land on the Iles of Caico Guanima Cyguateo They land in Florida Iuly September October The rich and manifold commodities oâ— Virginia Commoditieâ— fit to came to Virginia 2. parts of this discourse The excellencie of the seate of Chesepiâ—ok The towne of Chawanook able to make 700. men of warre An Iland in a Bay Pearles in exceeding quanâ—â—tie An enterpâ—se of speciall importance Whither M. Ralfe Lane meant to remoue Wingina changeth his name Conspiracie of the Sauages against the English * Their women A maruellous Mineral in the câ—untrey of Chaunis Temoatan A conflict begun by the Sauages The great current of the Riuer of Moraticoâ— This sails of making weares would be learned The beginning of theâ—â— haruest in Iuly The conspiracie of Pemisapan The forme of the treason The sufficiencie of our men to deale against the Sauages 10. to an hundreth The Sauages line by fishing and hunting till haruest The slaughter and surprise of the Sauages Pemisapan slaine A letter from Sir Francis Drake This ship arriued in Virginia Sir Richard Grinuils third uoyage Fifteene men more leâ—t in Virginia Fiue thousand pearles â—athred Tabacco Monardes parâ—e â— lib 1. cap. 4. The iuice of Coscushaw is poison There are iâ— kinds of Tuâ—â—â— whereof that which beareth no fruith bringeth foorth the Cochinillo In the â—nâ—fe of California they vse the like fishing Iaques Cartier voyage 2. chap. 8. This want is hereafter to be supplied “ One of the Isles of the Indies inhabited with Sauages Circumspectis to be vsed in strange places “ Musketos Bay is a harbour vpon the south side of S. Iohns Islâ—nd where we â—ake in â—resh water “ A pleasant and fruitfull countrey lying on the west end of S. Iohns Island where groweth plenty of Orenges Limons PlaÌ„tans Pines An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok Edward Spicer Their mâ—aning to â—emoue 50 miles into the countrey Smerwick in the West of Ireland M. William Lane Spanish fugitiues Edward Spicer This fight was in fight of the Iland of Nauara The state oâ— the currency from the capâ— of Florida to Viâ—ginia Sandie Ilaâ—â— West of Wokokon They land â— 35 degrees A breach 2 oâ— 3 leagues into Sea Great diâ—ersity of souÌ„dings Hatorask in 36 degr a â—ercâ— They land Fresh water found in sandy hilles Captaine Spicer drowned They leaue the coast of Virginia 13. Pipes of siluer The Isle of Madêra They diâ—couer land 34. Degrees The coast trendeth to the East in 34 degrees of latitude Câ—â—rteous aâ—d 〈◊〉 They run 50. leagues farther Wilde hempe They ran along the coast 200. leagues They make hollow their Canons with fire Uines like those of Lombardie 100. â—eagues sayling A mighty riuer People clad with leathers of diuers colours The pleasantnes and riches of the land The coast trendeth to the East The description of Claudia Iland tenne leagues from the mayneâ— Claudia was mother of king Franâ—â— A passing good hauen Copper more esteemed then golde Most pleasant and fruitful lands The fashion of their houses The coast full of good hauens Their curing with Tabacco and perfumes 41 degrees 2. terces The description of a notable hauen in 41. deg and 2. â—â—â—ces 150 leagues A shew of minerall The coast running Eastward 10. leagues Here the people begin to be more sauage Beades of copper 32 pleasant Islands They ran almost to 50. degrees Other 〈◊〉 ought to be our warning The chiefe things woâ—â—â—â—e obseruâ—tion in Florida are drawen in colours by Iames Moâ—gues painter sometime liuing in the Black frâ—eâ—s in London A â—â—liâ—â—â—â—â— or 〈◊〉 meâ—◠〈◊〉 â—gâ—uâ—a Meanes to raise benefit in new discoueries vsed by the
de San Barâ—ardo La Bacilla The shoalds of Serrana Serranilla Cape de Corrientes Cape de San Antonio The Tâ—â—tugâ—â—â— Seranilla An Island in 16. degrees 〈◊〉 Câ—â—â— de Cameron The vaâ—iâ—tioâ— of the compasse Isla de Pinos The currentâ— sâ—t here sometimes Wesâ— Isla de Coâ—â—â— The latitude of 〈…〉 19. deg and one â—ieâ—â—e Las Tortugas The little Islâ— called Vermâ—â—â— Marâ—â— oâ— Vâ—â—la Rica The low ground of Almeria Lâ—s Sierras 〈◊〉 Papalo Saint Paul Monte de Câ—rneâ—os Casa de Buytroâ— The castle of S. Iuan de Vâ—lâ—â— The hospitall The riuer of 〈◊〉 Alacranes or â—â—â—pâ—orâ— The triangle â—â—rta or â—aâ—â—a The high hils 〈◊〉 â— Maâ—tin 〈◊〉 de Medelin S. Iuan de Vllua 〈◊〉 in 18. deg and a halfe The Tortugas The currents to the East â—an de Cabanas â—auana â—eâ— Martyres The sholds of Mimbresâ— that is of Osiars The Chanell reacheth to 28 degrees La Bermuda * The variation of the Compasse Flores and Câ—eruo Saint George Terzera The Cape of S. Vincent The windes are alwayes at Northwest in the summer The markes oâ— Capâ— S. Vincent The Asagresal The Cape of Saint Mary The course in winter from the chanel of Baâ—ama The variation of the Compasse Many lost vpon Bermuda by negligence The Isle of S. Marie * Faial The barre oâ— S. Lucar Sierras de Monchico To aâ—oyde men of warre The castle of Aimonte The Cape of S Nâ—colas on the East ende of Cuba Pontâ— de Mayâ—ca â—araâ—oa A â—lâ—â—â—d on the East side of Baracoa â—aâ—o de â—â—a This worde Cayo in the Biskapur â—â—â—gue signifieth a date â— shoald Pracellas The Mosâ—wes Camoloquea The flats of Mecaâ—a to be auoyded Cropeda a flat Island 2. Rockes of stone Punta de Caueus Matanâ—as The currents The Teates of Hauana The â—arbour of Xâ—â—oca Markes to know the harbour of Hauana Caio de Moa Caio Romanâ—â— Alcane de Barasoga Sauano Basquo The Flats of Mecala Take heede of that which is here saâ—d for it hath litle reason Sierras de Camaloquâ—a Caio de Moa Pracellas Hauana Punta de Mance Sierra del Hama Caio Romano The markes of the Flat of Caio Romano Punta de Naga Punta de hidalgo The calmes of 〈◊〉 The variation of the compasse Deseada in 15. â—egrees and a halâ—e Warlike and dangerous Indians like â—hose oâ— Dominica These 2. the white and the gray Islands are rather baâ—â— rockes in the sea foâ— so doeth Farrallon the Spanish word signifie But I interprâ—te it Island because all the rocks separated froÌ„ the bigger Islands are saâ—d to be litle Islands This white bare Island is made whitâ— vp the dâ—ng of birdes and sea-foules that resort vnto it These rockes are called Los 〈◊〉 or the spoâ—tes The point oâ— Causedo â—an Domingo The point of Niâ—ao The Isle of Beata Ocoa Puerto hermoso The Isle of Alto Velo◠〈◊〉 Frailes 〈◊〉 Las sierras de donna Maria. Isla Baque Cape Tiburon The Isle of Nauaza Sierras de Cobâ—â— Sierras de Tarquino Los Caimanes Los Iardines Las sierras de Guanaguarico A conuenienâ— watering place The Isle Vermeja Villa rica â— Iuan de Vllua â— volcan or burning hil â—ierras de Sant Martâ—n Sierras de Villa 〈◊〉 â—io de las palmas Rio de las monâ—anâ—as Rio de Panuco Rio Heâ—moâ—o oâ— The beautiâ—ull â—iuer The current of the bay of Mexico the winde being at the East setteth to the Northâ— and 40. leagues from thâ—â—hoâ—e to the Northeast The mountaines oâ— Tamaclipa 〈◊〉 tide at the riuer of Panuco Laâ— sieâ—ras de Tarquia â— Luis de Tamâ—ice Cabo Roxo A watering place The bay â—â— Cassones All these are vpon the 〈◊〉 of Tabasco Las sierras de â— Pabâ—â—â— Punta delgada oâ— The slendâ—â— pointâ— Cabezaâ— anegadas are 〈◊〉 heads 〈◊〉 vnder water Comedera de Peâ—cado Cabo de Coâ—â—ienteâ— Cabo de S. Aâ—â—ton Cape Sisal vpon the coast of Campeche in lucatan Or Isla de Arenas Sierras de S. Martin Roca partida Or Minsapa Of Antoniserro Las Tortugas The hilles called Los Organos vpon Cuba neere Hauana Rio de puercos Baya honda La quadrilla de sierras El pan de Caâ—annas La mesa de Marien The tower of Hauana Note Chipiona a towne standing vpon the coast of Andaluzia next vnto S. Lucas El pan de Matanzas Barrancas If you will recouer Hauana go also signifie creeks or broken entrances of landes Cabeza de los Martires Which Martires are a number of small Ilands lying ahead the Cape of Florida Los Mimbres The markes of Pan de Matanzas Punta de los Puercos The furious current in the chanell of Bahama Directions is know whether you be in the chanell of Bahama or no. Cabo de Cannaueral in 28. deg and a halfe The course 〈◊〉 Winter The Isle of Bermuda The course in the Summer more Northerly Puerto Pini El Passaje place on the Northeast part of the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Cabo del Enganno the most Easter in Cape of Hispaniola Or Semana Las Ouejas Cabo Franco El Puerto de Plata Baracoa Isla de Tortugas otherwise called Hinagua The Isle of Iaico Las sierras de Cabanca Cayo Romano This word Cayo in the â—â—â—caian tongue signifieth a flat or a shâ—ld Cabo de Cruz. This Island lyeth 100. leagues from Hauana The great Parcel Las Anguillas Another Cayo 6 or 7 leagues from Cayo de Cruz. El Puerto de Maranzas or The hauen 〈◊〉 slaughters 〈◊〉 Las Sierras de Guana Cruz del Padre La Baia de Conel La Baia de Caos or Cayos Or Camoloquec Note large * This is a very commoditus Isle for 〈◊〉 in our way to Virginia * large A treatâ—se of the West Indieâ— The yle oâ— Trinidad Curiâ—paâ— Parico Tierra de Breâ— The death of Captaine Whiddon â— Englishmen betrayed by Antony Berreo The Citie of S. Ioseph taken Antony Berreo taken prisoneâ— Sir W. Ralegâ— passed 400. miles toward Guianaâ— The statelines of Manoa marg Fran. Lopez de Gomara hist. gen cap. 120. Iuan Martineâ— the first that euer saw Mâ—noa Diego de Ordaâ— went â—oorth with 600 souldiers 1531. Fran. Lopez bist gen de las Ind. cap. 87. The great city of Manoa or El Dorado The author of the name of El Doradoâ— The substance of this report is in the end of the nauigation of the great riuer of Marannon written by Gonzalo Fernando de â—uiedo to cardinall Bembâ—â— Ramusin Vol 3. fol. 416. Sir Robert Duddeleyâ— Reade Iosephus Acosta The voyage of sir Iohn Burgh to the West Indiesâ— 1534. Gomar cap. 84â— 86. Don Pedro de Siluaâ— Pedro Hernandez de Serpa Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada Antonio Berreo A new rich trade of the French to the riuer of Amazones The seat of the Amazones Many great riuer a falling into Orenoque The prouince of Emeria inhabited by gentle Indians Carapana Morequito Vides the gouernour of Cumana competâ—tor with Berreo in the conquest of Guiana Macureguaray Ten Spanyards arâ—â—e at Manoa Aromaia Saima anâ— â—â—â—kiri
Iuramentum or othe ministred to the Captaine YOu shall sweare to be a faithfull true and loyal subiect in all points and duties that to a subiect appertaineth to our soueraigne Lord the kings Maiestie his heires and successors and that you shall wel and truely to the vttermost of your capacitie wit knowledge serue this present voiage committed to your charge and not to giue vp nor sooner intermit the same vntil you shall haue atchieued the same so farre foorth as you may without danger of your life and losse of the fleete you shall giue good true and faithful counsell to the said societie and to such as shal haue the charge with or vnder you and not to disclose the secrets or priuities of the same to any person by any maner of meane to the preiudice hurt or damage of it You shal minister iustice to all men vnder your charge without respect of person or any affection that might moue you to decline from the true ministration of iustice And further you shal obserue and cause to be obserued as much as in you lieth all and singular rules articles prouisions hitherto made or heereafter to be made for the preseruation or safe conduct of the fleete and voyage and benefit of the company You shall not permit nor suffer the stocke or goods of the company to be wasted imbezeled or consumed but shall conserue the same whole and entire without diminishment vntill you shall haue deliuered or cause to be deliuered the same to the vse of the companie And finally you shal vse your selfe in all points sorts and conditions as to a faithfull captaine and brother of this companie shall belong and appertaine So helpe you God c. The othe ministred to the Maister of the ship c. YOu shall sweare by the holy contents in that booke that you according and to the vttermost of your knowledge and good vnderstanding in mariners science and craft shall in your vocation doe your best to conduct the good shippe called the N. c. whereof you nowe are Maister vnder God both vnto and from the portes of your discouerie and so vse your indeuour and faithfull diligence in charging discharging lading againe and roomaging of the same shippe as may be most for the benefite and profite of this right woorshipfull fellowship and you shall not priuately bargein buy sell exchange barter or distribute any goods wares merchandize or things whatsoeuer necessary tackles and victuals for the shippe onely excepted to or for your owne lucre gaine or profit neither to nor for the priuate lucre gaine or profit of any other person or persons whatsoeuer And further If you shall know any boatswaine mariner or any other person or persons whatsoeuer to buy sell barter trucke or exchange any goods wares marchandizes or things for priuate account reckoning or behalfe you shall doe your best to withstand and let the same and if you cannot commodiously so doe that then before the discharge of such goods bought for priuat account you shal giue knowledge therof to the cape marchant of this said fellowship for the time being And you shal not receiue nor take nor suffer to be receiued or taken into your said ship during this voyage any maner person or persons whatsoeuer going or returning but onely those mariners whâ—ch without fraud or guile shall be hired to be of your company and to serue in mariners craft and science onely So helpe you God c. These foresaid shippes being fully furnished with their pinnesses and boates well appointed with al maner of artillerie and other things necessary for their defence with al the men aforesaid departed from Ratcliffe and valed vnto Detford the 10. day of May 1553. The 11. day about two of the clocke we departed from Detford passing by Greenwich saluting the kings Maiesty then being there shooting off our ordinance so valed vnto Blackwall and there remained vntil the 17. day and that day in the morning we went from Blackwall and came to Woolwâ—ch by nine of the clocke and there remained one tide and so the same night vnto Heyreth The 18. day from Heyreth vnto Grauesend and there remained vntil the twentieth day that day being Saterday from Grauesend vnto Tilberie Hope remaining there vntill the two and twentieth day The 22. day from Tilbery Hope to Hollie hauen The 23. day from Hollie Hauen till we came against Lee and there remained that night by reason that the winde was contrary to vs. The 24. day the winde being in the Southwest in the morning we sailed along the coast ouer the Spits vntill we came against S. Osyth about sixe of the clocke at night and there came to anker and abode there all that night The 25. day about tenne of the clocke we departed from S. Osyth and so sailed forward vnto the Nase and there abode that night for winde and tide The 26. day at fiue of the clock in the morning we weyed our anker and sailed ouer the Nase the winde being at the Southwest vntill wee came to Orwell wands and there came to an anker and abode there vntill the 28. day The same day being Trinitie Sunday about 7. of of the clocke before noone we weyed our ankers and sailed til we came athwart Walsursye and there came to an anker The 29. day from thence to Holmehead where we stayed that day where we consulted which way and what courses were best to be holden for the discouerie of our voyage and there agreed The 30. day of May at fiue of the clocke in the morning wee set saile and came against Yermouth about three leagues into the sea riding there at anker all that night The last of May â—nto the Sea sixe leagues Northeast and there taried that night where the winde blew very sore The first of Iune the winde being at North contrary to vs wee came backe againe to Orwell and remained there vntill the 15. day tarying for the winde for all this time the winde was contrary to our purpose The 15 day being at Orwel in the latitude of 52 degrees in the morning wee weyed our ankers and went forth into the wands about two miles from the towne and lay there that night The 16 day at eight of the clocke we set forward and sayled vntill we came athwart Alburrough and there stayed that night The 17 day about fiue of the clocke before noone we went backe vnto Orfordnesse aud there remained vntill the 19 day The 19 day at eight of the clocke in the morning we went backe to Orwel and abode there three dayes tarying for the winde The 23 day of Iune the wind being faire in the Southwest we hailed into the seas to Orfordnesse and from thence into the seas ten leagues Northeast then being past the sands we changed our course sixe leagues Northnortheast about midnight we changed our course againe and went due North continuing in the same vnto the 27 day The 27 day about
Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast are East and West and there is 15. leagues distance betweene them The Bay of Molues or Gaspay is in 48. degrees and the coast lyeth North and South and taketh a quarter of the Northeast and Southwest vnto the Bay of Heate and there are 3. Isles one great one and two smal from the Bay of Heate vntill you passe the Monts nostre Dame al the land is high and good ground al couered with trees Ognedoc is a good Bay and lyeth Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and it is a good Harbour and you must saile along the shore on the Northside by reason of the low point at the entrance therof and when you are passed the poynt bring your selfe to an ancre in 15. or 20. fathoms of water toward the South shore and here within this Hauen are two riuers one which goeth toward the Northwest and the other to the Southwest And on this coast there is great fishing for Coddes and other fish where there is more store then is in Newfoundland and better fish And here is great store of riuer foule as Malards wild Geese and others And here are all sorts of trees Rose trees Raspesses Filbird trees Apple trees Peare trees and it is hotter here in Sommer then in France The Isle of Ascension and the 7. Isles which lie on the North shore lie Southeast and Westnorthwest and are distant 24. leagues The Cape of Ognedoc and the 7. Isles are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast are distant 35. leagues The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 7. Isles are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is 25. leagues and this is the breadth of this Sea and from thence vpward it beginneth to waxe narrower and narrower The 7. Isles are in 50. degrees and ½ The 7. Isles and the poynt of Ongear lie Northeast and Southwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues and betweene them are certaine small Islands and the point of Ongear and the mountaines Nostre Dame which are on the South side of the entrance of the riuer are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is ten leagues and this is here the abredth of the Sea The poynt of Ongear and the riuer of Caen lie East and West and they are distant 12. leagues And all the coast from the Isle of Ascension hither is very good ground wherein growe all sortes of trees that are in France and some fruits The poynt of Ongear is in 49. degrees and ¼ And the riuer of Caen and the Isle of Raquelle lye Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 12. leagues The Isle of Raquelle is in 48. degrees and â…” In this riuer of Caen there is great sâ—ore of fish And here the Sea is not past 8 leagues broad The Isle of Raquelle is a very low Isle which is neere vnto the South shore hard by a high Cape which is called the Cape of Marble There is no danger there at all And betweene Raquelle and the Cape of Marble ships may passe And there is not from the Isle to the South shore aboue one league and from the Isle vnto the North shore about foure leagues The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance of Saguenay are Northeast Westsouthwest and are distant 14. leagues and there are betweene them two small Islandes neere the North shore The entrance of Saguenay is in 48. degrees and â…“ and the entrance hath not past a quarter of a league in breadth and it is dangerous toward the Southwest and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to waxe wider and wider and it seemeth to bee as it were an arme of the Sea And I thinke that the same runneth into the Sea of Cathay for it sendeth foorth there a great current and there doth runne in that place a terrible rase or tyde And here the riuer from the North shore to the South shore is not past foure leagues in breadth and it is a dangerous passage betweene both the lands because there lie bankes of rockes in the riuer The Isle of Raquelle and the Isle of Hares lye Northeast and Southwest and take ¼ of the East and the West and they are distant 18. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Liepueres or Hares lie Northnortheast Southsouthwest and are distant 5. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Raquelle are Northnorthwest and Southsouthwest and are distant three leagues The Isle of Hares is in 48 and 1 16 of a degree From the Mountaines of Nostre Dame vnto Canada and vnto Hochelaga all the land on the South coast is faire a lowe land and goodly champaigne all couered with trees vnto the brink of the riuer And the land on the North side is higher and in some places there are high mountaines And from the Isle of Hares vnto the Isle of Orleans the riuer is not past 4 or 5 leagues broad Betweene the Isle of Hares and the high land on the North side the sea is not past a league and an halfe broad and it is very deepe for it is aboue 100. fathoms deepe in the middest To the East of the Isle of Hares there are 2 or 3 small Isles and rockes And from hence to the Isle Des Coudres or of Filbeards all is nothing but Isles and rockes on the Southshore and towards the North the sea is fayre and deepe The Isle of Hares and the Isle of Filbeards lie northeast West and Southwest and they are distant 12 leagues And you must alwayes run along the high land on the north shore for on the other shore there is nothing but rocks And you must passe by the side of the Isle of Filbeards and the riuer there is not past a quarter of a league broad and you must sayle in the middest of the chanel and in the middest runneth the best passage either at an hie or a low water because the sea runneth there strongly and there are great dangers of rocks and you had neede of good ancre and table The isle of Filbeards is a small isle about one league long and halfe a league broad but they are all banks of sand The isle of Filberds stands in 47. deg and ¾ The isle of Filberds and the isle of Orleans lie northeast and southwest and they are distant 10 leagues and thou must passe by the high land on the northside about a quarter of a league because that in the midst of the riuer there is nothing but sholds and rocks And when thou shalt bee ouer against a round Cape thou must take ouer to the South shore southwest and a quarter toward the South and thou shalt sayle in 5.6 and 7 fathoms and there the riuer of Canada beginneth to bee fresh and the salt water endeth And when thou shalt be athwart the point of the isle of Orleans where