weather The castle and we waied in the Christopher and went roome with her The 12 day the Tyger came roome with vs and she and the Christopher finding themselues to stand in great need of victuals would haue gone with the Portugals ships to haue fetched some of them forth but our master and company would in no case consent to goe with them for feare of hanging when we came home and the other two ships being fully minded to haue gone and fearing that their owne company would accuse them durst not go to them After this by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnesse which could receiue no victuals from the other shippes but from vs onely we tooke out all our men and put twelue Frenchmen into her and gaue them victuals to bring them to Shamma The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arriued at Shamma and the Christopher within two leagues off them but could not fetch the winde by reason of the scantnesse of the winde which hath bene so scant that in fifteene dayes we haue plied to the windewards but twelue leagues which before we did in one day and a night The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse and went to the towne of Shamma to speake with the captaine and he tolde me that there was no golde there to be had nor so much as a hen to be bought and all by reason of the accord which he had made with the Portugals and I seeing that departed peaceably from him The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnesse and tooke one marchant of our ship and another of the Tyger and sent her to Hanta to attempt if she could doe any thing there That night they could do nothing but were promised to haue golde the next day The next day which was the 22 being come we sent our pinnesse to Hanta againe but there neither the captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with vs but intised vs from place to place and all to no purpose This day we put away our pinnesse with fiue and twenty Frenchmen in her and gaue them such victuals as we could spare putting fifteene of them to the ransome of sixe crownes a man The 23 of Iune our pinnesse came to vs from Hanta and tolde vs that the Negros had dealt very ill with them and would not traffike with them to any purpose The 24 we tooke our boat and pinnesse and manned them well and went to the towne of Shamma and because the Captaine thereof was become subiect to the Portugals we burned the towne and our men seeking the spoile of such trifles as were there found a Portugals chest wherein was some of his apparell and his weights and one letter sent to him from the castle whereby we gathered that the Portugall had bene there of a long time The 25 day about three of the clocke at afternoone we set saile and put into the sea for our returne to England The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore againe and made our reckoning to be â—ighteene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we set off When we came to make the land we found our selues to be eighteene leagues to the leeward of the place where we set off which came to passe by reason of the extreame currant that runneth to the Eastward when we perceiued our selues so abused we agreed to cast about againe and to lie as neere the winde as we could to fetch the line The seuenth of Iuly we had sight of the I le of S. Thome and thought to haue sought the road to haue ancred there but the next morning the winde came about and we kept our course The ninth the winde varying we kept about againe and fell with the Iland of S. Thome and seeking the road were becalmed neere the Iland and with the currant were put neere the shore but could haue no ground to ancre so that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse and the other ships their skifs to towe from the Iland which did litle good but in the end the winde put vs three leagues off the shore The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast about whereby we iudged them to haue agreed together to goe seeke some ships in the road and to leaue vs our men were not willing to goe after them for feare of running in with the Iland againe and of putting our selues into the same danger that we were in the night before but we shot off a piece and put out two lights and they answered vs with lights againe whereupon we kept our course and thought that they had followed vs but in the morning we could not see them so that they left vs willingly and we determined to follow them no more But the eleuenth day we altered our opinion and course and consented to cast about againe for the Iland to seeke our ships and about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we met with them The 13 we fell againe with the Iland of S. Thome and the same night we found our selues directly vnder the line This Iland is a very high Iland and being vpon the West side of it you shall see a very high pike which is very small and streight as it were the steeple of a church which pike lieth directly vnder the line and at the same South end of the Iland to the Westward thereof lieth a small Iland about a mile from the great Iland The third of August we departed froÌ„ the I le of S. Thome met the winde at the south-Southwest The 12 day we were in the height of Cape verde The 22 day we fell with one of the Iles of Cape verde called The I le of Salt and being informed by a Scotish man that we tooke among the Frenchmen vpon the coast that there were fresh victuals to be had we came to an ancre there The 23 day in the morning we maâ—ned our skiffe and went a shore and found no houses but we saw foure men which kept themselues alwayes farre from vs as for cattell we could finde none but great store of goats and they were so wilde that we could not take aboue three or foure of them but there we had good store of fish and vpon a small Iland which lay by the same we had great store of sea-birds At night the Christopher brake her cable and lost an ancre so that she could tary no longer so we all wayed and set saile Upon the same Iland we left the Scotish man which was the occasion of our going aland at that place but how he was left we could not tell but as we iudged the people of the Iland found him sleeping and so caried him away for at night I went my selfe to the Iland to seeke him but could heare nothing of him The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord vs tolde vs that his men were so weake and the
as well there as in all places else both on the sand and on the greene soile on the hils as in the plaines as well on euery little shrubbe as also climing towardes the tops of high Cedars that I thinke in all the world the like abundance is not to be found and my selfe hauing seene those parts of Europe that most abound find such difference as were incredible to be written We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those hilles next adioyning being but of meane higth and from thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North and to the South finding no ende any of both wayes This lande lay stretching it selfe to the West which after wee found to bee but an Island of twentie miles long and not aboue sixe miles broade Under the banke or hill whereon we stoode we behelde the vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees and hauing discharged our harquebuz-shot such a flocke of Cranes the most pat white arose vnder vs with such a cry redoubled by many ecchoes as if an armie of men had showted all together This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere Conies Hares and Fowle euen in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance The woodes are not such as you finde in Bohâ—mia Moscouia or Hercynia barren and fruitles but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world farre bettering the Ceders of the Açores of the Indies or Lybanus Pynes Cypres Sassaphras the Lentisâ— or the tree that beareth the Masticke the tree that beareth the rine of blacke Sinaâ—â—n of which Master Winter brought from the streights of Magellan and many other of excellent smell and qualitie We remained by the side of this Island â—wo whole dayes before we saw any people of the Countrey the third day we espied one small boate rowing towardes vs hauing in it three persons this boat came to the Island side foure harquebuz-shot from our shippes and there two of the people remaining the third came along the shore side towards vs and wee being then all within boord he walked vp and downe vpon the point of the land next vnto vs then the Master and the Pilot of the Admirall Simon Ferdinando and the Captaine Philip Amadas my selfe and others rowed to the land whose comming this fellow attended neuer making any shewe of feare or doubt And after he had spoken of many things not vnderstood by vs we brought him with his owne good liking aboord the ships and gaue him a shirt a hat some other things and made him taste of our wine and our meat which he liked very wel and after hauing viewed both barks he departed and went to his owne boate againe which hee had left in a little Coue or Creâ—ke adioyning assoone as hee was two bow shoot into the water he fell to fishing and in lesse then halfe an houre he had laden his boate as deepe as it could swimme with which hee came againe to the point of the lande and there he deuided his fish into two parts pointing one part to the shipâ— and the other to the pinnesse which after he had as much as he might requited the former benefites receaued departed out of our sight The next day there came vnto vs diuers boates and in one of them the Kings brother accompanied with fortie or fiftie men very handsome and goodly people and in their behauiour as mannerly and ciuill as any of Europe His name was Granganimco and the king is called Wingina the countrey Wingandacoa and now by her Maiestie Virginia The maner of his comming was in this sort hee left his boares altogether as the first man did a little from the shippes by the shore and came along to the place ouer against the ships followed with fortie men When he came to the place his seruants spread a long matte vpon the ground on which he sate downe and at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did the like the rest of his men stood round about him somewhat a farre off when we came to the shore to him with our weapons hee neuer mooued from his place nor any of the other foure nor neuer mistrusted any harme to be offred from vs but sitting still he beckoned vs to come and sit by him which we performed and being set hee made all signes of ioy and welcome striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours to shewe wee were all one smiling and making shewe the best he could of all loue and familiaritie After hee had made a long speech vnto vs wee presented him with diuers things which hee receiued very ioyfully and thankefully None of the company durst speake one worde all the time onely the foure which were at the other ende spake one in the others eare very softly The King is greatly obeyed and his brothers and children reuerenced the King himselfe in person was at our being there sore wounded in a fight which hee had with the King of the next countrey called Wingina and was shot in two places through the body and once cleane through the thigh but yet he recouered by reason whereof and for that hee lay at the chiefe towne of the country being sixe dayes iourney off we saw him not at all After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked wee likewise gaue somewhat to the other that sat with him on the matte but preâ—ently he arose and tooke all from them and put it into his owne basket making signes and tokens that all things ought to bee deliuâ—red vnto him and the rest were but his seruants and followers A day or two aftâ—r this we fell to trading with them exchanging some things that we had for Chamoys Buffe and Deere skinnes when we shewed him all our packet of merchandize of all things that he sawe a bright tinne dish most pleased him which hee presently tooke vp and clapt it before his breast and after made a hole in the brimme thereof and hung it about his necke making signes that it would defende him against his enemies arrowes for those people maintaine a deadly and terrible warre with the people and King adioyning We exchanged our tinne dish for twentie skinnes woorth twentie Crownes or twentie Nobles and a copper kettle for fiftie skins woorth fifty Crownes They offered vs good exchange for our hatchets and axes and for kniues and would haue giuâ—n any thing for swordes but wee would not depart with any After two or three dayes the Kings brother came aboord the shippes and dranke wine and eat of our meat and of our bread and liked exceedingly thereof and after a few dayes ouerpassed he brought his wife with him to the ships his daughter and two or three children his wife was very well fauoured of meane stature and very bashfull shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather with the surre side next to her body and before her
are in 44. deg and easie to passe But 5. leagues iourney to passe the 3. Saults Ten dayes iourney from the Saults to this great Lake The Saults are in the latitude of 44. deg Belle Isle Carpont in 52. degrees The Grand â—â—â— in 52. and an halfe A flatte rocke Butes The Isle of Blanc Sablon oâ— white sand The seuerall breadâ—hs of the Grand Bay Blanc Sablon in 51. deg 2. third parts The Islâ—s de la Damoâ—selle in 50 deg 3. fourth parts Many Isles good harboâ—â— Cape Tienot in 50 deg one fourth part The Isle Ascension Asâ—â—â—pâ—ion or Nâ—tiscotto The commendation of the Isle of Ascenâ—ioÌ„ From Cape Briton to the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension is but 50 leagues The Cape of Monâ—z nostre Dame The Bay of Molues oâ— Gaspay The Bay de Chaleuâ— or of Heate The Bay of Ognedoc Greater store and betteâ— fish then in Newfoundland Fouleâ— Trees The month of the riuer of Canada twenty fiue leagues broad The 7 Iâ—les in 50 degrees and a halfe The riuer is here but 10 leagues broad The point of Ongear in 49 degrees and a quarter The Isle of Raquelle in 48 degrees and two third parts The riuer 8 leagues broad The entrance oâ— Saguenay The sea of Cathay The riuâ—r not past 4 lâ—agues ouer The Isle of Hares in 48 and one siâ—â—â—nth part Note The isle of Filbeards in 47 degreeâ— and 3. quarters The beginning of the fresh water The riuer but a quarter of a league bâ—oad The Isle of Orleans in 47. degrees and one third part Canada â— leaguâ— to the West of the Isle of Orleans The Fort of France-Roy stood in 47 degrees and one sixâ— part Why the couÌ„trey is colder in the Winter then France A second reason The variation of y â— compasse From the foâ—t of France Roy vnto y e mouth of the Grand Bay 230 leâ—gs Gold and sâ—luâ—r like to be â—ound in Canada A Bay in 42. degrees giuing some hope of a passage Trees â—edde plums Fowle Corne. Wheate to be â—owen in March The cause of the ofteÌ„ snowing in Canada Diamonts Golde foâ—â—d Iâ—qâ—es Carâ—â—er sâ—oâ—e away Iuly France prime August 1542. September 14 The proportion of their victuals The length of the winter They had women with them Their apparell So haue they of Ceuola and Quiuira and Meâ—a Incognita Their victuals They remoue from place to place Fish Beastes Fowle Their breaâ— of great Myl or Maâ—â— Drinke of Seâ—â—e oyle at their great â—eastâ— Their goâ—ernment The 5. of Iune The 6. of Iune Monsieur de Royeâ—e The 14. of Iune The 19. of Iune Maiz. The 22. of Iuly 1543. Note Free denization granted Anno 1581. A Southerly course not greatly needful for Virginia A sweet smell from the land The first riuer Iuly 13 possession taken Abundance of grapes The Isle of Wokokon Goodly Cedars Pines Cypres Sassaphras Conference with a Saâ—agâ—â— Abundance of fish The arriuall of tâ—e kings brother Trafficke with the Sauages Tinne much â—steemed White corall Perlâ—s Pitch trees The manner of making their boates 〈◊〉 Island The great kindnes of the kings brothers wife A solemne banker Their Idolâ— Skicoak a great towne A ship cast away Their weapons Oâ— Pâ—â—â—â—uaioc Roanoak sixteen miles long They land vpon the Iland of S. Iohn de Porto Rico. They land on the Iles of Caico Guanima Cyguateo They land in Florida Iuly September October The rich and manifold commodities oâ— Virginia Commoditieâ— fit to came to Virginia 2. parts of this discourse The excellencie of the seate of Chesepiâ—ok The towne of Chawanook able to make 700. men of warre An Iland in a Bay Pearles in exceeding quanâ—â—tie An enterpâ—se of speciall importance Whither M. Ralfe Lane meant to remoue Wingina changeth his name Conspiracie of the Sauages against the English * Their women A maruellous Mineral in the câ—untrey of Chaunis Temoatan A conflict begun by the Sauages The great current of the Riuer of Moraticoâ— This sails of making weares would be learned The beginning of theâ—â— haruest in Iuly The conspiracie of Pemisapan The forme of the treason The sufficiencie of our men to deale against the Sauages 10. to an hundreth The Sauages line by fishing and hunting till haruest The slaughter and surprise of the Sauages Pemisapan slaine A letter from Sir Francis Drake This ship arriued in Virginia Sir Richard Grinuils third uoyage Fifteene men more leâ—t in Virginia Fiue thousand pearles â—athred Tabacco Monardes parâ—e â— lib 1. cap. 4. The iuice of Coscushaw is poison There are iâ— kinds of Tuâ—â—â— whereof that which beareth no fruith bringeth foorth the Cochinillo In the â—nâ—fe of California they vse the like fishing Iaques Cartier voyage 2. chap. 8. This want is hereafter to be supplied “ One of the Isles of the Indies inhabited with Sauages Circumspectis to be vsed in strange places “ Musketos Bay is a harbour vpon the south side of S. Iohns Islâ—nd where we â—ake in â—resh water “ A pleasant and fruitfull countrey lying on the west end of S. Iohns Island where groweth plenty of Orenges Limons PlaÌ„tans Pines An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok Edward Spicer Their mâ—aning to â—emoue 50 miles into the countrey Smerwick in the West of Ireland M. William Lane Spanish fugitiues Edward Spicer This fight was in fight of the Iland of Nauara The state oâ— the currency from the capâ— of Florida to Viâ—ginia Sandie Ilaâ—â— West of Wokokon They land â— 35 degrees A breach 2 oâ— 3 leagues into Sea Great diâ—ersity of souÌ„dings Hatorask in 36 degr a â—ercâ— They land Fresh water found in sandy hilles Captaine Spicer drowned They leaue the coast of Virginia 13. Pipes of siluer The Isle of Madêra They diâ—couer land 34. Degrees The coast trendeth to the East in 34 degrees of latitude Câ—â—rteous aâ—d 〈◊〉 They run 50. leagues farther Wilde hempe They ran along the coast 200. leagues They make hollow their Canons with fire Uines like those of Lombardie 100. â—eagues sayling A mighty riuer People clad with leathers of diuers colours The pleasantnes and riches of the land The coast trendeth to the East The description of Claudia Iland tenne leagues from the mayneâ— Claudia was mother of king Franâ—â— A passing good hauen Copper more esteemed then golde Most pleasant and fruitful lands The fashion of their houses The coast full of good hauens Their curing with Tabacco and perfumes 41 degrees 2. terces The description of a notable hauen in 41. deg and 2. â—â—â—ces 150 leagues A shew of minerall The coast running Eastward 10. leagues Here the people begin to be more sauage Beades of copper 32 pleasant Islands They ran almost to 50. degrees Other 〈◊〉 ought to be our warning The chiefe things woâ—â—â—â—e obseruâ—tion in Florida are drawen in colours by Iames Moâ—gues painter sometime liuing in the Black frâ—eâ—s in London A â—â—liâ—â—â—â—â— or 〈◊〉 meâ—◠〈◊〉 â—gâ—uâ—a Meanes to raise benefit in new discoueries vsed by the
being Northerly so that we could not come neere to it The 6. day about 2. in the afternoone the wind at North northwest we halde East southeast with a faire and gentle gale this day we met with ice About 6. in the afternoone it became calme we with saile and oares laide it to the Northeast part hoping that way to cleare vs of it for that way we did see the head part of it as we thought Which done about 12. of the clocke at night we gate cleere of it We did thinke it to be ice of the bay of Saint Nicholas but it was not as we found afterwards The seuenth day we met with more yce at the East part of the other yce we halde along a weather the yce to finde some ende thereof by East northeast This day there appeared more land North from vs being perfect land the ice was betweene vs and it so that we could not come neerer to it The same morning at sixe of the clocke wee put into the ice to finde some way through it wee continued in it all the same day and all the night following the winde by the North Northwest Wee were constrained to goe many pointes of our compasse but we went most an Easterly course The eight day the winde at North northwest we continued our course and at fiue in the morning we sounded and had 90. fadoms red oze This day at foure in the afternoone we sounded againe and had 84. fadoms oze as before At sixe in the after noone we cleared our selues of the ice and hald along Southeast by South we sounded againe at 10. a clocke at night and had 43. fathom sandy oze The 9. day at 2. in the morning we sounded againe and had 45. fadoms then there appeared a shadow of land to vs East Northeast and so we ran with it the space of 2. houres and then perceiuing that it was but fogge we hald along Southeast This day at 2. in the afternoone wee sounded and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes At tenne a clocke at night wee sounded againe and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze The tenth day the wind being at North northwest we haled East and by North which course we set because at ten of the clocke afore noone wee did see land and then wee sounded hauing 35. fadoms blacke oze All this day there was a great fogge so that wee durst not beare with the land to make it and so we kept an outwardly course This day at 6. in the afternoone we espied land wherewith we halled and then it grew calme we sounded and had 120. fadoms blacke oze and then we sent our boat a land to sound and proue the land The same night we came with our ship within and Island where we rode all the same night The same night wee went into a bay to ride neere the land for wood and water The 11. day the wind came to the East southeast this day about a league from vs to the Eastwards we saw a very faire sound or riuer that past very farre into the countrey with 2. or 3. branches with an Island in the midst The 12. of Iuly the wind was East Southeast This day about 11. a clocke in the morning there came a great white beare down to the water side and tooke the water of his own accord we chased him with our boate but for all that we could doe he gote to land and escaped from vs where we named the bay Bearebay This day at 7. in the after noone we set saile for we had good hope that the winde would come Westerly and with saile and oares we gate the sea All the night it was calme with fogge The 13. day in the morning the wind was very variable with fog and as it cleared vp wee met with great store of ice which at the first shewed like land This ice did vs much trouble and the more because of the fog which continued vntill the 14. day 12. of the clocke The 14. day in the morning we were so imbayed with ice y t we were constrained to come out as we went in which was by great good fortune or rather by the goodnesse of God otherwise it had bene impossible and at 12. of the clock we were cleere of it the wind being at South and South by West The same day we found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees 26. minutes we lay along the coast Northwest thinking it to be an Island but finding no end in rowing so long we supposed it to be the maine of Noua Zembla About 2. in the afternoone we laide it to the Southward to double the ice which wee could not doe vpon that boorde so that we cast about againe and lay West along vnder the ice About seuen in the afternoone we gote about the greatest part thereof About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice Southeast of vs and thus we were ridde of this trouble at this time The 15. day about 3. in the morning the wind was at South southwest wee cast about and lay to the Eastwards the winde did Wester so that wee lay South southwest with a flawne sheete and so we ranne all the same day About 8. in the after noone we sounded and had 23. fadoms small grey sand This night at twelue of the clocke we sounded againe and had 29. fadoms sand as afore The 16. day vnto 3. in the morning we hald along East Southeast where we found 18. fadoms red sand then we hald along Northeast In these soundings wee had many ouerfals This day at 10. of the clocke we met with more ice which was very great so that we coulde not tell which way to get cleere of it Then the winde came to the South Southeast so that we lay to the Northwards We thought that way to cleare our selues of it but that way we had more ice About 6. in the afternoone the wind came to the East Then we lay to the Southwards that wee had 30. fadoms blacke oze This day we found the pole to bee eleuated 69. deg 40. minutes and this night at 12. a clocke we had 41. fadoms red sand The 17. day at 3. in the morning we had 12. fadoms At 9. we had 8. and 7. all this day we ran South and South by West at the depth aforesaid red sand being but shallow water At eight in the afternoone the winde with a showre and thunder came to the Southwest and then wee ranne East Northeast At 12. at night it came to the South and by East and all this was in the bay of Pechora The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bare with the heaâ—land oâ— the bay where wee founde two Islands There are also ouerfals of water 〈◊〉 â—â—des We went between the maine and the Island next to the head where we had abouâ— 2. fadoms and a halfe We found
in taste much like vnto whey but somewhat sweeter and more pleasant They cut the branches euery euening because they are feared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne They haue also great beanes as bigge as chestnuts and very hard with a shell in the stead of a huske Many things more nught be saide of the maners of the people and of the wonders and monstrous things that are engendred in Africke But it shall suffice to haue saide thus much of such things as our men partly sawe and partly brought with them And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines I described the same to haue holes by the side as in deede it hath as it is brought hither yet was I afterward enfourmed that those holes were made to put stringes or twigges through the fruite thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne They grow not past a foote and a halfe or two foote from the ground and are as red as blood when they are gathered The graines themselues are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi At their câ—mming home the keeles of their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with certaine shelles of two inches length and more as thicke as they could stand and of such bignesse that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them They certainely affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea becommeth those foules which we call Barnacles The like shelles haue bene seene in ships returning froÌ„ Iseland but these shels were not past halfe an inch in length Of the other that came from Guinea I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke and in maner couered with the said shels which in my iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling Their ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas whereof mention is made in the Decades These creepe betweene the plankes which they eate through in many places Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage this is worthy to be noted that wheras they sailed thither in seuen weekes they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes The cause whereof they say to be this That about the coast of Cabo Verde the winde is euer at the East by reason whereof they were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the maine Ocean to finde the winde at the West to bring them home There died of our men at this last voyage about twentie and foure whereof many died at their returne into the clime of the colde regions as betweene the Islands of Azores and England They brought with them certaine blacke slaues whereof some were tall and strong men and could wel agree with our meates and drinkes The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend them Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide colde then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate forasmuch as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies as colde constraineth and preserueth the same This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature that throughout all Africke vnder the AEquinoctial line and neere about the same on both sides the regions are extreeme hote and the people very blacke Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are very temperate and the people neither blacke nor with curlde and short wooll on their heads as they of Africke haue but of the colour of an Oliue with long and blacke heare on their heads the cause of which variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me That is that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne so that they had it North from them at noone the 14. day of March. And to haue said thus much of these voyages it may suffice The first voyage made by Master VVilliam Towrson Marchant of London to the coast of Guinea with two Ships in the yeere 1555. VPon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of Wight out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes the one called the Hart the other the Hinde both of London and the Masters of them were Iohn Ralph and William Carter for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de Sestos in Guinea and to other hauens thereabout It fell out by the varietie of windes that it was the foureteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth and being there arriued wee continued in that roade sixe dayes and the 20. of October we warpt out of the hauen and set saile directing our course towards the Southwest and the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master This day we ranne about 40. leagues also The second day we ranne 36. leagues The third day we had sight of Porto Santo which is a small Island lying in the sea about three leagues long and a league a halfe broad is possessed by Portugals It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hilles neere together The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley which makes it to beare that forme The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks This Island lyeth in thirty and three degrees The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle of Madera which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo towards the south-Southwest that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull and is inhabited by Portugals it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and high By three of the clocke this day at afternoone we were thwart of Porto Santo and we set our course Southwest to leaue the Isle of Madera to the Eastward as we did Porto Santo These two Islands were the first land that we saw since wee left the coast of England About three of the clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera within three leagues of the West ende of it and by meanes of the high hilles there we were becalmed We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues The fourth day wee lay becalmed vnder the Isle of Madera vntill one of the clocke at afternoone and then the winde comming into the East wee went our course and ranne that day fifteene leagues The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif otherwiseâ— called the Pike because it is a very high Island with a pike vpon the top like a loafe of suger The same night we raised the Isle of Palma which is a high land also and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif The 7. day we
day at night themselues lying a hull in waight for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest of the Island of Flores The 15 we had leaue to depart with a fly-boat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome which was taken by â—he Queenes ships whereof my Lord Admirall gaue me great charge not to leaue her vntill she were harbored in England The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Coruo bare off vs East and by South sixe leagues off The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the West Indies but she could tell vs no newes The next day we had sight of another sayle this day also one of our company named M. Wood died The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland whereof Master Iuie was Maister The second of October we met with a ship of New-castle which came from Newfound-land and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish The 6 we had sight of Sillie and with raine and winde we were forced to put into S. Maries sound where we staied all night and 4 dayes after The 11 we set saile againe and comming out had three fadom vpon the barre at a high water then we lay out Southeast through Crow-sand and shortly after we had sight of the lands end and at ten of the clocke we were thwart of the Lysart The 13 we were put into Dartmouth and there we stayd vntill the 12 of December From thence we put out with the winde at West and the 18 of December God be praised we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper 150 Elephants teeth and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth Kersies Bayes Linnen cloth Yron vnwrought Bracelets of Copper Corall Hawks belles Horsetailes Hats and such like This voyage was more comfortable vnto vs then the first because we had good store of fresh water and that very sweet for as yet we haue very good water in the shippe which we brought out of the riuer of Benin the first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day being the 7 of Iune 1592. to be seen aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld In this voiage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the equinoctiall line and there we found it more temperate then where we rode And vnder the line wee did kill great store of small Dolphines and many other good fishes and so did we all the way which was a very great refreshing vnto vs and the fish neuer forsooke vs vntil we were to the Northwards of the Ilands of Azores and then we could see no more fish but God be thanked wee met with good company of our countrey ships which were great comfort vnto vs being fiue moneths before at Sea without any companie By me Iames Welsh master of the Richard of Arundell in both these voyages to the riuer of Benin An Aduertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spaine from Angola by one Baltazar Almeida de Sousa touching the â—tate of the foresayd countrey written the 21 of May 1591. THe 26 of Iuly I certified your maiestie by Iohn Frere de Bendanha your maiesties pay-master and commissioner with the gouernour Paulo Dias which is lately deceased of all things that happened the 28 of December in the yere last past 1590. Now I thought it conuenient to aduertise your maiestie what hath fallen out since that time which is as foloweth The gouernour Luis Serrano encamped himselfe eight leagues from Cabasa where the Negro king dwelleth with 350 Portugal souldiers afterward being there encamped it hapned that the king of Matamba sent a strong and mightie army in warlike maner with strange inuentions for the sayd purpose So the king of Angola gaue this other king battell and the gouernour sent 114 souldiers Portugals to helpe the said king of Angola in which battell it was the will of God that our army was ouerthrowen and all slaine as well our Portugals as the Moores which tooke part with them So with this ouerthrow it happened that this realme the second time hath rebelled against your maiestie Hereupon the Gouernour assembling the rest of his Portugall souldiers to the number of 250 altogether went to Amasanguano which is now his place of abode Moreouer besides the manifold losses which haue be fallen the Portugals in this realme your maiestie hath sustained other great misfortunes both in your lands and goods And because I cannot personally come to certifie your maiestie thereof I thought it good to write some part of the same whereby your maiestie may vnderstand the estate of this countrey This realme for the most part thereof hath twise bene wonne and twise lost for want of good gouernment For here haue bene many gouernours which haue pretended to do iustice but haue pitifully neglected the same and practised the cleane contrary and this I know to be most true But the onely way to recouer this realme and to augment your maiesties lands goods and treasure must be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here which must bring authoritie froÌ„ your maiestie and by taking streight order that euery captaine which doeth conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts Likewise your maiestie must send hither 2000 good souldiers with munition and sufficient store of prouision for them And by this means your highnesse shall know what yeerely reuenue Angola will yeeld vnto your coffers and what profit will grow thereof Otherwise your maiestie shall reape but litle benefit here If with my presence I may doe your maiestie any seruice in giuing information of the state of this realme as one which haue had experience thereof and haue seene the order of it vpon the vnderstanding of your maiesties pleasure herein I will doe my best indeuour And the cause wherefore I haue not done this heretofore hath bene by reason that the Gouernours of this realme would suffer none of the captaines which haue conquered this countrey to informe your maiestie of that which is needfull for your seruice and the augmenting of this conquest Our lord preserue your catholique person with increase of many kingdomes and the augmentation of your crowne Written in the conquest of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591. Your maiesties most loiall subiect Baltazar Almeida de Soâ—za A true discourse written as is thought by Colonel Antonie VVinkfield emploied in the voiage to Spaine and Portugall 1589. sent to his particular friend by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as hauing bene seduced by particular report haue entred into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise and Actors of the same ALthough the desire of aduancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many perswasions you vsed to hold me at
order to our chyrurgion to dresse the wounded men one of which was wounded vnto death That done we had then time to view our prize which we found of great defence and a notable strong ship almost two hundred tun in burden very well appointed and in all things fitted for a man of warre They had also foureteene or fifteene men more which were then absent from the ship otherwise we should haue had the hoter fight The same day we got our sailes to the yard and our top masts on end and rigged the shippe what we could The 26 day we got some oile aboord and there we taried vntill the second of August fitting our selues for the sea and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs. During our â—â—ode there we diuided our men and appointed to ech ship their company my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the prize wherein when we were shipped and the company there arose great enmity against vs by the other shippe which afterward was quieted The second day of August hauing taken in water and wood we put to sea from that harborow in company of the Hopewell with puâ—pose to go directly to Parlican which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland where we eâ—pected another prize But when we came to sea we found our sailes so olâ—e our ropes so rotten and our prouision of bread and drinke so short as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August and sent them aboord the Hopewell to certifie them the cause of our resolution for England wherat they were generally offended thinking and saying that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them To conclude they sent vs word that they would keepe vs company for England But I had giuen William Crafton commission before to go for the Islands of the Açores and there to spend his victuals for a man of warre The next day being the fift of August hauing a faire winde we put off from the coast of Newfoundland and kept our course directly for England the Hopewell keeping vs company vntill midâ—ay whenas hauâ—ng lost vs in a fogge she shot off two pieces of ordinance and we answered her with three afterwarde wâ— spake not with her supposing that she went for the Islands The 27 of August drawing neere the coast of England we sounded and found ground at seuenty fadoms Some of the mariners thinking we were in Bristow channell and other in Silly channell so that through variety of iudgements â—nd euill marinership we were fame to dance the hay foure dayes together sometimes running to the Northeast sometimes to the Southeast then againe to the East and Eastnortheast Thus did we spend faire winds and lose our time vntill the last of August And then it pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of Bristoll from whence we sâ—ayed our course and aftâ—r diuers dangers the third of September we mâ—t with the Tramontane of the Queene off of Dartmouth to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of The fift of Septeâ—â—er I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight and within few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London where she was made prize as beloâ—ging to the enemies of this land Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we trauelled THe Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists The ground of it is very rocky and vpon it there is great store of firce trees and in some places red and abouâ— the shore it hath great abundance of cod-fish We were on land in it in foure seuerall places 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon 2 At Cape Rase 3 At the harborow of Lano which lieth foure leagues to the West beyond Cape Laurence 4 At S. Marie port The Island of Menego for the soile is much like Newfoundland but the fish about it as also thorowout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton is much larger and better then that of the Newfoundland This Island is scant two leagues long and very narrow In the midst of it a great way within the wood is a great poole Here we were thrise on shore once at the East side and twise at the West The three Islands of birds are sandy red but with the multitude of birds vpon them they looke white The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in a paued street The greatest â—f the Islands is about a mile in compasse The second is little lesse The third is a very little one like a small rocke At the second of these three lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses which when our boat came nere them presently made into the sea and swam after the boat Brions Island wee found to be very good and sandy ground It hath in it store of firre trees It is somewhat more then a league long and about three leagues in compasse Here we were on land once and went from the one side of it to the other The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island hauing also abundance of firre trees It seemeth to be in length about twelue or thirteene leagues at least We were there in harborow but not on shore which we much desired and hoped to haue bene but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons mentioned before preuented vs. The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd but somewhat lesse We were not on shore vpon it but rode before it at anker The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland but rather better Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower then the hils as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land as the West We went on shore vpon it in fiue places 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away 2 At Cibo 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo and the New port 4 At the New port And 5 at Port Ingles or the English port Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island Isle Blanche and of Ramea they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood great store of wild corne like barley sâ—rawberries gooseberries mulberies white roses and store of wilde peason Also about the sayd Islands the sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer through the labour of man plenty of all kinde of our graine of roots of hempe and other necessary commodities Charles Leigh CERTAINE VOYAGES CONTAINING THE Discouerie of the Gulfe of Sainct Laurence to the West of Newfoundland and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places with a
diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer some what neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said That here is the land of Saguenay which is rich and wealthy in precious stones And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found wriâ—ten these two lines following in the said Carde enclining toward the Southwest Here in this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues which they call in their language Canodeta Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you it is made after the maner of a sea Chart which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael and Iohn which at this present are in Canada If at their returne which will be God willing about Magdalene tyde they haue learned any new thing worthy the writing I will not faile to aduertise you thereof Your louing Friend IAQVES NOEL Here followeth the course from Belle Isle Carpont and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roberual 1542. BElles Isles are in 51 degrees and â…“ Belles Isles and Carpont are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and they are ten leagues distant Carpont is in 52 degrees Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are Northeast and Southwest and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay is 7 leagues The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and a halfe and on the Northside therof there is a rocke halfe a league from the Isle ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke And when thou commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the starreboord side and also on the larboord side there are two or three small Isles and when thou commest out on the Northeast side ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there is a shold which lieth on thy starboord side and saile thou by the North coast and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South because there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea And when thou art come athwart the hauen of Butes run along the North shore about one league or an halfe off for the coast is without all danger Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay and the Isles of Blanc Sablon which are within the Grand Bay neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast West and Southwest the distance is 30 leagues The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer against the Bay des Chasteaux and from theuce forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from land to land And the land on the South shore is all low land along the sea coast The North shore is reasonable high land Blanc Sablon is in 51 degrees â— The Isles of Blanc Sablon the Isles de la Damoiselle are Northeast Westsouthwest and take a little of the Westsouthwest and they are distant 36 leagues these Iles are in 50. deg ¾ And there is a good hauen you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the Northeast and within the distance of a pike an half because of a rocke which lieth on your larrebord side you may ancre in 10 fathome water ouer against a litle nooke and from the great headland vnto the place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables And if thou wouldest go out by the West side thou must saile neere the Isle by the starrebord giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the comming forth and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side by reason of a suncken flatte which lieth on the starrebord and thou shalt saile so on to the Southsouthwest vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth which is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles and thou shalt leaue it on the larrebord and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues because that Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast Southsouthwest Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours and on this coast there are faulcons haukes and certaine foules which seeme to be seasants The Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot are Northeast Westsouthwest take a little of the Northeast and southwest they are distant 18. leagues Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and ¼ And there the sea is broadest And it may be to the end of Newfoundland which is at the entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues which is the greatest bredth of this sea And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot Cape Tienot hath in y e sea 5 or 6 leagues distant froÌ„ it a sunkeÌ„ Iâ—land dangerous for ships The Cape Tienot and the midst of the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest they are 22. leagues distant the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49 deg ½ The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeastâ— the Northwest end is in 50. degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfeâ— and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad and from the Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is not aboue seuen leagues broad but vnto the firme land on the South side are about 15. leagues Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention toward the Southeast are Northeast and Southwest and are distant 30. leagues The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of Ascension are East and West and take a little of the Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 34. leagues The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle and a goodly champion land without any hilles standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster all couered with trees vnto the Sea shore and there are al sorts of trees as there be in France and there be wild beasts as beares Luserns Porkespicks And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues The Northwest end of the Isle the Cape des Monts nostre Dame which is on the maine land towards the South are Northeast and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues The Cape is in 49. degrees which is a very high land The Cape and end of the
the South parts of y e Ilands called De los Ladrones that is The Ilands of rouers or Islas de las Velas vnder 13. degrees and ½ in latitude Septentrionall and 164. degrees in longitude Orientall vpon the sixed Meridionall line which lyeth right with the Iland of Terçera From thence we helde our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues till we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo that is The point of the holy Ghost lying in the Iland Tandaya the first Iland of those that are called Philippinas Luçones or Manillas which is a countrey with fewe hilles with some mines of brimstone in the middle thereof From the point aforesayde wee sailed West for the space of eighteene leagues to the point or entrie of the chanell which runneth in betweene that Iland and the Iland of Luçon This point or entrie lieth scarce vnder 12. degrees All the coast that stretcheth from the entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo del Spirito santo is not very faire Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a hauen of indisserent greatnesse called Baya de Lobâ—s that is The Bay of woolues hauing a small Iland in the mouth thereof and within the chanell about halfe a league from the ende of the sayd Iland lyeth an Iland or cliffe when you passe by the point in the middle of the chanell â—hâ—n you haue fiue and twentie fathom deepe with browne sand there we found so great a streame running Westward that it made the water to cast a skum as if it had beene a sande whereby it put vs in feare but casting out our lead wee found fiue and twentie fathom deepe From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North and North and by East about tenne leagues lyeth the Iland of Catanduanes about a league distant from the lande of Luçon on the furthest point Eastward and from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West and Southwest lyeth the Iland Capuli about sixe leagues from thence stretching Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast being fiue leagues long and foure leagues broad and as wee past by it it lay Northward from vs vnder twelue degrees and ¾ and somewhat high lande Foure leagues â—rom the aforesayd Iland of Capuli Northwestward lie the three Ilands of the hauen of Bollon in the Iland of Luçones stretching North and South about foure leagues distant from the firme lande halfe a league whereof the furthest Southward lieth vnder thirteene degrees In this chanell it is twentie fathom deepe with white sand and a great streame running Southeast we passed through the middle of the chanell From this chanell wee helde our course Southwest and Southwest and by West for the space of twentie leagues vntill wee came to the West ende of the Iland of Tycao which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues This point or hooke lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¾ In the middle betweene this Iland and the Iland Capuli there lie three Ilands called the Faranias and we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all the Ilands at the depth of of 22. fathom with white sand From the aforesayd West point of the Iland Tycao to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sayle about the length of a league or a league and an halfe we put into that chanell holding our course South and South and by West about three leagues vntill we were out of the chanell at sixteene fathom deepe with halfe white and reddish sande in the chanell and at the mouth thereof whereof the middle lyeth vnder 12. degrees and â—â— and there the streames runne Northward The Iland of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and Southeast and is lowe lande whereof the Northwest point is about three leagues from the coast of Luçon but you cannot passe betweene them with any shippe but with small foists and barkes of the countrey This shallowe channell lieth vnder twelue degrees and running thorow the aforesaid chanell betweene the Ilands Tycao and Buryas as I sayd before we sayled Southward about two leagues from the Iland of Masbate which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long being in brâ—dth 4. leagues and lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¼ in the middle thereof and is somewhat high land From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas wee helde our course Westnorthwest for thirteene leagues leauing the Iland Masbate on the Southside and the Iland Buryas on the North side at the ende of thirteene leagues wee came by an Iland called Banton which is in forme like a hat vnder twelue degrees and â—â— when we had sayled the aforesayd thirteene leagues and eight leagues more on the South side wee left the Iland called Rebuiam which stretcheth Northwest and Northwest and by North and Southeast and Southeast and by South for the space of eight leagues being high and crooked lande whereof the North point lyeth vnder tweluâ— degrees and 2 3. and there you finde 35. fathom deepe with white sand From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine leagues there beginne and followe three Ilandes one of them being called Bantonsilla which is a small Iland in forme of a sugar loafe the second Crymara being somewhat great in length reaching East and West about two leagues the third Itaa or the I le of Goates hauing certaine houels By all these Ilands aforesayd you may passe with all â—ortes of shippes whereof the foremost lyeth Southward vnder twelue degrees and â—â— From the Iland of Bantonsilla or small Banton wee helde our course Northwest for the space of foure leagues to the chanell betweene the Ilands called de Vereies and the Iland Marinduque the Vercies lying on the South side vnder twelue degâ—ees and 3 4. which are two small Ilands like two Frigats and the Iland Marinduque on the North side vnder twelue degrees and 4 5. which is a great Iland stretching West northwest and Eastâ—outheast hauing in length 12 in bredth 7. leagues On the North side with the Iland Luçon it maketh a long and small chanell running somewhat crooked which is altogether full of shallowes and sandes whereby no shippes can passe through it The furthest point Westward of the same Iland lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and 1 4. It is high lande on the East side hauing the forme of a mine of brimstone or fierie hill and on the West side the land runneth downâ—ward at the point thereof being round like a loafe of bread in the chanell betweene it and the Vereies there are 18. fathom deepe with small blacke sand From the aforesayd chanell of Vereies and Marinduque wee helde our course Westnorthwest twelue leagues to the lande of Mindora to the point or hooke called Dumaryn lying full vnder thirteene degrees Fiue leagues forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left an Iland called â—sla del maestro del Campo that is The Iland of the Colonell lying vnder twelue degrees and 3 4. which is a small and flat Iland In this
course we had 45. fathom deep with white sand By this point or end of the Iland Marinduque beginneth the Iland of Myndoro which hath in length East and West fiue and twentie leagues and in bredth twelue leagues whereof the furthest point Southward lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and the furthest point Northward vnder thirteene degrees and 2 3. and the furthest point Westward vnder thirteene degrees This Iland with the Iland of Luçon maketh a chanell of fiue leagues broad and tenor twelue fathom deepe with muddie ground of diuers colours with white sande Fiue leagues forward from Marinâ—uque lyeth the riuer of the towne of Anagacu which is so shallowe that no shippes may enter into it From thence two leagues further lie the Ilands called Bacco which are three Ilands lying in a triangle two of them being distant from the land about three hundred cubits and between them and the land you may passe with small shippes And from the landâ— to the other Iland are about two hundred cubites where it is altogether shallowes and sandes so that where the shippes may passe outward about 150. cubites from the landeâ— you leaue both the Ilands on the South side running betweene the third Iland and the riuer called Rio del Bacco somewhat more from the middle of the chanell towardes the Iland which is about a league distant from the other the chanell is â—enne fathom deepe with mud and shelles vpon the ground the riuer of Bacco is so shallowe that no ships may enter into it From this Iland with the same course two leagues forward you passe by the point called El Capo de Rescalco where wee cast out our lead and found that a man may passe close by the lande and there you shall finde great strong streames and halfe a league forward with the same course lyeth the towne of Mindoro which hath a good hauen for shippes of three hundred tunnes Three leagues Northward from the same hauen lyeth the Iland called Cafaa stretching East and West being hilly ground From the sayde towne of Myndoro wee hâ—lde our course Westnorthwest eight leagues till wee came to the poynt or hooke of the sandes called Tulen lying vpon the Iland of Luçon which sande or banke reacheth into the Sea halfe a league from the coast you must keepe about an hundred cubites from it where you finde eight faâ—hom water muddie and shellie ground you runne along by those sandes North and North and by West for the space of two leagues till you come to the riuer called Rio de Anasebo all the rest of the coast called De los Limbones to the mouth or entrie of the Bay called Manilla which are foure leagues is sayled with the same course The Limbones which are Ilands so called are high in forme like a paire of Organs with good hauens for small shippes running along by the Limbones and two leagues beyond them on the South side wee leaue the Ilands of Fortan and foure Ilands more but the three Ilands of Lubao which are very low lie vnder 13. degrees and 1 3. and the Limbones lie in the mouth or entrie of the Bay of Manilla vnder 14 degrees and 1 4. From thence we ranne Northwest for the space of sixe leagues to the hauen of Cabite keeping along by the land lying on the West side where it is shallowe and is called Los Baixos del Rio de Cannas The shallowes of the riuer of Reedes all along this Bay in the same course there is from ten to foure fathom deepe Being by the point or hooke of Cabite then wee kept but an hundred paces from itâ— running Southwest southsouthwest and South vntill wee discouered the whole mouth or entrie of the Bay where wâ— might anker at foure fathom about two hundred cubites from the lande and then the towne of Manilla was two leagues Northward from vs. Chap. 2. The course and voyage of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen or roade of Manilla to the hauen of Macao in China with all the courses and situations of the places SAyling out of the hauen of Cabite lying in the Bay of Manilla wee helde our course Westwarde for the space of eighteene leagues to the point called El Cabo de Sambaâ—les and when wee were eight leagues in our way wee left the two Ilands Maribillas on the South â—ide and sailed about a league from them the point of Samballes aforesayde lyeth vnder foureteene degrees and 2 3. being low land at the end of the same coast of Luçon on the West side From the hooke or point aforesayde wee ranne North and North and by West for the space of fiue and twentie leagues about a league from the coast of Luçon to the point called Cabo de Bullinao all this coast and Cape is high and hilly ground which Cape lyeth vnder sixteene degrees and 2 3. From this Cape de Bullinao we helde our course North and North and by East for 45. leagues to the point called El Cabo de Bojador which is the furthest lande Northwarde from the Iland Luçon lying vnder 19. degrees The Cape de Bullinao being past the lande maketh a great crecke or bough and from this creeke the coast runneth North to the point of Bojador being a land full of cliâ—fes and rockes that reach into the Sea and the land of the hooke or point is high and hilly ground From the point of Bojador wee helde our course Westnorthwest an hundred and twentie leagues vnâ—ill we came to the Iland called A Ilha Branca or the white Iland lying in the beginning of the coast and Bay of the riuer Canton vnder two and twentie degrees hauing foure and twentie fathom browne muddie ground From the Iland Ilha Branca wee helde the aforesayde course of Westnorthwest for the space of sixteene leagues to the Iland of Macao lying in the mouth of the riueâ— of Canton and it maketh the riuer to haue two mouthes or entries and it is a small Iland about three leagues great Chap. 3. The Nauigation or course of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen of Macao to Newe Spaine with the situation and stretchings of the same with other notable and memorable things concerning the same voyage VVHen we had prepared our selues and had taken our leaues of our friends in Macao we set saile vpon the foure and twentieth of Iuly holding our course Southeast Southeast and by East being in the wane of the Moone for when the Moone increaseth it is hard holding the course betweene the Ilands because as then the water and streames run very strong to the Northwest wee trauailed through many narrowe chanels by night hauing the depth of eight or ten fathom with soft muddie ground vntill wee were about the Iland Ilha Branca yet we saw it not but by the height we knew that we were past it Being beyond it we ranne Eastsoutheast an hundred and fiftie leagues to get aboue the sands called Os
from the fury of the enemies shot And so with ensigne displayed taking with vs our sixe dead men wee retired with more safetie to the hauen where we tooke a frigat which rode ready fraught with the kings tribute in siluer and other good commodities which were presently to bee transported to S. Iuan de Vllua and brought the same and our Periago or Canoa to my ship which lay in two fadome water sixe leagues from the town being not able to come any neerer for the sholds vpoÌ„ that coast Ouer against the place where our ship rode stoode a towne of 300 or 400 Indians called Sebo which we likewise tooke where wee found Champeche-wood good to dye withal with waxe and hony This done we left this coast and turned vp to Cape de Cotoche againe and ankored euery day at noone because of the brizes and in turning vp I lost my barke called the Aduenture which was taken by 2 frigats of warre which were manned out from Campeche wherein Captaine Hen and thirteen of my men were taken and afterward executed as since we vnderstand by some Spanish prisoners that were taken in those parts After we had stayed fiue weekes on this coast wee shaped our course for Hauana where finding nothing we disemboqued and came along by the Isle of Bermuda and crossed ouer to The banke neere Cape Race in 22 fadomes and from thence sayling for England we fel with Sillie about the first of Iuly and within two dayes after arriued at Plimmouth where we found the Right honorable the Erle of Essex setting forth with a great fleet for the Isles of the Açores An excellent ruttier for the Islands of the VVest Indies and for Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna IF a man depart from the barre of S. Lucar in Summer time hee must steere Southwest vntil hee hath sight of Punta de Naga which is in the Isle of Tenerif The markes to know it be these An high point sâ—oping to the sea at the Easter point it hath two down falles like particions and they shew to be separated from the maine of the Island stand in 28 degrees a halfe And if thou wilt haue sight of the Grand Canaria and findest thy selfe with Punta de Naga thou shalt then steere Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Canaria which standeth in 28 degrees And thou must come to ankor on the Southeast side of the Island But I aduise thee if it be in winter time that thou keepe another course and that as followeth The course that a man must keepe departing in winter for the Indies from Sant Lucar DEparting from Sant Lucar in winter thou shalt goe West and by South keeping along the coast because if thou goe farre from the coast thou shalt meete with the wind off the sea vntill thou be as high shot as Cape Cantin which is a low flat cape with the sea And thou shalt see a great wood before thou come at this cape called Casa del Cauallero And from thence thou shalt steere thy olde course that is Southwest and by South for the Isles of Alegrança and Lancerota and when thou art North and South with Alegrança thou shalt steere thence Southwest and so thou shalt see the Canaria which is a round high land and standeth in twentie eight degrees What thou must doe if a contrary wind take thee fiftie leagues off the shore VVHen thou art fifty leagues shot on thy way into the sea Southwest off and there thou chance to meete with a contrary winde off the sea and if it force thee to put roome then thou shalt steere Northeast and by East and shalt hall with sight of Cabos del Plata which shew when thou art a seaboord so farre as thou mayest descrie them to be like two points of white sand and if it be cleere thou shalt see within the land certain high hilles lying Northwest and by West called las Sierras de Zahara and being three leagues from land thou shalt haue thirtie fadomes water and sand And from thence to the bay of Cadiz thou shalt goe along Northwest by the coast and if thou be in thirtie or forty â—adomes thou shalt haue â—aze but if thou bee in lesse then thirtie fadomes thou shalt haue other sounding which if it chance then thou art against S. Pedro. And if it bee by day thou shalt see the Ermitage of Sant Sebastian which seemeth to be a shippe under sayle And thou shalt goe into the bay taking heede of the Puercos giue them a good birth off And if thou chance to bee benighted when thou fallest with the bay and wouldest goe into the bay thou shalt carie thy lead in thy hand and be sounding and finding thy selfe in rockie ground thou shalt steere North because of shunning the Puercos and yet giue them not too great a birth because of The Diamant and so thou mayest goe in sounding when thou thinkest good And being benighted and then not East and West with the bay and if thou doest not goe into it then make the largest boord thou caust keeping off till day If thou be at the Canaries and wouldest sayle to Nueua Espanna thou shalt sayle foure and twenty houres South because of the calmes of Fierro And from thence thou shalt goe Westsouthwest vntill thou finde thy selfe in twenty degrees And then thou must goe West and by South which is the course for the Isle Deseada And from Deseada thou shalt goe West and by North because of the variation of the compasse And falling with Deseada thou shalt finde it to rise low with the sea and it standeth in 15 degrees And the eastermost part is the sharpest and smaller then the West point And if thou are going for Tierra firma thou shalt goe West and by South vntill thou come to Dominica and there on the Northwest side is a riuer where thou mayest water The marks to know it bee a certaine high land full of hilles And seeing it when thou art farre off to the seaward it maketh in the middest a partition so that a man would thinke it deuided the Island in two parts And this Island standeth in 14 degrees and a halfe I aduise thee that if thou wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna and so doest passe betweene Guadalupe and Monserate to the Westward that being thus open off the entrance betwixt them thou shalt go Westnorthwest and so shalt haue sight of Santa Cruz which standeth in seuenteene degrees and a halfe And the markes to know it be these It is an Island not uery high and lyeth East and West and at the East end it is lower then at the West end And going forward on thy course thou shalt runne Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe to haue sight of the Isle of San Iuan de Puerto rico which is an Island lying East and West and standeth in eighteene
vntill hee bring himselfe Northeast and Southwest which the same point and then he must stirre away South to fetch the said pointâ— The signes of Punta de Naga THe said point or Head-land is an high point of Land and plaine vpon the toppe like a table and without it there are two litle rockie Islands and vpon the North side of the said point is another point called Punta de hidalgo anâ— vpon the top thereof are 2. picked rockes like vnto the eares of a Hare The course from the Canaries to the VVest Indies IF you set saile from any of the Islands of the Canaries for the West Indias you must stirre away 30. or 40 leagues due South to the ende you may auoid the calmes of the Island of Fierro and being so farre distant from the said Island then must you stirre away West Southwest vntill you finde your selfe in 20. degrees and then saile West and by South vntill you come to 15. degrees and ½ And from thence stirre away West and by North and so shall you make a West way by reason of the Northwesting of the Compasse which West way will bring you to the Island of Deseada The markes of the Island of Deseada THis Island Deseada lieth East Northeast and West Southwest hauing no trees vpon it and it is proportioned like a Galley and the Northeast ende thereof maketh a lowe nose like the snowe of a galley and by comming neere it and passing by the Norther ende thereof you shall perceiue white broken patches like heapes of sand with red strakes in them the south-Southwest end of this Island maketh like the tile of a galley And this Island standeth in 15. degrees and ½ Markes of the Island of Monserate MOnserate is an high Island and round full of trees and vpon the East side thereof you shall perceiue certain white spots like sheetes and being vpon the South side at the very point of the Island somewhat off the land it maketh like a litle Island and putting your selfe either East or West from that point in the midst thereof will appeare a great broken land Markes of the Island of Marigalanta MArigalanta is a smooth Island and full of wood or trees and as it were of the fashion of a galley vpon her decke and being on the Southeast side about halfe a league off you shall make certaine homocks of blacke stones and certain white patches but on the West side appeare faire white sandy shores or plaines Markes of the Isle of Dominica THe Island of Dominica lieth Northwest and Southeast and vpon the Northwest side it sheweth more high and if you come neere it at full sea it will shew like two Islands but by comming neerer vnto it you shall perceiue it to be but one and vpon the Southeast side you shall make or see a plaine and long point and vpon the same point appeareth a cliffe like to the cliffe of Cape Tiburon and vpon the North side a litle from the land it sheweth like a litle Island and vpon the top thereof is as it were an high steeple and vpon the Norther side you shall perceiue it like many white sheetes Markes of the Island of Guadalupe THe Island of Guadalupe lieth on the West of Deseada and vpon the Southwest part thereof appeare many hie mountaines but vpon the East side it maketh certaine tables which are called the high part of Guadalupe And this Island is cut North and South so that the Canoas of India do passe from the North to the South of it as if it were two Islands Markes of the Isle of Matalina or Martinino THe Isle of Matalina is high and full of mountaines hauing in the midst thereof 3. homocks the middlemost homocke being highest sheweth like the great bowle of an hat And vpon the North side it appeareth like three little Islands And in this Island there are warlik Indians like those of Dominica Markes of the three small Islands called Islas de Los Santos or the Islands of Saintes LOs Santos are 3. Islandes lying one close by another vpon the South side of Guadalupe For to goe with S. Iuan de Puerto rico you must stirre away Northwest vntill you fall with the Isle of Saba Markes to know the Isle of Saba SAba is a litle Island and round about it you shall see the bottome but feare not for there is no danger but that which you shall see and round about it it maketh as it were certaine heapes of white sand and by the side thereof it sheweth like a Ship vnder saile but follow that direction that I haue giuen and you shall see La virgin gorda Markes to know the Isle called La virgin gorda LA virgin gorda is an high Island and round and seeing it you shall espie all the rest of the Virgines which lye East and West one from another and are baâ—e without any trees You may goe about by them vntil you see the litle gray Island which you shal see by it selfe by the Virgines and comming neere to the sayd Island ouer that you shall by and by rayse sight of the white litle Iâ—land which seemeth like a ship vnder saile And if you will passe betweene this litle whiâ—e Iâ—land or bare rocke and the greene Island you must beware that you leaue the white Island on the larbourd side of you and come no neerer it then a Calieuer-shot and so shall you passe through 12. fadome-water and then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you enter into the Hauen of Puerto rico and if you chance to passe the sayd Island by night goe by the foresaid direction vntâ—ll the first watch be out and then take in your sayles and so driue vntill it bee neere day and then hoise sayles and stirre away Southwest seeking the sayde Port and when you come to the entring within you must stay till 10. of the clocke for the sea-turne And know that hauing the Loguilo at Southwest then shall the Harbour be off you North and South Directions from Monserate to Santa Cruz. HE that departeth from Monserate to Santa Cruz must stirre away Westnortwest and by the same course you shall seaze vpon S. Iuan de Puerto rico Markes to know the Isle of Santa Cruz. SAnta Cruz is an Island not very high all full of homocks and comming with it at full sea it will shew like the Virgines and vpon the East side there are two homocks higher then all the reâ—t And by this course you may goe to the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and hauing found it you may sayle along the South coast East and West vntill you come to Cabo Roxo Markes to know Cape Roxo CApe Roxo is a low Cape and trayling to the sea-ward hauing certaine heapes of broken ground thereon which are like a homocke and at full sea the same sheweth like a litle Island from the land by it selfe but comming neere vnto
which I haue mentioned or not you shall see certaine hils at West Southwest which are called Las sierras de Tarquiaâ— and â—orthwith also you shall see the oazy place that I speake of which goeth to the mouth of the â—iuer where standeth a towne called S. Luis de Tampice and from thence to Panuco you haue 9. leagues by land The markes of Isla de lobos or The Isle of seales ISla de lobos is a small Island nothing so big as the caâ—de doth shew it and in it is a litle grâ—uâ— or wood of palme trees and all the rest of the Island is without trees and râ—â—nd about it are â—undry Playas or strandes and it is inclosed round about with aâ—raçifes or shoalds and chiefly toward the maine lande And from thence to Cape Roxo or The red Cape are 3. leagues And if you will come to anker at this Island to water for that there is water in it you may ride on all the South side close by the poynt that stretcheth to the Westward and you may passe by the East side of it and ride in 22. fathom and vntill you come to 15. fathoms all is cleane ground Markes of the riuer of Tuspa IF you fall with the riuer of Tuspa you must beware the sholdes which run 5. or 6. leagues into the sea and vpon this â—iuer of Tuspa within the lande there are high hilles which lie Northeast and Southwest and haue their ending vpon the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer you shall perceiue a white cliffe which will shew vnto you like the castle of S. Iuan de Vllua Markes of the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul IF you chance to fall with the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul take heede for the sayd bay is a deepe bay and the hilles of Tuspa haue their ending vpon this bay And in the mouth of this riuer of Sâ— Peter and S. Paul are two homockes of white sand the Westermost being bigger thâ—n that on the Northeast And by and by you shall perceiue the water to change white which commeth out of the riuer and sounding you shall finde sande mixed with clay vpon your lead and looke vpon the West side and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines of S. Paul which are two and that on the North side is higher then the other Markes of Almeria IF you should chance to fall or come vpon the plaines of Almeria it is a lande â—ull oâ— many homocks some with tuftes of trees on them and some baâ—e with white sand and in 60. faâ—homs you shall haue clay or oaze and in 30. fathom to the landward sand And from thence to Punta de hidalgo oâ— Punta delgada the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest Soundings of Villa rica IF you fall with Villa rica in 30. fathoms you shall finde clay or oaze and in some places stones and neere the lande you shall haue sand and vpon the port of S. Iuan de Vllua you shall haue in some places clay or oaze and in some places herring bones and in other places mase and and vpon the rocks called Cabeças anegadas you shall haue small blacke sande at 17. fathom two leagues from land And if you see a coast that lieth Northeast and Southwest and another Northwest and Southeast you shall be vpon S. Paul and if you should be vpon Cabeças anegadas you shall finde in 30. fathoms great sand blacke and in 28. fathoms you shall haue the sand white like the shauings of free stone and from S. Paul to the barre of Vera Cruz it is clay or oaze and from thence to S. Iuan de Vllua you haue many deeps which at one sounding bring you clay and at another sand and at another clay and mase together and herring bones and in some 35. or 40. fathom you shal finde rockie ground and in some places sand and in some other places herring bones and we call this Comedera de pescado or The foode of fishes The course from Cabo de Corrientes and Cabo de S. Anton vpon the West end of Cuba towards Nueua Espanna within the Isles called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you saile from Cape de Corrientes towarde Nueua Espanna on the inside of The Alacranes you must stir West and when you thinke you haue sailed 35. or 40. leag you shall sound vpon the pracel and you shall come vpon many bristlings of watersâ— which if it were faire weather would seeme a skull oâ— fish And before you come out of the bristlings if you sound you shal haue depth as I haue sayd If you goe from Cape de S. Anton by the inside of The Alacranes you must stir away West and by South and you shall finde sounding in the same order as I haue sayd you shall haue white sand and neere the land you shall finde it like the shauings and peckings of free stone and white sand like houre-glasse-sand and sometimes periwinkles or small shelles Also if you sound in deepe water and on the sudden â—inde rockes then knowe that you are vpon The Alacranes and then stir away Westsouthwest vntill you finde cleane ground and til you bring your selfe into 18. or 20. fathoms And if you goe deeping your water then stir away West and by these depths you shall go sounding and then taking your heigth by sunne or starre you must beware that you passe not 21. degrees â—â— or 21. degrees and ½ at the most and in this heigth and at 18. or 20. fathoms you shall follow your way and if you deepen water edge to the Northwestward and if you alter more your depth edge to the Southwestward vntill you haue gotten so farre ahead as Cape Sisal and discouered the coast of Campeche which coast lyeth North and South and you shall take vp on your lead white sande like houreglasseâ— sand and sometime periwinkles or small shelles and by and by you shall goe increasing depth vntil you lose it and so shal you passe between the Triangle and the Sandy Iland The course betweene the Triangle and the Sandy Island to S. Iuan de Vllua VVHen you haue lost your depth stirre away Southwest to fetch the Sierras or hils of S. Martin and to knowe the hils of S. Martin there are 2. hils stretching Northeast and Southwest and the Southwest is greater then that on the Northeast but the Northermost hill is higher and maketh on the top a flat point and very high and without it it hath an Island which is called Roca partida or The clouen rock and if it be cleare on the Southwest side an high lande like a top-saile will appeare and then shall you bee North and South with The Pan or Loafe of Nisapa Note that these Sierras or Hilles of Sant Martin are all blacke and full of trees and make no shewe as Villa rica doth And marke
in the time of the Northeast windes thou shalt seeke to fall with the land in foureteene degrees And if thou see a lowe land thou mayest make accompt it is the land called Ciemana and then thou shalt see Mangues And also thou shalt come along this coast to the South and when thou seest an ende of the low land then thou shalt finde an high land along the sea like the other that I haue made mention of before that is all sandie along the sea coast And thou must vnderstand that where the high land beginneth there is a little riuer called Rio das Contas but enter not into it it hath for a marke to be knowen by as it were a white mouth And from thence to the Islands thou hast nine leagues And at the ende of this high land to the Southward of it thou shalt find a great bay within the land then thou shalt looke to the Westsouthwest and shalt see another high land which lieth as it were in the middest of the bay and thou shalt there see certaine white houses which are the Ingenios or houses wherein they make sugar of Lucas Giraldo From thence thou shalt see the Isles being so farre shotte as Rio de Contas And thou shalt see within the land a round hill which is like Monte de laude and it hath another copple on the South side The course to sayle to Porto Seguro that is to say The safe hauen lying on the foresayd coast of Brasil the markes to know the same by IF thou goe for Porto Seguro and goest in the time of the Southeast windes which is from March forwards I aduise thee that thou fall not in more degrees then sixteen and a halfe because of the sholdes called Os baixos dos Abrolhos which are very dangerous and stretch very farre into the sea And also going West from them that thou keepe thy lead going and be often sounding And if thou chance to see the land and an high hill and long withall much like to The pike it is the hill that is called Monte Pasqual And from thence thou must goe to the North and when thou hast brought it Southwest of thee then thou mayest beare with the land but with great care to looke about thee Marke when thou seest the land and commest to see a red cliffe then looke to the Southward and thou shalt see a great smooth coast along the sea and then on the North side thou shalt deserue Porto Seguro And going along the coast thou shalt see the towne of Porto Seguro standing vpon the toppe of an hill which hill is a white rocke and on the North side of the sayd rocke there is a very hie land I aduise thee that when thou art East and West with the sayd land I meane with this rocke that then thou looke to the Northward and thou shalt see certaine rocks lying two leagues off into the sea whereon the sea doth breake and to the Southward of them thou mayest come to an ankor against the towne and hast a good place to ride in thirteen fadomes in sight of the towne And if it be thy chance to arriue in the time of the Northeast winds and commest in the height of fifteene degrees and two third parts and seest not certaine hilles then thou must goe along the coast being in 16 degrees and vnder the first hie land that thou shalt descrie thou shalt see certaine sandie bayes along the sea coast And if thou haue sight of a riuer in this height put not thy selfe into it neither beare with the land for it hath many sholdes And off them lie certaine sunken grounds called Os Baixos de Santo Antonio And from hence to the Southward lyeth Porto Seguro I aduise thee that going along the coast to the Southward and seeing such sholdes and the sea to breake vpon them as the other which I last spake of thou shalt runne along them a sea boord of them and when thou art at the end of them then the towne will beare West of thee and then thou mayest goe to thine ankoring place as is abouesayd giuing these sholds a good birth The course to the hauen named Baia do Spirito Santo that is to say The bay of the holy Ghost lying on the sayd coast of Brasil and the markes thereof THou shalt vnderstand that the ship that goeth for Spirito Santo when it hath doubled the sholdes called Os Baixos dos Abrolhos and hath brought it selfe in 20 or 19 degrees and a halfe then it may hall with the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a halfe and in twentie And the sayd shippe must goe in this height because on this coast there are no Monçoins If thou chance to come in the height of 19 degrees ½ and seest lowe land to the Northwest off thee then thou art on the North side of Spirito Santo and thou mayest make accompt that it is the land lying ouer Criquare and ouer the riuer called Rio dolce that is the riuer of sweete or fresh water If thou come along the land thou shalt find certaine high hilles but trust not the first that thou seest only For besides the rest thou shalt see a round hie hill which is at the capes end which is called la Sierra de mestre Aluaro Take heede that going for this land thou looke to the North and thou shalt see a riuer called Rio dos Reyes Magos that is The riuer of the three kings And comming to the Southward thou shalt see presently the mouth of the bay to open At the end of this hill on the South side thou hast a point of a rocke which is called A punta do Tubaron And on the South side of the bay it hath two or three blacke hie hilles and in the middest of the bay thou shalt goe in westward I aduise thee that in going in thou take heede of a sholde which lieth in the mouth of the bay thou must leaue it to the Southward of thee and then plie to double a certaine Island which lieth within and thou must leaue it to the Northward of thee and when it beareth on the North or Northeast thou mayest come to an ankor for all is cleane ground And if thou chance to come by this course and fallest in 20 degrees and seest many hilles and one among the rest very high and craggie it is called A Sierra de Guariparim that is the hill of Guaraparim and seest another hill on the North side which is called A Sierra de Pero Cam both these lie on the South side of Spirito Santo And from these hils thou shalt see a little hill named Guaipel And when thou seest these hilles thou shalt see three little Islands together lying to the Southward And then from these thou shalt see another rockie bare and round Island and to the land off this Island
Cape S. Francisco the course is North by East South and by West and the distance is 40 leagues Item Frâ—m Cape S. Francisco vnto the cape that is called Cape Blanco which cape is on the coast of New Spaine the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 160 leagues and you shall haue a great current that setteth out of the bay of Panama and the sayd current setteth South out Item From Cape Blanco vnto the Port de Veles the course is Northeast and Southwest and the distance 8 leagues Item From the Port de Veles vnto the port of S. Iohn the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 17 leagues Item From the port of S. Iohn vnto Rio Lexo the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 40 leagues Item From Râ—o Lexo vnto the gulfe of Fonsecco the course is Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast and they are distant 14 leagues Item In the mouth of Rio Lexo there lieth one iland and you must goe in on the Northwest part of that iland on the which iland you may be bolde for to borrow on and you must goe from that iland Southeast vp Item That in the gulfe of Fonsecco you shall haue lying ten ilands whereof three be peopled with Indians whereon you may haue water wood and salt Item On the West side of the gulfe of Fonsecco there is one towne of Indians which is called Mapal in which towne there is great store of beeues Item From the râ—uer Lexo vnto the bay of Sonsonate the course is East and West and the distance is 60 leagues Item From the bay of Sonsonate vnto the port of Aguaâ—â—lco the course is Northwest and by West Southeast aâ—d by East and the distance 160 leagues Item From the bay of Coppeleto vnto the port of Aguaâ—ulco it is 2 leagues the course is West and by North East and by South Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Angeles the course is East and West and they â—re distant 12 leagues Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Acapulco the course is West by North East and by South and the dâ—stance is 78 leagues Item From the port of Acapulco vnto the port of S. Iago the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 80 leagues Item From the port of S. Iago vnto the port of Natiuidad the course is East and West and the distance is 7 leagues Item From the port of Natiuidad vnto port of the ilands of Chiametla the course is East and West and the distance is 10 leagues Item From the ilands of Chiametla vnto Cape de los Corrientes the course is Northwest and by West Southeast and by East and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the Cape de los Corrientes vnto the bay of Xalisco the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 18 lâ—agues Item From the bay of Xalisco vnto the port of Chiametlan the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 30 lâ—agues Item From the Caâ—e de los Corrientes vnto tâ—e ilands called Las â—â—es Marias the course is Northwest and Southeaâ—â—â—nd tâ—e distance is 20 leagues Item From the Câ—pe de los Câ—rrientes vnto the cape of Santa Clara on the point of California the course is Weâ—tâ—orthwest and Eastsoutheast and the distance is 108 leagues A note from the coast of America vnto the Westwards ITem From the cape of Santa Clâ—ra vnto the ilands of The Ladrones the course is West and by South East and by Nâ—â—th and the distance betweene thâ—m is 1850 leagues Item That the â—ouâ—â—eâ—most iland of the Ladrones standeth in the latitude of 12 degrees and 10 minuts and from theâ—ce vnto the Northâ—rmost iland the course is Nâ—rthnortheast Sâ—uthsouthwest and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 200 leagues and the said Norâ—hermost iland standeth in 21 degrees 10 minuts Item From one of the ilands of the Ladrones which standeth in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts which iland is called Guâ—ihaâ—me vnto the Cape de Spirito santo which cape is vpon one of the ilands of the Philippinas the course is West and to the Southwards and the distance is 320 leagues Item From the cape of Spirito santo vnto the mouth of the entrance of the Streights of the Philippinas the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 15 leagues Item From the mouth of the Streights vnto the iland of Capul the course is Southwest and by West 6 leagues Item From the iland of Capul vnto the North head of the iland called Masbat the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues Item From the North head of the iland called Masbat vnto the iland called Seboion the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues A note of our course kept from the iland Seboion vnto the Southwards ITem From the iland of Seboion vnto the East end of the iland called Pannay the course is Southeast and by South Northwest and by West and the distance is 22 leagues Item That off the Easter end of the iland of Pannay there lie certâ—ine small ilands vnto the number of 12 or more and you shall haue shoald water among them Item From the Easter end of Pannay vnto a bay that iâ— called The bay of Lago grande on the same iland the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the diâ—â—ance is 18 leagues Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto the iland that is called Ysla de los Negros is the distance of 6 leagues Southeast and Northwest Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto three small ilands that stand in the latitude of 10 degrees the course is South and by West 12 leagues Furthermore from those three ilands vnto the Westermost end of Ysla de los Negros the course is Southwest and Northeast 10 leagues where we were cleere of the ilands of the Philippinas Item From the South end of Ysla de los Negros vnto the North head of the iland called Mindanao the course is South and North and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the North end of Mindanao vnto the South head of the sayd iland which is called Cape Cannal the course is South and by West North and by East and the distance is 26 leagues Item From the cape of Cannal betweene the South and the Westsouthwest about 10 or 12 leagues off you shall haue great store of small ilands about the number of 24 or more Item From the cape of Cannal vnto the cape of Batochina the course is Souâ—hsouthwest and Northnortheast and the distance is 100 leagues and betweene them setteth a great current vnto the Eastward Item
From the cape of Batochina vnto the West head of Iaua minor the course is Southwest aâ—d by South Northeast and by North and the distance betweene them is 220 leagues Item From the West end of Iaua minor vnto the East end of Iaua maior the course is West and by North and East by South and the distance betweene them is 18 leagues in the which course there lieth one iland betweene them which iland is in length 14 leagues Item From the East end of Iaua maior vnto the cape of Buena Esperança the course is West and by South and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 1800 leagues Item That Cape Falso standeth 30 leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Buena Esperança off the sayd Cape Falso you shal haue shoalding 20 leagues off in 80 or 90 fadoms the course is from Caâ—e Falso vnto the cape of Buena Esperança Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast A note of the distance and course from the cape of Buena Esperanza vnto the Northwards ITem From the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the iland of Santa Helena the course is Northwest and Northwest aâ—d by West and the distance betweene thâ—m is 600 leagues Item From the iland of Santa Helena vnto the iland of Flores the course betweene them is Northnorthwest and Northwest and by North and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 1200 leagues Item From the iland of Flores vnto the lands end of England the course is betweene the Eastnortheast and the Northeast and by East and the distance betweene them is foure hundred and fifty leagues A note of the variation of our Compasse IN primis The variation of our compasse on the coast of New Spaine iâ— the South sea in tâ—e latitude of 12 degrees was one point to the Eastwards Item the variation of our compasse betweene â—he cape of California and the ilands of the Philippinas was one point and an halfe vnto the Eastward that was that the North did stand North and by East and halfe a point vnto the East Item The variation of our compasse betweene the ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança was two points and an halfe at the most to the Westward that was that the Northnortheast was our North. A note of our time spent in sailing betweene certeine places out of England 1586. IN primis We were sailing betweene England and the coast of Guinea from the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 26 day of August vnto the hauen called Sierra leona where we watered and stayed vntill the 6 day of September Item Wee departed from the coast of Guinea for the coast of Brasil the 10 day of September and wee had sight of the coast of Brasil the 26 day of October being sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Frio and from thence wee were sailing vnto the iland of S. Sebastian vntill the 31 and last day of October where we watered and set vp our pinnesse and we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland in tenne fadoms and stayed there vntill the 23 day of Nouember Item The 23 day of Nouember we departed from the iland of Sant Sebastian keeping our course South and by West vnto the port that is called Port Desire where we arriued the 17 day of December in which port we graued our shippe and we stayed there vntill the 28 day of December where we ankered in 5 fadoms Item The eight and twentieth day of December wee departed from the Port of Desire toward the Streight of Magellan where wee arriued the third day of Ianuary and wee remained in the Streights vntill the foure and twentieth day of February where we watered in many places on the South side hauing the winde all that while betweene the Westsouthwest and the Northwest Item We departed out of the Streights the 24 day of February toward the iland of Mocha which island we had sight of the 14 day of March. Item The 14 day of March at night we ankered in the bay of Marroccos where we rode in 9 fadoms water Item The 15 day of March we ankered in the iland of Saint Marie on the North part of the island in eight fadoms water blacke sand wheâ—e we stayed foure dayes Item The 19 day of March we departed frâ—â— the island of Saint Marie and the same day we ankered in the bay of Conception where we stayed vntill the next day and there we rode in ten fadoms water shiâ—gie stones Item The 20 day of March we departed from the bay of Conception and the thirtieth day of March we arriued in the bay of Quintero where wâ— watered and there the first day of April we had twelue of our men slaine being on land for water and we stayed there sixe dayes and we ankered in 7 fadoms water white sand Item We departed from the bay of Quintero the 5 day of April and we arriued at the bay of Arica the 24 day of April and we ankered in 7 fadoms water Item The 27 day of April we departed from the bay of Arica and the third day of May we arriued in the bay of Pisca and we ankered in 4 fadoms water in oaze Item The 5 day of May we departed from the bay of Pisca and the 12 day we ankered in the bay of Cherrepe where we ankered in 7 fadoms water in white sand Item The 18 day of May we departed from the bay of Cherrepe and the 20 day of May we arriued in the bay of Payta where we ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 20 day of May we departed from the bay of Paita and the 26 day of May we ankered at the iland of Puna and we ankered in 5 fadoms Item From the iland of Puna we departed the fourth day of Iune vnto Rio dolce in the main where we watâ—red and we ankered in 10 fadoms water browne sand Item The 12 day of Iune we departed from the place where we watered being bound for the coast of New Spaine and the 29 day of Iuly wee arriued in the port of Aguatulco where wee watered and ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 3 day of August we departed from the port of Aguatulco and the 26 day of August we arriued at the port of S. Iago where wee watered and stayed there vntill the second day of September and ankered in 6 fadoms Item The 2 of Septâ—mber we departed from the port of S. Iago and the 3 day of September we put into a port one league vnto the Westwards of Natiuidad where we ankered in 8 fadoms water Item The 4 day of September wee departed from the port of Natiuidad and the 7 day of September we put into the bay of Xalisco where we ankered in 9 fadoms water and the 10 day of September we departed from the bay of Xalisco and the 12 day of September we ankered
of their drinke vpon the image which is aboue the masters head afterward vpon other images in order then goeth a seruant out of the house with a cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards the South and bowing his knee at euery time and this is done for the honour of the fire Then perfourmeth he the like superstitious idolatrie towards the East for the honour of the ayre and then to the West for the honour of the water lastly to the North in the behalfe of the dead When the maister holdeth a cuppe in his hande to drinke before he tasteth thereof hee powreth his part vpon the ground If he drinketh sitting on horse backe hee powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or maine of his horse before hee himselfe drinketh After the seruaunt aforesaide hath â—o discharged his cuppes to the fower quarters of the world hee returneth into the house and two other seruants stand ready with two cuppes and two basons to carrie drinke vnto their master and his wife sitting together vpon a bed And if he hath more wiues then one she with whome hee slept the night before sitteth by his side the daye following and all his other wiues must that day resorte vnto the same house to drinke and there is the court holden for that day the giftes also which are presented that daye are layd vp in the chests of the sayd wife And vpon a bench stands a vessell of milke or of other drinke and drinking cuppes Of their drinkes and how they prouoke one another to drinking Chap. 4. IN winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise of Mill and of honie being well and high coloured like wine Also they haue wine brought vnto them from farre countries In summer time they care not for any drinke but Cosmos And it standeth alwaies within the entrance of his doore and next vnto it stands a minstrell with his fidle I sawe there no such citerns and vials as ours commonly be but many other musicall instruments which are not vsed among vs. And when the master of the house begins to drinke one of his seruants cryeth out with a lowde voice HA and the minstrell playes vpon his fidle And when they make any great solemne feast they all of them clap their hands daunce to the noyse of musique the men before their master and the women before their mistresse And when the master hath drunke then cries out his seruant as before and the minstrell stayeth his musique Then drinke they all around both men and women and sometimes they carowse for the victory very filthily and drunkenly Also when they will prouoke any man they pul him by the eares to the drinke and so lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throate clapping their handes and dauncing before him Moreouer when some of them will make great feasting and reioycing one of the company takes a full cuppe and two other stand one on his right hand and another on his left and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the cuppe reached vnto him still sâ—nging and dauncing before him and when he stretcheth foorth his hand to receiue the cuppe they leape suddenly backe returning againe as they did before and so hauing deluded him thrâ—câ— or fower times by drawing backe the cuppe vntill he be merie and hath gotten a good appetite then they giue him the cuppe singing and dauncing and stamping with their feete vntill he hath done drinking Of their foode and victuals Chap. 5. COncerning their foode and victuals be it knowen vnto your Highnesse that they do without al difference or exception eat all their dead carrions And amongst so many droues it cannot be but some cattell must needes die Howbeit in summer so long as their Cosmos that is their mares milke lasteth they care not for any foode And if they chance to haue an oxe or an horse dye they drie the flesh thereof for cutting it into thin slices and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind it is presently dried without salt and also without stenche or corruption They make better puddings of their horses then of their hogs which they eate being new made the rest of the flesh they reserue vntill winter They make of their oxe skins great bladders or bags which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals pantofles They giue vnto 50. or an 100. men the flesh of one ram to eat For they mince it in a bowle with salt and water other sauce they haue none and then with the point of a knife or a litle forke which they make for the same purpose such as wee vse to take roâ—ted peares or apples out of wine withal they reach vnto eueryone of the company a morsell or twaine according to the multitude of guestes The master of the house before the rams flesh be distributed first of all himselfe taketh thereof what he pleaseth Also if he giueth vnto any of the company a speciall part the receiuer therof must eat it alone and must not impart ought therof vnto any other Not being able to eate it vp all he caries it with him or deliuers it vnto his boy if he be present to keepe it if not he puts it vp into his Saptargat that is to say his foure square buget which they vse to cary about with them for the sauing of all such prouision and wherein they lay vp their bones when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly that they may â—urnish them afterward to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought How they make their drinke called Cosmos Chap. 6. THeir drinke called Cosmos which is mares milke is prepared after this maner They fasten a long line vnto 2. posts standing firmely in the ground vnto the same line they tie the young foles of those mares which they mean to milke Then come the dains to stand by their foles gently suffering themselues to be milked And if any of them be too vnruly then one takes her fole puts it vnder her letting it suck a while and presently carying it away againe there comes another man to milke the said mare And hauing gotten a good quantity of this milke together being as sweet as cowes milke while it is newe they powre it into a great bladder or bag and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the purpose hauing a club at the lower ende like a mans head which is hollow within and so soone as they beat vpon it it begins to boile like newe wine to be sower and sharp of taste and they beate it in that maner till butter come thereof Then taste they thereof and being indifferently sharpe they drinke it for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes when it is drunk After a man hath taken a draught therof it leaueth behind it a
or confesseth the same But being accused by the multitude they put him vnto extreame torture to make him confesse the trueth They punish murther with death and carnall copulation also with any other besides his owne By his own I meane his wife or his maid seruant for he may vse his sâ—aue as he listeth himself Heinous theft also or felony they punish with death For a light theft as namely for stealing of a ram the party not being apprehended in the deed doing but otherwise detected is cruelly beaten And if y e executioner laies on an 100. strokes he must haue an 100. staues namely for such as are beaten vpon senteÌ„ce giuen in the court Also counterfeit messâ—ngers because they feine themselues to be messengers when as indeed they are none at all they punish with death Sacrilegious persons they vse in like maner of which kind of malefactors your Maiesty shall vnderstand more fully hereafter because they esteeme such to be witches When any man dieth they lament howle most pitifully for him the said mourners are free from paying any tribute for one whole yeare after Also whosoâ—uer is present at the house where any one growen to mans estate lieth dead he must not enter into the court of Mangu-Can til one whole yere be expired If it were a child deceased he must not enter into the said court til the next moneth after Néere vnto the graue of the partie deceased they alwaies leaue one cottage If any of their nobles being of the stock oâ— Chingis who was their first lord father deceaseth his sepulcher is vnknowen And alwayes about those places where they interre their nobles there is one house of men to keep the sepulchers I could not learn that they vse to hide treasures in the graues of their dead The ComaniaÌ„s build a great toomb ouer their dead erect the image of the dead parâ—y thereupon with his face towards the East holding a drinking cup in his hand before his nauel They erect also vpon the monuments of rich men Pyramides that is to say litle sharpe houses or pinacles in some places I saw mighty towers made of brick in other places Pyramides made of stones albeit there are no stones to be found thereabout I saw one newly buried in whose behalfe they hanged vp 16. horse hides vnto each quarter of the world 4 betweene certain high posts they set besides his graue Cosmos for him to drink flesh to eat yet they sayd that he was baptized I beheld other kinds of sepulchers also towards the Eastâ— namely large flowres or pauemeÌ„ts made of stone some rouÌ„d some square then 4. long stones pitched vpright about the said pauement towards the 4. regions of the worldâ— When any man is sicke he lieth in his bed causeth a signe to be set vpon his house to signifie that there lieth a sicke person there to the end that no man may enter into the sayd house whereupon none at all visit any sicke party but his seruant only Moreouer when any one is sicke in their great courts they appoint wâ—tchmen to stand round about the said court who wil not suffer any person to enter within the precincts thereof For they feare least euill spirits or winds should come together with the parties that enter in They esteeme of soothsayers as of their priests Of our first entrance among the Tartars and of their ingratitude Chap. 11. ANd being come amoÌ„gst those barbarous people me thought as I said before y t I was entred into a new world for they came flocking about vs on horse back after they had made vs a long time to awaite for them sitting in the shadow vnder their black carts The first question which they demanded was whether we had euer bin with them heretofore or no And giuing theÌ„ answere that we had not they began impudently to beg our victuals froÌ„ vs. And we gaue them some of our bisket wine which we had brought with vs from the towne of Soldaia And hauing drunke off one flagon of our wine they demanded another saying that a man goeth not into the house with one foote Howbeit we gaue them no more excusing our selues that we had but a litle Then they asked vs whence we came whither we were bound I answered them with the words aboue mentioned that we had heard concerning duke Sartach that he was become a Christian that vnto him our determination was to trauel hauing your Maiesties letters to deliuer vnto him They were very inquisitiue to know whether I came of mine own accord or whether I were sent I answered that no man compelled me to come neither had I come vnles I my selfe had bin willing that therefore I was come according to mine own wil to the will of my superior I tooke diligent heed neuer to say that I was your Maiesties ambassador Then they asked what I had in my carts whether it were gold or siluer or rich garments to carie vnto Sartach I answered that Sartach should see what we had brought when we were once come vnto him that they had nothing to do to aske such questions but rather ought to conduct me vnto their captaine and that he if he thought goodâ— should cause me to be directed vnto Sartach if not that I would returne For there was in the same prouince one of Baatu his kinsmen called Scacati vnto whom my lord the Emperor of Constantinople had written letters of request to suffer me to passe through his territory With this answere of ours they were satisfied giuing vs horses oxen two men to conduct vs. Howbeit before they would allow vs the foresayd necessaries for our iourney they made vs to awayt a long while begging our bread for their yong brats wondering at all things which they fawe about our seruants as their kniues gloues purses points and desiring to haue them I excused my self that we had a long way to trauel that we must in no wise so soon depriue our selues of things necessary to finish so long a iourney Then they said that I was a very varlet True it is that they tooke nothing by force froÌ„ me howbeit they wil beg that which they see very importunatly shamelesly And if a man bestow ought vpon theÌ„ it is but cost lost for they are thankles wretches They esteeme theÌ„selues lords think y t nothing should be denied theÌ„ by any man If a man giues them nought afterward stands in neede of their seruice they will do right nought for him They gaue vs of their cowes milke to drink after y e butter was cherned out of it being very sower which they cal Apram And so we departed from theÌ„ Aud in very deed it seemed to me y t we were escaped out of the hands of diuels On the morrow we were come vnto the captain From the time wherin we departed froÌ„ Soldaia till we arriued at
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
seuen of the clocke Northnorthwest 42 leagues to the ende to fall with Shotland then the wind veared to the West so that we could lie but North and by West continuing in the same course 40 leagues whereby we could not fetch Shotland then we sayled North 16 leagues by estimation after that North and by West Northnorthwest then Southeast with diuers other courses trauersing and tracing the seas â—y reason of sundry and manifolde contrary windes vntill the 14 day of Iuly and then the sunne entring into Leo we discouered land Eastward of vs vnto the which we sayled that night as much as we might and after wee went on shore with our Pinnesse found little houses to the number of 30 where we knew that it was inhabited but the people were fled away as we iudged for feare of vs. The land was all full of little Islands and that innumerable which were called as we learned afterwards AEgeland and Halgeland which lieth from Orfordnesse North and by East being in the latitude of 66 degrees The distance betweene Orfordnesse and AEgeland 250 leagues Then we sailed from thence 12 leagues Northwest and found many other Islandes and there came to anker the 19 day and manned our Pinnesse and went on shore to the Islands and found people mowing and making of hay which came to the shore and welcomed vs. In which place were an innumerable sort of Islands which were called the Isles of Rost being vnder the dominion of the king of Denmarke which place was in latitude 66 degrees and 30 minutes The winde being contrary we remayned there three dayes there was an innumerable sort of foules of diuers kindes of which we tooke very many The 22 day the winde comming fayre we departed from Rost sailing Northnortheast keeping the sea vntill the 27 day and then we drew neere vnto the land which was still East of vs then went foorth our Pinnesse to seeke harborow found many good harbours of the which we entred into one with our shippes which was called Stanfew and the land being Islands were called Lewfoot or Lofoot which were plentifully inhabited and very gentle people being also vnder the king of Denmarke but we could not learne how farre it was from the maine land and we remained there vntil the 30 day being in latitude 68 degrees and from the foresaid Rost about 30 leagues Northnortheast The 30 day of Iuly about noone we weyed our ankers and went into the Seas and sayled along these Islands Northnortheast keeping the land still in sight â—ntill the second day of August then hailing in close aboord the land to the entent to knowe what land it was there came a skiffe of the Island aboord of vs of whom we asked many questions who shewed vnto vs that the Island was called Seynam which is the latitude of seuenty degrees and from Stanfew thirtie leagues being also vnder the king of Denmarke and that there was no merchandise there but onely dryed fish and traine oyle Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke inquired of him if we might haue a pilot to bring vs vnto Finmarke he said that if we could beare in we should haue a good harbour and on the next day a pilot to bring vs to Finmarke vnto the wardhouse which is the strongest holde in Finmarke and most resorted to by report But when wee would haue entred into an harbour the land being very high on euâ—ry side there came such flawes of winde and terrible whirle winds that we were not able to beare in but by violence were constrained to take the sea agayne our Pinnesse being vnshipt we sailed North and by East the wind increasing so sort that we were not able to beare any saile but tooke them in and lay a drift to the end to let the storme ouer passe And that night by violence of winde and thickenesse of mists we were not able to keepe together within sight and then about midnight we lost our pinnesse which was a discomfort vnto vs. Assoone as it was day and the fogge ouerpast we looked about and at the last we descried one of our shippes to Leeward of vs then we spred an bullocke of our fore-saile and bare roome with her which was the Confidence but the Edward we could not see Then the flaw something abating we and the Confidence hoysed vp our sailes the fourth day sayling Northeast and by North to the end to fall with the Wardhouse as we did consult to doe before in case we should part company Thus running Northeast and by North and Northeast fiftie leagues then we sounded and had 160 fadomes whereby we thought to be farre from land and perceiued that the land lay not as the Globe made mention Wherfore we changed our course the sixt day and sailed Southeast and by South eight and fortie leagues thinking thereby to find the Wardhouse The eight day much winde rising at the Westnorthwest we not knowing how the coast lay strook our sayles and lay a drift where we sounded and found 160 fadomes as afore The ninth day the wind â—earing to the South Southeast we sailed Northeast 25 leagues The tenth day we sounded and could get no ground neither yet could see any land wherat we wondered then the wind comming at the Northeast we ran Southeast about 48 leagues The 11 day the wind being at South we sounded and found 40 fadoms aud faire sand The 12 day the winde being at South and by East we lay with our saile East and East and by North 30 leagues The 14 day early in the morning we descried land which land we bare with all hoising out our boat to discouer what land it might be but the boat could not come to land the water was so shoale where was very much ice also but there was no similitude of habitation and this land lyeth from Seynam East and by North 160 leagues being in latitude 72 degrees Then we plyed to the Northward the 15,16 and 17 day The 18 day the winde comming at the Northeast and the Confidence being troubled with bilge water and stocked we thought it good to seeke harbâ—ur for her redresse then we bare roome the 18 day Southsoutheast about 70 leagues The 21 day we sounded and found 10 fadome after that we sounded againe and found but 7 fadome so shoalder and shoalder water and yet could see no land where we maruâ—iled greatly to auoide this danger we bare roomer into the sea all that night Northwest and by West The next day we sounded and had 20. fadoms then shaped our course and ran West Southwest vntill the 23. day then we descried Low land vnto which we bare as nigh as we could and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable Then wee plyed Westward along by that lande which lyeth West Southwest and East Northeast and much winde blowing at the West we haled into the sea North and by East 30. leagues Then the
worke that euer I saw the eyes and mouthes of sundrie of them were bloodie they had the shape of men women and children very grosly wrought that which they had made for other parts was also sprinckled with blood Some of their idols were an olde sticke with two or three notches made with a knife in it I saw much of the footing of the sayd Samoeds and of the sleds that they ride in There was one of their sleds broken and lay by the heape of idols there I saw a deers skinne which the foules had spoyled and before certaine of their idols blocks were made as high as their mouthes being all bloody I thought that to be the table wheron they offered their sacrifice I saw also the instruments whereupon they had roasted flesh and as farre as I could perceiue they make their fire directly vnder the spit Loshak being there present tolde me that these Samoeds were not so hurtful as they of Ob are and that they haue no houses as indeede I saw none but onely tents made of Deers skins which they vnderproppe with stakes and poles their boates are made of Deers skins and when they come on shoare they cary their boates with them vpon their backes for their cariages they haue no other beastes to serue them but Deere only As for bread and corne they haue none except the Russes bring it to them their knowledge is very baâ—e for they know no letter Tuesday we turned for the harborough where Loshaks barke lay whereas before we road vnder an Island And there he came aboord of vs and said vnto me if God sende winde and weather to serue I will goe to the Ob with you because the Morses were scant at these Islands of Vaigats but if he could not get to the riuer of Ob then he sayd hee would goe to the riuer of Naramzay where the people were not altogether so sauage as the Samoyds of the Ob are hee shewed me that they will shoot at all men to the vttermost of their power that cannot speake their speech Wednesday we saw a terrible heape of ice approch neere vnto vs and therefore wee thought good with al speed possible to depart from thence and so I returned to the Westwards againe to the Island where we were the 31 of Iuly Thursday I went a shoare and tooke the latitude which was 70 degrees 25 minutes and the variation of the compasse was 8 degrees from the North to the West Loshak and the two small Lodias of Pechora departed from this Island while I was on shoare taking the latitude and went to the Southwards I maruailed why he departed so suddenly and went ouer the shoales amongst the Islands where it was impossible for vs to follow them But after I perceiued them to be weatherwise Friday we road still the winde being at Northnortheast with a cruell storme The ice came in so abundantly about vs at both ends of the Island that we road vnder that it was a feareful sight to behold the storme continued with snow raine and hayle plenty Saturday we road still also the storme being somewhat abated but it was altogether misty that we were not able to see a cables length about vs the winde being at Northeast and by East Sunday at foure of the clocke in the morning we departed from this Island the winde being at Southeast and as we were cleere a sea boord the small Islandes and shoales it came so thick with mistes that we could not see a base shotte from vs. Then we tooke in all our sailes to make little way At a Southeast sunne it waxed cleere and then we set our sayles and lay close by the wind to the Southwards alongst the Islands of Vaigats At a West sunne we tooke in our sayle againe because of the great mist and raine Wee sounded at this place and had fiue and twenty fadomes water and soft blacke oze being three leagues from the shoare the winde being at South and by East but still misty Munday at an East sunne we sounded and â—ad 40 fadomes and oze still misty at noone wee sounded againe and had 36 fadome still misty Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sunne we let fall our anker in three and twenty fadome the mist still continuing Wednesday at three of the clocke in the morning the mist brake vp the wind being at Northeast by East and then we saw part of the Islands of Vaigats which we bare withall and went Eastsoutheast close by the winde at a West sunne we were at an anker vnder the Southwest part of the said Vaigats and then I sent our skiffe to shoare with three men in her to see if they might speake with any of the Samoeds but could not all that day was rainie but not windie Thursday the wind came Westerly so that we were faine to seeke vs another place to ride in because the wind came a seaboord land and although it were misty yet wee followed the shoare by our lead and as we brought land in the winde of vs we let fall our anker At a West sunne the mist brake vp so that we might see about vs and then we might perceiue that we were entred into a sound This afternoone we tooke in two or three skiffes lading of stones to balast our shippe withall It hyeth here foure foot water and floweth by fits vncertaine to be iudged Friday we road still in the sound the wind at Southwest with very much raine and at the end of the raine it waxed againe mistie Saturday there was much winde at West and much raine and then againe mistie Sunday was very mistie and much winde Munday very mistie the winde at Westnorthwest Tuesday was also mistie except at noone then the sunne brake out through the mist so that we had the latitude in 70 degrees 10 minutes the afternoone was misty againe the wind being at Westnorthwest Wednesday at three of the clocke afternoone the mist brake vp the wind came at Eastnortheast and then we weyed and went South by East vntil seuen of the clocke eight leagues thinking to haue had sight of the sandie hilles that are to the Eastwards of the riuer Pechora At a Northwest sunne we took in our maine saile because the wind increased went with a foresaile Westnorthwest the wind being at Eastnortheast at night there grewe so terrible a storme that we saw not the like although we had indured many stormes since we came out of England It was wonderfull that our barke was able to brooke such monstrous terrible seas without the great helpe of God who neuer fayleth them at neede that put their sure trust in him Thursday at a Southsouthwest sunne thanks be to God the storme was at the highest then the winde began to slake and came Northerly withall then I reckoned the Westermost point of the riuer Pechora to be South of vs 15 leagues At a
the pole eleuated 69. deg 13 minutes This day we had sight of Vaigatz the land of the maine of Pechora did trend Southeast we hald East southeast and had 10. fadoms oze all the same day vntill 4. in the after noone then being calme we ankered in 10. fadoms all the same night The 19. day at two in the morning we set saile and ran South and South southwest all the same day at 8.7 and 6. fadoms this was off the South part of Vaigatz this part of the land lieth North and South This day at 4. in the afternoone we found shallow water sometime 4. fadoms sometime 3. and 2. and a halfe and one fadome and a halfe there we ankered and sent our boate away to sound and all to leeward we had 4. foote and 3. foote and 2. foot there was not water for the boate betweene Vaigatz the other side finding no more water there was no other way but to goe backe as we came in hauing the wind Northwest so at twelue at niâ—ht we set saile The 20. day we plied to the Northwards and got deepe water againe 6. and 7. fadoms The 21. day the winde by the Northwest we hald along the coast North and North northwest we had 8. and 9. and 10. fadoms The 22. day the winde came to the Southwest wee bare along the coast of Vaygatz as wee found it to lie North and by West and Northnorthwest and North. The winde blewe very much with great fogge we lacking water and wood bare within an Island where wee founde great store of wood and water there were three or foure goodly founds Under two points there was a crosse set vp and a man buried at the foote of it Upon the said crosse Master Pet did graue his name with the date of our Lorde and likewise vpon a stone at the foote of the crosse and so did I also to the end that if the William did chaunce to come thither they might haue knowledge that wee had beene there At eight in the afternoone the winde came to the North northwest we set saile and turned out of the Bay The same night the winde came to the West so that wee lay North along the land The 23. day at fiue in the morning the wind came to the Southwest a Sea boord we sawe a great number of faire Islands to the number of sixe a sea boord of these Islands there are many great ouerfals as great streames or tides we halde Northeast and East northeast as the lande did trend At eight aforenoone the winde came to the Southeast with very much wind raine and fogge and very great store of ice a sea boorde so we lay to the Southwest to attaine to one of the Islands to harbour vs if the weather did so extremely continue and to take in our boate thinking it meete so to doe and not to towe her in such weather About twelue of the clocke it became very calme vpon the sudden and came vp to the West Northwest and Northwest by West and then we tooke in our boate and this done there came downe so much winde as we were not able to steere afore it with corse and bonnets of each we hald South with the land for so the land did trend This day all the afternoone we sailed vnder a great land of ice we sailed betweene the land and it being not able to crosse it About twelue at night we found the ice to stretch into the land that we could not get cleare to the Eastward so we laide it to the shore and there we founde it cleare hard aboord the shore and we found also a very faire Island which makes a very good harbour and within are 12. fadoms This Island is to y e Eastwards of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues This land of the maine doth trend Southeast and Southeast by East It is a very faire coast and euen and plaine and not full of mountaines nor rocks you haue but shallow water of 6. or 7. fadoms about a league from the shore all this morning we halled East southeast This day we found the pole to be eleuated 69. degrees 14. minutes About 12. a clocke we were constrained to put into the ice to seeke some way to get to the Northwards of it hoping to haue some cleare passage that way but there was nothing but whole ice About nine in the afternoone we had sight of the William and when wee sawe her there was a great land of ice betweene her and vs so that we could not come one to the other but as we came neere to her we sounded our trumpet and shot off two muskets and she put out her flag vpon her foretopmaste in token that she did see vs all this time wee did shorten our sailes and went with our foresaile maine top saile seeking the best way through the broken ice she making away the best that she could to follow vs we put out our flagge to answere her again with the like thus wee continued all the afternoone till about 12. a clocke at night and then we moared our ship to a piece of ice to tarie for the William The 25. day about fiue in the morning the William came to vs being both glad of our meeting The William had her sterne post broken that the rudber did hang clean besides the sterne so that she could in no wise port her helme with all hands she did lighten her sterne and trimme her head and when we had brought her forward all that we could wee brought a table vnder her sterne and without captaine did wind vp her sterne and so we made it as wel as the place would giue vs leane and in the ende wee brought her to steere againe Wee acknowledge this our meeting to be a great benefite of God for our mutuall comfort and so gaue his maiestie thanks for it All the night after we tooke our rest being made fast vpon a piece of ice the winde was at West Northwest but wee were so inclosed with ice that we coulde not tell which way to passe Windes wee haue had at will but ice and fogge too much against our willes if it had pleased the Lord God otherwise The 26. day the wind was at West Northwest we set saile to the Northwardes to seeke if we could finde any way cleare to passe to the Eastward but the further we went that way the more and thicker was the ice so that wee coulde goe no further So about foure in the afternoone we were constrained to moare vpon another piece of ice I thinke we sailed in all a league this day here we had 15. fadoms oze and this oze is all the chanell ouer All the same day after foure of the clocke and all the night we tarried there being without all good hope but rather in despaire This day Master Iugman did see land East Northeast from vs as he did thinke whether it were
nati Seruatoris 1020. sub Canuto Dano The same in English ANdrew Leucander otherwise called Whiteman as Leland reporteth was by profession a Monke and the third Abbat of the Abbey of Ramsie he was exceedingly giuen to the studie of good artes taking paines therein day night and profited greatly thereby And amongst all other things he had an incredible desire to see those places with his eyes wherein Christ our Sauiour performed and wrought all the mysteries of our redemption the names of which places he onely knew before by the reading of the Scriptures Whereupon he began his iourney and went to Ierusalem a witnesse of the miracles preaching and passion of Christ and being againe returned into his countrey he was made the aforesayd Abbat He flourished in the yere of Christ 1020. vnder Canutus the Dane The voyage of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earle Godwin vnto Ierusalem Anno Dom. 1052 recorded by William of Malmsburie lib. 2. de gestis regum Anglorum Capite 13. SWanus peruersi ingenij infidi in regem multoties a patre fratre Haroldo desciuit pirata factus praedis maritimis virtutes maiorum polluit Postremò pro conscientia Brunonis cognati intetempti vt quidam dicunt fratris Ierosolimam abijt indeque rediens a Saracenis circumuentus ad mortem caesus est The same in English SWanus being of a peruerse disposition and faithlesse to the king often times disagreed with his father and his brother Harold and afterwards proouing a pirate he stained the vertues of his ancestours with his robberies vpon the seas Last of all being guilty vnto himselfe of the murther of his kinseman Bruno and as some do report of his owne brother he trauailed vnto Ierusalem and in his returne home being taken by the Saracens was beaten and wounded vnto death A voyage of three Ambassadours who in the time of K. Edward the Confessor and about the yere of our Lord 1056 were sent vnto Constantinople and from thence vnto Ephesus together with the occasion of their sending c. recorded by William of Malmesburie lib. 2. de gestis regum Anglorum capiâ—e 13. DIe sancti paschatis ad mensam apud Westmonasterium â—ssederat diademate fastigaâ—us optimatum turma circumuallatus Cùmque alij longam quadragesimae inediam recentibus cibis compensantes acriter comederent ille a terrenis reuocato animo diuinum quiddam speculatus mentes conuiuantium permouit ampliorem perfusus in risum nulló quo causam lae titiae per quirere praesumente tùnc quidèm ita tacitum donec edendi satietas obsonijs finem imposuit Sed remotis mensis cum in triclinio regalibus exueretur tres optimates eum prose quuti quorum vnus erat comes Haroldus secundus abbas tertius episcopus familiaritatis ausu interrogant quid riserat mirum omnibus nec immeritò videri quarè in tanta serenitate diei negotij tacentibus caeteris scurrilem cachinnum ejecerit Stupenda inquit vidi nec ideo sine causa risi Tum illi vt moris est humani ingenij sciscitari quaerere causam ardentiùs vt supplicibus dignantèr rem impertiatur Ille multùm cunctatus tandem instantibus mira respondit septem dormientes in monte Caelio requiescere iam ducentis annis in dextro iacentes latere sed tunc in hora ipsa risus sui latus inuertisse sinistrum futurum vt septuaginta quatuor annis ita iaceant dirum nimirum miseris mortalibus omen Nam omnia ventura in his septuaginta quatuor annis quae dominus circa finem mundi praedixit discipulis suis gentâ—m contra gentem surrecturam regnum aduersus regnum terraemotus per loca pestilentiam famem terrores de coelo signa magna regnorum mutationes gentilium in Christianos bella item Christicolarum in paganos victorias Talia mirantibus inculcans passionem septem dormientium habitudines corporum singulorum quas nulla docet litera ita promptè disseruit ac sicum eis quotidiano victitaret conâ—ubernio His auditis comes militem episcopus clericum abbas monachum ad veritatem verborum exsculpendam Manicheti Constantinopolitano imperitori misere adiectis regâ—s sui literis muneribus Eosille benignè secum habitos episcopo Ephesi destinauit epistola pariter quam sacram vocant comitante vt ostenderentur â—egatis regis Angliae septem dormientium marturiales exuuiae Factúmâ— est vt vaticinium regis Edwardi Graecis omnibus comprobatum qui se a patribus accepisse iurarent super dextrum illos latus quiescere sed post itroitum Anglorum in speluncam veritatem peregrinae prophetiae contubernalibus suis praedicarunt Nec moram sestinatio malorum fecit quin Agareni Arabes Turci alienae scilicèt a Christo gentes Syriam Lyciam minorem Asiam omnino maioris multas vrbes inter quas Ephesum ipsam etiam Hierosolymam depopulati super Christianos inuaderent The same in English VPon Easterday king Edward the Confessour being crowned with his kingly diademe and accompanied with diuers of his nobles sate at dinner in his pallace at Westminster And when others after their long abstinence in the Lent refreshed themselues with dainty meats and fed thereupon very earnestly he lifting vp his mind from earthly matters and meditating on heauenly visions to the great admiration of those which were present brake forth into an exceeding laughter and no man presuming to enquire the cause of his mirth they all kept silence til dinner was ended But after dinner as hee was in his bed-chamber putting off his solemne roabes three of his Nobles to wit earle Harold an Abbot and a Bishop being more familiar with him then the residue followed him in and bouldly asked him what was the occasion of his laughter for it seemed very strange vnto them all what should moue him at so solemne a time and assembly while others kept silence to laugh so excessiuely I saw quoth he admirable things and therefore laughed I not without occasion Then they as it is the common guise of all men demaunded and enquired the cause more earnestly humbly beseeching him that hee would vouchsafe to impart that secret vnto them Whereupon musing a long while vnto himselfe at length he told them wonderfull things namely that seuen Sleepers had rested in mount Caelius two hundred yeeres lying vpon their right sides but in the very houre of his laughter that they turned themselues on their left sides and that they should continue so lying for the space of 74. yeeres after being a dismal signe of future calamitie vnto mankinde For all things should come to passe within those 74. yeeres which as our Sauiour Christ foretold vnto his disciples were to be fulfilled about the ende of the world namely that nation should rise against nation and kingdome against kingdome and that there should bee in many places earthquakes pestilence and famine terrible apparitions in the heauens
for a good intent so did Saul saue the fattest Oxen to offer vnto the Lord and they to serue their owne turne But neither did Saul scape the wrath of God therefore neither had these that thing which they desired so and did thirst after Such is Gods iustice He that they put their trust in to deliuer them from the tyrannous hands of their enemies he I say could supply their want of necessaries Nowe these â—ight being armed with such weapons as they thought well of thinking themselues sufficient champions to encounter a stranger enemie and comming vnto the prison Fox opened the gates and doores thereof and called forth all the prisoners whom he set some to ramming vp the gate some to the dressing vp of a certaine gallie which was the best in all the roade and was called the captaine of Alexandria whereinto some caried mastes sailes oares and other such furniture as doth belong vnto a gallie At the prison were certaine warders whom Iohn Fox and his companie slewe in the killing of whom there were eight more of the Turkes which perceiued them and got them to the toppe of the prison vnto whom Iohn Fox and his company were faine to come by ladders where they found a hot skirmish For some of them were there slaine some wounded and some but scarred and not hurt As Iohn Fox was thrise shot through his apparell and not hurt Peter Vnticaro and the other two that had armed them with the duckats were slaine as not able to weild themselues being so pestered with the weight and vneasie carying of the wicked and prophane treasure and also diuerse Christians were aswell hurt about that skirmish as Turkes slaine Amongst the Turkes was one thrust thorowe who let vs not say that it was ill fortune fell off from the toppe of the prison wall and made such a lowing that the inhabitants thereabout as here and there scattering stoode a house or two came and dawed him so that they vnderstood the case how that the prisoners were paying their ransomes wherewith they raised both Alexandria which lay on the west side of the roade and a Castle which was at the Cities end next to the roade and also an other Fortresse which lay on the Northside of the roade so that nowe they had no way to escape but one which by mans reason the two holdes lying so vpon the mouth of the roade might seeme impossible to be a way for them So was the red sea impossible for the Israelites to passe through the hils and rockes lay so on the one side and their enemies compassed them on the other So was it impossible that the wals of Iericho should fall downe being neither vndermined nor yet rammed at with engines nor yet any mans wisedome pollicie or helpe set or put thereunto Such impossibilities can our God make possible He that helde the Lyons iawes from renting Daniel asundeâ— yea or yet from once touching him to his hurt can not he hold the roring canons of this hellish force He that kept the fiers rage in the hot burning Ouen from the three children that praised his name can not he keepe the fiers flaming blasles from among his elect Now is the roade fraught with lustie souldiers laborers and mariners who are faine to stand to their tackling in setting to euery man his hand some to the carying in of victuals some munitions some oares and some one thing some another but most are keeping their enemie from the wall of the road But to be short there was no time mispent no man idle nor any mans labour ill bestowed or in vaine So that in short time this gally was ready trimmed vp Whereinto euery man leaped in all haste hoyssing vp the sayles lustily yeelding themselues to his mercie and grace in whose hands are both winde and weather Now is this gally on flote and out of the safetie of the roade now haue the two Castles full power vpon the gally now is there no remedy but to sinke how can it be auoided The canons let flie from both sides and the gally is euen in the middest and betweene them both What man can deuise to saue it there is no man but would thinke it must needes be sunke There was not one of them that feared the shotte which went thundring round about their eares nor yet were once scarred or touched with fiue forty shot which came from the Castles Here did God hold foorth his buckler he shieldeth now this gally and hath tried their faith to the vttermost Now commeth his speciall helpe yea euen when man thinks them past all helpe then commeth he himselfe downe from heauen with his mightie power then is his present remedie most readie prest For they saile away being not once touched with the glaunce of a shot and are quickly out of the Turkish canons reach Then might they see them comming downe by heapes to the water side in companies like vnto swarmes of bees making shew to come after them with gallies in bustling themselues to dresse vp the gallies which would be a swift peece of worke for them to doe for that they had neither oares mastes sailes gables nor any thing else ready in any gally But yet they are carying them into them some into one gally and some into another so that being such a confusion amongst them without any certaine guide it were a thing impossible to ouertake them beside that there was no man that would take charge of a gally the weather was so rough and there was such an amasednes amongst them And verely I thinke their God was amased thereat it could not be but he must blush for shame he can speake neuer a word for dulnes much lesse can he helpe them in such an extremitie Well howsoeuer it is he is very much to blame to suffer them to receiue such a gibe But howsoeuer their God behaued himselfe our God shewed himselfe a God indeede and that he was the onely liuing God for the seas were swift vnder his faithfull which made the enemies agast to behold them a skilfuller Pilot leades them and their mariners bestirre them lustily but the Turkes had neither mariners Pilot nor any skilfull Master that was in a readinesse at this pinch When the Christians were safe out of the enemies coast Iohn Fox called to them all willing them to be thankfull vnto almighty God for their deliuerie and most humbly to fall downe vpon their knees beseeching him to aide them vnto their friends land and not to bring them into an other daunger sirh hee had most mightily deliuered them from so great a thraldome and bondage Thus when euery man had made his petition they fell straight way to their labour with the eares in helping one another when they were wearied and with great labour stewing to come to some Christian land as neere as they could gesse by the starres But the windes were so diuers one while driuing them this way another while
Constantinople there the Marchant and the Pilot landed At this bridge is an house of the great Turkes with a faire Garden belonging vnto it neere the which is a point called Ponta S. Stephano and there the shippe ankered that day The 26 day the ship came to â—â—e seuen Towers and the 27 we came neerer The 29 there came three gallies to bring vs vp further and when the shippe came against the great Turks palace we shot off all our ordinance to the number of foure and thirty pieces Then landed our Ambassadour and then we discharged foure and twenty pieces who was receiued with more then fifty or threescore men on horsebacke The ninth of April he presented the great Bassa with siâ—e clothes foure cannes of siluer double gilt and one piece of fine holland and to three other Bassas that is to say the second Bassa which is a gelded man and his name is Mahomet Bassa to the third who maried the great Turks sister and to the fourth whom they call Abraham Bassa to euery one of these he gaue foure clothes Now before the great Bassa and Abraham Bassa at their returne from the Court and as we thinke at other times but at that time for a certaine there came a man in maner of a foole who gaue a great shout three or foure times crying very hollowly the place rebounded with the sound and this man say they is a prophet of Mahomet his armes and legges naked on his feet he did weare woodden pattens of two sorts in his hand a flagge or streamer set on a short speare painted he carried a mat and bottels and other trumpery at his backe and sometimes vnder his arme on his head he had a cappe of white Camels haire flat like an helmet written about with letters and about his head a linnen rowle Other seruingmen there were with the sayd Bassas with red attire on their heads much like French hoods but the long flappe somewhat smaller towardes the end with scuffes or plates of mettall like vnto the chape of an ancient arming sword standing on their foreheads like other Ianisaries These Bassas entertained vs as followeth First they brought vs into a hall there to stand on one side and our Ambassadour and gentlemen on the other side who sate them downe on a bench couered with carpets the Ambassadour in the midst on his left hand sate our gentlemen and on his right hand the Turkes next to the doore where their master goeth in and out the common sort of Turkes stayed in the Court yard not suffered to come neere vs. When our Ambassadour had sitten halfe an houre the Bassas who sate by themselues in an inner small roome sent for him to whom the Ambassadour and his gentlemen went they all kissed his hand and presently returned the Ambassadour onely excepted who stayed there and a Turks chaus with him with the Ambassadour and his gentlemen went in also so many of our men as there were presents to cary in but these neither kissed his hand nor taried After this I went to visit the church of Santa Sophia which was the chiefe church when it was the Christians and now is the chiefe see and church of primacie of this Turke present before I entred I was willed to put off my shoes to the end I should not prophane their church I being a Christian. The pillers on both sides of the church are very costly and rich their Pulpets seemely and handsome two are common to preach in the third reserued onely for their Paschall The ground is couered with Mats and the walles hanged with Tapistry They haue also Lamps in their churches one in the middle of the church of exceeding greatnesse and another in another part of the church of cleane golde or double gilded full as bigge as a barrel Round about the church there is a gallery builded vpon rich and stately pillers That day I was in both the chappels in one of the which lieth the Turkes father and fiue of his sonnes in tombes right costly with their turbents very white and cleane shifted as they say euery Friday they be not on their heads but stand on mouldes made for that purpose At the endes ouer and about their tombes are belts like girdles beset with iewels In the other chappell are foure other of his sonnes and one daughter in like order In the first chappell is a thing foure foot high couered with greene beset with mother of pearle very richly This is a relique of Mahomet and standeth on the left side of the head of the great Turks tombe These chappels haue their floores couered and their walles hanged with Tapistrie of great price I could value the couering and hangings of one of the chappels at no lesse then fiue hundred poundes besides their lamps hanging richly gilded These chappels haue their roofes curiously wrought with rich stone and gilded And there lie the bookes of their Lawes for euery man to reade The 11 day of April the shippe came to the Key of the Custome house The 16 the Ambassadour and we his men went to the Captaine Bassa who is Admirall of the seas his name is Vchali he would not receiue vs into his house but into his gallie to deliuer our present which was as followeth Foure pieces of cloth and two siluer pots gilt grauen The poope or sterne of his gally was gilded both within and without and vnder his feet and where he sate was all couered with very rich Tapistry Our Ambassadour and his gentlemen kissed his hand and then the gentlemen were commanded out and our Ambassadour sate downe by him on his left hand and the chaus stood before him Our men might walke in the gally fore and after some of vs caried and some went out againe The gally had seuen pieces of brasse in her prowe small and great she had thirty bankes or oares on either side and at euery banke or oare seuen men to rowe The 18 day the shippe went from the Key And 21 the Admirall tooke his leaue of the great Turke being bound to the Sea with sixe and thirty gallies very fairely beautified with gilding and painting and beset with flags and streamers all the which gallies discharged their ordinance and we for his farewell gaue him one and twenty pieces Then he went to his house with his gallies and the 22 he went to the Sea and the Castle that standeth in the water gaue him foureteene or sixteene pieces and when he came against the Turks Seraglio he shot off all his caliuers and his great pieces and so hee went his way The 24 our Ambassadour went to the Court whose entertainement with the order thereof followeth When wee came first on â—and there was way made for vs by two or three Bassaes and diuers chauses on horsebacke with their men on foot to accompany our Ambassadour to the Court. Also they brought horses for him
and his gentlemen for to ride which were very richly furnished and by the way there meâ— with vs other chauses to accompany vs to the Court. When we came there wee passed thorow two gates at the second gate there stood very many men with horses attending on their masters When we came within that gate we were within a very faire Court yard in compasse twise so bigge as Pauls Church-yard On the right hand of the sayd Court was a faire gallerie like an Alley and within it were placed railes and such other prouision On the left side was the like halfe the Court ouer it was diuided into two parts the innermost fairer then the other The other part of that side is the place where the Councell doe vsually sit and at the inner end of that is a faire place to sit in much like vnto that place in Pauls Church-yard where the Maior and his brethren vse to sit thither was our Ambassadour brought and set in that place Within that sayde place is another like open roome where hee did eate Assoone as wee came in wee were placed in the innermost alley of the second roome on the left side of the Court which was spread with carpets on the ground fourescore or fourescore and tenne foot long with an hundred and fiftie seuerall dishes set thereon that is to say Mutton boiled and rosted Rice diuersly dressed Fritters of the finest fashion and dishes daintily dight with pritty pappe with infinite others I know not how to expresse them We had also rosted Hennes with sundry sorts of fowles to me vnknowen The gentlemen and we sate downe on the ground for it is their maner so to feede There were also Greekes and others set to furnish out the roome Our drinke was made with Rose water and Sugar and spices brewed together Those that did serue vs with it had a great bagge tied ouer their showlders with a broad belt like an arming belt full of plates of copper and gilt with part of the sayd bagge vnder his arme and the mouth in his hand then he had a deuise to let it out when he would into cuppes when we called for drinke The Ambassadour when hee had eaten passed by vs with the chauses aforesayd and sate him downe in an inner roome This place where he sate was against the gate where we came in and hard by the Councell chamber end somewhat on the left side of the Court this was at the East end of the Court for we came in at the West All this time our presents stood by vs vntill we had dined and diner once ended this was their order of taking vp the dishes Certaine were called in like those of the Blacke gard in the Court of England the Turks call them Moglans These came in like rude and rauening Mastifs without order or fashion and made cleaâ—e riddance for he whose hungry eye one dish could not fill turned two one into the other and thus euen on the sudden was made a cleane riddance of all Then came certaine chauses and brought our gentlemen to sit with the Ambassadour Immediatly came officers appointed Ianisers to beare froÌ„ vs our presents who caried them on the right side of the Court and set them hard by the doore of the Priuy chamber as we call it there all things stoode for the space of an houre Thus the Ambassadour and his gentlemen sate still and to the Southward of them was a doore whereas the great Turke himselfe went in and out at and on the South side of that doore sate on a bench all his chiefe lordes and gentlemen and on the North side of the West gate stood his gard in number as I gesse them a thousand men These men haue on their heads round cappes of mettall like sculles but sharpe in the toppe in this they haue a bunch of Ostridge feathers as bigge as a brush with the corner or edge forward at the lower end of these feathers was there a smaller feather like those that are commonly worn here Some of his gard had smal staues most of them were weaponed with bowes and arrowes Here they waitedâ— during our abode at the Court to gard their Lord. After the Ambassadour with his gentlemen had sitten an houre and more there came three or foure chauses and brought them into the great Turkes presence At the Priuy chamber doore two noble men tooke the Ambassadour by ech arme one and put their fingers within his sleeues and so brought him to the great Turke where he sumptuously sate alone He kissed his hand and stood by vntill all the gentlemen were brought before him in like maner one by one and ledde backewards againe his face towards the Turke for they might neither tarry nor turne their backs and in like maner returned the Ambassadour The salutation that the Noble men didâ— was taking them by the hands All this time they trode on cloth of golde most of the Noble men that sate on the South side of the Priuy chamber sate likewise on cloth of golde Many officers or Ianisaries there were with staues who kept very good order for no Turke whatsoeuer might goe any further then they willed him At our Ambassadours entring they followed that bare his presents to say twelue fine broad clothes two pieces of fine holland tenne piâ—ces of plate double gilt one case of candle sticks the case whereof was very large and three foot high and more two very great cannes or pots and one lesser one basin and ewer two poppiniayes of siluer the one with two heads they were to drinke in two bottles with chaines three faire mastifs in coats of redde cloth three spaniels two bloodhounds one common hunting hound two greyhounds two little dogges in coats of silke one clocke valued at fiue hundred pounds sterling ouer it was a forrest with trees of siluer among the which were deere chased with dogs and men on horsebacke following men drawing of water others carrying mine oare on barrowes on the toppe of the clocke stood a castle and on the castle a mill All these were of siluer And the clocke was round beset with iewels All the time that we stayed at the Councell chamber doore they were telling or weighing of money to send into Persia for his Souldiours pay There were carried out an hundred and three and thirty bags and in euery bagge as it was tolde vs one thousand ducats which amounteth to three hundred and thirty thousand * and in sterling Englâ—sh money to fourescore and nineteene thousand pounds The Captaine of the guard in the meane time went to the great Turke and returned againe then they of the Court made obeisance to him bowing downe their heads and their hands on their breasts and he in like order resaluted them he was in cloth of siluer he went and came with two or three with him and no more Then wee went out at the first gate and there we were commanded to stay vntill
103. li. of 16. ounces to the li. There is another waight called Pois Gerrin which is 150. li. of Marseils waight by which are sold all things to eate but spice is sold by the former waight From Alexandria to Cairo is three daies iourney but you must take a Ianissarie with you to go vp thither by water it is 8. dayes iourney Roials of Spaine are currant mony there and are the best money you can cary And 4. roials are woorth 13. Medins and 2. Medins are 3. Aspers Pistolets and crownes of France and Dollâ—rs will goe but of all Roials are best Rice is not permitted to goe out of the land but is kept for a victuall But with a present to the Bye and Ermine some may passe All sortes of spices be garbled after the bargaine is made and they be Moores which you deale withall which be good people and not ill disposed And after you be searched haue leaue to passe you must presently depart out of the port and if you doe not they will search you againe And you must depart in the day for in the night the castles will not suffer you to depart The duetie to the Consul is 2. in the hundred for his aide and meate and drinke and all And the port of Alexandria is good when one is within it with good ankers and cables Siluer is better currant then gold in Alexandria but both are good Commonly the Carauans come thither in October from Mecca to Cairo and from thence to Alexandria where the merchants be that buy the spices and therfore the spices are brought most to Alexandria where each Christian nation remaineth at the Consuls houses Yet oftentimes the christians go vp to Cairo to buy drugs other commodities there as they see cause And the commodities there vendible are all sorts of kersies but the most part blewes and of clothes all colours except mingled colours and blacks Pepper is vsually sold for 24. ducats the quintal Ginger for 14. ducats You must take canuas to make bags to put your commoditie in from Alexandria for there is none There is also fine flaxe and good store of Buffe hides A letter of the English ambassador to M. Edward Barton MAster Barton I send you 3. commandements in Turkish with a copy thereof in English to the ende our ships might not come in danger of breach of league if they should shoote at the gallies of those of Algier Tunis and Tripolis in the West which after you haue shewed the Bassas receiue againe into your hands and see them registred and then deliuer one of them to our friend M. Tipton the like you are to do with the priuilege which you cary with you and see them iointly registred in the Cadies booke deliuering the copy of the said priuilege sealed by the Cadi also to the sayd our friend M. Tipton taking a note of his hand for the receipt thereof and for deliuerie at all times to vs or our assignes And require them in her maiesties and the grand Signors name that they will haue our ships passing too and fro vnder licence and safeconduct for recommended in friendly maner Touching your proceedings in Tripolis with Romadan as I haue not receiued any aduise thereof since your departure so must I leaue you to God and my former directioÌ„ The ship patronised of Hassan Rayes which you wrote to be ours prooued to be a Catalonian As for ours by report of that Hassan and other Iewes in his ship it was affirmed to be sold to the Malâ—eses which with the rest you are to receiue there And hauing ended these affaires and registred our priuilege and these three commandements in Tripolis Tunis and Alger I pray you make speedy returne and for that which may be recouered make ouer the same either to Richard Rowed for Patrasso in Morea or otherwise hither to Iohn Bate in the surest maner you may if the registring of that your priuilege and these commandements will not suffer you in person to returne with the same From my Mansion Rapamat in Pera this 24. of Iune 1584. The commaundement obtained of the Grand Signior by her Maiesties ambassador M. Will. Hareborne for the quiet passing of her subiects to and froÌ„ his dominions sent in An. 1584. to the Viceroyes of Algier Tunis Tripolis in Barbary To our Beglerbeg of Algier WE certifie thee by this our commandement that the right honorable Will. Hareborne ambassador to the Queenes maiestie of England hath signified vnto vs that the ships of that countrey in their comming and returning to and from our Empire on the one part of the Seas haue the Spaniards Florentines Sicilians and Malteses on the other part our countreis committed to your charge which aboue said Christians will not quietly suffer their egresse and regresse into and out of our dominions but doe take and make the men captiues and forfeit the shippes and goods as the last yeere the Malteses did one which they tooke at Gerbi and to that end do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction whereupon they are constrained to stand to their defence at any such time as they might meet with them Wherefore considering by this means they must stand vpon their guard when they shall see any gallie afarre off whereby if meeting with any of your gallies and not knowing them in their defence they do shoot at them and yet after when they doe certainly know them do not shoote any more but require to passe peaceably on their voiage which you would deny saying the peace is brokeÌ„ because you haue shot at vs and so make prize of them contrary to our priuileges and against reason for the preuenting of which inconuenience the said ambassador hath required this our commaundement We therefore command thee that vpon sight hereof thou doe not permit any such matter in any sort whatsoeuer but suffer the sayd Englishmen to passe in peace according to the tenour of our commandement giuen without any disturbance or let by any means vpon the way although that meeting with thy gallies and not knowing them afarre off they taking them for enemies should shoot at them yet shall you not suffer them to hurt them therfore but quietly to passe Wherefore looke thou that they may haue right according to our priuilege giuen them finding any that absenteth himself wil not obey this our commandement presently certify vs to our porch that we may giue order for his punishment and with reuerence giue faithfull credite to this our commandement which hauing read thou shalt againe returne it vnto them that present it From our palace in Constantinople tâ—e 1. of Iune 1584. A letter of the honorable M. Wil. Hareborne her maiesties ambass with the grand signior to M. Tipton appointing him Consul of the English in Algier Tunis Tripolis of Barbarie MAster Tipton I haue receiued among others yours of the 10. of Nouember 1584. by Soliman Sorda certifying the
quilted gownes of cotton like to our mattraces and quilted caps like to our great Grocers morters with a slit to looke out at and so tied downe beneath their eares If a man or a woman be sicke and like to die they will lay him before their idols all night and that shall helpe him or make an ende of him And if he do not mend that night his friends will come and sit with him a litle and cry and afterwards will cary him to the waters side and set him vpon a litle raft made of reeds and so let him goe downe the riuer When they be maried the man and the woman come to the water side and there is an olde man which they call a Bramane that is a priest a cowe and a calfe or a cowe with calfe Then the man and the woman cowe and calfe and the olde man goe into the water together and they giue the olde man a white cloth of foure yards long and a basket crosse bound with diuers things in it the cloth hee laieth vpon the backe of the cowe and then he taketh the cowe by the ende of the taile and saieth certaine wordes and she hath a copper or a brasse pot full of water and the man doeth hold his hand by the olde mans hand and the wiues hand by her husbands and all haue the cowe by the taile and they poure water out of the pot vpon the cowes taile and it runneth through all their hands and they lade vp water with their handes and then the olde man doeth tie him and her together by their clothes Which done they goe round about the cowe and calfe and then they giue somewhat to the poore which be alwayes there and to the Bramane or priest they giue the cowe and calfe and afterward goe to diuers of their idoles and offer money and lie downe flat vpon the ground and kisse it diuers times and then goe their way Their chiefe idoles bee blacke and euill fauoured their mouthes monstrous their eares gilded and full of iewels their teeth and eyes of gold siluer and glasse some hauing one thing in their handes and some another You may not come into the houses where they stand with your shooes on They haue continually lampes burning before them From Bannaras I went to Patenaw downe the riuer of Ganges where in the way we passed many faire townes and a countrey very fruitfull and many very great riuers doe enter into Ganges and some of them as great as Ganges which cause Ganges to bee of a great breadth and so broad that in the time of raine you cannot see from one side to the other These Indians when they bee scorched and throwen into the water the men swimme with their faces downewards the women with their faces vpwards I thought they tied something to them to cause them to doe so but they say no. There be very many thieues in this countrey which be like to the Arabians for they haue no certaine abode but are sometime in one place and sometime in another Here the women bee so decked with siluer and copper that it is strange to see they vse no shooes by reason of the rings of siluer and copper which they weare on their toes Here at Patanaw they finde gold in this maner They digge deepe pits in the earth and wash the earth in great bolles and therein they finde the gold and they make the pits round about with bricke that the earth fall not in Patenaw is a very long and a great towne In times past it was a kingdom but now it is vnder Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor The men are tall and slender and haue many old folks among them the houses are simple made of earth and couered with strawe the streetes are very large In this towne there is a trade of cotton cloth of cotton much sugar which they cary from hence to Bengala and India very much Opium other commodities He that is chiefe here vnder the king is called Tipperdas and is of great account among the people Here in Patenau I saw a dissembling prophet which sate vpon an horse in the market place and made as though he slept and many of the people came and touched his feete with their hands and then kissed their hands They tooke him for a great man but sure he was a lasie lubber I left him there sleeping The people of these countries be much giuen to such prating and dissembling hypocrites From Patanaw I went to Tanda which is in the land of Gouren It hath in times past bene a kingdom but now is subdued by Zelabdim Echebar Great trade and traffique is here of cotton and of cloth of cotton The people goe naked with a litle cloth bound about their waste It standeth in the countrey of Bengala Here be many Tigers wild Bufs and great store of wilde foule they are very great idolaters Tanda standeth from the riuer Ganges a league because in times past the riuer flowing ouer the bankes in time of raine did drowne the countrey and many villages and so they do remaine And the old way which the riuer Ganges wan woont to run remaineth drie which is the occasion that the citie doeth stand so farre from the water From Agra downe the riuer Iemena and downe the riuer Ganges I was fiue moneths comming to Bengala but it may be sailed in much shorter time I went from Bengala into the country of Couche which lieth 25. dayes iourny Northwards from Tanda The king is a Gentile his name is Suckel Counse his countrey is great and lieth not far from Cauchin China for they say they haue pepper from thence The port is called Cacchegate All the countrie is set with Bambos or Canes made sharpe at both the endes driuen into the earth and they can let in the water drowne the ground aboue knee deepe so that mē nor horses can passe They poison all the waters if any wars be Here they haue much silke muske and cloth made of cotton The people haue eares which be marueilous great of a span long which they draw out in length by deuises when they be yong Here they be all Gentiles and they will kil nothing They haue hospitals for sheepe goates dogs cats birds for all other liuing creatures When they be old lame they keepe them vntil they die If a man catch or buy any quicke thing in other places bring it thither they wil giue him mony for it or other victuals keepe it in their hospitals or let it go They wil giue meat to the Ants. Their smal mony is almonds which oftentimes they vse to eat From thence I returned to Hugeli which is the place where the Portugals keep in the country of Bengala which standeth in 23. degrees of Northerly latitude and standeth a league from Satagan they cal it Porto Piqueno We went through the wildernes because the
still along the shoare and as soone as we had opened the point of the land we raysed another head-land about a league off the point which had a rocke lying off it into the sea and that they thought to be the place which we sought When we came thwart the place they knew it and we put wares into our boate and the ship being within halfe a mile of the place ankered in fine fadonic water and faire ground We went on shoare with our boate and ankered about ten of the clocke in the forenoone we saw many boates lying vpon the shoare and diuers came by vs but none of them would come neere vs being as we iudged afraid of vs because that foure men were taken perforce the last yeere from this place so that no man came to vs whereupon we went aboord againe and thought here to haue made no sale yet towardes night a great sort came downe to the water side and waued vs on shoare with a white flagge and afterwarde their Captaine came downe and many men with him and sate him downe by the shore vnder a tree which when I perceiued I tooke things with me to giue him at last he sent a boat to call to vs which would not come neere vs but made vs signes to come againe the next day but in fine I got them to come aboord in offering them things to giue to their captaine which were two elles of cloth one latten bason one white bason a bottle a great piece of beefe and sixe bisket cakes which they receiued making vs signes to come againe the next day saying that their Captain was Grand Capitane as appeared by those that attended vpon him with their darts and targets and other weapons This towne is very great and stands vpon a hill among trees so that it cannot well be seene except a man be neere it to the Eastward of it vpon the hill hard by the towne stand 2. high trees which is a good marke to knowe the towne And vnder the towne lieth another hill lower then it whereupon the sea beates and that end next the sea is all great blacke rockes and beyonde the towne in a bay lieth another small towne The 13 day in the morning we tooke our boate and went to shoare and stayed till ten a clocke and no man came to vs we went about therefore to returne aboord and when the Negroes saw that they came running downe with a flagge to waue vs againe so we ankered againe and then one shewed vs that the Captaine would come downe by and by we saw a saile in the meane time passe by vs but it was small and we regarded it not Being on shore wee made a tilt with our dares and sayle and then there came a boate to vs with fiue men in her who brought vs againe our bottle and brought me a hen making signes by the sunne that within two houres the marchants of the countrey would come downe and buy all that we had so I gaue them sixe Manillios to carry to their Captaine and they made signes to haue a pledge of vs and they would leaue vs another man and we willing to doe so put one of our men in their boate but they would not giue vs one of theirs so we tooke our man againe and there tarried for the marchants and shortly after one came downe arrayed like their Captaine with a great traine after him who saluted vs friendly and one of the chiefest of them went and sate downe vnder a tree where the last yere the Captaine was wont to sit and at last we perceiued a great many of them to stand at the ende of a hollow way and behinde them the Portugales had planted a base who suddenly shotte at vs but ouershot vs and yet we were in a manner hard by them and they shot at vs againe before we could ship our oares to get away but did no hurt Then the Negroes came to the rocks hard by vs and discharged calieuers at vs and againe the Portugales shot off their base twise more and then our ship shot at them but the rockes and hilles defended them Then we went aboord to goe from this place seeing the Negroes bent against vs because that the last yeere M. Gainsh did take away the Captaines sonne and three others from this place with their golde and all that they had about them which was the cause that they became friends with the Portugales whom before they hated as did appeare the last yeere by the courteous intertainement which the Trinitie had there when the Captaine came aboord the shippe and brought them to his towne and offered them ground to build a Castle in and there they had good sales The 14 day we wayed and plyed backe againe to seeke the Hinde which in the morning we met and so we turned both backe to the Eastwardes to see what we could doe at that place where the Trinitie did sell her right frifes the last yeere The Hinde had taken eighteene ounces and a halfe more of golde of other Negroes the day after that we left them This day about one of the clocke we espied certaine boates vpon the sand and men by them and went to them with marchandizes and tooke three ounces of gold for 18 fuffs of cloth euery fuffe three yards and a halfe after one angell and 12 graines the fuffe and then they made me signes that the next day I should haue golde enough so the Master tooke the Hinde with Iohn Sauill and Iohn Makeworth and went to seeke the place aforesaid I with Richard Pakeman remained in this place to see what we could do the next day and when the Negroes perceiued our ship to go away they feared that the other would follow so sent forth 2 boats to vs with 4 men in them requiring vs to tary to giue them one man for a pledge and 2 of them should tary with vs for him so Edward M. Morleis seruant seeing these men so earnest therein offered himselfe to be pledge and we let him goe for two of them one whereof had his waights and scales and a chaine of golde about his necke and another about his arme They did eate of such things as we had and were well contented In the night the Negroes kept a light vpon the shoare thwart of vs and about one of the clocke we heard and saw the light of a base which shot off twise at the said light and by and by discharged two calieuers which in the end we perceiued to be the Portugals brigandine which followed vs from place to place to giue warning to the people of the countrey that they should not deale with vs. The 15 day in the morning the Captaine came downe with 100 men with him and brought his wife and many others brought their wiues also because their towne was 8 miles vp in the countrey and they determined to lie
articles which I haue receiued but also will giue some particular notes which I haue noted in the affaires which you haue committed vnto mee with the best helpe and counsell I can Thus the liuing God keepe your worships all Bristoll this 11 of December 1561. Your worships to comand to his power Iohn Lok The relation of one VVilliam Rutter to M. Antony Hickman his master touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562 by Sir William Gerard Sir William Chester M. Thomas Lodge the sayd Antony Hickman and Edward Castelin which voyage is also written in verse by Robert Baker WOrshipfull sir my duty remembred this shal be to declare vnto you the discourse of this our voyage since our departure out of England from Dartmouth at which time I gaue you to vnderstand of our departure which was the 25 of February 1562. Thâ—n hauing a prosperous winde we departed from thence and sailed on our voyage vntill we arriued at Cauo verde the 20 of March making no abode there but sailed along the coast to our first appointed port Rio de sestos at which port we arriued the third of Aprill in the morning hauing the sight of a Frenchman who assoone as he perceiued vs set saile and made to the sea in the meane time we came to an anker in the rode and after that he had espied our flag perceiuing vs to be Englishmen he bare with the shore hailed our ships with his ordinance at which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the riuer in traffike and had vnderstanding of the Negros that he had bene there three dayes before our comming so we concluded together that if he sent his pinnesse to traffike we would not suffer him vntill we had taken further order with their captaine marchants In the afternoone the pinnesse came into the riuer whose men we willed to make no traffike vntill we had talked further with their captaine whom we willed that night to come aboord our admirall which was done At which sayd time M. Button and Iohn Munt went aboord the Minion where the Frenchmen were there concluded that they should tary by vs eight dayes and suffer vs quietly to traffike wherewith they were not well pleased Wherevpon the next morning they departed from vs sailing alongst the coast to the Eastward towards Potis which he did to hinder our traffike that way wherefore the marchants of the Minion we concluded forasmuch as at that present we vnderstood that there were no sailes past alongst that we should go before to the end we might not be hindred of our traffike by the Frenchmen which thing we did and at our comming thither we found the Frenchman in traffike to the West of Potis by whom we passed arriued at Rio de Potis the 12 of April where we remained in traffike vntill the 15 of the sayd moneth and then departed from thence along the coast toward Sant Andre where we appointed by agreement to tary for the Minion and the 17 at night we came to the riuer of S. Andre in which very day the Minion came vnto vs telling vs that they met at cauo das Palmas a great ship and a caruell of the king of Portugals bound to the Mina who gaue chase vnto them and shot freely at them and the Minion in her defence returned her the like but God be praised the Minion had no hurt for that time In the end we concluded to hasten towards cauo de tres puntas to haue put them from the castle if by any meanes wee might and when wee were come to the Cape we lay a hull one night and two dayes and doubting they had bene past the Minion went neere the shore and sent her merchants to a place called Anta where before-tune we had traffâ—ke and the next morning very early being the 21 of the sayd moneth we againe had sight of the ship and the carauell a good way to sea-boord of vs. Then we presently set saile and bare with the formost of them hoping to haue got betweene the castle and them but we came short of our purpose which was no small griefe vnto vs all and when they had gotten the castle to friend they shot at vs freely and we at them and the castle at vs but we profited litle In the afternoone we set saile came to the town of Don Iuan called Equi where the 22 in the morning we went a shore to traffike but the Negros would not vntill they had newes from Don Luis for at that time Don Iuan was dead and the 23 came Don Luis his sonne and Pacheco minding to traffike with vs at which said day came two galies rowing along the shore from the castle minding to keepe vs from our traffike The 24 we set saile and chased the galies to the castle againe The Negros being glad of that required vs to goe to Mowre which is some 3 leagues behind and thither would they come for that they stood in feare of the Portugals and there we remained for the marchants that came out of the countrey which were come with their gold but Anthonio don Luis his sonne and Pacheco were aboord the Minion And the 25 in the morning came the two galies from the castle againe vnto vs the weather being very calme they shot at vs and hit vs 3 times and shortly after the wind came from the shore at which instant we discried the ship the carauell comming towards vs then we weighed and set saile and bare as neere vnto them as we could but it was night or euer wee met with them and the night being very darke we lost them The next day plying to the shore at night we agreed to go with Cormantin but the next morning being the 28 we were but a litle distant from the great ship and the 2 galies hauing no wind at all and the carauell hard aboord the shore Then being calme came the 2 galies rowing to the sterne of the Minion and fought with her the most part of the forenoone and in the fight a mischance hapned in the Minions steward-roome by means of a barrell of pouder that tooke fire where with were hurt the master gunner the steward and most part of the gunners which the galies perceiuing began to be more fierce vpon them and with one shot cut halfe her foremast in twaine that without present remedie shee was not able to beare saile and presently vpon this the great ship sent her boat to the galies who suddenly departed from vs. And after their departure we went aboord the Minion to counsell what were best to be done at which time they were sore discomftted Whereupon we deuised what was best to be done and because wee knew that the Negros neither would nor durst traffike so long as the galies were on the coast it was therefore agreed that
in litters of Cedar artificially wrought and richly dressed In the second place marcheth a great company of footemen sumptuously apparelled Then afarre off commeth one of these Bonzii master of the ceremonies for that superstition brauely clad in silkes and gold in a large and high litter excellently well wrought accompanied with 30 other Bonzii or thereabout wearing hats linnen albes and fine blacke vpper garments Then attired in ashe colour for this colour also is mourning with a long torch of Pineaple he sheweth the dead body the way vnto the fire lest it either stumble or ignorantly go out of the way Well neere 200 Bonzii folow him singing the name of that deuill the which the partie deceassed chiefly did worship in his life time and there withall a very great bason is beaten euen to the place of fire in stead of a vell Then follow two great paper baskets hanged open at staues endes full of paper roses diuersly coloured such as beare them doe march but slowly shaking euer now and then their staues that the aforesayd flowers may fall downe by litle and litle as it were drops of raine and be whirled about with wind This shower say they is an argument that the soule of the dead man is gone to paradise After al this eight beardles Bonzii orderly two and two drag after them on the ground long speares the points backward with flags of one cubite a piece wherein the name also of that idole is written Then there be caried 10 lanterns trimmed with the former inscription ouercast with a fine vaile and candles burning in them Besides this two yoong men clothed in ashe colour beare pineaple torches not lighted of three foote length the which torches serue to kindle the fire wherein the dead corpes is to bee burnt In the same colour follow many other that weare on the crownes of their heads faire litle three square blacke lethren caps tied fast vnder their chinnes for that is honorable amongst them with papers on their heads wherein the name of the deuill I spake of is written And to make it the more solemne after commeth a man with a table one cubite long one foot broad courred with a very fine white vaile in both sides whereof is written in golden letters the aforesayd name At the length by foure men is brought foorth the corps sitting in a gorgeous litter clothed in white hanging downe his head and holding his hands together like one that prayed to the rest of his apparell may you adde an vpper gowne of paper written full of that booke the which his God is sayd to haue made when he liued in the world by whose helpe and merites commonly they doe thinke to be saued The dead man his children come next after him most gallantly set foorth the yongest wherof carieth likewise a pineaple torch to kindle the fire Last of all foloweth a great number of people in such caps as I erst spake of When they are al come to y e place appointed for the obsequie al the Bonzii w t the whole multitude for the space of one houre beating pannes and basons with great clamours call vpon the name of that deuill the which being ended the Obsequie is done in this maner In the midst of a great quadrangle railed about hanged with course linnen and agreeably vnto the foure partes of the world made with foure gates to goe in and out at is digged a hole in the hole is laied good store of wood whereon is raised gallantly a waued roofe before that stand two tables furnished with diuers kindes of meates especially drie Figs Pomegranates and Tartes good store but neither Fish nor Flesh vpon one of them standeth also a chafer with coales and in it sweete wood to make perfumes When all this is readie the corde wherewith the litter was caried is throwen by a long rope into the fire as many as are present striue to take the rope in their handes vsing their aforesayd clamours which done they goe in procession as it were round about the quadrangle thrise Then setting the litter on the wood built vp ready for the fire that Bonzius who then is master of the ceremonies saieth a verse that no bodie there vnderstandeth whirling thrise about ouer his head a torch lighted to signifie thereby that the soule of the dead man had neither any beginning nâ— shall haue at any time an ende and throweth away the torch Two of the dead man his children or of his neere kinne take it vp againe and standing one at the East side of the litter the other at the West doe for honour and reuerence reach it to each other thrise ouer the dead corps and so cast it into the pile of wood by and by they throw in oyle sweete wood and other perfumes accordingly as they haue plentie and so with a great flame bring the corpes to ashes his children in the meane while putting sweete wood into the chafer at the table with odours doe solemnly and religiously worship their father as a Saint which being done the Bonzii are paied each one in his degree The master of the ceremonies hath for his part fiue duckats sometimes tenne sometimes twentie the rest haue teene Iulâ—es a piece or els a certaine number of other presents called Caxae The meate that was ordained as soone as the dead corps friends and all the Bonzii are gone is left for such as serued at the obsequie for the poore and impotent lazars The next day returne to the place of obsequie the dead man his children his kinred and friends who gathering vp his ashes bones and teeth doe put them in a gilded pot and so carie them home to bee set vp in the same pot couered with cloth in the middest of their houses Many Bonzii returne likewise to these priuate funerals and so doe they againe the seuenth day then cary they out the ashes to bee buried in a place appointed laying thereupon a foure square stone wherein is written in great letters drawen all the length of the stone the name of that deuil the which the dead man worshipped in his life time Euery day afterward his children resort vnto the graue with roses and warme water that the dead corps thirst not Nor the seuenth day onely but the seuenth moneth and yeere within their owne houses they renue this obsequie to no small commodities and gaine of the Bonzii great rich men doe spend in these their funerals 3000 duckats or thereabout the meaner sort two or three hundred Such as for pouertie be not able to go to that charges are in the night time darke long without all pompe and ceremonies buried in a dunghill They haue another kinde of buriall especially neere the Sea side for them that bee not yet dead These fellowes are such as hauing religiously with much deuotion worshipped Amida now desirous to see him doe slay themselues And first they goe certaine dayes begging almes the which they thrust
huskes of â—ocos shels beaten whereof they make Occam At length a Portugal Pangaia comming out of the harborow of Zanzibar where they haue a small Factorie sent a Canoa with a Moore which had bene christened who brought vs a letter wherein they desired to know what wee were and what we sought We sent them word we were Englishmen come from Don Antonio vpon businesse to his friends in the Indies with which answere they returned and would not any more come at vs. Whereupon not long after wee manned out our boat and tooke a Pangaia of the Moores which had a priest of theirs in it which in their language they call a Sherife whom we vsed very curteously which the king tooke in very good part hauing his priests in great estimation and for his deliuerance furnished vs with two moneths victuals during all which time we detained him with vs. These Moores informed vs of the false and spitefull dealing of the Portugals towards vs which made them beleeue that we were cruell people and men-eaters and willed them if they loued their safetie in no case to come neere vs. Which they did onely to cut vs off from all knowledge of the state and traffique of the countrey While we road from the end of Nouember vntil the middle of February in this harborough which is sufficient for a ship of 500 tuns to ride in we set vpon a Portugall Pangaia with our boat but because it was very litle our men not able to stirre in it we were not able to take the sayd Pangaia which was armed with 10 good shot like our long fouling pieces This place for the goodnesse of the harborough and watering and plentifull refreshing with fish whereof we tooke great store with our nets and for sundry sorts of fruits of the countrey as Cocos and others which were brought vs by the Moores as also for oxen and hennes is carefully to be songht for by such of our ships as shall hereafter passe that way But our men had need to take good heed of the Portugals for while we lay here the Portugall Admiral of the coast from Melinde to Mozambique came to view and to betray our boat if he could haue taken at any time aduantage in a gallie Frigate of ten tunnes with 8 or 9 oares on a side Of the strength of which Frigate and their trecherous meaning we were aduertised by an Arabian Moore which came from the king of Zanzibar diuers times vnto vs about the deliuerie of the priest aforesayd and afterward by another which we caried thence along with vs for wheresoeuer we came our care was to get into our hands some one or two of the countreys to learne the languages and states of those partes where we touched Moreouer here againe we had another clap of thunder which did shake our foremast very much which wee fisht and repaired with timber from the shore whereof there is good store thereabout of a kind of trees some fortie foote high which is a red and tough wood and as I suppose a kind of Cedar Here our Surgeon Arnold negligently catching a great heate in his head being on land with the master to seeke oxen fell sicke and shortly died which might haue bene cured by letting of blood before it had bin setled Before our departure we had in this place some thousand weight of pitch or rather a kind of gray and white gumme like vnto frankincense as clammie as turpentine which in melting groweth as blacke as pitch and is very brittle of it selfe but we mingled it with oile whereof wee had 300 iarres in the prize which we tooke to the Northward of the Equinoctiall not farre from Guinie bound for Brasil Sixe dayes before wee departed hence the Cape marchant of the Factorie wrote a letter vnto our capitaine in the way of friendship as he pretended requesting a iarre of wine and a iarre of oyle and two or three pounds of gunpouder which letter hee sent by a Negro his man and Moore in a Canoa we sent him his demaunds by the Moore but tooke the Negro along with vs because we vnderstood he had bene in the East Indies and knew somewhat of the countrey By this Negro we were aduertised of a small Barke of some thirtie tunnes which the Moores call a Iunco which was come from Goa thither laden with Pepper for the Factorie and seruice of that kingdome Thus hauing trimmed our shippe as we lay in this road in the end we set forward for the coast of the East India the 15 of February aforesayd intending if we could to haue reached to Cape Comori which is the headland or Promontorie of the maine of Malauar and there to haue lien off and on for such ships as should haue passed from Zeilan Sant Tome Bengala Pegu Malacca the Moluccos the coast of China and the I le of Iapan which ships are exceeding wealth and riches But in our course we were very much deceiued by the currents that set into the gulfe of the Red sea along the coast of Melinde And the windes shortening vpon vs to the Northeast and Easterly kept vs that we could not get off and so with the putting in of the currents from the Westward set vs in further vnto the Northward within foure score leagues of the I le of Zocotora farre from our determined course and expectation But here we neuer wanted abundance of Dolphins Bonitos and flying fishes Now while we found our selues thus farre to the Northward and the time being so farre spent we determined to goe for the Red sea or for the Iland of Zocotora both to refresh our selues and also for some purchase But while wee were in this consultation the winde very luckily came about to the Northwest and caried vs directly toward Cape Comori Before we should haue doubled this Cape we were determined to touch at the Ilands of Mamale of which we had aduertisement that one had victuals standing in the Northerly latitude of twelue degrees Howbeit it was not our good lucke to finde it which fell out partly by the obstinacie of our master for the day before we fell with part of the Ilands the wind came about to the Southwest and then shifting our course we missed it So the wind increasing Southerly we feared we should not haue bene able to haue doubled the Cape which would haue greatly hazarded our casting away vpon the coast of India the Winter season and Westerne Monsons already being come in which Monsons continue on that coast vntil August Neuertheles it pleased God to bring the wind more Westerly so in the moneth of May 1592. we happily doubled Cape Comori without sight of the coast of India From hence thus hauing doubled this Cape we directed our course for the Ilands of Nicubar which lie North and South with the Westerne part of Sumatra and in the latitude of 7
dangerous to encounter the Spaniard at his owne home a thing needlesse to proceed by inuasion against him a thing of too great moment for two subiects of their qualitie to vndertake And therfore did not so aduance the beginnings as though they hoped for any good successe therof The chances of wars be things most vncertaine for what people soeuer vndertake them they are in deed as chastisements appointed by God for the one side or the other For which purpose it hath pleased him to giue some victories to the Spaniards of late yeeres against some whom he had in purpose to ruine But if we consider what wars they be that haue made their name so terrible we shal find them to haue bin none other then against the barbarous Moores the naked Indians and the vnarmed Netherlanders whose yeelding rather to the name theÌ„ act of the Spaniards hath put them into such a conceit of their mightines as they haue considerately vndertaken the conquest of our monarchie consisting of a people vnited alwayes held sufficiently warlike against whom what successe their inuincible army had the last yeere as our very children can witnes so I doubt not but this voiage hath sufficiently made knowen what they are euen vpon their owne dunghill which had it bene set out in such sort as it was agreed vpon by their first demaund it might haue made our nation the most glorious people of the world For hath not the want of 8 of the 12 pieces of artillerie which were promised vnto the Aduenture lost her maiestie the possession of the Groine and many other places as hereafter shal appeare whose defensible rampires were greates then our batterie such as it was cold force and therefore were left vnattempted It was also resolued to haue sent 600 English horses of the Low countries whereof we had not one notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transportation hither and that may the army assembled at Puente de Burgos thanke God of as well as the forces of Portugall who foreran vs 6 daies together Did we not want 7 of the 13 old Companies which we should haue had froÌ„ thence foure of the 10 dutch Companies 6 of their men of war for the sea from the Hollanders which I may iustly say we wanted in that we might haue had so many good souldiers so many good ships and so many able bodies more then we had Did there not vpoÌ„ the first thinking of the iourney diuers gallant Courtiers put in their names for aduenturers to the summe of 10000 it who seeing it went forward in good earnest aduised themselues better and laid the want of so much money vpon the iourney Was there not moreouer a round summe of the aduenture spent in leuying furnishing and maintaining 3 moneths 1500 men for the seruice of Berghen with which Companies the Mutinies of Oftend were suppressed a seruice of no smal moment What misery the detracting of the time of our setting out which should haue bene the 1 of February did lay vpon vs too many can witnes and what extremitie the want of that moneths viâ—tuals which we did eat during the moneth we lay at Plimmouth for a wind might haue driuen vs vnto no man can doubt of that knoweth what men do liue by had not God giuen vs in the ende a more prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia then hath bene often seen where our owne force fortune reuictualled vs largely of which crosse windes that held vs two dayes after our going out the Generals being wearie thrust to Sea in the same wisely chusing rather to attend the change thereof there then by being in harborough to lose any part of the better when it should come by hauing their men on shore in which two dayes 25 of our companies shipped in part of the fleet were scattered from vs either not being able or willing to double Vshant These burdens layed vpon our Generals before their going out they haue patiently endured and I thinke they haue thereby much enlarged their honour for hauing done thus much with the want of our artillery 600 horse 3000 foot 20000 li. of their aduenture and one moneths victuals of their proportion what may be coniectured they would haue done with their ful coÌ„plement For the losse of our men at sea since we can lay it on none but the will of God what can be said more then that it is his pleasure to turne all those impediments to the honor of them against whom they were intended and he will still shew himselfe the Lord of hosts in doing great things by theÌ„ whom many haue sought to obscure who if they had let the action fall at the height thereof in respect of those defects which were such especially for the seruice at land as would haue made a mighty subiect stoope vnder theÌ„ I do not see how any man could iustly haue layd any reproch vpon him who commanded the same but rather haue lamented the iniquity of this time wherein men whom forren countries haue for their conduct in seruice worthily esteemed of should not only in their owne countrey not be seconded in their honorable endeuors but mightily hindred euen to y e impairing of their owne estates which most willingly they haue aduentured for the good of their countries whose worth I wil not value by my report lest I should seem guiltie of flattery which my soule abhorreth yet come short in the true measure of their praise Onely for your instructioÌ„ against them who had almost seduced you from the true opinion you hold of such men you shal vnderstand that General Norris froÌ„ his booke was trained vp in the wars of the Admiral of France and in very yong yeeres had charge of men vnder the erle of Essex in Ireland which with what commendations he then discharged I leaue to the report of them who obserued those seruices Upon the breach betwixt Don Iohn the States he was made Colonell generall of all y e English forces there present or to come which he continued 2 yeeres he was then made Marshall of the field vnder Conte Hohenlo and after that General of the army in Frisland at his coÌ„ming home in the time of Monsieurs gouernment in Flanders he was made lord President of Munster in Ireland which he yet holdeth from whence within one yeere he was sent for sent Generall of the English forces which her maiestie theÌ„ lent to the Low countries which he held til the erle of Leicesters going ouer And he was made Marshall of the field in England the enemy being vpon our coast and when it was expected the crowne of England should haue bene tried by battel Al which places of commaundement which neuer any Englishman successiuely attained vnto in forren wars and the high places her maiestie hath thought him woorthy of may suffice to perswade you that he was not altogether vnlikely to discharge that which he vndertooke What fame general Drake
or 7 of our men into Captaine Dauis his boate being too much pestered in our owne and retayning with vs some 20 shot in the pinnesse we made way towardes them with all the speede we could By the way as we rowed we saw boates passing betwixt the roaders and the shore and men in their shirtes swimming and wading to shoare who as we perceiued afterwardes were labouring to set those shippes fast on ground and the Inhabitants as busily preparing themselues for the defence of those roaders their Iland and themselues When we came neere them Captaine Lister commaunded the Trumpets to be sounded but prohibited any shot to be discharged at them vntill they had direction from him But some of the companie either not well perceiuing or regarding what he sayd immediatly vpon the sound of the Trumpets discharged their pieces at the Islanders which for the most part lay in trenches and fortefied places vnseene to their owne best aduantage who immediatly shot likewise at vs both with small and great shot without danger to themselues Notwithstanding Captaine Lister earnestly hastened forward the Saylers that rowed who beganne to shrinke at that shot flying so fast about their eares and himselfe first entring one of the shippes that lay a litle further from shoare then the other we spedily followed after him into her still plying them with our shot And hauing cut in sunder her Cables and Hausers towed her away with our Pinnesse In the meane time Captaine Dauis his boate ouertooke vs and entred into the other shippe which also as the former was forsaken by all her men but they were constrayned to leaue her to come againe into their boate whilest shot and stones from shoare flew fast amongst them finding her to sticke so fast a grounde that they could not stire her which the Townesmen also perceiuing and seeing that they were but fewe in number and vs busied about the other ship not comming to ayde them were preparing to haue come and taken them But they returned vnto vs and so together we came away towards the Victory towing after vs the Prize that we had now taken which was lately come from Brasill loden with Sugar In this fight we had two men slaine and 16 wounded and as for them it is like they had litle hurt lying for the most part behind stone walles which were builded one aboue another hard by the sea side vpon the end of the hill whereupon the Towne stoode betwixt two valleyes Upon the toppe of the hill lay their great Ordinance such as they had wherewith they shot leaden bullets whereof one pierced through our Prizes side and lay still in the shippe without doing any more harme The next day we went againe for water to the same Iland but not knowing before the inconuenience and disaduantage of the place where we attempted to land we returned frustrate The same night the 25 of October we departed for S. Georges Iland for fresh water whither we came on Munday following October 27 and hauing espied where a spout of water came running downe the pinnesse and long boate were presently manned and sent vnder the conduct of Captaine Preston and Captaine Munson by whom my Lord sent a letter to the Ilanders as before to grant vs leaue to water onely and we would no further trouble them notwithstanding our men comming on shoare found some of the poore Ilanders which for feare of vs hid themselues amongst the rockes And on Wednesday following our boats returned with fresh water whereof they brought only sixe tunnes for the Victorie alleaging they could get no more thinking as it was supposed that my Lord hauing no more prouision of water and wine but onely 12 tunnes would not goe for the coast of Spaine but stâ—aight for the coast of England as many of our men greatly desired notwithstanding my Lord was vnwilling so to doe and was minded the next day to haue taken in more water but through roughnesse of the seas and winde and vnwillingnesse of his men it was not done Yet his Hon. purposed not to returne with so much prouision vnspent and his voyage as he thought not yet performed in such sort as mought giue some reasonable contentment or satisfaction to himselfe and others Therefore because no more water could now conueniently be gotten and being vncertaine when it could be gotten and the time of our staying aboord also vncertaine the matter being referred to the choyse of the whole companie whither they would carrie longer till wee might be more sufficiently prouided of fresh water or goe by the coast of Spaine for England with halfe so much allowance of drinke as before they willingly agreed that euery mease should bee allowed at one meale but halfe so much drinke as they were accustomed except them that were sicke or wounded and so to goe for England taking the coast of Spaine in our way to see if we could that way make vp our voyage Upon Saturday Octob. 31 we sent the Margaret because she leaked much directly for England together with the Prize of Brasile which we tooke at S. Marie and in them some of our hurt and wounded men or otherwise sicke were sent home as they desired for England but Captaine Monson was taken out of the Megge into the Victorie So we held on our course for the coast of Spaine with a faire winde and a large which before we seldome had And vpon Twesday following being the 4 of Nouemb. we espied a saile right before vs which we chased till about three a clocke in the afternoone at which time we ouertaking her she stroke sayle and being demaunded who was her owner and from whence she was they answered a Portugall and from Pernanbucke in Brasile She was a ship of some 110 tuns burden fraighted with 410 chestes of Sugar and 50 Kintals of Brasill-wood euery Kintall contayning one hundred pound weight we tooke her in latitude nine and twentie degrees about two hundred leagues from Lisbone westwards Captaine Preston was presently sent vnto her who brought the principall of her men aboord the Victorie and certaine of our men mariners and souldiers were sent aboord her The Portugals of this Prize told vs that they saw another ship before them that day about noone Hauing therefore dispatched all things about the Prize aforesaid and left our long boat with Captaine Dauis taking his lesser boat with vs we made way after this other ship with all the sayles we could beare holding on our course due East and giuing order to Captaine Dauis his ship and the Prize that they should follow vs due East and that if they had sight of vs the morning following they should follow vs still if not they should goe for England The next morning we espied not the sayle which we chased and Captaine Dauis his ship and the Prize were behinde vs out of sight but the next Thursday the sixt of Nouember being in latitude 38 degrees 30 minutes and about sixtie
separated from vs by weather haue sped or what Prizes they haue taken whereof there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West Indian Fleete as yet we are able to say nothing And thus expecting your answere and for all other matters referring me vnto the bearer Captaine Furtho I end Plymouth the 24 of October 1591. Your worships louing friend Robert Flicke A large testimony of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten Hollander concerning the worthy exploits atchieued by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland By Sir Martine Frobisher Sir Richard Greenuile and diuers other English Captaines about the Isles of the Açores and vpon the coasts of Spaine and Portugall in the yeeres 1589 1590 1591 c. recorded in his excellent discourse of voiages to the East and West Indies cap. 96. 97. and 99. THe 22 of Iuly 1589 about Euening being by the Islands of Flores Coruo we perceiued 3 ships that made towards vs which came from vnder the land which put vs in great feare for they came close by our Admirall and shot diuers times at him and at another ship of our companie whereby we perceiued them to be Englishmen for they bare an English flagge vpon their main◠tops but none of them shewed to be aboue 60 tunnes in greatnes About Euening they followed after vs and all night bore lanternes with candles burning in them at their sternes although the Moone shined The same night passing hard by the Island of Fayal the next day being betweene the Island of S. George that lay on our right hand and the small Island called Graciosa on our left hand we espied the 3 English ships still following vs y t tooke counsell together whereof one sailed backwards thinking that some other ship had come after vs without cōpany for a time was out of sight but it was not long before it came again to y e other two wherwith they tooke coūsel came all 3 together against our ship because we lay in the lee of al our ships had y e Island of S. George on the one side in stead of a sconce thinking to deale so with vs that in y e end we should be constrained to run vpon the shore whereof we wanted not much and in that manner with their flagges openly displayed came lustily towardes vs sounding their Trumpets and sayled at the least three times about vs beating vs with Musket and Caliuer and some great pieces and did vs no hurt in the body of our shippe but spoyled all our sayles and ropes and to conclude wee were so plagued by them that no man durst put foorth his head and when wee shot off a peece wee had at the least an houres worke to lade it againe whereby wee had so great a noise and crie in the shippe as if we had all bene cast away whereat the English men themselues beganne to mocke vs and with a thousand testing words called vnto vs. In the meane time the other shippes hoised all their sayles and did the best they could to saile to the Island of Tercera not looking once behinde them to helpe vs◠doubting they should come too late thither not caring for vs but thinking themselues to haue done sufficiently so they saued their owne stakes whereby it may easily be seene what company they keepe one with the other and what order is among them In the ende the English men perceiuing small aduantage against vs little knowing in what case and feare we were as also because wee were not farre from Tercera left vs which made vs not a litle to reioyce as thinking our selues to bee risen from death to life although wee were not well assured neyther yet voyde of feare till we lay in the road before Tercera and vnder the safetie of the Portingales fort and that we might get thither in good time wee made all the sailes we could on the other side we were in great doubt because we knew not what they did in the Island nor whether they were our friends or enemies and we doubted so much the more because we found no men of warre nor any Caruels of aduise from Portingal as wee made our accounts to doe that might conuoy vs from thence or giue vs aduise as in that countrey ordinarily they vse to do and because the English men had bene so victorious in those parts it made vs suspect that it went not well with Spaine they of the Island of Tercera were in no lesse feare then we for seeing our fleete they thought vs to bee Englishmen and that wee came to ouerrun the Island because the 3. Englishmen had bound vp their flags and came in company with vs for the which cause the Island sent out two Caruels that lay there with aduise from the king for the Indian ships that should come thither Those Caruels came to view vs and perceiuing what we were made after vs whereupon the English ships left vs and made towardes them because the Caruels thought them to be friends and shunned them not as supposing them to bee of our company but we shot foure or fiue times and made signes vnto them that they should make towards the Island which they presently did The Englishmen perceiuing that did put forwards into the sea so the Caruels borded vs telling vs that the men of the Island were all in armes as hauing receiued aduise from Portugall that Sir Francis Drake was in readinesse and woulde come vnto those Islands The likewise brought vs newes of the ouerthrow of the Spanish fleet before England and that the English men had bene before the gates of Lisbon whereupon the king gaue vs commandement that we should put into the Island of Tercera and there lie vnder the safety of the Castle vntil we receiued further aduise what we should do or whether we should saile for that they thought it too dangerous for vs to go to Lisbon Those newes put our fleet in great feare and made vs looke vpon eche other not knowing what to say as being dangerous for them to put into the road because it lieth open to the sea so that the Indian ships although they had expresse commandement from the king yet they durst not anker there but onely vsed to come thither and to lie to and fro sending their boates on land to fetch such necessaries as they wanted without ankering but being by necessitie compelled thereunto as also by the kings commandement and for that we vnderstood the Erle of Cumberland not to bee farre from those Islands with certaine ships of warre we made necessitie a vertue and entring the road ankered close vnder the Castle staying for aduise and order from the king to performe our voyage it being then the 24. of Iuly and S. Iames day The day before the Erle of Cumberland with 6. or 7. ships of war sailed by the Island of Tercera and to their great good fortune passed out of sight so that they dispatched themselues in
that they brought with them and this was the cause of the kings displeasure towards them So now there remaineth in Gago Alcaide Hamode and Alcaide Iawdara and Alcaide Bucthare And here are in a readinesse to depart in the end of this next September Alcaide Monsor Ben Abdrahaman Allies Monsor Rico with fiue thousand men most of the feâ—tilase that is to say of fier-mach muskets There is gone good sâ—ore of reds yellowes and this yere here was want of the same commodity but I trust the next yere wil be no want But in fine the king doth prosper wel in those parts and here are many pledges come hither and namely three of the kings sonnes of Gago and the Iustice I saw them come in with the treasure Now when Alcaide Monsor commeth to Gago the which will be in Ianuary next then returneth hither Alcaide Hamode with all the treasure and Alcaide Monsor is to keepe Gago vntill the king take further order And thus much for Gago Thus not hauing any other thing to write at this present I commend you to the mercifull tuition of the almighty From Marocco the first of August 1594 Your assured friend Laurence Madoc Another briefe relation concerning the late conquest and the exceeding great riches of the cities and prouinces of Tombuto and Gago written from Marocco the 30 August 1594. to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London aforesayd LOuing friend M. Dassel two of your letters I haue receiued one by the shippe called The Amity the other by The Concord the chiefest matter therein was to be satisfied of the king of Marocco his proceedings in Guinea Therefore these are to let you vnderstand that there went with Alcaide Hamode for those parts seuenteene hundred men who passing ouer the sands for want of war perished one third part of them and at their comming to the city of Tombuto the Negros made some resistance but to small purpose for that they had no defence but with their asagaies or iauelings poisoned So they tooke it and proceeded to the city of Gago where the Negros were in number infinâ—te and meant to stand to the vttermost for their countrey but the Moores slew them so fast that they were faine to yeeld and do pay tribute by the yere The rent of Tombuto is 60 quintals of golde by the yeere the goodnesse whereof you know What rent Gago will yeeld you shall know at the Spring for then Alcaide Hamode commeth home The rent of Tombuto is come by the cafelow or carouan which is as aboue is mentioned 60 quintals The report is that Mahomed bringeth with him such an infinite treasure as I neuer heard of it doth appeare that they haue more golde then any other part of the world beside The Alcaide winneth all the countrey where he goeth without fighting and is going downe towards the sea coast This king of Marocco is like to be the greatest prince in the world for money if he keepe this countrey But I make account assoone as the king of Spaine hath quietnesse in Christendome he wil thrust him out for that the kings force is not great as yet but he meaneth to be stronger There is a campe ready to go now with a viceroy the speech is with 3000 men but I thinke they will be hardly 2000 for by report 3000 men are enough to conquer all the countrey for they haue no defence of importance against an enemy I thinke Hamode will be returned home in Ianuary or thereabout for he stayeth but for the comming of the viceroy Mulley Balasen the kings sonne of Marocco was slaine in Guinea by his owne men and they were presently killed because they should tell â—o tales And thus leauing to trouble you I commit you to God who prosper you in all your proceedings From Marocco the first of August 1594. Yours to command for euer Laurence Madoc Of these two rich cities and kingdomes of Tombuto and Gago Leo Africanus writeth at large in the beginning of his seuenth booke of the description of Africa which worthy worke is to be annexed vnto the end of this second volume A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton and others for traffique betweene the riuer of Nonnia and the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea in the yeere 1592. IN May the 34 yeere of our gracious soueraigne Queene Elizabeth a patent of speciall licence was granted to Thomas Gregory of Tanton in the county of Somerset and to Thomas Pope and certaine other marchants to traffique into Guinea from the Northermost part of the riuer of Nonnia to the Southermost parts of the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona and to other parts aswell to the Southeast as to the Northwest for a certaine number of leagues therein specified which amount to an hundred or thereabout Which patent was granted for the terme of ten yeres as appeareth at large in the sayd patent recorded in the Rolles in her Maiesties Chancery The maner of the taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksiluer the Popes bulles bound for the West Indies by M. Thomas White in the Amity of London 1592. THe 26 of Iuly 1592 in my returning out of Barbary in the ship called the Amity of London being in the height of 36 degrees or thereabout at foure of the clocke in the morning we had sight of two shippes being distant from vs about three or foure leagues by seuen of the clocke we fetched them vp and were with in gunshot whose boldnesse hauing the king of Spaines armes displayed did make vs iudge them rather ships of warre then laden with marchandise And as it appeared by their owne speeches they made full account to haue taken vs it being a question among them whether it were best to cary vs to S. Lucar or to Lisbon We waued ech other a maine They hauing placed themselues in warlike order one a cables length before another we began the fight In the which we continued so fast as we were able to charge and discharge the space of fiue houres being neuer a cables length distant either of vs from other In which time we receiued diuers shot both in the hull of our ship masts and sailes to the number of 32 great besides 500 musket shot and harquebuzes a crocke at the least which we tolde after the fight And because we perceiued them to be stout we thought good to boord the Biscaine which was on head the other where lying aboord about an houre and plying our ordinance and small shot in the end we stowed all his men Now the other in the slieboat thinking we had entred our men in their fellow bare roome with vs meaning to haue layed vs aboord and so to haue intrapped vs betwixt them both which we perceiuing fitted our ordinance so for him as we quitted our selues of him and he boorded his fellow by which meanes they both fell from vs. Then presently we
so made captiues Thus at the seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen the twelue French and the twenty Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers horsemen and fotmen and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez where we lodged all night being prouided of tents The next day we went to a towne called Salle and lay without the towne in tents From thence we trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne but euery night we came to fresh water which was partly running water and sometime raine water So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco where we pitched our tents and there we matte with a carrier which did trauell in the countrey for the English marchants and by him we sent word vnto them of our estate and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore which brought vs victuals being at that instant very feeble and hungry and withall sent vs a letter with pen inke and paper willing vs to write vnto them what ship it was that was cast away and how many and what men there were aliue For said they we would knowe with speed for to morow is the kings court and therefore we would know for that you should come into the citie like captiues But for all that we were carried in as captiues and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and Spaniards And so we were carried before the king and when we came before him he did commit vs all to ward where wâ—e lay 15 dayes in close prison and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great charges for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces euery ounce in that country contayning â—wo shillings And when we came out of prison we went to the Alfandica where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S. Cruz where the English ships road where we tooke shipping about the 20 of March two in the Anne Francis of London and fiue more of vs fiue dayes after in the Expedition of London and two more in a Flemish flie-boat and one in the Mary Edward also of London other two of our number died in the countrey of the bloodie-fluxe the one at our first imprisonment at Marocco whose name was George Hancock and the other at S. Cruz whose name was Robert Swancon whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and other vnnaturall things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile and by our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents Thus of fiftie persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of vs and after a thousand miseries returned home poore sicke and feeble into our countrey Richard Iohnson William Williams Carpenter Iohn Durham Abraham Rouse Iohn Matthewes Thomas Henmore Iohn Siluester Thomas Whiting William Church Iohn Fox The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia 1597. Inuictissimo potentissimóque Abassenorum regi magnóque vtriusque Aethiopiae imperatori c. ELizabetha dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae regina fidei defensor c. summo ac potentissimo AEthiopiae imperatori salutem Quod ab omnibus qui vbiuìs terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque praestari par aequum est vt quanquà m maximo locorum interuallo dissiti moribus ac legibus discrepantes communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri conseruare mutuaque vt occasio ferret charitatis beneuolentiae officia velint exercere in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam concipientes huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti hasce literas nostras quibus nostra erga vos beneuolentia testata sit illum hinc profectuÌ„ esse conster potissimùm vobis indicandas dedimus Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi cognoscendique studio permotus multis antehà c regionibus peragratis iam tandem in eas regiones quae vestrae ditionis sunt longum periculosumque iter instituat cùm ipse existimauit tum nos etiam sumus in eadem opinione ad incolumitatem suam atque etìam ad gratiam apud vos plurimum illi profuturum si diplomate nostro munitus beneuolenâ—iae nostrae profectionis hinc suae testimonium ad vos deferret Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rectorque praepotens deus regibus principibusque qui suam vicem gerunt orbem terrarum suis cuique finibus pro rata portione designatis regendum atque administrandum dederit eoque munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternae necessitudinis aeternumque foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit non erit vt arbitramur ingratum vobis cùm beneuolentiae nostrae significationem tà m immensa maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam ab vltima Britannia ad vos in Aethiopiam perferri intellexeritis Nobisque rursùs ericiucundum cùm subditorum nostrorum praedicatione ab ipsis Nili fontibus ab ijs regionibus quae solis cursum definiunt fama vestri nominis ad nos recurret Erit igitur humanitatis vestrae huic subdito nostro eam largiri gratiam vt in ditionem vestram sub presidio ac tutela vestri nominis intrare ibique saluus incolumis manere possit quod ipsum etiam ab aliis principibus per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit magnoperè petimus nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus neque tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus quà m vicissìm omnium principum subditis omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè concedimus Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris anno regni nostri tricesimo nono annoque Dom. 1597. The same in English To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens the mightie Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of Aethiopia greeting Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer be they neuer so much disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes to maintaine and preserue the common societie of mankinde and as occasion shall be offered to performe mutuall duties of charitie and beneuolence we for that cause conceiuing most vndoubted hope of your princely fidelity and courtesie haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to trauell into your dominions these our letters to be deliuered without faile vnto your Highnesse to the end they may be a testimony of our good will towards you and of our saide subiect his departure from England Who after his trauels in many forren
North hauing alwaies the desert land on the Starborde and on the Larbord the maine sea continuing his course vntill hee perceiued that the coast bowed directly towards the East or else the Sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre where he was compelled to stay vntil he had a westerne winde or somewhat vpon the North and sayled thence directly East alongst the coast so farre as hee was able in foure dayes where he was againe inforced to tary vntill hee had a North winde because the coast there bowed directly towards the South or at least opened he knew not howe farre into the land so that he sayled thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauell in the space of fiue dayes where hee discouered a mighty riuer which opened farre into the land and in the entrie of this riuer he turned backe againe Whereby it appeareth that he went the very same way that we now doe yerely trade by S. Nicholas into Moscouia which way no man in our age knew for certaintie to be by sea vntil it was since discouered by our English men in the time of King Edward the sixt but thought before that time that Groneland had ioyned to Normoria Byarmia c. and therefore was accompted a new discouery being nothing so indeede as by this discourse of Ochther it appeareth Neuerthelesse if any man should haue taken this voyage in hand by the encouragement of this onely author he should haue bene thought but simple considering that this Nauigation was written so many yeres past in so barbarous a tongue by one onely obscure author and yet we in these our dayes finde by our owne experiences his former reports to be true How much more then ought we to beleeue this passage to Cataia to bee being verified by the opinions of all the best both Antique and Moderne Geographers and plainely set out in the best and most allowed Mappes Charts Globes Cosmographical tables discourses of this our age and by the rest not denied but left as a matter doubtfull To prooue by reason a passage to be on the Northside of America to goe to Cataia c. Chap. 3. FIrst all seas are maintained by the abundance of water so that the neerer the end any Riuer Bay or Hauen is the shallower it waxeth although by some accidentall barre it is sometime found otherwise But the farther you sayle West from Island towards the place where this fret is thought to be the more deepe are the seas which giueth vs good hope of continuance of the same Sea with Mar del Sur by some fret that lyeth betweene America Groneland and Cataia 2 Also if that America were not an Island but a part of y e continent adioyning to Asia either the people which inhabite Mangia Anian Quinzay c. being borderers vpon it would before this time haue made some road into it hoping to haue found some like cōmodities to their owne◠3 Or els the Scythians and Tartarians which often times heretofore haue sought farre and neere for new seats driuen thereunto through the necessitie of their cold and miserable countreys would in all this time haue found the way to America and entred the same had the passages bene neuer so straite or difficult the countrey being so temperate pleasant and fruitfull in comparison of their owne But there was neuer any such people found there by any of the Spaniards Portugals or Frenchmen who first discouered the Inland of that countrey which Spaniards or Frenchmen must then of necessitie haue seene some one ciuil man in America considering how full of ciuill people Asia is But they neuer saw so much as one token or signe that euer any man of the knowen part of the world had bene there 4 Furthermore it is to be thought that if by reason of mountaines or other craggy places the people neither of Cataia or Tartarie could enter the countrey of America or they of America haue entred Asia if it were so ioyned yet some one sauage or wandring beast would in so many yeres haue passed into it but there hath not any time bene found any of the beasts proper to Cataia or Tartarie c. in America nor of those proper to America in Tartarie Cataia c. or any part of Asia Which thing proueth America not onely to be one Island and in no part adioyning to Asia But also that the people of those Countreys haue not had any traffique with each other 5 Moreouer at the least some one of those painefull trauellers which of purpose haue passed the confines of both countreys with intent only to discouer would as it is most likely haue gone from the one to the other if there had bene any piece of land or Isthmos to haue ioyned them together or els haue declared some cause to the contrary 6 But neither Paulus Venetus who liued and dwelt a long time in Cataia euer came into America and yet was at the sea coastes of Mangia ouer against it where he was embarked and perfourmed a great Nauigation along those seas Neither yet Verarzanus or Franciscus Vasques de Coronado who trauelled the North part of America by land euer found entry from thence by land to Cataia or any part of Asia 7 Also it appeareth to be an Island insomuch as the Sea runneth by nature circularly from the East to the West following the diurnal motion of Primum Mobile which carieth with it all inferiour bodies moueable aswel celestiall as elemental which motion of the waters is most euidently seene in the Sea which lieth on the Southside of Afrike where the current that runneth from the East to the West is so strong by reason of such motiō that the Portugals in their voyages Eastward to Calicut in passing by Cap. de buona Sperança are inforced to make diuers courses the current there being so swift as it striketh from thence all along Westward vpon the fret of Magellan being distant from thence neere the fourth part of the longitude of the earth and not hauing free passage and entrance thorow the fret towards the West by reason of the narrownesse of the sayd Straite of Magellan it runneth to salue this wrong Nature not yeelding to accidentall restraints all along the Easterne coastes of America Northwards so far as Cape Fredo being the farthest knowne place of the same continent towards the North which is about 4800 leagues reckoning there withal the trending of the land 8 So that this current being continually maintained with such force as Iaques Cartier affirmeth it to be who met with the same being at Baccalaos as he sayled along the coastes of America then either it must of necessitie haue way to passe from Cape Fredo thorow this fret Westward towards Cataia being knowen to come so farre onely to salue his former wrongs by the authority before named or els it must needes strike ouer vpon the coast of
and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576. THe 7. of Iune being Thursday the two Barks viz. the Gabriel and the Michael our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe and bare down to Detford and there we ancred the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boultspriâ— and forâ—mâ—st aboard of a ship that rode at Detford else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich The 8. day being Friday about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford and set saile all three of vs and bare downe by the Court where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could Her Maiestie beholding the same commended it and bade vs farewell with shaking her hand at vs out of the window Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings and thanked vs for it and also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs and declared to the company that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient and diligent to their Captaine and gouernours in all things and wished vs happie successe The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend by the castle or blockehouse we obserued the latitude which was 51. degrees 33. minâ— And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone I had sight oâ— Faire yle being from vs 6. leagues North and by East and when I brought it Northwest and by North it did rise at the Southermost ende with a litle hommocke and swâ—mpe in the middes The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale I cast about to the Westward the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me and the land of Faire yle West Southwest from me I sailed directly to the North head of that said land scunding as I ranne in hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms and gray redde shels and within halfe a mile of that Island there are 36. fathoms for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde and I found by my sounding hard rockes and foule ground and deepe water within two cables length of the shoare 28. fathome and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast the flood setteth Southeast and the ebbe Northwest The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head I did obserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest froÌ„ me 6. leagues and Swinborne head East southeast from me I found my eleuation to be 37. degr and my declination 22. degr 46. min. So that my latitude was 59. degr 46. min. At that present being neere to Swinborne head hauing a leake which did trouble vs as also to take in fresh water I plyed roome with a sound which is called S. Tronions and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water and faire sande You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17.15.12.10.9.8 and 7. fathoms and the sound lyeth in North northwest and there we roade to a West sunne stopped our leake and hauing refreshed our selues with water at a North northwest sunne I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay And running off toward Fowlay I sounded hauing fiftie fathome and streâ—mâ—e ground and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande hauing fiftie fathome at the South head and streamie ground like broken otmell and one shell being redde and white like mackerell The 27. day at a South sunne I did abserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees 59. min. truly obserued the winde at South Southwest I sailed West and by North. From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone the wind at South a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues and at the ende of this watch I sounded hauing 60. fathome with little stones and shels the Island from vs 8. leagues East The first of Iuly from 4. to 8. a clocke wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues and at that present we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to the Westwards this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6. leagues From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues At that present I found our Compasse to be varied 11. deg and one 4. part to the Westwards which is one point The 11 day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16. leagues and rising like pinacles of steeples and all couered with snowe I found my selfe in 61. degr of latitude Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150â— fathoms we hoised out our boate and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land but the land lying full of yce they could not get on land and so they came aboord againe We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues The 18. day at a Southeast sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg So I obserued it till I found it at the highest and then it was eleuated 52. deg I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce seeming a firme lande and we cast Westward to be cleare of it The 26. we had sight of a land of yce the latitude was 62. degrees and two minutes The 28. day in the morning was very foggie but at the clearing vp of the fogge wee had sight of lande which I supposed to be Labrador with great store of yce about the land I ranne in towards it and sownded but could get no ground at 100. Fathom and the yce being so thicke I could not get to the shoare and so lay off and came cleare of the yce Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare and sought a harborowe all the sownd was full of yce and our boate rowing a shoare could get no ground at a 100. fathom within a Cables length of
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whâ—nce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâ—dable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better knowne vnto them and arriued at Yermouth The 30 of August with the force of the wind and a surge of the sea the Master of the Gabriel and the Boatswain were striken both ouerboord hardly was the Boatswain recouered hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea and yet the Barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde This Master was called William Smith being but a yong man and a very sufficient mariner who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord and that the Boatswain had him by the hand and could not saue him and so immediately vpon the end of his tale his dreame came right euilly to passe and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand hauing hold on a rope with the other vntill his force fayled and the Master drowned The height being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two hundreth leagues The last of August about midnight we had two or three great and sudden flawes or stormes The first of September the storme was growen very great and continued almost the whole day and night and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much beaten with the seas euery sea almost ouertaking our poope so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out and ease the rolling of our ship And so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe company with vs and our ship being higher in the poope and a tall ship whereon the winde had more force to driue went so fast away that we lost sight of them and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea The second day of September in the morning it pleased God of his goodnesse to send vs a calme whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine and almost ready to fall away Wherefore taking the benefite of the time we slung halfe a dozen couple of our best men ouer boord who taking great paines vnder water driuing plankes and binding with ropes did well strengthen and mend the matter who returned the most part more then halfe dead out of the water and as Gods pleasure was the sea was calme vntill the worke was finished The fift of September the height of the Sunne being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe In this voyage commonly wee tooke the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne because the long day taketh away the light not onely of the Polar but also of all other fixed Starres And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes Therefore wee alwaies vsed the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary winde making our Souhter way good as neere as we could to raise our degrees to bring our selues with the latitude of Sylley wee tooke the height the tenth of September and found our selues in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes The eleuenth of September about sixe a clocke at night the winde came good Southwest we vered sheat and see our course Southeast And vpon Thursday the twelfth of September taking the height wee were in the latitude of and a halfe and reckoned our selues not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley the weather faire the winde large at Westsouthwest we kept our course Southeast The thirteenth day the height being taken wee found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees the wind Westsouthwest then being in the height of Sylley and we kept our course East to run in with the sleeue or chanel so called being our narrow seas and reckoned vs short of Sylley twelue leagues Sonday the 15 of September about foure of the clocke we began to sound with our lead and had ground at 61 fadome depth white small sandy ground and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Sylley and set our course East and by North Eastnortheast and Northeast among The sixteenth of September about eight of the clocke in the morning sounding we had 65. fadome osey sand and thought our selues thwart of S. Georges channell a little within the banks And bearing a small saile all night we made many soundings which were about fortie fadome and so shallow that we could not well tell where we were The seuenteenth of September we sounded and had â—orty fadome and were not farre off the lands â—nd finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shelles and were shotte betwene Sylley and the lands ende and being within the bay we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by East way but were faine to make another boord the wind being at Southwest and by West and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands end to beare along the channel and the weather cleered vp when we were hard aboord the shore and we made the lands end perfit and so put vp along Saint Georges chanel And the weather being very foule at sea we couered some harborough because our steerage was broken and so came to ancor in Padstow road in Cornewall But riding there a very dangerous roade we were aduised by the countrey to put to Sea againe and of the two euils to choose the lesse for there was nothing but present perill where we toade whereupon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy from whence we were againe driuen being but an open roade where our Anker came home and with force of weather put to Seas againe and about the three and twentieth of September arriued at Milford Hauen in Wales which being a very good harborough made vs happy men that we had receiued such long desired safetie About one moneth after our arriuall here by order from the Lords of the Counsell the ship came up to Bristow where the Ore was committed to keeping in the Castel there Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes arriued in good safetie who hauing neuer a man within boord very sufficient to bring home the ship after the Master was lost by good fortune when she came vpon the coast met with a ship of Bristow at sea who conducted her in safety thither Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke called the Michael in the North parts which was not a little ioyful vnto vs that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe meeting againe and wee lost in all the voyage only one man besides one that dyed at sea which was sicke before he came
Arambec corruptly called Norumbega with the Paâ—entsâ— letters and aduertisements thereunto belonging The voyage of the two ships whereof the one was called the Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 day of May in the 19 yere of king Henry the eight and in the yere of our Lord God 1527. for the discouerie of the North partes MAster Robert Thorne of Bristoll a notable member and ornament of his country as wel for his learning as great charity to the poore in a letter of his to king Henry the 8 and a large discourse to doctor Leigh his Ambassadour to Charles the Emperour which both are to be seene almost in the beginning of the first volume of this my work exhorted the aforesaid king with very waighty and substantial reasons to set forth a discouery euen to the North Pole And that it may be knowne that this his motion tooke present effect I thought it good herewithall to put downe the testimonies of two of our Chroniclers M. Hall and M. Grafton who both write in this sort This same moneth say they king Henry the 8 sent 2 faire ships wel manned victualled hauing in them diuers cunning men to seek strange regions so they set forth out of the Thames the 20 day of May in the 19 yeere of his raigne which was the yere of our Lord. 1527. And whereas master Hal and master Grafton say that in those ships there were diuers cunning men I haue made great enquirie of such as by their yeeres and delight in Nauigation might giue me any light to know who those cunning men should be which were the directers in the aforesaid voyage And it hath bene tolde me by sir Martine Frobisher and M. Richard Allen a knight of the Sepulchre that a Canon of Saint Paul in London which was a great Mathematician and a man indued with wealth did much aduance the action and went therein himselfe in person but what his name was I cannot learne of any And further they told me that one of the ships was called The Dominus vobiscum which is a name likely to be giuen by a religious man of those dayes and that sayling very farre Northwestward one of the ships was cast away as it enâ—â—ed into a dangerous gulph about the great opening betweene the North parts of Newfoundland and the countrey lately called by her Maiestie Meta Incognita Whereupon the other ship shaping her course towards Cape Briton and the coastes of Arambec and oftentimes putting their men on land to search the state of those vnknowen regions returned home about the beginning of October of the yere aforesayd And thus much by reason of the great negligence of the writers of those times who should haue vsed more care in preseruing of the memories of the worthy actes of our nation is all that hitherto I can learne or finde out of this voyage The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536 and in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8. ONe master Hore of London a man of goodly stature and of great courage and giuen to the studie of Cosmographie in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8 and in the yere of our Lord 1536 encouraged diuers Gentlemen and others being assisted by the kings fauour and good countenance to accompany him in a voyage of discouerie vpon the Northwest parts of America wherein his perswasions tooke such effect that within short space many gentlemen of the Iâ—â—â—es of court and of the Chancerie and diuers others of good worship desirous to see the strange things of the world very willingly entred into the action with him some of whose names were as followeth M. Weekes a gentleman of the West countrey of fiue hundred markes by the yeere liuing M. Tucke a gentleman of Kent M. Tuckfield M. Thomas Buts the sonne of Sir William Buts knight of Norfolke which was lately liuing and from whose mouth I wrote most of this relation M. Hardie M. Biron M. Carter M. Wright M. Rastall Serieant Rastals brother M. Ridley and diuers other which all were in the Admyrall called the Trinitie a ship of seuen score â—unnes wherein M. Hore himselfe was imbaâ—ked In the other ship whose name was the Minion went a very learned and vertuous gentleman one M. Armigâ—l Wade Afterwaâ—des Clerke of the Counsailes of king Henry the 8 and king Edward the sixth father to the worshipfull M. William Wade now Clerke of the priuie Counsell M. Oliuer Dawbeney marchant of London M. Ioy afterward gentleman of the Kings Chappel with diuers other of good account The whole number that went in the two tall ships aforesaid to wit the Trinitie and the Minion were about sixe score persons whereof thirty were gentlemen which all we mustered in warlike maner at Graues-end and after the receiuing of the Sacrament they embarked themselues in the ende of April 1536. From the time of their setting out from Grauesend they were very long at sea to witte aboue two moneths and neuer touched any land vntill they came to part of the West Indies about Cape Briton shaping their course thence Northeastwardes vntill they came to the Island of Penguin which is very full of rockes and stones whereon they went and found it full of great soules white and gray as big as geese and they saw infinite numbers of their egges They draue a great number of the foules into their boates vpon their sayles and tooke vp many of their egges the foules they flead and their skinnes were very like hony combes full of holes being flead off they dressed and eate them and found them to be very good and nourishing meat They saw also store of beares both blacke and white of whome they killed some and tooke them for no bad foode M. Oliuer Dawbeny which as it is before mentioned was in this voyage and in the Minion told M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple these things following to wit That after their arriuall in Newfoundland and hauing bene there certaine dayes at ancre and not hauing yet seene any of the naturall people of the countrey the same Dawbeney walking one day on the hatches spied a boate with Sauages of those parts rowing downe the Bay toward them to gaze vpon the ship and our people and taking vewe of their comming aloofe hee called to such as were vnder the hatches and willed them to come vp if they would see the natural people of the countrey that they had so long and so much desired to see whereupon they came vp and tooke viewe of the Sauages rowing toward them and their ship and vpon the viewe they manned out a ship-boat to meet them and to take them But they spying our ship-boat making towards them returned with maine force and fled into an Island that lay vp in the Bay or riuer there and our men pursued them into the Island and the Sauages fledde and escaped but our men found a
à magno ostendit sua vela COLVMBO Haeâ— neque vicina nimiùm frigescit ab arcto Sole nec immodico in steriles torretur arenas Frigus aestatem iusto moderamine seruat Siue leues auras grati spiracula coeli Seu diae telluris opes munera curas Pone agete digno tua sceptra in honore meoquâ— Iunge salutarem propius cum littore dextram Sit mihi fas aliquam per â—esperare quietem Vicinoque bono laetum illucescere Solem. Quòd si consilijs superûm fatisque negatum est Durare immensum magna infortunia tempus Quòd si de immerita iustum est ceruice reuelli Ignarum imperij dominum populique regendi Quòd si nulla vnquam potuit superesse potestas Ni pia flexilibus pareret clementia frenis Obsequium A miti quae sita potentia CYRO Amissa est saeuae soboli Parcendo subegit Tot reges MACEDVM virtus tot postera sensim Abscidit a parto tandem inclementia regno Et quod ROMVLEIS creuit sub patribus olim Imperium dirisemper minuêre NERONES A report of the voyage and successe thereof attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight with other gentlemen assisting him in that action intended to discouer and to plant Christian inhabitants in place conuenient vpon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the cape of Florida lying vnder very temperate Climes esteemed fertile and rich in Minerals yet not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince written by M. Edward Haies gentleman and principall actour in the same voyage who alone continued vnto the end and by Gods speciall assistance returned home with his retinue safe and entire MAny voyages haue bene pretended yet hitherto neuer any thorowly accomplished by our nation of exact discouery into the bowels of those maine ample and vast countreys extended infinitely into the North from 30 degrees or rather from 25 degrees of Septentrionall latitude neither hath a right way bene taken of planting a Christian habitation and regiment vpon the same as well may appeare both by the little we yet do actually possesse therein by our ignorance of the riches and secrets wiâ—hâ—n those lands which vnto this day we knâ—w chiefly by the trauell and report of other nations and most of the French who albeit they can not challenge such right and interest vnto the sayd countreys as we neither these many yeeres haue had oâ—portunity nor meanes so great to discouâ—r and to plant being veâ—ed with the calamities of iâ—testâ—â—e warres as we haue had by the inestimable benefit of our long and happy peace yet haue they both waies performed more and had long since attained a sure possession and setled gouernment of many prouinces in â—hose Northerly parts of America if their many attempts into those forren and remote lands had not bene impeached their garboils at home The first discouery of these coasts neuer heard of â—efore was well begun by Iohn Cabot the father and Sebastian his sonne an Englishman borne who were the first finders out of all that great tract of land stretching from the cape â—f Florida vnto those Islands which wâ— now call the Newfoundland all which they brought and anâ—eâ—rd vnto the crowne of England Since when if with like diligence the seaâ—ch of inland countreys had bene follâ—wed as the discouery vpon the coast and out-parts therof was performed by those two men no doubt her Maiesties territories and reuenue had bene mightily inlarged and aduanced by this day And which is more the seed of Christian râ—ligion had bene fowed amongst those pagans which by this time might haue brought foorth a most plâ—ntifull haruest and copious congregation of Christians which must be the chiefe intent of such as shall make any attempt that way or els whatsoeuer is builded vpon othâ—r foundation shall neuer obtaine happy successe nor continuance And although we can not precisely iudge which onely belongeth to God what haue bene the humouâ—s of men stirred vp to great attempts of discouering and planting in those remote countreys yet the euents do shew that either Gods cause hath not bene chiefly preferred by them or els God hath not permitted so abundant grace as the light of his word and knowledge of him to be yet reuealed vnto those infidels before the appointed time But most aâ—â—uredly â—he only cause of religion hitherto hath kept backe and will also bring forward at the time assâ—â—neâ— by God an effectuall and compleat discouery possession â—â— Christians both of those ample countreys and the riches within them hithâ—rto concealed â—hereof notwithstanding Gâ—d in his wisdome hath permitted to be reuealed frâ—m tiâ—e to time a certaine oâ—scure and mâ—sty knowledâ—e by little and little to allure the mindes of men that way which els will be dull enough in the zeale of his cause and thereby to prepare vs vnto a readinesse for the execution of his wâ—ll against the due tâ—me ordâ—inedâ— of calling those pagans vnto Christâ—anity In the meane while â—t behâ—oueth euery man of great calling in whom is any instinct of inclination vnto this atâ—â—mpâ— to â—â—amine his owne motions which is the same proceed of ambitâ—on or auarice hâ— may assure himselfe it commeth not of God and therefore can not haue câ—nfidence of Gods protection and assistance against the â—iolence els irresistable both oâ— sea and infinite perils vpâ—n the land wâ—om God yet may vse an instrument to further his cause and glory some way but not to build vpon so bad a foundatâ—on Othâ—rwâ—se if hâ—s motiues be dâ—riued from a bertuous heroycall minde preferring chiâ—fly the honour oâ— Godâ— compassâ—on of poore infidels captiued by the deuill tyrannizing in most woonderfull and dreadfull maner ouer their bodies and soules aduancement of his honest and well disposed countreymen willing to accompany him in such honourable actions reliefe of sundry pâ—ople wâ—thin this realme distressed all these be honorable purposes imitating the naâ—ure of the muâ—â—ficenâ— God wheâ—with he is well pleased who will assist such an actour beyond â—xpectation of man And thâ— samâ— who feeleth this inclination in himselfe by all likelihood may hope or rather confidently râ—pose in the preordinance of God that in this last age of the world or â—ikely neuer the time is câ—mpleat of receiuing also these Gentiles into his mâ—rcy and that God will râ—ise him an instrumeâ—t to â—ffâ—ct the same it seeming probable by euent of precedent attempts made by the Spanyards and French sundry times that the countreys lyâ—ng North oâ— Florida God hath reserued the same to be reduced vnto Christian ciuility by the English nation For not long after that Christopher Columbus had discouered the Islands and continent â—f thâ— Wesâ— Indies for Spaine Iohn and Sebastian Cabot made discouery also of the rest from Florida Nortâ—wards to the behoofe of England And whensoâ—uer afterwards the Spanyards very prosperous in all their Southerne discoueries did
the continent of the hither part of America betweene the degrees of 30. and â—0 of septentrionall latitude Within which degrees by computation Astronomicall and Cosmographicall are doubtlesse to bee found all things that be necessarie profitableâ— or delectâ—ble for mans life The clymate milde and temperate neyther too hote nor too colde so that vnder the cope of heauen there is not any where to be found a more conuenient place to plant and inhabite in which many notable Gentlemen both of our owne nation and strangers who haue bene trauailers can testifie and that those Countries are at this day inhabited with Sauages who haue no knowledge of God Is it not therefore I say to be lamented that these poore Pagans so long liuing in ignorance and idolatry and in sort thirsting after Christianitie as may appeare by the relation of such as haue trauailed in thâ—se partes that our hearts are so hardened that fewe or none can be found which will put to their helping hands and apply themselues to the relieuing of the miserable and wretched estate of these sillie soules Whose Countrey doeth as it were with armes aduanced aboue the climates both of Spaine and France stretch out it selfe towards Engâ—and only In maner praying our ayde and helpe as it is not onely set forth in Mercators generall Mappe but it is also found to be true by the discouerie of our nation and other strangers who haue oftentimes trauailed vpon the same coasts Christopher Columbus of famous memorie the first instrument to manifest the great glory and mercy of Almightie God in planting the Christian faith in those so long vnknowen regions hauing in purpose to acquiant as he did that renoumed Prince the Queenes Maiesties grandfather King Henry the seuenth with his intended voyage for the Westerne discoueries was not onely derided and mocked generally euen here in England â—ut afterward became a laughing stocke to the Spaniards themselues who at this day of all other people are most bounden to lande and prayse God who first stirred vp the man to that enterprise And while he was attending there to acâ—uaint the King of Castile that then was with his intended purpose by how many wayes and meanes was he derided Some scorned the pildnesse of his garments some toâ—ke occasion to iest at his sample and silly lookes others asked if this were he that lowâ—s â—o lowe which did take vpon him to bring men into a Countrey that aboundeth with Golde Pearle and Precious stonesâ— If hee were any such man sayd they he would carry another maner of countenance with him and looke somewhat loftier Thus some iudged him by his garments and others by his looke and countenance but none entred into the consideration of the inward man In the ende what successe his Uoyage had who list to reade the Decades the Historie of the West Indies the conquest of Hernando Cortes about Mexico and those of Francisco Pizarâ—o in Peru about Casamalcha and Cusco may know more particularly All which their discoueries trauailes and conquests are extant to be had in the English tongue This deuise was then accounted a fantasticall imagination and a drowsie dreame But the sequele thereof hath since awaked out of dreames thousands of soules to knowe their Creator being thereof before that time altogether ignorant And hath since made sufficient proofe neither to be fantasticke nor vainely imagined Withall how mightily it hath inlarged the dominions of the Crowne of Spaine and greatly inriched the subiects of the same let all men consider Besides it is well knowen that sithence the time of Columbus his first dicouerie through the planting possessing and inhabiting those partes there hath bene transported and brought home into Europe greater store of Golde Siluer Pearle and Precious stones then heretofore hath bene in all ages since the creation of the worlde I doe therefore heartily wish that seeing it hath pleased almightie God of his infinite mercy at the length to awake some of our worthy Countrey men out of that drowsie dreame wherein we haue so long slumbered That wee may now not suffer that to quaile for want of maintenance which by these valiant Gentlemen our Countreymen is so nobly begun enterprised For which purpose I haue taken vpon me to write this simple short Treatise hoping that it shall be able to perswade such as hâ—â—e bene and yet doe continue detractors and hinderers of this iourney by reason perhaps that they haue not deliberately and aduisedly entred into the iudgâ—ment of the matter that yeâ— now vpon better consideration they will become fauourable furtherers of the same And that such as are already well affected thereunto will continue their good disposition And withall I most humbly pray all such as are no â—igards of their purses in buying of costly and rich apparel and liberall Contributors in setting forth of games pastunes feastings and banquets whereof the charge being past there is no hope of publique profite or commoditie that hence forth they will bestowe and employ their liberality heretofore that way expended to the furtherance of these so commendable purposed proceedings And to this ende haue I taken pen in hand as in conscience thereunto mooued desiring much rather that of the great multitude which this Realme doeth nourish farre better able to handle this matter then I my selfe am it would haue pleased some one of them to haue vndertaken the same But seeing they are silent and that it falleth to my lotte to put pen to the paper I will endeuour my selfe and doe stand in good hope though my skill and knowledge â—ee simple yet through the assistance of almightie God to prooue that the Uoyage lately enterprised for trade traffique and planting in America is an action tending to the lawfull enlargement of her Maiesties Dominions commodious to the whole Realme in generall profitable to the aduenturers in particular beneficiall to the Sauages and a matter to be atteined without any great danger or difficultie And lastly which is most of all A thing likewise tending to the honour and glory of Almightie God And for that the lawfulnesse to plant in those Countreyes in some mens iudgements seemeth very doubtfull I will beginne the proofe of the lawfulnesse of trade traffique and planting The second Chapter sheweth that it is lawfull and necessarie to trade and traffique with the Sauages And to plant in their Countries And diuideth planting into two sorts ANd first for traffique I say that the Christians may lawfully trauell into those Countries and abide there whom the Sauages may not iustly impugne and forbidde in respect of the mutuall societie and fellowshippe betweene man and man prescrided by the Law of Nations For from the first beginning of the creation of the world and from the renewing of the same after Noes flood all men haue agreed that no violence should be offered to Ambassadours That the Sea with his Hauens should be common That such as should fortune to
should continue or prosecute the same The voyage of the Grace of Bristol of M. Rice Iones a Barke of thirty fiue sunnes vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of Newefoundland as farre as the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec for the barbes or â—ynnes of Whales and traine Oyle made by Siluester Wyet Shipmaster of Bristoll WEe departed with the aforesaid Barke manned with twelue men for the place aforesaid from Bristoll the 4 of Aprill 1594. and fell with Cape d'Espere on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteneth of May in the height of 47. We went thence for Cape Raz being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues the very same day The 20. day we were thwart of Cape Raz Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marie which is distant from Cape Raz 19 leagues and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia almost at the entrie thereof From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing by the broken Islands of the Martyers and when we were thwart of the said Isles of the Martyers our course to the Isles of S. Pedro was West and by North. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a faire harbour which we went into with our barke and found there 2 ships of Sibiburo fishing for Cod where we stayed 2 dayes and tooke in balest for our ship There are as faire and tall firre trees growing therein as in any other part of Newfoundland Then wee departed thence and as we came out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship vpon the lee and in 2 houres space we tooke with our hookes 3 or 4 hundred great Cods for our prouision of our ship Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the gulffe of S. Laurence betwene Cape Briton and the said Isle and set our course West North West and fel with Cape de Rey which wee found to be distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues From Cape de Rey to Cape de Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13 leagues From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran Northeast and by East some 18 or 19 leagues In this bay of Saint George we found the wrackes of 2 great Biskaine ships which had bene cast away three yeres before where we had some seuen or eight hundred Whale finnes and some yron bolts and chaines of their mayne shrouds fore shroudes al their traine was beaten out with the weather but the caske remained still Some part of the commodities were spoiled by tumbling downe of the clifts of the hils which couered part of the caske and the greater part of those Whale finnes which we vnderstood to be there by foure Spaniards which escaped were brought to S. Iohn de Luz Here we found the houses of the Sauages made of fiâ—re trees bound together â—â— the top and set round like a Doue-house and couered with the barkes of firre trees wee found also some part of their victuals which were Deeres flesh roasted vpon wooden spits at the fire a dish made of a ryne of a tree sowed together with the smowes of the Deere wherein was oâ—e of the Deere There were also foules called Cormorants which they had pulckt and made ready to haue dressed and there we found a wooden spoone of their making And we discerned the tracks of the feete of some fortie or fiftie men women and children When we had dispatched our businesse in this bay of S. George and stayed there ten dayes wee departed for the Northren point of the said bay which is nine or ten leagues broade Then being enformed that the Whales which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay and yet escape the fisher for a time are woont vsually to shoot themselues on shore on the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec which lieth in the very mouth of the great riuer that runneth vp to Canada we shaped our course ouer to that long Isle of Natiscotec and wee found the distance of the way to the Estermost ende thereof to be about forty foure leagues and it standeth in the latitude of 49. Here we arriued about the middest of Iune at the East end and rode in eighteene fadome water in faire white sand and very good ankerage and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found wonderfull faire and great Cod fish we went also seuen of vs on shore and found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees and heard and sawe store of land and sea foules and sawe the footing of diuers beastes in the sand when we were on shore From the Easter end we went to the Norther side of the Island which we perceiued to be but narrow in respect of the length thereof And after wee had searched two dayes and a night for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to haue found there and missed of our purpose we returned backe to the Southwarde and were within one league of the Island of Penguin which lyeth South from the Eastermost part of Natiscotec some twelue leagues From the Isle of Penguin wee shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island of Cape Briton then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro and so came into the Bay of Placencia and arriued in the Easterside thereof some ten leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint Iohn de Luz and of Sibiburo and of Biskay which were to the number of threescore and odde sayles whereof eight shippes onely were Spaniardes of whom we were very well vsed and they wished heartily for peace betweene them and vs. There the man of Saint Iohn and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on vs to make vp our voyage with fish Then wee departed ouer to the other side of the Bay where we arriued in an harbour which is callâ—d Pesmarck and there made our stage and fished so long that in the ende the Sauages came and in the night when our men were at rest cut both our pinnesse and our shippes boate away to our great hinderance of our voyage yet it was our good fortune to finde out our pinnesses and get them againe Then for feare of a shrewder turne of the Sauages we departed for Cape Saint Marie and hauing passed Cape Raz we passed Northwaâ—de fourteene leagues and arriued in Farrillon and finding there two and twentie sayles of Englishmen wee made vp our fishing voyage to the full in that harborough the twentieth foure of August to our good content and departing thence we arriued first in Combe and staied there a seuen night and afterward in Hungrod in the riuer of Bristoll by the grace of God the 24 of Sâ—ptember 1594. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the Isle of Ramea THe Hopewell of London of the burthen of 120 tunnes whereof was M. William Crafton
the riuer beginneth to be fresh thou shalt sayle in the midst of the riuer and thou shalt leaue the isle on the starreboord which is on the right hand and here the riuer is not past a quarter of a league broad and hath 20 and 30 fathoms water And towards the South shore there is a ledge of Isles all couered with trees and they end ouer against the point of the Isle of Orleans And the poynt of the isle of Orleans toward the Northeast is in 47 degrees and one terce of a degree And the Isle of Orleans is a fayre Isle all couered with trees euen vnto the riuers side and it is about 5 leagues long and a league and an halfe broade And on the North shore there is another Riuer which falleth into the mayne Riuer at the ende of the Island and Shippes may very well passe there From the middest of the Isle vnto Canada the Riuer runneth West and from the place of Canada vnto France-Roy the riuer turneth West Southwest and from the West ende of the Isle to Canada is but one league and vnto France-Roy 4 leagues And when thou art come to the end of the Isle thou shalt see a great Riuer which falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke and maketh a terrible noyse The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees and one sixt part of a degree The extension of all these lands vpon iust occasion is called New France For it is as good and as temperate as France and in the same latitude And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter is because the fresh Riuer is naturally more colde then the Sea and it is also broad and deepe and in some places it is halfe a league and aboue in breadth And also because the land is not tylled nor full of people and is all full of Woods which is the cause of colde because there is not store of fire nor cattel And the sunne hath his Meridian as high as the Meridian at Rochel and it is noone here when the Sunne is at South Southwest at Rochel And here the north starre by the compasse standeth Northnortheast And when at Rochel it is noone it is but halfe an houre pass nine at France-Roy From the sayde place vnto the Ocean sea and the coast of New France is not aboue 50 leagues distance And from the entrance of Norumbega vnto Florida are 300 leagues and from this place of France-Roy to Hochelaga are about 80 leagues and vnto y e Isle of Rasus 30 leagues And I doubt not but Norumbega entreth into the riuer of Canada and vnto the Sea of Saguenay And from the Fort of France-Roy vntil a man come foorth of the Grande Bay is not aboue 230 leagues And the course is Northeast and West Southwest not aboue 5 degrees and ⅓ difference and reckon 16 leagues and an halfe to a degree By the nature of the climate the lands toward Hochelaga are still better and better and more fruitfull And this land is fitte for Figges and Peares And I thinke that golde and siluer will be found here according as the people of the countrey say These landes lye ouer against Tartarie and I doubt not but that they stretch toward Asia according to the roundnesse of the world And therefore it were good to haue a small Shippe of 70 tunnes to discouer the coast of New France on the backe side of Florida for I haue bene at a Bay as farre as 42 degrees betweene Norumbega and Florida and I haue not searched the ende thereof and I knowe not whether it passe through And in all these Countreys there are okes and bortz ashes elmes arables trees of life pines prussetrees ceders great wallnut trees and wilde nuts hasel-trees wilde peare trees wilde grapes and there haue bene found redde plummes And very faire corne groweth there and peason grow of their owne accord gooseberries and strawberries And there are goodly Forrests wherein men may hunt And there are great store of stagges deere porkepicks and the Sauages say there bee Unicornes Fowle there are in abundance as bustards wilde geese cranes turtle doues rauens crowes and many other birds All things which are sowen there are not past 2. or 3. dayes in comming vp out of the ground I haue tolde in one eare of corne an hundred and twenty graines like the corne of France And ye neede not to sowe your Wheate vntill March and it will be ripe in the middest of August The waters are better and perfecter then in France And if the Countrey were tilled and replenished with people it would be as hotte as Rochel And the reason why it snoweth there oftener then in France is because it raineth there but seldome for the raine is conuerted into snowes All things aboue mentioned are true Iohn Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur Roberual There is a pardon to be seene fo◠the pardoning of Monsieur de Sain◠terre Lieutenant of the sayd Monsieur de Roberual◠giuen in Canada in the presence of the sayde Iohn Alphonse The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche knight Lord of Roberual to the Countries of Canada Saguenai and Hochelaga with three tall Ships and two hundred persons both men women and children begun in April 1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer and all the next winter SIr Iohn Francis de la Roche knight lord of Roberual appoynted by the king as his Lieutenant general in the countreis of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga furnished 3. tall Ships chiefly at the kings cost And hauing in his fleete 200. persons aswel men as women accompanied with diuers gentlemen of qualitie as namely with Monsieur Saine-terre his lieutenāt l'Espiney his Ensigne captain Guine-court Monsieu◠Noire fontaine Dieu lamont Frote la Brosse Francis de Mire la Salle and Roieze and Iohn Alfonse of Xanctoigne an excellent pilot set sayle from Rochel the 16. of April 1542. The same day about noone we came athwart of Chefe de boys where we were enforced to stay the night following On Munday the seuenteenth of the sayde Moneth wee departed from Chefe deboys The winde serued vs notably for a time but within fewe dayes it came quite contrary which hindered our iourney for a long space For wee were suddenly enforced to turne backe and to seeke Harborough in Belle Isle on the coast of Bretaigne where wee stayed so long and had such contrary weather by the way that wee could not reach Newfound lande vntill the seuenth of Iune The eight of this Moneth wee entred into the Rode of Saint Iohn where wee founde seuenteene Shippes of fishers While wee made somewhat long abode heere Iaques Cartier and his company returning from Canada whither hee was sent with fiue sayles the yeere before arriued in the very same Harbour Who after hee had done his duetie to our Generall tolde him that hee had brought certaine
Iohn Bridger Griffen Iones Richard Shabedge Iames Lasie Iohn Cheuen Thomas Hewet William Berde Women Elyoner Dare. Margery Haruie Agnes Wood. Wenefrid Powell Ioyce Archard Iane Iones Elizabeth Glane Iane Pierce Audry Tappan Alis Chapman Emme Merrimoth Colman Margaret Lawrence Ioan Warren Iane Mannering Rose Payne Elizabeth Viccars Boyâ—â— and children Iohn Sampson Robert Ellis Ambrose Viccars Thomas Archard Thomas Humfrey Thomas Smart George How Iohn Prat. William Wythers Children borne in Virginia Virginia Dare. Haruie Sauages Manteo That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them Towaye That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them To the Worshipful and my very friend Master Richard Hakluyt much happinesse in the Lord. SIr as well for the satisfying of your earnest request as the performance of my promise made vnto you at my last being with you in England I haue sent you although in a homely stile especially for the contentation of a delicate care the true discourse of my last voyage into the West Indies and partes of America called Virginia taken in hand about the end of Februarie in the yeare of our redemption 1590. And what euents happened vnto vs in this our iourney you shall plainely perceiue by the sequele of my discourse There were at the time aforesaid thereâ—â— ships absolutely determined to goe for the West Indies at the speciall charges of M. Iohn Wattes of London Marchant But when they were fully furnished and in readinesse to make their departure a generall stay was commanded of all ships thorowout England Which so soone as I heard I presently as I thought it most requisite acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh therewith desiring him that as I had sundry times afore bene chargeable and troublesome vnto him for the supplies and reliefes of the planters in Virginia so likewise that by his endeuour it would please him at that instant to procure license for those three ships to proceede on with their determined voyage that thereby the people in Virginia if it were Gods pleasure might speedily be comforted and relieued without further changes vnto him Whereupon he by his good meanes obtained license of the Queenes Maiestie and order to be taken that the owner of the 3 ships should be bound vnto Sir Walter Ralegh or his assignes in 3000 pounds that those 3 ships in consideration of their releasement should take in transport a conuenient number of passengers with their furnitures and necessaries to be landed in Virginia Neuerthelesse that order was not obserued neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid But rather in contempt of the aforesaid order I was by the owner and Commanders of the ships denied to haue any passengers or any thing els transported in any of the â—aid ships sauing only my selfe my chest no not so much as a boy to attend vpoÌ„ me although I made great sute earnest intreatie aswell to the chiefe Commanders as to the owner of the said ships Which crosse and vnkind dealing although it very much discontented me notwithstanding the scarsity of time was such that I could haue no opportunity to go vnto Sir Walter Ralegh with complaint for the ships being then all in readinesse to goe to the Sea would haue bene departed before I could haue made my returne Thus both Gouernors Masters and sailers regarding very smally the good of their countreymen in Virginia determined nothing lesse then to touch at those places but wholly disposed themselues to seâ—ke after purchase spoiles spending so much time therein thaâ— sommer was spent before we arriued at Virginia And when we were come thither the season was so vnfit weather so foule that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast hauing not seene any of our planters with lesse of one of our ship-boates and 7 of our chiefest men and also with losse of 3 of our ankers and cables and most of our caskes with fresh water left on shore not possible to be had aboord Which euils â—nfortunate euents as wel to their owne losse as to the hinderance of the planters in Uirginia had not chanced if the order set downe by Sir Walter Ralegh had bene obserued or if my dayly continuall pâ—â—itions â—or the performance of the same might haue tâ—ken any place Thus may you plainely perceiue the successe of my fist last voiage to Virginia which was no lesse vnfortunately ended then frowardly begun and as lucklesse to many as sinister to my selfe But I would to God it had bene as prosperous to all as noysome to the planters as ioyfull to me as discomfortable to them Yet seeing it is not my first crossed voyage I remaine contented And wanting my wishes I leaue off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable to my will Thus committing the reliefe of my discomfortable company the planters in Virginia to the merâ—iful help of the Almighty whom I most humbly beseech to helpe comfort them according to his most holy will their good desire I take my leaue from my house at New towne in Kylmore the 4 of February 1593. Your most welwishing friend IOHN WHITE The fift voyage of M. Iohn VVhite into the VVest Indies and parts of America called Virginia in the yeere 1590. THe 20 of March the three shippes the Hopewell the Iohn Euangelist and the Little Iohn put to Sea from Plymmouth with two small Shallops The 25 at midnight both our Shallops were sunke being towed at the ships stearnes by the Boatswaines negligence On the 30 we saw a head vs that part of the coast of Barbary lying East of Cape Cantyn and the Bay of Asaphi The next day we came to the I le of Mogador where rode at our passing by a Pinnesse of London called the Mooneshine Aprill ON the first of Aprill we ankored in Santa Cruz rode where we found two great shippes of London lading in Sugar of whom we had 2 shipboats to supply the losse of our Shallops On the â— we set sayle from the rode of Santa Cruz for the Canaries On Saturday the 4 we saw Alegranza the East I le of the Canaries On Sunday the 5 of Aprill we gaue chase to a double flyboat the which we also the same day fought with and tooke her with losse of three of their men slaine and one hurt On Munday the 6 we saw Grand Canarie and the next day we landed and tooke in fresh water on the Southside thereof On the 9 we departed from Grand Canary and framed our course for Dominica The last of Aprill we saw Dominica and the same night we came to an anker on the South-side thereof May. THe first of May in the morning many of the Saluages came aboord our ships in their Canowes and did traffique with vs we also the same day landed and entered their Towne from whence we returned the same day aboord without any resistance of the Saluages or any offence done to them
The 2 of May our Admirall and our Pinnesse departed from Dominica leauing the Iohn our Viceadmirall playing off and on about Dominica hoping to take some Spaniard outwardes bound to the Indies the same night we had sight of three smal Ilands called Los Santos leauing Guadalupe and them on our starboord The 3 we had sight of S. Christophers Iland bearing Northeast and by East off vs. On the 4 we sayled by the Virgines which are many broken Ilands lying at the East ende of S. Iohns Iland and the same day towards euening we landed vpon one of them called Blanca where we killed an incredible number of foules here we stayed but three houres from thence stood into the shore Northwest and hauing brought this Iland Southeast off vs we put towards night thorow an opening or swatch called The passage lying betwene the Virgines and the East end of S. Iohn here the Pinnesse left vs and sayled on the South side of S. Iohn The 5 and 6 the Admirall sayled along the Northside of S. Iohn so neere the shore that the Spaniards discerned vs to be men of warre and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by for so their custome is when they see any men of warre on their coasts The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. Iohn where we watered in a good riuer called Yaguana and the same night following we tooke a Frigate of tenne Tunne comming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger In this place Pedro a Mollato who knewe all our state ranne from vs to the Spaniards On the 9 we departed from Yaguana The 13 we landed on an Iland called Mona whereon were 10 or 12 houses inhabited of the Spaniards these we burned tooke from them a Pinnesse which they had drawen a ground and sunke and carried all her sayles mastes and rudders into the woods because we should not take him away we also chased the Spaniards ouer all the Iland but they hid them in caues hollow rockes and bushes so that we could not find them On the 14 we departed from Mona and the next day after wee came to an Iland called Saona about 5 leagues distant from Mona lying on the Southside of Hispaniola neere the East end betweene these two Ilands we lay off and on 4 or 5 dayes hoping to take some of the Domingo fleete doubling this Iland as a neerer way to Spaine then by Cape Tyburon or by Cape S. Anthony On Thursday being the 19 our Viceadmirall from whom we departed at Dominica â—ame to vs at Saona with whom we left a Spanish Frigate and appointed him to lie off and on other fiue daies betweene Saona and Mona to the ende aforesaid then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon Here I was enformed that our men of the Viceadmirall at their departure from Dominica brought away two young Saluages which were the thiefe Casiques sonnes of that Countrey and part of Dominica but they shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Iland where the Viceadmirall landed to take in ballâ—â— On the â—1 the Admirall came to the Cape Tyburon where we found the Iohn Euangelist our Pinnesse staying for vs here we tooke in two Spaniards almost starued on the shoreâ— who made a fire to our ships as we passed by Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing els but a desolate and meere wildernesse without any habitation of people and full of wilde Bulles and Bores and great Serpents The 22 our Pinnesse came also to an anker in Aligato Bay at cape Tyburon Here we vnderstood of M. Lane Captaine of the Pinnesse how he was set vpon with one of the kings Gallies belonging to Santo Domingo which was manned with 400 men who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 houres gaue-ouer the fight forsooke him without any great hurt done on eyther part The 26 The Iohn our Uizadmirall came to vs to cape Tyburon and the Frigat which we left with him at Saona This was the appointed place where we should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleete On Whitsunday Euen at Cape Tyburon one of our boyes ranne away from vs and at ten dayes end returned to our ships almost starued for want of food In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones and carkases of diuers men who had perished as wee thought by famine in those woods being either stragled from their company or landed there by some men of warre Iune ON the 14 of Iune we tooke a smal Spanish frigat which fell amongst vs so suddenly as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon where we road so that he could not escape vs. This Frigat came from Santo Domingo and had but 3 men in her the one was an expert Pilot the other a Mountainer and the third a Uintener who escaped all out of prison at Santo Domingo purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a towne in the West parts of Hispaniola where many fugitiue Spaniards are gathered together The 17 being Wednesday Captaine Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnesse and a Frigat to take a shippe which was there taking in fraight as we vnderstood by the old Pylot whom we had taken three dayes before The 24 the Frigat returned from Captaine Lane at Yaguana and brought vs word to cape Tyburon that Captaine Lane had taken the shippe with many passengers and Negrees in the same which proued not so rich a prize as we hoped for for that a Frenchman of warre had taken and spoyled her before we came Neuerthelesse her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds being hides ginger Cannafistula Copper-pannes and Casaui Iuly THe second of Iuly Edward Spicer whom we left in England came to vs at Cape Tyburon accompanied with a small Pinnesse whereof one M. Haâ—ps was Captaine And the same day we had sight of a fleete of 14 saile all of Santo Domingo to whom we presently gaue chase but they vpon the first sight of vs fled and separating themselues scattered here and there Wherefore we were forced to diuide our selues and so made after them vntill 12 of the clocke at night But then by reason of the darkenesse we lost sight of each other yet in the end the Admirall and the Moonelight happened to be together the same night at the fetching vp of the Uizadmirall of the Spanish fleete against whom the next morning we fought and tooke him with losse of one of our men and two hurt and of theirs 4 slaine and 6 hurt But what was become of our Uiceadmirall our Pinnesse and Prize and two Frigates in all this time we were ignorant The 3 of Iuly we spent about rifling romaging and fitting the Prize to be sailed with vs. The 6 of Iuly we saw Iamayca the which we left on our larboord keeping Cuba in sight on our starboord Upon the 8 of Iuly we saw the Iland
of Pinos which lieth on the Southside of Cuba nigh vâ—to the West end or Cape called Cape S. Anthony And thâ— same day we gaue chase to a Frigat but at night we lost sight of her partly by the slow sayling of our Admirall lacke of the Moone-light our Pinnesse whom Captaine Cooke had sent to the Cape the day before On the 11 we came to Cape S. Anthony where we found our consort the Moonelight and her Pinnesse abiding for our comming of whom we vnderstood that the day before there passed by them 22 saile somâ— of them of the burden of 300 and some 400 tunnes loaden with the Kings treasure from the maine bound for Hauana from this 11 of Iuly vntil 22 we were much becalmed and the winde being very scarse and the weather exceeding hoat we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken wherefore we were driuen to land all the Spaniards sauing three but the place where we landed them was of their owne choise on the Southside of Cuba neere vnto the Organes and Rio de Puercos The 23 we had sight of the Cape of Florida and the broken Ilands therof called the Martires The 25 being S. Iames day in the morning we fell with the Matanças a head-land 8 leagues towards the East of Hauana where we purposed to take fresh water in and make our abode two or three dayes On Sunday the 26 of Iuly plying too and fro betweene the Matanças and Hauana we were espied of three small Pinnasses of S. Iohn de Vllua bound for Hauana which were exceeding richly loaden These 3 Pinnasses came very boldly vp vnto vs and so continued vntill they came within musket shot of vs. And we supposed them to be Captaine Harps pinnesse and two small Frigats taken by Captaine Harpe wherefore we shewed our flag But they presently vpon the sight of it turned about made all the saile they could from vs toward the shore kept theÌ„selues in so shallow water that we were not able to follow them and therefore gaue them ouer with expence of shot pouder to no purpose But if we had not so rashly set out our flagge wee might haue taken them all three for they would not haue knowen vs before they had bene in our hands This chase brought vs so far leeward as Hauana wherfore not finding any of our consorts at y e Matanças we put ouer again to the cape of Florida from thence thorow the chanel of Bahama On the 28 the Câ—pâ— of Florida bare West off vs. The 30 we lost sight of the coast of Florida and stood to Sea for to gaine the helpe of the current which runneth much swifter a farre off then in sight of the coast For from the Cape to Virginia all along the shore are none but eddie currents setting to the South and Southwest The 31 our three ships were clearely disbocked the great prize the Admirall and the Moone-shine but our prize being thus disbocked departed from vs without taking leaue of our Admirall or consort and sayled directly for England August ON the first of August the winde scanted and from thence forward we had very fowle weather with much raine thundering and great spouts which fell round about vs nigh vnto our ships The 3 we stoode againe in for the shore and at midday we tooke the height of the same The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie Ilands West of Wokokon But the weather continued so exceeding foule that we could not come to an anker nye the coast wherefore we stood off againe to Sea vntill Monday the 9 of August On munday the storme ceased and we had very great likelihood of faire weather therefore we stood in againe for the shore came to an anker at 11 fadome in 35 degrees of latitude within a mile of the shore where we went on land on the narrow sandy Iland being one of the Ilandes West of Wokokon in this Iland we tooke in some fresh water and caught great store of fish in the shallow water Betweene the maine as we supposed and that Iland it was but a mile ouer and three or foure foote deepe in most places On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anker at the Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan by reason of a breach which we perceiued to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea here we road all that night The 13 in the morning before we wayed our ankers our â—oates were sent to sound ouer this breach our ships riding on the side thereof at 5 fadome and a ships length from vs we found but 4 and a quarter and then deeping and shallowing for the space of two miles so that sometimes we found 5 fadome and by by 7 and within two casts with the lead 9 then 8 next cast 5. then 6 then 4 then 9 againe and deeper but 3 fadome was the least 2 leagues off froÌ„ the shore This breach is in 35 degr a halfe lyeth at the very Northeast point of Croatoan wheras goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner waters which part the Ilandes and the maine land The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask in 36 degr and one third in fiue fadom water three leagues from the shore At our first coÌ„ming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the I le Raonoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587 which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore Captain Cooke Cap. Spicer their coÌ„pany with me with intent to passe to the place at Raonoak where our countreymen were left At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people This was accordingly performed our twoe boats put off vnto the shore in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the shore nine eight and seuen fadome but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first but it was much further from the harbour where we landed then we supposed it to be so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke we found no man nor signe that any
haue pearced euen vnto the vttermost regions After this sort the North climate a fruitfull father of so many nations hath oftentimes sent foorth this way and that way his valiant people and by this meane hath peopled infinite Countreys so that most of the nations of Europe drawe their originall from these parts Contrariwise the more Southerne regions because they bee too barren by reason of their insupportable heate which raigneth in them neede not any such sending forth of their inhabitants and haue bene oftentimes constrained to receiue other people more often by force of armes then willingly All Africke Spaine and Italie can also testifie the same which neuer so abounded with people that they had neede to send them abroad to inhabite elsewhere as on the contrary Scythia Norway Gotland and France haue done The posterity of which nations remaineth yet not only in Italy Spaine Africke but also in fruitful and faire Asia Neuerthelesse I find that the Romans proceeding further or rather adding vnto these two chiefe causes aforesaid as being most curious to plant not onely their ensignes and victories but also their lawes customes religion in those prouinces which they had conquered by force of armes haue oftentimes by the decree of their soueraigne Senate sent forth inhabitants which they called Colonies thinking by this way to make their name immortall euen to the vnfurnishing of their own Countrey of the forces which should haue preserued the same in her perfection a thing which hindred them much more then aduanced them to the possession of the vniuersal monarchy whereunto their intention did a spire For it came to passe that their Colonies here and there being miserably sacked by strange people did vtterly ruine and ouerthrow their Empire The brinks of the riuer of Rhene are yet red those of Danubius are no lesse bloody and our France became fat with their blood which they lost These are the effects and rewards of al such as being pricked forward with this Romane and tyrannical ambition will goe about thus to subdue strange people effects I say contrary to the profit which those shall receiue which onely are affectioned to the common benefite that is to say to the generall policie of all men and endeuour to vnite them one with another aswell by trafficke and ciuill conuersations as also by military vertues and force of armes when as the Sauages will not yeeld vnto their endeuours so much tending vnto their profit For this cause princes haue sent forth out of their Dominions certaine men of good actiuity to plant themselues in strange Countreys there to make their profite to bring the Countrey to ciuilitie and if it might be to reduce the inhabitants to the true knowledge of our God an end so much more commendable as it is farre from all tyrannicall and cruell gouernement and so they haue alwayes thriued in their enterprises and by little and little gained the heartes of them which they haue conquered or wonne vnto them by any meanes Hereof wee may gather that sometimes it is good yea very expedient to send forth men to discouer the pleasure and commoditie of strange Countreys But so that the Countrey out of which these companies are to passe remaine not weakned nor depriued of her forces And againe in such sort that the company sent forth be of so iust sufficient number that it may not be defeited by strangers which euery foote endeuour nothing else but to surprise the same vpon the sudden As within these few daies past the French haue proued to my great griefe being able by no means possible to withstand the same considering that the elements men and all the fauours which might be hoped for of a faithfull and Christian alliance fought against vs which thing I purpose to discouer in this present historie with so euideut trueth that the kings Maiesty my soueraigne prince shall in part be satisfied of the diligence which I haue vsed in his seruice and mine aduersaries shall find themselues so discouered in their false reports that they shall haue no place of refuge But before I begin I will briefely set downe the situation and description of the land whereunto we haue sailed and where we haue inhabited from the yeere 1561. vnto sixty fiue to the ende that those things may the more easily be borne away which I meane to describe in this discourse The description of the VVest Indies in generall but chiefly and particularly of Florida THat part of the earth which at this day we call the fourth part of the world or America or rather the West India was vnknowen vnto our ancestours by reason of the great distance thereof In like maner all the Westerne Islands and fortunate Isles were not discouered but by those of our age Howbeit there haue bin some which haue said that they were discouerd in the time of Augustus Caesar and that Virgil hath made mention thereof in the sixt booke of his AEneidos when he saith There is a land beyond the starres and the course of the yeere and of the Sunne where Atlas the Porter of heauen sustaineth the pole vpon his shoulders neuerthelesse it is easie to iudge that hee meaneth not to speake of this land whereof no man is found to haue written before his time neither yet aboue a thousand yeeres after Christopher Colon did first light vpon this land in the yeere 1592. And fiue yeeres after Americus went thither by the commandement of the king of Castile and gaue vnto it his owne name whereupon afterward it was called America This man was very well seene in the Arte of Nauigation and in Astronomie whereby hee discouered in his time many lands vnknowen vnto the ancient Geographers This Countrey is named by some the land of Bresill and the lande of Parots It stretcheth it selfe according vnto Postell from the one Pole to the other sauing at the streight of Magelan whereunto it reacheth 53. degrees beyond the Equator I will diuide it for the better vnderstanding into three principall parts That which is toward the Pole Arcticke or the North is called new France because that in the yeere 1524. Iohn Verrazzano a Florentine was sent by King Francis the first and by Madam the Regent his mother vnto these newe Regions where he went on land and discouered all the coast which is from the Tropicke of Cancer to wit from the eight and twentieth vnto the fiftieth degree and farther vnto the North. Hee planted in this Countrey the Ensignes and Armes of the king of France so that the Spaniardes themselues which were there afterwarde haue named this Countrey Terra Francesca The same then extendeth it selfe in Latitude from the 25. degree vnto the 54. toward the North and in Longitude from 210. vnto 330. The Easterne part thereof is called by the late writers The land of Norumbega which beginneth at the Bay of Gama which separateth it from the Isle
we had planted in the place where the Vice-roy betrayed M. Hawkins our general as hath bene declared The sending of those souldiers to euery of those Porâ—s and the strengthening of them was done by commandement from the king of Spaine who wrote also by them to the general of his fleete giuing him in charge so to doe as also directing him what course he should keepe in his comming home into Spaine charging him in any hand not to come nigh to the yles of Açores but to keepe his course more to the Northward aduertising him withal what number and power of French ships of warre and other Don Antonio had at that time at Terçera the yles aforesaid which the general of the fleete wel considering and what great store of riches he had to bring home with him into Spaine did in all very duetifully obserue and obey for in trueth he had in his said fleete 37. saile of ships and in euery of them there was as good as 30. pipes of siluer one with another besides great store of gold Cochinilla sugars hides and Cana Fistula with other Apothecary drugs This our general who was called Don Pedro de Guzman did prouidently take order for for their most strength and defence if neede should be to the vttermost of his power and commanded vpon paine of death that neither passenger nor souldier should come aboord without his sword and harquebush with shot and powder to the end that they might be the better able to encounter the fleete of Don Antonio if they should hap to meete with them or any of them and euer as the weather was faire the said general would himself go aboord from one ship to another to see that euery man had his ful prouision according to the commandement giuen Yet to speake truely what I thinke two good tall ships of warre would haue made a foule spoile amongst them For in all this fleete there were not any that were strong and warlike appointed sauing only the Admiral and Uice-admiral And againe ouer and besides the weakenesse and the ill furnishing of the râ—st they were all so deeply laden that they had not bene able if they had bene charged to haue held out any long fight Wel thus we set saile had a very ill passage home the weather was so contrary We kept our course in maner Northeast and brought our selues to the height of 42. degrees of latitude to be sure not to meete with Don Antonio his fleete and were vpon our voyage from the 4. of Iune vntill the 10. of September and neuer saw land till we fell with the Arenas Gordas hard by S. Lucar And there was an order taken that none should goe on shoare vntill he had licence as for me I was knowen by one in the ship who told the Master that I was an EnglishmaÌ„ which as God would it was my good hap to heare for if I had not heard it it had cost me my life Notwithstanding I would not take any knowledge of it and seemed to be mery pleasant that we were all come so wel in safety Presently after licence came that we should go on shoare and I pressed to be gone with the first howbeit the Master came vnto me said Sirra you must goe with me to Siuil by water I knew his meaning wellinough that he meant there to offer me vp as a sacrifice to the Holy house For the ignorant zeale of a number of these superstitious Spaniards is such that they thinke that they haue done God good seruice when they haue brought a Lutheran herelike to the fire to be burnt for so do they account of vs. Wel I perceiuing all this tooke vpon me not to suspect any thing but was still â—ocund mery howbeit I knew it stood me vpon to shift for my selfe And so wayting my time when the Master was in his cabbin asleepe I conueyed my selfe secretly downe by the shrowds into the ship boate and made no stay but cut the rope wherewithal she was moared and so by the cable haled on shore where I leapt on land let the boate goe whither it would Thus by the helpe of God I escaped that day then neuer stayed at S. Lucar but went all night by the way which I had seene other take toward Siuil so that the next morning I came to Siuil and sought me out a workemaster that I might fall to my science which was weauing of taffataes and being intertained I set my selfe close to my worke and durst not for my life once to stirre abroad for feare of being knowen and being thus at my worke within 4. dayes after I heard one of my fellowes say that he heard there was great inquiry made for an Englishman that came home in the fleete what an heretique Lutheran quoth I was it I would to God I might knowe him surely I would present him to the Holy house And thus I kâ—pt still within doores at my worke and fained my selfe not well at ease that I would labour as I might to get me new clothes And continuing thus for the space of 3. moneths I called for my wages and bought me all things new different from the apparell that I did weare at sea and yet durst not be ouerbold to walke abroad and after vnderstanding that there were certaine English ships at S. Lucar bound for England I tooke a boat and went aboord one of them and desired the Master that I might haue passage with him to goe into England and told him secretly that I was one of those which Captaine Hawkins did set on shore in the Indies he very courteously prayed me to haue him excused for he durst not meddle with me prayed me therefore to returne from whence I came Which when I perceiued with a sorowful heart God knoweth I tooke my leaue of him not without watry cheekes And then I went to S. Mary port which is 3. leagues from S. Lucar where I put my selfe to be a souldier to goe in the king of Spaines Gallies which were bound for Maiorca and comming thither in the end of the Christmas holidayes I found there two English ships the one of London and the other of the West countrey which were ready fraighted and stayed but for a faire wind To the Master of the one which was of the West countrey went I and told him that I had bene 2. yeeres in Spaine to learne the language and that I was now desirous to goe home and see my friends for that I lacked maintenance and so hauing agreed with him for my passage I tooke shipping And thus through the prouidence of Almighty God after 16. yeeres absenceâ— hauing sustained many and sundry great troubles and miseries as by this discourse appeareth I came home to this my natiue countrey of England in the yeere 1582. in the moneth of February in the ship called the Landret and arriued at Poole The trauailes of Iob Hortop which
of the Towne with his other boates and all his men unarmed and without weapons it was to be iudged he ment him little good hauing that aduantage of him that comming vpon the sudden hee might haue mischieued many of his men but the Captaine hauing vnderstanding thereof not trusting to their gentlenesse if they might haue the aduantage departed aboord his ships and at night returned againe and demanded amongst other talke what they ment by assembling their men in that order they answered that their Captaine being come to towne did muster his men according to his accustomed maner But it is to be iudged to bee a cloake in that comming for that purpose hee might haue done it sooner but the trueth is they were not of force vntill then whereby to enterprise any matter against vs by meanes of pikes and harquebuzes whereof they haue want and were now furnished by our Captaine and also 3. Faulcons which hauing got in other places they had secretly conueyed thither which made them the bolder and also for that they saw now a conuenient place to do such a feat and time also seruing thereunto by the meanes that our mâ—n were not onely vnarmed and vnprouided as at no time before the like but also were occupied in hewing of wood and least thinking of any harme these were occasions to prouoke them thereunto And I suppose they went about to bring it to effect in that I with another gentleman being in the towne thinking of no harme towards vs and seeing men assembling in armour to the treasurers house whereof I marueiled and reuoking to minde the former talke betweene the Captaine and him and the vnreadinesse of our men of whom aduantage might haue bene taken departed out of the Towne immediatly to giue knowledge thereof but before we come to our men by a flight-shot two horsemen riding a gallop were come neere vs being sent as wee did gesse to stay vs least wee should cary newes to our Captaine but seeing vs so neere our men they stayed their horses comming together and suffering vs to passe belike because wee were so neere that if they had gone about the same they had bene espied by some of our men which then immediatly would haue departed whereby they should haue bene frustrate of their presence and so the two horsemen ridde about the bushes to espie what we did and seeing vs gone to the intent they might shadow their comming downe in post whereof suspition might bee had fained a simple excuse in asking whether he could sell any wine but that seemed so simple to the Captaine that standing in doubt of their courtesie he returned in the morning with his three boats appointed with Bases in their noses and his men with weapons accordingly where as before he caried none and thus dissembling all iniuries conceiued of both parts the Captaine went ashore leauing pledges in the boates for himselfe and cleared all things betweene the treasurer and him sauing for the gouerners debt which the one by no meanes would answere and the other because it was not his due debt woulde not molest him for it but was content to remit it vntill another tune and therefore departed causing the two Barkes which rode neere the shore to weigh and go vnder saile which was done because that our Captaine demanding a testimoniall of his good behauiour there could not haue the same vntill hee were vnder saile ready to depart and therefore at night he went for the same againe receiued it at the treasurers hand of whom very courteously he tooke his leaue and departed shooting off the bases of his boat for his farewell and the townesmen also shot off foure Faulcons and 30. harquebuzes and this was the first time that he knew of the conueyance of their Faulcons The 31. of May wee departed keeping our course to Hispaniola and the fourth of Iune wee had sight of an yland which wee made to be Iamaica marueiling that by the vehement course of the Seas we should be driuen so farre to leeward for setting our course to the West end of Hispaniola we fel with the middle of Iamaica notwithstanding that to al mens sight it shewed a headland but they were all deceiued by the clouds that lay vpon the land two dayes together in such sort that we thought it to be the head land of the said yland And a Spaniard being in the ship who was a Marchant and inhabitant in Iamaica hauing occasion to go to Guinie and being by treason taken of the Negros afterwads bought by the Tangomangos was by our Captaine brought from thence and had his passage to go into his countrey who perceiuing the land made as though he knew euery place thereof and pointed to certaine places which he named to be such a place and such a mans ground and that behinde such a point was the harborow but in the ende he poiâ—ted so from one point to another that we were a leeboord of all places and found our selues at the West end of Iamaica before we were aware of it and being once to leeward there was no geâ—ting vp againe so that by trusting of the Spaniards knowledge our Captaine sought not to speake with any of the inhabitants which if he had not made himselfâ— sure of he would haue done as his custome was in other places but this man was a plague not onely to our Captaine who made him loose by ouershooting the place 2000. pounds by hides which hee might haue gotten but also to himselfe who being three yeeres out of his Countrey and in great misery in Guinie both among the Negros and Tangomangos and in hope to come to his wife and friendes as he made sure accompt in that at his going into the pinnesse when he went to shore he put on his new clothes and for ioy flung away his old could not afterwards finde any habitation neither there nor in all Cuba which we sailed all along but it fell out euer by one occasion or other that wee were put beside the same so that he was faine to be brought into England and it happened to him as it did to a duke of Samaria when the Israelites were besieged and were in great misery with hunger being tolde by the Prophet Elizaeus that a bushell of flower should be sold for a sickle would not beleeue him but thought it vnpossible and for that cause Elizaeus prophesied hee should see the same done but hee should not eate thereof so this man being absent three yeeres and not euer thinking to haue seene his owne Countrey did see the same went vpon it and yet was it not his fortune to come to it or to any habitation whereby to remaine with his friends according to his desire Thus hauing sailed along the coast two dayes we departed the seuenth of Iune bâ—ing made to beleeue by the Spaniard that it was not Iamaica but rather Hispaniola of which opinion the Captaine also was because
the landing place being but one and that vnder the fâ—uour of many platformes well furnished with great ordinance to depart with the receit of many their Canon-shot some into our ships and some besides some of them being in very deede full Canon high But the only or chiefe mischiefe was the dangerous sea-surge which at shore all alongst plainly thrâ—atned the ouerthrow of as many pinnesses and boates as for that time should haue attempted any landing at all Now seeing the expectation of this attempt frustrated by the causes aforesaid we thought it meeter to fall with the Isle Hierro to see if we could find any better fâ—rtune and comming to the Island we landed a thousand men in a valley vnder a high mountaine where we stayed some two or three houres in which time the inhabitants accompanied with a yong fellow borne in England who dwelt there with them came vnto vs shewing their state to be so poore that they were all ready to starue which was not vntrue and therefore without any thing gotten we were all commanded presently to imbarke so as that night wee put off to sea Southsoutheast along towards the coast of Barbary Upon Saturday in the morning being the 13. of Nouember we fell with Cape Blanke which is a low land and shallow water where we catched store of fish and doubling the Cape â—e put into the Bay where we found certaine French ships of warre whom wee entertained with great courtesie and there left them This afternoone the whole fleet assembled which was a little scattered about their fishing and put from thence to the Isles of Cape Verde sailing till the 16. of the same moneth in the morning on which day we discried the Island of S. Iago and in the euening we ankered the fleet between the towne called the Playa or Praya and S. Iago where we put on shore 1000. men or more vnder the leading of M. Christopher Carleil Lieutenant general who directed the seruice most like a wise commander The place where we had first to march did affourd no good order for the ground was mountainous full of dales being a very stony and troublesome passage but such was his industrious disposition as he would neuer leaue vntill wee had gotteÌ„ vp to a faire plain where we made stand for the assembling of the army And when we were al gathered together vpon the plaine some 2 miles from the town the liâ—utenant general thought good not to make atteÌ„pt til daylight because there was not one that could serue for guid or giuing knowledge at al of y e place And therfore after hauing wel rested euen halfe an houre before day he commanded the army to be diuided into 3 speciall parts such as he appointed wheras before we had marched by seueral coÌ„panies being therunto forced by the badnesse of the way as is aforesaidâ— Now by the time wee were thus ranged into a very braue order daylight began to appearâ— and being aduanced hard to the wall we saw no enemie to resist whereupon the Lieutenant generall appointed Captaine Sampson with thirtie shot and Captaine Barton with other thirtie to goe downe into the towne which stood in the valley vnder vs and might very plainely bee viewed all ouer from that place where the whole Army was now arriued and presently after these Capâ—aines was sent the great ensigne which had nothing in it but the plaine English crosse to be placed towardes the Sea that our Fleet might see Saint Georges crosse storish in the enemies fortresse Order was giuen that all the ordinance throughout the towne and vpon all the platformes which were aboue fiftie pieces all ready charged should be shot off in honour of the Queenes Maiesties coronation day being the seuenteenth of Nouember after the yeerely custome of England which was so answered againe by the ordinance out of all the ships in the fleete which now was come neere as it was strange to heare such a thundering noyse last so long together In this meane while the Lieutenant generall held still the most part of his force on the hill top till such time as the towne was quartered out for the lodging of the whole Armie which being done euery captaine tooke his owne quarter and in the euâ—ning was placed such a sufficient gard vpon euery part of the towne that we had no cause to feare any present enemie Thus we continued in the citie the space of 14. dayes taking such spoiles as the place yeelded which were for the most part wine oyle meale and some such like things for victuall as vineger oliues and some such other trash as merchandise for their Indians trades But there was not found any treasure at all or any thing else of worth besides The situation of S. Iago is somewhat strange in forme like a triangle hauing on the East and West sides two mountaines of rocke and cliffe as it were hanging ouer it vpon the top of which two mountaines were builded certaine fortifications to preserue the towne from any harme that might bee offered as in a plot is plainely shewed From thence on the South side of the towne is the maine sea and on the North side the valley lying betweene the foresayd mountaines wherein the towne standeth the said valley towne both do grow very narrow insomuch that the space betweene the two cliffes of this end of the towne is estimated not to be aboue 10. or 12. score ouer In the middest of the valley commeth downe a riueret rill or brooke of fresh water which hard by the sea side maketh a pond or poole whereout our ships were watered with very great ease and pleasure Somewhat aboue the towne on the North side betweene the two mountains the valley wareth somewhat larger then at the townes end which valley is wholly conuerted into gardens and orchards well replenished with diuers sorts of fruites herbes and trees as lymmons orenges sugar-canes cochars or cochos nuts plantans potato-rootes cucumbers small and round onions garlicke and some other things not now remembred amongst which the cochos nuts and plantans are very pleasant fruites the saide cochos hath a hard shell and a greene huske ouer it as hath our walnut but it farre exceedeth in greatnesse for this cochos in his greene huske is bigger then any mans two sistes of the hard shell many drinking cups are made here in England and set in siluer as I haue often seene Next within this hard shell is a white rine resembling in shewe very much euen as any thing may do to the white of an egge when it is hard boyled And within this white of the nut lyeth a water which is whitish and very cleere to the quantitie of halfe a pynt or thereaboutes which water and white rine before spoken of are both of a very coole fresh tast and as pleasing as any thing may be I haue heard some hold opinion that it is very restoratiue The plantan groweth in cods somewhat like
de Dios standing in toward the shore but toward night we stood to the offin vntill the next day The 27 we came into the mouth of Nombre de Dios and by one of the clocke tooke the towne the people being all fled except some 100 Spaniards which kept the Fort and played vpon vs hauing in the fort some 3 or 4 small pieces of ordinance and one of them brake in discharging at vs. They gaue vs also a boley of small shot but seeing our resolution in running vpon them they all fled and tooke the woods The towne was bigge hauing large streetes houses very hie all built of timber but one Church very faire and large wrought all of timber liâ—ewise Nothing was left in the towne of value there was a shew in their shops of great store of marchandises that had bâ—ne there There was a mill aboue the towne and vpon the coppe of another hill in the woods stood a little watch-house where we tooke twentie sowes of siluer two barres of gold some money in coyne besides other pillage The towne was situated in a waterie soile and subiect much to raine very vnhealthy as any place in the Indies hauing great store of Drenges plantans cassauy-roots such other fruits buâ— very dangerous to be eaten for breeding of diseasâ—s To the Eastwarde of the towne within the bay runnâ—th out a fresh riuer of excellent good water with houses and all about it gardens halfe a league froâ— hence due East into the countrey was an Indian towne whither as we marched a litâ—le beforâ— our comming away with an hundred men they had broken downe a bridge to hinder our passage where they lay in ambush with some twentie or thâ—rtie small shot and bowes and arrowes set vpon vs and killed Lieutenant Iones hurt three or foure and so fled into the woods ranne before vs and fired their owne towne and then fled farther into the woods our men firâ—d diverse other houses in pursuing them and so returned againe our Generall with Sir Thomas being in the Riuers mouth with thirtie or fortie men filling water about some myle from vs. The road of Nombre de Dios is a faire road but on each side as you come to ride before the towne lyeth a ledge of rockes but there is no danger because they are in sight You may ride betweene them in three or foure fadome water and without if you will in eight or ten fadomes where neither Castle nor Fort can annoy you The name of Nombre de Dios was greater then their strength For they had no Castle nor Fort but onely the little fort aforesaid standing on the top of an hill although they might haue made it stronger if they would The 29 sit Thomas Baskeruil with 750 armed men besides Chirurgians and prouand boyes went for Panama The last of December the Generall burned halfe the towne and the first of Ianuarie burnt the rest with all the Frigats Barks Galiots which were in the harbour and on the beach on shore hauing houses built ouer them to keepe the pitch from melting The second of Ianuary sir Thomas returned with his souldiers both weary and hungry hauing marched more then halfe the way to the South sea The Spaniards played diuers times vpon vs both outward and homeward in the woods the way being cut out of the woods rockes both very narrow and full of myre and water The march was so sore as neuer English man marched before Hauing marched some ten leagues in a maruellous straite way vpon the top of an hill through which we must needes passe the Spaniards had set vp a Fort and kept it with some 80 or 90 men who played vpon vs as we came vp before wee were aware of them and so killed some twentie or more of vs amongst whom was Captaine Marchant quarter-master Generall and Ensigne Sampson Maurice Williams one of her Maiesties guard besides diuerse were hurt as M. Captaine Nicholas Baskeruil a valiant gentleman with diuers others Then sir Thomas had perfect knowledge that they must passe two such Forts more if he got that besides Panama to be very strong the enemie knowing of our comming long before Also our souldiers had no victuals left nor any meanes to get more which considerations caused sir Thomas to returne and giue ouer his attempt As he marched thitherward he tooke an Indian and sent him to Nombre de Dios with letters of his returne and proceeding The 5 we set saile at 12 of the clocke and stood to the Westward The 10 day we saw an Iland lying Westward some 30 leagues called Escudo where wee came to anker on the Southside in 12 fadoms water faire sand and good ankorage If you come into the Easterne poâ—nt giue it a birth because of a ledge of rockes that lyeth out there from the end of the Island comming to anker we sawe a roader who seeing vs set sayle but that nigâ—â— with our Pinnesses we tooke him he had nothing in him but a little maiz The men being â—â—â—mined by the Generall confessed him to be an Aduisor sent from Nombre de Dios to all the ports along the coast Westward This Iland lyeth 9 or 10 leagues from the maine is not past two leagues long full of wood and hath great store of fresh water in euery part of the Iland and that very good It is a sickly climat also and giuen to much raine here we washed our ships and set vp the rest of our Pinnesses The 15 day captaine Plat died of sicknesse and then sir Francis Drake began to keepe his cabin and to complaine of a scowring or fluxe The 23 we set saile and stood vp again for Puerto Bello which is but 3 leagues to the Westwards of Nombre de Dios. The 28 at 4 of the clocke in the morning our Generall sir Francis Drake departed this life hauing bene extremely sicke of a fluâ—e which began the night before to stop on him He vsed some speeches at or a little before his dâ—ath rising and apparelling himselfe but being brought to bed againe within one houre died He made his brother Thomas Drake and captaine Ionas Bodenham eâ—ecutors and M. Thomas Drakes sonne his heire to all his lands except one manor which he gaue to captaine Bodenham The same day we ankored at Puerto Bello being the best harbour we found at along the maine both for great ships and small There standeth a saker shot off the shore at the Eastâ—rne point a little Iland and there is betwiâ—t the maine that 5 or 6 fadomes but the best comming in is the open mouth betwiâ—t that Iland another Iland that lyeth to the westward with a range of rocks In Puerto Bello were but 8 or 10 houses besides a great new house which they were in builâ—ing for the Gouernour that should haue bene for that place there was also a very strong Fort all to the waters side
with flankers of great trees and stones filled with earth betweene and had not our comming disappointed their pretence they would haue made it one of the strongest places in all the maine There they ment to haue builded a great towne We found there three pieces of brasse ordinance sunke in the sea which we weighed vp all the people were fled and their goods carried away Up within this bay there was a little village but of no force where we found a great fresh riuer our men rowing vp some two leagues found pillage as wine and oyle and some small quantitie of yron After our comming hither to anker and the solemne buriall of our Generall sir Francis in the sea Sir Thomas Baskeruill being aboord the Defiance where M. Bride made a sermon hauing to his audience all the captaines in the fleete sir Thomas commanded all aboord the Garland with whom he held a Councell there shewing his Commission was accepted for General captain Bodenham made captaine of the Defiance M. Sauill captaine of y e Aduenture The 27 died captaine Iosias of the Delight and captaine Egerton a Gentlâ—man of the Foâ—e-sight and Iames Wood chiefe chirurgion of the fleete out of the Garland The 28 died Abraham Kendall out of the Saker At this place we watered againe washed our ships made new sailes it being by the Generall and all the captaines agreed that if we could by any meanes turne vp againe for Santa Martha we should if not to goe directly for England Here also we tooke in some balast as our neede râ—quired The 6 of Februarie the Elizabeth of M. Wattes was discharged and sunke and that day the Pegasus iolly was going on shore for water carying no guarde The Spaniards perceiuing it came downe vpon them killed two of them and tooke 2 or 3 prisoners and so ranne vp into the woods againe The seuenth the Delight and captaine Edens frigat were discharged and sunke because they were old and leakâ—d and the Queenes ships wanted saylers That day our men being mustered we had sicke and whole 2000. And the next day we set on shore all our prisoners as Spaniards and Negros But before at our first comming to Puerto Bello sir Thomas sent two of those Spaniards to Nombre de Dios and to Panama to fetch ransome for some of the chiefest prisoners but they neuer returned againe As we were setting saile there came one with a flagge of truce and told the General that they had taken 18 of our men and that they were well vsed adding that if he would stay 8 or 10 dayes longer they should be brought from Panama We supposed this to haue bene but a delay to haue kâ—pt vs there while the kings forces had come about by sea as they dayly expected We set saile the 8 of Februarie turning vp for Santa Martha and the 14 day we saw the Ilands of Baru some 14 leagues to the Wesâ—ward of Carthagena The Generall that night told vs he would stand in â—or the towne of Baru in the bay but that night blew so much winde and continued that small moone that the same night we lost the Foresight and the next day standing againe to make the land which we had made we lost companie of the Susan Parnel The Helpe and the Pegasus Then â—he next day we put ouer for Cape S. Antonie and gaue ouer Santa Martha The 25 we saw the Iland of Grand Cayman some 30 leagues to the Northwestward of Iamaica being a low sandie Iland hauing many tortoyses about it The 26 we saw the hie land of Cuba to the Eastward of the broken Ilands to the East of the Iland of Pinos and were imbayed in among those dangerous places But perceiuing it we stood out againe Southsoutheast and so got cleere and then stood away West and by North for the I le of Pinos which we saw the first of March It is a low land with wood and fresh water to the Western end If you come in with the middest of it you shall see rise vp aboue the rest of the land 8 or 9 râ—und homockes and the Westermost hath three in one Being that foorth with the West end and standing in for to water we espied 20 sayle of ships about one in the afternone This was a third part of the fleete which the king sent for Carthagena the rest of the fleete being gone for the Honduras They were in all 60 sailes sent onely to meete our fleete being commâ—nded wheresoeuer they heard we were to come vpon vs with all their three forces This fleete which we met withall came standing for Cape de los Corrientes and had bene refreshed at Hauana Assoone as they discried vs they kept close vpon a tacke thinking to get the winde of vs but we weathered them And when our Admirall with all the rest of our fleet were right in the wâ—nds â—ye of them sir Thomas Baskeruil putting out the Queenes armes and all the rest of our fleete their brauerie bare roome with themâ— and commanded the Defiance not to shoot but to keâ—pe close by to second him The Uiceadmirall of the Spaniards being a greater ship then any of ours and the best sayler in all their fleete loofed by and gaue the Concord the â—wo first great shot which she repayed presently againe thus the fight began The Bonauenture baâ—e full with her ringing her such a peale of ordinance and small shot withall that he left her with torne sides The Admirall also made no spare of powder and shot But the Defiance in the middest of the Spanish flâ—ete thâ—ndering of her ordinance and small shot continued the fight to the end So that the Uiceaâ—mirall with 3 or 4 of her consorts were forced to tacke about to the Eastward leauing their admirall and the rest of the fleete who came not so hotly into the fight as they did The fight continued two houres better At sunne set all the fleete tacked about to the Eastward we continued our coâ—rse to the Westward for cape de los Corrientes supposing we should haue met with more of their consorts In this conflict in the Defiance we had fiue men slaine three English men a Greâ—ke and a Nâ—gro That night some halfe houre after their fleete keeping vpon their weather quarter we saw a mightie smoke rise out of one of their great ships which stayed behind which happenâ—d by meanes of powder as we thinke and presently after she was all on a light fire and so was consumed and all burnt as we might well perceiue The next day beâ—ng thâ— second of March in the morning by breake of day we were hard aboord Cape de los Corrientes which is a bare low cape hauing a bush of trees higher then the rest some mile to the Eastward of the cape All Cuba is full of wood on the Southside The Spanish fleete which then were but 14 no more then we were kept still vpon our
degrees And the markes be these That on the West end it is lowest and the Eastermost is the highest And if thou fall with the middest of the Island then thou shalt goe a long it to the West vnto Cabo Roxo which is the end of the Isle And from thence the coast runneth North to Punta Aguada Cape Roxo hath certaine red cliffes Thou must steere West and by South from Cape Roxo to find Mona and so thou shalt haue sight of Mona And the marks thereof be these it is a low land lying East and West and on the East end it is highest it hath a slope towards the sea and standeth in 18â— degrees rather lesse then more And if it be by daâ— then thou shalt runne West and shalt see Saona which is an Island lying without Hispaniola and â—yeth East and West and is full of trees and hath certaine sandy bayes And if it bee cleere weather thou shalt see within the land of Hispaniola certaine hie hils called las Sierras de Yguey And being benighted vpon Mona then thou shalt steere West and by South because of certaine shoalds that lye off Saona but hauing day light and no sight of land thou shalt loofe vp Northwest and so passe by it and as thou goest along the coast of Hispaniola and seest the sea to be cast vp into the aire then thou shalt be about 10 leagues off the harbour of Santo Domingo and these mountings vp are called The Spoutes But I aduise thee that if thou bee benighted when thou fallest with Santo Domingo then thou must keepe the hils called Sierras de las minas viejas to the Northwest And if thou wouldest goe into Santo Domingo and meetest there with a forcible Northerly wind then the best way is to runne East till it be day And hauing daylight thou shalt cast abâ—ut and so thou must ply to wind-ward vntill the Northerly wind be done and when it is past make all the saile thou canst to hale with the sight of Calle de las Damas and when thou hast sight thereof thou shalt lye with thy stemme with a sandie Bay which lye thou the other side and then must take in thy maine saile and go so till thou bring thy selfe open with the midst of the riuer and so hauing opened the riuerâ— thou must go with great care in the middest of the same with all thy sailes vp except thy maine saile â—nd thou must haue thy boat out if it be needefull to sound or to tow thy ship if the cast too much to the loofe for the currents will cast here to the loofe wherefore bee sure to haue thy boat out to helpe thy steâ—rage and this is the way whereby thou must worke The course from Santo Domingo to go for Nueua Espanna I Aduise thee that if thou wilt goe from Santo Domingo for Nueua Espanna thou shalt goe Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Punta de Niçao which is a low point and is the end of the hilles called Sierras de las minas Vieias and towards the Northwest of them thou shalt see a lowe land and to goe into Hocoa thou shalt stirre from this poynt of Niçao Westnorthwest and thou shalt see the point of Puerto Hermoso and the Bay that it maketh and thou must be sure to keepe neere the shore to find a good road and feare â—ot to go neere the land for all is deepe water and cleare ground and let not fall thine anker till thou be past all the riuers and beware of the land for if thou ride much without thy anker wil come home because it is rocky and slatte ground And thou must be ready that when thine anker commeth home thou haue thy moarings readie in thy boat to carry on shore with foure or fiue men and if thou thinke good thou mayest let them fall on land with a rope And when thou are come to anker thou mayest send on shore to moare so shalt thou be best moared The course from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna GOing from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna thou shalt stirre Southwest and this way thou shalt and the Isles Beata and Alto velo Beata hath these marks It is a low land with the sea and full of trees and on the East side an high land or cliffe and Alto velo hath these markes A blacke round land and the Eastermost part thereof is highest and it hath a downefall When thou art North and South with * then thou shalt go West vntill thou be so farre shot as the Frailes and from thence goe West and by North and keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of Cape Tiburon And if by keeping this course thou haue sight of a little Island thou mayest make account it is the Isle of Baque and it is hard to the land and from thence thou shalt go West keeping thy selfe out vntill thou double a poynt that maketh as it were a great Bay and then thou must go West and by North till thou come to Cape Tiburon that hath a round blacke land and in some part thereof certaine white cliffes I aduise thee that when thou art against Cape de Tiburon thou stirre Northwest and so thou shalt haue sight of Cuba which lyeth East and West and thou shalt see certaine hilles which are called Sierras del Cobre and in the highest of them is the harbour of S. Iago de Cuba and finding thy selfe so thou mayest runne West vnto Cape de Cruz. And before thou seest Cape de Cruz thou shalt see the hils called Sierras de Tarquino and from these hils to Cape de Cruz the land wareth lower and lower and it is lowest of all at the Cape it selfe And if thou chance to haue the water troubled as though thy ship did raise vp the sand from the ground be not afraid for this place is called The nine fathoms for thou shalt find no lesse water vpon it and it is the shallowest water that thou shalt haue Thou must marke that Cape de Cruz maketh an eâ—de of the coast that commeth from the East to the West and beginneth the course that goeth North and South and standeth in 19. degrees rather more then lesse From Cape de Cruz thou must stirre Westnorthwest and this way thou shalt haue sight of the Isle de Pinos and if thou haue faire weather then thou must goe Northwest and by West because of the currents that will set thee out to sea And keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of an high land I tell thee it is the marke of the Isles called los Iardines and is commonly called the land of Zagneio and then thou shalt goe West and by South and if it bee by night then goe Westsouthwest vntill thou haue brought thy selfe out from The Iardines And being by day thou shalt keepe off the land and
certayne shoald whereupon the sea doth alwayes beate I aduise thee that if thou canst not passe on the West side then thou must goe betwixt the sayd little copple that is like a sayle and the shoald for the passage is good But if thou depart from the Serranilla to the Northwest and seest a lowe land with the sea and certaine white sandy bayes and on the West side seest a low land and on the Eastside a little coast lying East and West thou mayest make account it is Cape de Corrientes And if thou goe from Cape de Corrientes for Cape de Santo Antonio thou must goe Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe with the Cape The marks be a low land full of trees with certaine white sandie bayes and vpon the Cape it selfe thou shalt see two thicke groues of great trees and they be vpon the Cape it selfe To go from the Cape de Sant Antonio for Hauana in the time of the North winds thou shalt goe Northwest vntill thou be cleere of all the shoalds of the Cape and then hale thy bâ—wlines and go as neere the wind as thou canst possibly vntill thou bring thy selfe vnto 24. degrees and there sound and thou shalt find it the Tortugas and thy sounding will be white sand Thou must take heede what is said in the Chapter before for he that writ the same hath seene it and bene witnesse to this that comming from Seranilla and stirring North and by East he had sight of an Island standing in 16. degrees and it is on the shoalds of Cape de Camâ—ron And from thence if thou haue the wind large goe Northeast and by East because of the variation of the compasse and thou shalâ— make thy way Eastnortheast and thou shalâ— fall with Isla de Pinos This I I say because the currents set sometime West and so it fell out to bee true in March. Anno Domini 1582. I tell thee farther that wee came out from this aforesayd Isle stirring North and by East for the wind would not suffer vs to lye neerer the East and one euening at Sunne going downe we fell with a lâ—nd that had the â—ame markes to our iudgement with the Cape de Corrientes and because night was at hand we wrought to double Cape de Sanâ— Anâ—onio stirring West and about midnight we had land all high right aheadâ— the câ—â—st lying Southwest and then we cast and lay Northeast till day And bâ—ing day wee saw the land all ahead and we plied to wind-ward to the East and kept it a larboord till we had brought it Southwest And to be short we went hâ—re on land in the same place that we first fell wâ—th in the euening before and it was an Island called Coçumel lying on the coast of Incatan And this Island was the land which we saw first seeming by the marks to be the Cape de Corrieâ—tes Wee came to an ankeâ— about the middest of the Island rather to the Norther then the Souther part there we found a towne of Indians who gaue vs all things which we needed for our money and wee carried our Astrolabs on sâ—â—re and tooke the height in 19. degrees and one tierre A man may goe betweene this Island and the coast of â—ucaâ—an and the Cape de Cotoche at pleasure Northeast and the water wil set in thy fauour and thou must go till thou be in 24. degrees and so thou shalt haue the sounding of the Tortugas The course to be kept from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna IF thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna and beeing late thou shalt stirre Westnorthwest till thou be in the height of 24. degrees and from thence thou shalt stirre something to the West vntil thou bring thy selfe North and South with the litle Iland called Vermeja and when thou art so thou shalâ— go Southwest by this way thou shalt find Villa Rica which is in 19 degrees a halfe and the signes be these Thou shalt find a ledge of high hils lying Northeast and Southwest But if thou chance to fall with a coast that lieth North and South then thou mayest account that it is about the low ground of Almeria which hath these markes It is a land not very high and it is full of little copples And if thou haue cleare weather thou shalt see within the land certaine high hils which are called the hils of Papalo And I aduise thee that beeing so farre shotte as the poynt called Punta delgada which is the ende of all those hilles of Villa Rica thou mayest stirre thence South and by West and thou shalt goe along the coast and shalt see a lowe land and with this land thou shalt fall going for Saint Paul and being so farre shotte as Saint Paul if thou wilt goe in o the harbour thou must stirre Southwest and this is the course that thou must keepe being shotte into the Bay And thou shalt goe along the coast of the lowe land in sight thereof and keeping this course thou shalt see on the other side a blacke hill and it is called Monte de Carneros Take this for a note that it lyeth ouer the house of Buytron and as thou doest come neerer to the poynt of rockes thou must bee sure to keepe thy lead going and shalt haue foure fathomes and a halfe or fiue fathâ—mâ—s and so thâ—u mayest goe through the middest of the chanell And comming against the castle thou shalt giue it some breadth off towards the Aâ—recise or rocke and hauing doubled the castle thou shalt goe from thence and shalt bring thy selfe to an anker hard by the Herreria which is a cleane Bay and thou shalâ— ride against the hospitall I aduise thee that if thou be benighted when thou are neere to S. Paul and meetest with a Northerly wind after midnight that then thy best way is to bring thy selfe into thy coarses and lye by plying to windward and to seaward in 20. fathomes which depth thou shalt haue neere the shâ—re to the Northward and being day then goe in with the harbour as thou canst best obseruing what is abouesaid And I aduise thee if thou come from Villa Rica and findest thy selfe in 20. degrees and a halfe and seest no land and seest that the water doth alter thou shalt sound 60. fathomes water and if in this depth thou hast oaze make account thou art East and West with the riuer of Almeria This course is from the Cape of Santo Antonio to Nueua Espanna without or aseaboord the Alacranes or Scorpions Now followeth how to worke if a man come betwixt the Alacranes and the maine If thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio and wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna within the Alacranes thou must sâ—irre West and by South and by this way thou shalt bring thy selfe in 20. fathoms and
it it will make all a whole land Directions from Cabo roxo to the Isle of Mona If you will seeke Mona fro Cape roxo you must stirre away West and by North. Markes of the Isle of Mona THe Isle of Mona is a low round and smooth Island lying lowe by the sea and full of treesâ— and to goe from thence to the Isle of Saona you must stirre away West and if you fall with it in the night season and come any thing neere the land then stirre away West and by South vntill it be neere day that you may keepe your selfe by the land and if so be that in the Morning you see it not then stirre away Northwest and so shall you finde it and if it be faire weather and you perceiue that the current hath set you to the Southwest then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you goe cleare off the land Markes of the Isle of Saona IF you chance to see the Isle of Saona it is an Island smooth with the sea and lyeth Northeast and Southwest and you shall see the trees before you see the Island and on the Southwest end of this Island appeareth a great high banke of white sand which is called the head of Saonaâ— And if you would come to an anchor you may for all is cleare ground And to go from this Island to Santa Catelina you must stirre away Norhtwest Markes of the Isle of Santa Catelina SAnta Catelina is a litle lowe Island all full of low rockes euen from the water and hath not any trees and it is close by the land and if you doe not run along the coast of Hispaniola you shall not see it and from the Island to goe to Saint Domingo you shall sayle along as the land lyeth West anâ— by North and before you come to the point called Causedo you shall see certaine holes in rockes which lye alongst as the rocks doe that cast vp the water which will shew like to the spâ—uting of Whales And a litle ahead off that you shall see the point of Andresa and ahead thereof the poynt of Causedo This poynt of Causedo lyeth lowe close by the water and passing thereby the coast will make to thee Northwest and Southeast and from thence to S. Domingo are 5. leagues And if the winde chop vp at North vpon you by meanes whereof you should be cast oâ—f from the coast or Port and that you happen to see the olde Mines called Siâ—â—ras de las minas viejas beare Northwest off you and The reates which are within the land be open of you then shal you be North and South with the harbâ—ur and if The old Mines beare North off you then shall you be below the harbour Directions from Saint Domingo to Nueua Espanna IF you will sayle from Saint Domingo in Hispaniola to Nueua Espanna stirre away Southsouthwest vntil you come vp as farre as the point of Niçao and from thence stirre away Westsouthwest and so you shall finde the Isle of Beaâ—a And if you saile from this point of Niçao for Ocoa you must passe along the coast West and by North vntill you come to Puerto Hermoso or The beautifull hauen which is 18. leagues distant from Saint Domingo and if you proceede from Puerto Hermoso for Nueua Espanna you must stirre away Southsouthwest vntill you looke out for Beata and Alto velo Markes of the Isle of Beata BEata is a small Island and not very high you may passe along the outside thereof and there is no danger but that you may see and by and by you shall raise Alto velo and from thence you muâ—t stirre away West and by South to giue a birth from the Islands called Los Frailes or The Friers And when you are as farre ahead as the Frailes then must you stirre away West and by North and so shall you goe right with Bacoa and before you come to it you shall see high craggie cliffes and at the descending of them white paths like great sheetes these high craggie mountaines are called Las sierras de donna Maria. And before you come to the sayde point of Bacoa you shall discouer a little lowe Island euen with the Sea and full of trees which is called Isla Baque Directions from Isla Baque to Cape Tiburon IF you will goe from the Island Baque or from the point of Bacoa for Cape Tiburon or to the isle of Nauaza you must stirre away Westnorthwest and edge in somewhat to the Northwest and you shall passe betweene Nauaza and Cape Tiburon Markes of Cape Tiburon which is the Western cape of Hispaniola CApe Tiburon lyeth sliding downe to the Seaward and maketh a sharpe cliffe like the snout of a Tiburon or sharke-fish and vpon the top thereof it appeareth like white wayes with certaine gullets or draines vpon it which are caused by the passage of the water from the mountaine in the Winter time Markes of the Isle of Nauaza NAuaza is a litle round Island full of low trees or shrubs and it lyeth East and West from Cape Tiburon and from this small Island to go for Sierras de Cobre or The mountaines or mines of Copper vpon the Southeast part of Cuba you must stirre away Northnorthwest Directions from Cape Tibuâ—on to Cabo de Cruz in Cuba IF you will saile from Cape Tibuâ—on to Cape de Cruz in Cuba you must stirre away Northwest and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines de Cobre and from thence you may goe along the coast West towardes Cabo de Cruz and before you come at it you shall see The great Tarquiâ—â— and from this Tarquino you shall haue to Cape de Cruz 30. leagues and this great Tarquino is the highest land vpon all that coast and then by and by you shall see the lesser Tarquino from whence to the foresayd Cape you haue 12. leagues and â—o shall you goe discouering the coast vntill you come to Cabo de Cruz. Markes of Cabo de Cruz. CApe de Cruz is a low Cape full of shrubs and from thence Westward you shall see no landâ— for the distance or bay is great between the sayd Cape and thâ— Isles called Los Iardines Directions from Cape de Cruz to Isla de Pinos IF you sayle from Cape de Cruz to seeke the Island of Pinos you must stir away Westnorthwest And note that if in this course you happen to sounde doe not feare for you haue nine fathoms If also going this course you meete with certaine little Islands vpon the larboord side which are called The Caimanes or The crocodiles hauing sight of them â—â—ir away Northwest and so shall you finde the Island of Pinos And if by seeing the sayde Islands called Caimanes you are amazed you shall knowe by the latitude whither they â—ee The Iardines or no for if you finde your selfe in one and twentie degrees then bee you
suâ—e they are The Iardines and then stir out againe South till you bee cleare of them and when you haue brought them North of you then may you stirre away West if it bee by day if it bee bynight West and by South till you see the Island of Pinos The markes of Isla de Pinos THe Island of Pinos stretcheth it selfe East and West and it is full of homocks and if you chance to see it at full sea it will shewe like 3. Islands as though there weâ—e diuers soundes betweene them and that in the midst is the greatest and in rowing with them it will make all a firme lande and vpon the East side of these three homocks it will iâ—â—we all ragged and on the West side of them will appeare vnto you a lowe point euen with the sea and oftentimes you shall see the trees before you shall discerne the point Directions from the Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes IF you saile from the foresayde Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes stir away West and by North and before you come to the sayd Cape vpon the Northside of you you shall see certâ—ine mountaines all full of homocks which are called Las Sierras de Guanaguaâ—ico and that vpon the West part hath more homocks then that on the other Markes of Cape de Corrientes CApe de Corrientes is a lowe Cape though not so low as the other part of the land that lyeth along by it for it is more lowe and hath vpon it 4. or 5. great splats like vnto oxen and the very point of the Cape is all white sand and from thence Westward you shall discerne no lande for it maketh a great bay and from hence you must saile to Cape de Sant Anton. Markes of Cape de Sant Anton. THe cape of Sant Anton is lowe by the sea and all full of shrubs or trees and you shall see within the land a lake of fresh water and if you want water there you may water and vpon the North side of the said Cape you shall discerne a palme tree higher then the rest of the trees and it sheweth round like a bowle at the top like to the top of a ship and North from the Cape are certaine sholdes which are 2. or 3. leagues long Directions from the Cape de S. Anton to Nueua Espanna on the outside of the small Islands called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you will sayle from Cape Sant Anton to Nueua Espanna with a North winde then stirre away Westnorthwest from 21. to 22. degrees and then sound vpon the pracel or flat and if you see by this direction that you holde water then stir away Northwest vntill you lose the ground and then follow your course againe vntill you haue brought your selfe into 24. degrees and ½ and then saile West vntill you bring your selfe North and South with the Isle Veâ—meja or The red Isle then stir away Southwest and by this way you shall finde Villa rica on the coast of Nueua Espanna And if by going this course you be in 19. degrees and ½ and chance not to see the lande then stir away West vntill you see Villa rica and from thence saile you South for the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua and if you should be neere the land you must stir South and by West towardes the same harbour And if you chance to see the Volcan or burning hill to beare west by South from you then know that the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua shal be East and west off you Markes of Villa rica VIlla rica standeth in 19. degres and ½ and the signes thereof are certaine high hilles full of homocks of many heads which haue on the top of theÌ„ certain white patches after the maner of white beaten wayes and these hils lie Northeast and Southwest And if you doubt whether these be the Sierras or hils of S. Martin wet your lead or sound and if you finde bottome they are the Sierras of Villa rica and saile you to the landward and looke by how much you come neerer the land so much will they seeme lower vnto you but so doe not the hilles of S. Martin for the neerer you come to them the higher will they appeare to you and likewise if they â—e the hilles of Sâ— Martin you shall not finde bottome but euen at land it selfe Markes of Rio de las palmas and of the riuer of mountaines called Rio de las montannas IF you should chance to fall with Rio de las palmas or The riuer of palmes or els with the riuer of Mountaines it is all of plaine lande and full of trees and certaine woodie homocks and among them certaine heapes of saâ—d and all this along by the sea side and if you went by land to the riuer of Panuco you shall haue many mouthes or openings of plaias or strands where also are many lizas or oazy places which â—â—retch to Rio Hermoso You must beware what part soeuer you happen of this coast to fall withall to discouer it and although you knowe it you must sound the depth because if the windes bee Easterly the current setteth there much to the North but if you should be 40. leagues at sea then this current setteth to the Northeast Markes of Rio Hermoso or The beautifull riuer IF you wil seeke the riuer talled Rio Hermoso looking well within the land you shal see three homocks of an high hill and those two which are to the landward within are rounder theÌ„ the other which is neerest the sea for that it is longer and bigger and lyeth North and South and you shall bâ— 4. leagues at sea when you shall see them and they are called The sierraâ— or mountaines of Tamaclipa and from thence to the riuer of Panuco there is no high land but all lowe and euen with the sea and full of palme trees and other trees Markes of the riuer of Panucâ— IF you fall with the riuer of Panuco betweene which and the foresayde Villa rica standeth the Island called Isla de Lobos or The Isle of seales the markes bee these From the mouth of the riuer it maketh a great day without and at the ende of this bay vpon the Northside there is oazy low and bare ground altogether without trees and at the out ende of the oazy lowe place vpon the West side it maketh a low homock like to a Lizards head and when you see the aforesayde cliffe you shall bee in the opening of the mouth of the sayd riuer and then shall you see a little low tower hauing on the top of it a crosse which the fishermen call Marien and this barre hath on it 2. fathom waterâ— and 2. and ½ and you neede not to stay for the tyde for that it floweth not there and that you may the better knowe whether you bee in this bay
the head of The Martires and if you see the coast beare off you Northeast and Southwest as I haue sayde stir away 4. or 5. leagues from the landward right off and then stir away Northeast and being in 28. degrees and a halfe you shall be shot out of the chanell and then shall you be East and West with Cape de Cannaueral or The Cape of Reedes The course to come through the chanell of Bahama homeward for Spaine IF in Winter you should passe through the chanell of Bahama for Spaine stirre away the first Sangradura or course Eastnortheast and afterward East and by North and so shall you passe by the South side of Bermuda and you must take heede that you goe these foure hundred or fiue hundred leagues because you shall not come neere the said Isle of Bermuda when you are gone this course then put your selfe in what heigth you will and make your way as you will your selfe But if you passe the chanell in the Summer time towards Spaine stir away Eastnortheast and you shall passe by the North side of Bermuda and when you haue brought your selfe in 35. degrees stirre East and by North vntill you bring your selfe to 25. degrees and ½ and from thence stir away East for the Isle of Fayal or of Flores Markes to know the Isle of Fayal THe Island called Fayal vpon the Southwest side maketh an high hill or loafe like to the top of Brasilla in the Island of Terçera and behinde that high Pike or loafe is an harbour called Puerto Pini and vpon the East side it maketh a little plaine Island and vpon the North side there standeth a rocke or Island by it selfe And from this Island being one of The Açores you may shape your course to which of the Islands you please or to any other place which you know Markes to know the Isle of Flores IF you happen to fall with Flores first by this you shall know it the Island lyeth Northeast and Southsouthwest and the West ende thereof maketh a rocke or cliffe like the cliffe of Tiburon and comming neere the lande you shall see two little Islands neere the point of the lande and to the Northward of this cliffe or rocke a little from the land you may ride and water and betweene that and the village in euery bay you may likewise ride and water and you shall see the water run into the sea in euery part that you looke on Now followeth the course and direction to saile from Passage on the Northeast part of S. Iuan de Puerto rico vnto Hauana by the North side of the Isle of Hispaniola and by The old chanell IF you depart from S. Iuan de Puerto rico to seeke Cabo del Enganno you must stirre away Westnorthwest and so shall you see a round heape or loafe in the sea which lieth on the Southwest side of the gulfe of Semana and from thence it beginneth about the hill of the Cape del Enganno this is the mouth of the gulfe And if it should be neere night when you see this lande stir away Northwest with a small sayle because of certaine rockes called Las Ouejas or The Sheepe and in the morning cast about to see the land to the Southwestward and if when you see the land it seemeth vnto you a small island at full sea like a round mountaine then is it The cape del Enganno and from thence stir away West and by North toward Cabo Franco Markes of Cabo Franco Cabo Franco is a low Cape euen with the sea and hath these markes * And from thence stir away West and you shall see an high mountaine and on the top thereof a cloudie homock like the top of a hat and at the soote of this hill is the hauen or harbour called El puerto de plata And if you will goe into this port you must leaue the Island on the West side and then take heede of that which you see and borrow on the castles side And from thence to goe with the olde chanell you must stirre away Northwest vntill you come out of sight of lande and then stir away West and by North and so shall you goe with the lande of Baracoa and here are hilles very high which make the teats which looke like 3. crownes And you shall passe betweene the Isle of Tortugas or Hinagua and the Island of Iaico and from thence run alongst the coast Northeast and Southwest and hauing doubled the outmost high hill or mountaine you shall see in the midst thereof a round hill and vpon the Southwest side by the sea you shall see a lowe euen lande foure or fiue leagues long and a lowe point and this point of the hill is called Las sierde Cabanca and then beginneth the bay of Cayo Romano and ahead the sierras you shall see a rounde loafe which is in the midst of the same bay and ahead of that you shall see a hill flat on the top like a table sixe or seuen leagues which hill is not very high and from these hilles to Cayo Romano you haue fiue and thirtie leagues and you must stirre the one halfe of the course Northwest and the other halfe Northwest and by West and so shall you make or see the sayd Cayo Romano vpon the larboord side of you Note that from Cayo Romano to Cabo de Cruz you haue three leagues an◠they lie North and South one from another Markes of Cayo Romano CAyo Romano is an high Island and lyeth Northeast and Southwest and stretcheth it selfe as it were 4. leagues and comming on it Northeast Southwest it maketh a loafe or round heape or homock in the midst there are two saddles as wee terme them or lowe partitions the one on the one side and the other on the other side and comming with it North and South it maketh all one lowe send or saddle in the midst And if night should come on you at this Cayo Romano enter not the chanell because in the mid way is an Isle flat or Cayo which lyeth North and South with Cayo Romano and it is called Cayo de la Cruz and at full sea you shall discerne a heath which this Cayo hath in the midst of it which is like to a saile◠but al night beare but your foresaile a glasse one way and another glasse the other way vntill it be day and then enter the chanell and leaue these Cayos on the larbourd side of you Note that if you bee within sight of the Parcel and see two litle Islands of white sand that then you are on the cantell of the Parcel and if you goe more a head coasting the Parcell about fifteene leagues you shall see three Islands full of trees which are called Las Anguillas and all these three Islands beare North and South one from another Item from Cayo
our pilot withall for being naturall of those riuers we assured our selues hee knew the way better then any stranger could And indeed but for this chance I thinke we had neuer found the way either to Guiana or backe to our ships for Ferdinando after a few dayes knew nothing at all nor which way to turne yea and many times the old man himselfe was in great doubt which riuer to take Those people which dwell in these broken islands and drownâ—d lands are generally called Tiuitiuas there are of them two sorts the one called Ciawani and the other Waraweete The great riuer of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall out on the North side of his owne maine mouth on the South side it hâ—th seuen other fallings into the sea so it disâ—mbâ—queth by sixteâ—ne armes in all betweene Ilands and brokâ—n ground but the Ilands are very great many of them as bigge as the Isle of Wight and bigger and many lesse Fâ—om the first branch on the North to the last of the South it is at least 100 lâ—agues so as the riuers mouth is 300 miles wide at his entrance into the sea which I take to be farre bigger then that of Amazones All those that inhabit in the mouth of this riuer vpon the seuerall North branches are these Tiuitiuas of which there are two chiefe lords which haue continuall warres one with the other The Ilands which lie on the right hand are called Pallamos and the land on the left Horotomaka and the riuer by which Iohn Dowglas returned within the land from Amana to Capuri they call Macuti These Tiuitiuas are a very goodly people and very valiant and haue the most manly speech and most deliberate that â—uer I heard of what nation soeuer In the Summer they haue houses on the ground as in other places in the Winter they dwell vpon the trees where they build very artificiall townes and villages as it is written in the Spanish story of the Weâ—t Indies that those people do in the low lands nere the gulfe of Vâ—aba for betweâ—ne May September the riuer of Orenoque riseth thirty foot vpright and then are those ilands ouerflowen twenty foot high aboue the leuell of the ground sauing sâ—me few raised grounds in the middle of them and for this cause they are inforced to liue in this maner They neuer eat of any thing that is set or sowen and as at home they vse neither planting nor other manurance so when they come abroad they refuse to feed of ought but of that which nature without labour bringeth â—orth They vse the tops of Palmitos for bread and kill deere fish and porks for the rest of their sustenance They haue also many sorts of fruits that grow in the woods and great variety of birds and fowle And if to speake of them were not tedious and vulgar surely we saw in thâ—se passagâ—s of very rare colours and formes not elsewerâ— to be found for as much as I haue either seene or read Of these people those that dwell vpon the branâ—hes of Orenoque called Capuri and Macurâ—o are for the most part carpenters of canoas for they make the most and fairest canoas and sel them into Guiana for golde and into Trinidad for tabacco in the â—xcessiue taking whereof they exceed all natâ—ons and notwithstanding the mâ—istnesse of the aire in which they liue the hardnesse of their diet and the great labours they suffer to hunt fish and fâ—wle for their liuâ—ng in all my life either in the Indies or in Europe did I nâ—uâ—r bâ—hold a more goodly or better fauâ—urâ—d pâ—â—ple or a more manly They werâ— woont to make warre vpon all nations and especially on the Canibals so as none durst without a good strâ—ngth trade by those riuâ—rs but of late they are at peace with their neighbours all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy When their commandâ—rs die they vse greâ—t lamentation and when they thinke tâ—e flesh of their bodies is putrified and fallen from the boâ—es then they take vp the caâ—case againe and hang it in the caciques house that died and dâ—â—ke his scull wâ—th feathers of all colours and hang all his golde plates about the bones of his armes thighs and legs Thosâ— natiâ—ns which are callâ—d Aâ—wacas which dwell on the South of Orenoque of whâ—â—h place and nation â—ur Indian pilot was are disperâ—ed in many other places and doe vse to bâ— at the bones of their lords into â—owder and their wiues and friends drinke it all in their seuerall sorts of drinks After we departed from the port of these Ciawani wee passed vp the riuer with the flood and ankered the ebbe and in this sort we wâ—nt onward Thâ— third day that we â—ntred the riuer our galley came on ground and slucke so fast as we tâ—ought that â—uen there â—ur discâ—uery had ended and that we must haue left fourescâ—re and ten of our men to hâ—ue iâ—haâ—ited like râ—oks vpâ—n trees with those nations but the next morning after we had cast out all her â—allast with tugging and halling to and fro we got her aflote and went on At fouâ—e dâ—yâ—s â—nd wee fell into as gâ—odly a riuer as euâ—r I beheld which was called The great Amana which râ—nne mâ—re dirâ—ctly withâ—ut windings and turnings then the other but soonâ— after the flood of the sea left vs and bâ—ing inforced eitâ—er by maine strength to row against a violent current or to returne aâ— wisâ— as we went out we had then no shift but to perswade the companies that it was bâ—t two or threâ— dayeâ— wâ—rke and therefore desired them to take paines euâ—ry gentleman others taking their turnes to row and to spell â—ne the other at the houres end Euâ—ry day we passed by goodly branches of riuers some falling from the West otheâ—s froÌ„ the East into Amana but thosâ— I leaue to the dâ—scription in the Cart of discouery where euery one shal be namâ—d with his rising and dâ—scent When three dayes more were ouergone our companies began to despaire the weather being extreamâ— hote the riuer bordered with very high trees that kept away the aire and the current against vs â—uery day strongâ—r thâ—n othâ—r but we euermore commanded our pilots to promise an ende the next day and vsed it so long as we were driuen to assure them from foure reaches of the riuer to three and so to two and so to the next reach but so long we laboured that many dayes were spent and wee driuen to drawe our selues to harder allowance our bread euen at the last and no drinke at all and our men and our selues so wearied and scorched and doubtfull withall whether wee should euer performe it or no the heat increasing as we drew towards the line for wee were now in fiue degrees The further we went on our victuall decreasing and the aire breeding great faintnesse wee grâ—w weaker and weaker when wee had most need of
for exchange but in the lesser there were three Spanyards who hauing heard of the defeat of their gouernour in Trinidad and that we purposed to enter Guiana came away in those canaos one of them was a cauallero as the captaine of the Arwacas after tolde vs another a souldier and the third a refiner In the meane time nothing on the earth could haue bene more wâ—lcome to vs next vnto gold then the great store of very excellent bread which we found in these canoas for now â—ur men tried Let vs goe on we care not how farre After that captaine Giffoâ—d had brought the two canoas to the galâ—ey I tooke my barge and went to the banks side with a dozen shot wâ—ere the canoas first ranne themselues ashore and landed there sending out captaine Gifford and captaine Thyn on one hand and captaine Calfield on the other to follow those that were flâ—d into the woodâ— and as I was creeping thorow the bushes I sawe an Indian baskâ—t hidden which was the refiners basket for I â—ound in it his quick-siluer salt-peter and diuers things â—or the triall of metals and also â—he dust oâ— such ore as he had refined but in those canoas which escapâ—d thâ—re was a good quantity of ore and gold I then landed more men and offered fiue hundred pound to what souldier soeuâ—r could â—ake one of those three Spanyards that we thought wâ—re landâ—d But our labours were in vaine in that behalfe for they put themselues into one of the small canoas and so whâ—le the gâ—eater canoas were in taking they escaped But seeking after â—he Spanyards we found the Arwacas â—idden in the woods which wâ—râ— pilots for the Spanyards and râ—wed their canoas of which I kept the chiefâ—st for a pilot and caried him with me to Guiana by whom I vnderstood where aâ—d in what countreyes the Spanyards had laboured for golde though I made not the sâ—me knoâ—en to all for when the springs began to breake and the riuers to raise themselues so suddâ—â—ly as by no meanes wee could abide the digging of any mine especially for that the richest are decended wâ—th rocks of hard stones which wee call the White spar and that it required both time men and instruments fit for such a worke I thought it best not to houer thereabouts least if the same had beene perceiued by the company there would haue bâ—ene by this time many barks and shippes set out and perchance other nations would also hâ—ue gotten of ours for pilots so as both our selues might haue beene preuented and all our care taken for good vsage of the people bene vttâ—rly lost by those that onely respect present profit and such violence or insolence offered as the nations which are borderers would haue changed thâ—ir desire of our loue and defence into hatred and violence And for any longer stay to haue brought a more quantity which I â—eare hath beene often obiected whosoeuer had seene or prooued the fuâ—y of that riuer after it beganne to arise and had bene a moneth and odde dayes as we were from hearing ought from our shippes leauing thâ—m meanly manned 400 miles off would perchance haue turned somewhat sooner then we did if all the mountaines had bene golde or rich stones And to say the trueth all the branches and small riuers which fell into Orenoque were raised with such speed as if we waded them ouer the shooes in the morning outward we were couered to the shoulders homeward the very same day and to stay to digge out gold with our nailes had bene Opus laboris but not Ingenij such a quantitie as would haue serued our turnes we could not haue had but a discouery of the Mines to our infinite disaduantage wee had made and that could haue bene the best profite of farther search or stay for those Mines are not easily broken nor opened in hast and I could haue returned a good quantitie of gold ready cast if I had not shot at another marke then present profit This Arwacan Pilot with the rest feared that wee would haue eaten them or otherwise haue put them to some cruel death for the Spaniards to the end that none of the people in the passage towards Guiana or in Guâ—ana it selfe might come to speach with vs perswadâ—d all the nations that we were men-eaters and Canibals but when the poore men and women had seene vs and that wee gaue them meate and to euery one something or other which was rare and strange to them they beganne to conceiue the deceit and purpose of the Spaniards who indeed as they conâ—essed tooke from them both their wiues and daughters dayly and vsed them for the satisfying of their owne lusts especially such as they tooke in this maner by strength But I protest before the Maiestie of the liuing God that I neither know nor beleeue that any of our company one or â—thâ—r by violence or othâ—rwise euer knew any of their women and yet we saw many hundreds and had many in our power and of those very yong and excellently fauoured which came among vs without deceit starke naked Nothâ—ng got vs more loue amongst them then this vsage for I suffered not any man to take from any of the nations so much as a Pina or a Potato roote without giuing them conâ—entment nor any man so much as to offer to touch any of their wiues or daughters which course so contrary to the Spaniards who tyrannize ouer them in all things drewe them to admire her Maiestie whose commaundement I tolde them it was and also wonderfully to honâ—ur our nation But I confesse it was a very impatient worke to keâ—pe the meaner sort from spoyle and stealing when wee came to thâ—ir houses which because in all I coulde not preuent I caused my Indian interpreter at euery place when wee departed to knowe of the losse or wrong done and if ought were stolen or takâ—n by violâ—nce either the same was restored and the partie punished in their sight or â—lse was payâ—d for to their vttermost demand They also much wondered at vs after they heard that we had slaine the Spaniards at Trinidadâ— for theâ— were before resolued that no nation of Christians durst abide their presâ—nce and they wondered more when I hâ—d made them know of the great ouerthrow that her Maiesties armie and Fleete had giuen them of late yeeres in their owne Countreys After we had taken in this supply of bread with diuers baskets of rootes which were excellâ—nt meate I gaue one oâ— the Canoas to the Arwacas which belonged to the Spaniards that were escaped and when I had dismissed all but the Captaine who by the Spaniards was christened Martin I sent backe in the same Canoa the olde Ciawan and Ferdinando my first Pilot and gauâ— them both such things as they desired with sufficient victuall to cary them backe and by them wrote a letter to the ships which they promised to dâ—liuer and performâ—d it and
according to the former discourse and as also it is related by Cayworaco the sonne of Topiawary now chiefe Lord of the said Aromaya who was brought into England by Sir Walter Ralegh and was present at the same possession and discouerie of the Spaniards mentioned in these letters it appeareth that after they were gone out of their countrey the Indians then hauing farther consideration of the matter and more then coniecture of their intent hauing knowen and heard of their former cruelties vpon their borderers and others of the Indians elsewhere At their next comming there being ten of them sent and imployed for a farther discouery they were prouided to receiue and entertaine them in an other maner of sort then they had done before that is to say they slew them and buried them in the countrey so much sought They gaue them by that meanes a full and complete possession the which before they had but begunne And so they are minded to doe to as many Spaniards as come after Other possession they haue had none since Neither doe the Indians meane as they protest to giue them any other One other thing to be remembred is that in these letters the Spaniards seeme to call Guiana and other countries neere it bordering vpon the riuer of Orenoque by the name of Nueuo Dorado because of the great plentie of golde there in most places to be found Alluding also to the name of El Dorado which was giuen by Martinez to the great citie of Manoa as is in the former treatise specified This is all I thought good to aduertise As for some other matters I leaue them to the consideration and iudgement of the indifferent Reader W. R. Letters taken at sea by Captaine George Popham 1594. Alonso his letter from the Gran Canaria to his brother being commander of S. Lucar concerning El Dorado THere haue bene certaine letters receiued here of late of a land newly discouered called Nueuo Dorado from the sonnes of certaine inhabitants of this citie who were in the discouery they write of wonderfull riches to be found in the said Dorado and that golde there is in great abundance the course to fall with it is fiftie leagues to the windeward of Margarita Alonsos letter from thence to certaine Marchantes of Sant Lucar concerning El Dorado SIrs we haue no newes worth the writing sauing of a discouery lately made by the Spaniardes in a new land called Nueuo Dorado which is two dayes sayling to the windward of Margarita there is golde in such abundance as the like hath not bene heard of Wee haue it for certaine in letters written from thence by some that were in the discouerie vnto their parents here in this citie I purpose God willing to bestow tenne or twelue dayes in search of the said Dorado as I passe in my voyage towards Carthagena hoping there to make some good sale of our commodities I haue sent you therewith part of the information of the said discouerie that was sent to his Maiestie Part of the Copie that was sent to his Maiestie of the discouery of Nueuo Dorado IN the riuer of Pato otherwise called Orenoque in the principall part thereof called Warismeroâ— the 23 of April 1593 Domingo de vera master of the campe and Generall for Antonio de Berreo Gouernour and Captaine generall for our lord the king betwixt the riuers of Pato and Papamene alias Orenoque and Marannon and of the Iland of Trinidad in presence of me Rodrigo de Carança Register for the sea commanded all the souldiers to be drawen together and put in order of battaile the Captaines and souldiers and Master of the campe standing in the middest of them said vnto them Sirs Souldiers and Captaines you vnderstand long since that our Genâ—ral Antonio de Berreo with the trauell of eleuen yeeres and expence of more then an hundred thousand pezos of golde discouered the royall Prouinces of Guiana and Dorado of the which he tooke possession to gouernâ— the same but through want of his peoples health and necessarie munition he issued â—ut at the Iland Magarita and from thence peopled Trinidad But now they haue sent me to learne out and discouer the wayes most easily to enter and to people the said Prouinces and where the campes and armies may best enter the same By reason wherof I intend so to doe in the name of his Maiestie and the saide gouernour Antonio de Berreo and in token thereof I require you Francis Carillo that you aide mee to aduance this crosse that lieth here on the ground which they set on end towâ—rdes the East and the said Master of the campe the captaines and souldiers kneeled downe and did due reuerence vnâ—o the saide crosse and thereupon the master of the campe tooke a bowle of water and dranke it off and tooke more and threw abroad on the ground he also drewe out his sworde and cut the grasse off the ground and the boughes off the trees saying I take this possession in the name of the king Don Philip our master and of his Gouernour Antonio de Berreo and because some make question of this possession to them I answere that in these our actions was present the Cassique or principall Don Antonio otherwise called Morequito whose land this was who yeelded consent to the said possession was glad thâ—reof and gaue his obedience to our lord the king and in his name to the said Gouernour Antonio de Berreo And the said master of the campâ— kneeled downe being in his libertie and all the Captaines and souldiâ—rs said that the possession was well taken and that they would defend it with their liues vpon whosoeuer would say the contrary And the said master of the campe hauing his sword drawen in his hand saide vnto me Register that art here present giue me an instrument or testimoniall to confirme me in this possession which I haue taken of this land for the Gouernour Antonio de Berreo and if it be needefull I will take it a newe And I require you all that are present to witnesse the same and do furthâ—r declare that I will goe on taking the possession of all these landes wheresoeuer I shall enter Signed thus Domingo de vera and vnderneath Before me Rodrigo de Carança Register of the armie ANd in prosecution of the said possession and the discouerie of the way and Prouinces the 27 of Aprâ—l of the said yeere the master of the campe entred by little and little with all the campe and men of warre more then two leagues into the in-land and came to a towne of a principall and conferring with him did let him vnderstand by meanes of Antonio Bisame the Interpretor that his Maiestie and Antonio de Berreo had sent him to take the said possession And the said frier Francis Carillo by the Interpretor deliuered him certain things of our holy Cathâ—lique faith â—o all which he answered that they vnderstood him wâ—ll and would become Christians and that wâ—th â— vâ—ry good
when the Indians had well eaten and drunke they departed thence and going somewhat farre from them one of the Indians cryed to them and sayde Magallanes Esta he minha Terra that is Magallanes this is my countrey and because the Englishmen followed them it seemed the Indians fledde vpward into the land and beeing somewhat farre off they turned backe againe and with their arrowes slewe two of the English shippers one being an Englishman the other a Netherlander the rest came backe againe and saued themselues in the boate wherewith they presently put off from the shore Here they stayed till the seuenteenth of August vpon the which day they set saile running along by the coast about a league and a halfe from the land for there it is all faire and good ground at twentie and fiue and twentie fathome deepe and were about foure or fiue dayes before they came to the mouth or entrie of the Streight but because the wind was contrary they stayed till the 24 of August before they entred The entrie or mouth of the Streight is about a league broad on both sides being bare and flatte land on the North side they sawe Indians making great fires but on the Southside they saw no people stirring The foure and twentieth day aforesayd they beganne to enter into the Streight with an Eastnortheast wind This Streight may bee about an hundred and tenne leagues long and in bredth a league About the entry of the Streight and halfe way into it it tunneth right foorth without any windings or turnings and from thence about eight or tenne leagues towards the ende it hath some boutes and windings among the which there is one so great a hooke or headland that it seemed to runne into the other land and there it is lesse then a league broad from one land to the other and from thence forward it runneth straight out againe And although you finde some crookings yet they are nothing to speake of The issue of the Streight lieth Westward and about eight or tenne leagues before you come to the ende then the Streight beguineth to bee broader and it is all high land to the ende thereof after you are eight leagues within the Streight for the first eight leagues after you enter is low flat land as I sayd before and in the entrie of the Streight you find the streame to runne from the South sea to the North sea And after they began to saile in with the Eastnortheast wind being entred they passed along without any let or hinderance either of wind or weather and because the high land on both sides lay couered with snow and that all the Streight is faire and cleare they helde their course a harquebuse-shot in length from off the North side hauing nine and tenne fathome depth with good ground as I said before where if neede require a man may anker the hilles on both sides being full of trees some of the hilles and trees reaching downe to the sea side in some places hauing plaine and euen land and there they sawe not any greâ—t riuers but some small riuers that issued out of the riffes and breaches of the land and in the countrey where the great Cape or crooking is on the South side they saw certaine Indian fishermen in their Canoas or skiffs being such as they saw first on the North side but more people they saw not on the South side Being out of the Streight on the other side vpon the sixt of September of the aforesaid yeere they held their course Northwest for the space of three dayes and the third day they had a Northeast wind that by force draue them Westsouthwest which course they held for the space of ten or twelue dayes with few sailes vp and because the wind began to be very great they toâ—ke in all their sailes and lay driuâ—ng till the last of September The 24 day of the same moneth hauing lost the sight of one of their shippes which was about an hundred tunne then againe they hoised saile because the winde came better holding their course Northeast for the space of seuen dayes and at the ende of the sayde seuen dayes they had the sight of certayne Islands which they made towards for to anker by them but the weather would not permit them and being there the wind fell Northwest whereupon they sailed Westsouthwest The next day they lost the sight of another ship of their company for it was very foule weather so that in the ende the Admirals shippe was left alone for the ship of Nuno da Silua was left in the Bay where they wintered before they entred into the Streights and with this foule weather they ranne till they were vnder seuen and fiftie degrees where they entred into a hauen of an Island and ankered about the length of the shot of a great piece from the land at twentie fathome deepe where they stayed three or foure dayes and the wind comming Southward they weyed anker holding their course Northward for the space of two daies and then they espied a small vnhabited Island where being arriued they stroke sailes and hoised out their boate and there they tooke many birds and Seales The next day they set saile againe holding their course Northnortheast and North to another Island lying fiue or sixe leagues from the firme land on the Northside of the Streight where they ankered about a quarter of a league from the land in twelue fathome water This Island is small and lowe land and full of Indians the Island being altogether possessed and inhabited by them where they hoysed out their boate wherein the Admirall and twelue Englishmen entred going to fetch fresh water and to seeke for victuals and being landed vpon the Island the Indians in exchange of other things brought two Spanish sheepe and a little Maiz or rootes whereof they make bread and because it was late they returned againe vnto their ship without doing any other thing for that day The next day the said Captaine with the aforesaid twelue men being harquebusiers rowed to land againe and set two of their company on shore with their vessels to fetch fresh water and by the place where they should fill their water there lay certaine Indians secretly hidden that fell vpon the two Englishmen and tooke them which they in the boat perceiuing went out to helpe them but they were so assailed with stones arrowes that all or the most part of them were hurt the Captaine himselfe being wounded with an arrow on the face and with another arrow in the head whereby they were constrained to tuâ—ne backe againe without once hurting any of the Indians and yet they came so neere the boate that they tooke foure of their oares from them This done they set saile againe running along the coast with a South winde sailing so for the space of sixe dayes passing by the hauen called Sant Iago and put into another hauen and
master Walker master Shawe master Ieffries the master the masters mate and the pilot to whom I shewed that I was desirous to goe backe to seeke our admirall whereunto the master pilot and masters mate answered directly that wee could not fetch the ile where wee left them and to meete them in going backe it was very vnlikely and to vs dangerous many wayes aswell for falling into the laps of the Spaniards as to be put on a lee shoare whereupon all the rest aduised me to stand off into the sea whereunto I assented remembring withal that time spent consumed victuall and howe long wee had beaten vp and downe in the same bay before to get in with calmes and contrary windes Thus wee concluded that M. Walker should set downe each mans opinion and wee set to ouâ— handes and from hencefoorth hee to keepe a Register of all our proceeding as M. Maddox did abord the Admirall The first day of February wee went East by south and East southeast with a stoute gale and went the same course the 3.4 and 5. dayes following The 5. day about 10. a clocke in the forenoone M. Walker died who had bene weake and sicke of the bloodie flixe 6. dayes wee tooke a view of his things and prised them and heaued him ouer bord and shot a peece for his knell The 14. day I called into my cabbin the two marchants the Master and the Pilot shewing them our wants of victuals and other necessaries whereupon they and I concluded that it was best for vs to returne to our countrey with as litle losse of time and expense of victuals as might be being without hope of reliefe vpon this coast and yet to keepe the coast of Brasil to friend for feare of extremitie The 17. day in the morning hauing much raiue wee saued aboue two tunne of water of which we were very glad The 18. day I obserued the variation of the compasse which varied one point and a halfe to the Southwards by our ordinary compasse of London The second day of March the Master Pilot I agreed to fetch the yle of Fernando Loronha From the 3. day to the 10. day we went West and by South and ran in for the shoare The 10. day we saw the land which was sandie hilles with woods on it The 11. day seeking to goe a shoare wee sawe foure men which weaued to vs with a white shirt and we weaued to them with a flagge of truce At length one of them swamme to our boatâ— side and there lay in the Sea talking with vs almost an houre in the ende being partly perswaded by Pinto who talked with them in the Indian-tongue and partly entised with such trifles as I shewed him hee came into our Skiffe and called to his companions on shoare who came abord swimming wee deliuered them certaine barricos to fetch vs them full of fresh water after there came downe 40. Indians boyes women and men and with them a French boy but the former Indians deceiued vs of our barricos Whereupon Pinto and Russell swamme a shoare to seeke water but found none The same day wee sailed to a place where boats might land I went a land in my Skiffe and found the Indians and Frenchmen which were with mee the day before and they brought our three barricos full of fresh water for whâ—â—â— I rewarded them with some trifles In the meane time our boat went ashoare and one men with some of the Indians brought vs twentie barricos more of fresh water and I my selfe went to shoare and brought 23. hennes of India The 12. day betimes in the morning wee manned our boat and Skiffe and â—ooke some trifling things to shoare and barricos at our first arriuall the rude Indians stocked together wading to the Skiffe wherein I was begging and wondering about vs First I caused them to fetch 27. barricos of water whom I rewarded with small bells c. In the meane time they brought hens to me wading to the Skiffe for I kept my selfe alwayes afleat and for their hens I gaue them a knife and a smal looking glasse All this while M. Blackcoller our Pilot Thomas Russel Mâ—rkâ— Thawgâ—â—s were still on shoare and would not tarry abord In the ende fearing some treacherie because all the Indians were slipped on shoare from mee I called our men away and suddenly they layed handes on our men ashoare and with their bowes shot thicke at vs in the boats and waded into the water to vs laying hands on our Skiffe yet God of his mercie deliuered vs from their hands with the losse of fiue men slaine and others hurt Thus we got abord with 40. hens ducks turkies and parrats and three hogsheads of water and I caried a Frenchman abord with mee named Iaques Humfrey who was by chance in the boat with me when this fray began The 17. day we tooke three sharks in the morning From that day to the first of April wee went our course sometime with raine and sometime with variable windes so til the 4. of April which day we saw 4. birds with long tailes which houered about the ship and in the afternoone we saw and tooke vp many weedes which draue thickâ— in the sea which we iudged to be driuen with the East windes from the yles of Cape verde From this day till the 11. day we went our course sometime Northeast sometime Northwest according to the winds vpon this 11. day George Coxe one of our Carpenters hauing the night before broken vp the hold and stolâ—e wine and drunken himselfe drunke being taken in the roome lept ouerbord out of the beake head and so drowned himselfe The 12. day wee spied our foremast to be perished in the hownes and durst not beare our foretop saile vpon it but went hence with our sailes next hand North all day and night From hence to the 20. day we went Northeast and by North. This day I obserued the variation of the compasse and I noted that the South point of the compasse caried more then halfe a point to the Westwards The 25. day of May wee went betweene the East northeast and the Northeast with a small gale till fiue a clocke in the afternoone then had we sight of land which rose ragged to the Northwards like broken land we bring about fiue leagues off that yle bare Northeast by North of vs and the Northermost part bare North by East of vs with a rocke a sea bord we then sounded and had fiftie and fiue fadome grey sand and maze great store in it so wee stood in Northeast till eight a clocke and then be helde it againe being within foure leagues of it bearing as before but wee coulde not make it for some thought it to bee the foreland of Fontenay some iudged it the yle of Vssanâ—â— then we sounded againe in 55. fadome browne sand and little maze in it at eight a clocke at night we
Master Robert Withrington Captaine of the Admirall Master Christopher Lister Captaine of The barke Clifford Iohn Anthonie Master of the Admirall Thomas Hood Pilot for the Streights William Anthonie Master of the barke Clifford Dauid Collins Tristram Gennings Master William Withrington Master Beumond Withrington Master Wasnes Master Wilkes Master Norton Master Harris Thomas Anthonie Nicholas Porter The master Gunner And Alexander Gundie his mate Iohn Sarracol This company being all assembled together the Master of the Admiral declared that the cause of our assembly was to determine after good aduice what course or way were best and most likely to all mens iudgements to be taken First for the good preferment of my Lords voyage then the health of our men and lastly the safegard of our shippes and further shewed his minde to vs all in these wordes as neere as I could cary them away MY masters my Lords determination touching this our voyage is not vnknowen vnto you all hauing appointed it to be made and by the grace of God to be performed by vs for the South sea But for as much as wee doe all see the time of the yeere to bee farre spent as also the windes to hang contrary the weather drawes on colder and colder the nights longer and longer our bread so consumed that we haue not left aboue two moneths bisket our drinke in a maner all spent so that we haue nothing but water which in so cold a countrey as the Streights if we should get in and bee forced there to winter would no doubt be a great weakening to our men and a hazard of the ouerthrow of the voyage These things considered both our Captaine Master Hood and I doe rather thinke it good for the wealth of our voyage the health of our men and safetie of our ships to goe roome with the coast of Brasill where by Gods grace wee shall well victuall our selues both with wine which is our greatest want and other necessaries Besides it is giuen vs here to vnderstand by the Portugals which we haue taken that there is no doubt but that by Gods helpe and our endeuour wee shall bee able to take the towne of Baya at our pleasure which if wee doe put in practise and doe not performe it being somewhat aduised by them they offer to loose their liues And hauing by this meanes victualled our selues wee may there spend vpon the coast some three or foure moneths except in the meane time wee may happen vpon some good thing to content my Lord and to purchase our owne credits otherwise wee may take the Spring of the yeere and so proceede according to my lords directions And assure your selues by the assistance of God wee will not returne without such benefite by this voyage as may redound to my lords profite and the honour of our countrey Nowe if there bee any of you that can giue better course and aduise then this which I haue deliuered let him speake and wee will not onely heare him but thanke him for his counsell and followe it To this speech of M. Anthony M. Lister our captaine answered in this sort M. Withrington M. Anthony both you know that the last words that my lord had with vs in such a chamber were that in any case we should follow our voyage only for the South sea except by the way we might perchance meete with such a purchase as that wee might returne with 6000 pounds and therefore I see no safetie howe wee may dare offer to goe backe againe being so neere the Streights as we are for my part I neither dare nor wil consent vnto it except we be further forced then yet wee are Mâ— accompt is this that he that dieth for this yeere is excused for the next and I rather choose death then to returne in disgrace with my lord Hereunto both the captaine and master of the Admirall replied that they were all of that mind yet notwithstanding that in going roome the voyage was in better possibilitie to bee performed then in wintring either in the Streights or at Port S. Iulian all things considered And so agreeing and concluding all in one they were determined presently to beare vp The next day being the 8 of February there fell out many and diuers speeches on each part concerning the altering of our course some would continue for the Streights and other some would not Whereupon a viewe was taken in both ships of victuals and reasonable store was found for both companies and the winde withall comming to the North we determined to take out of the prizes the best necessaries that were in them and so cast them off and to plie for the Streights All this time wee held on our course and the 15 day wee found our selues in the height of 44 degrees but then the winde came to the South with much raine wind cold and other vntemperate weather continuing in that sort fiue or sixe dayes in which time we hulled backe againe into the height of 42 degrees Sunday being the 20 of February our Admirall being something to the leeward of vs and the storme somewhat ceased put aboord his flag in the mizen shrowds as a token that hee would speake with vs and thereupon wee bare roome with him and hauing halled one another captaine Withrington shewed the disposition of all his company which was rather to goe roome with the coast of Brasil then to lie after that sort in the sea with foule weather and contrary winds Our captaine on the other side shewed the contrary disposition of his men and company willing notwithstanding to proceede but in the ende both the shippes fell asunder and our captaine sayd Seeing then there is no remedie I must be content though against my will The 21 day the weather grew faire and the wind good at the South for the Streights yet our Admirall bare roome still we supposing hee would haue taken the benefit of the time whereupon our whole company began to thinke of the inconueniences that would arise by deuiding our selues and losing our Admirall being very willing to continue their course and yet not without the company of the Admiral And then wee began to cast about after him and at the last bare with him and he tolde vs that vpon a second viewe of the victuals hee found their store so slender and their want so great that there was no remedy for them but to seeke some meanes to be relieued which was the onely cause that hee bare Northward This speech made vs of the barke to enter into a new consultation and we found many of our men weake and all our calieuers not seruiceable and the Smiths that should mend them to be in the Admiral We considered also that by breaking of company eche ship should be the more weakened wee continued in this consultation til the foure and twentieth day and in all that time found master captaine Lister most desirous to accomplish and to fulfill
cast off another and filled our owne ships with the necessaries of them The 8 day wee put off to sea but yet with much adoe came againe to our ankoring place because of the weather The 10 day the admirall sent for vs to come aboord him and being come hee opened a Carde before all the company and tolde vs that my lords voyage for the South sea was ouerthrowen for want of able men and victuals and that therefore hee thought it best to plie for some of the Islands of the West India or the Açores to see if they could meete with some good purchase that might satisfie my lord These wordes were taken heauily of all the company and no man would answere him but kept silence for very griefe to see my lords hope thus deceiueâ— and his great expenses and costs cast away The common sort seeing no other remedie were contented to returne as well as he The 16 day wee espied a sayle whereupon our pinnesse and Dalamor gaue her chase and put her ashore vpon the Island where the men forsooke her and ran away with such things as they could conueniently carte our pinnesse boorded her and found little in her they tooke out of her nine chests of sugar and one hogge and 35 pieces of pewter and so left her vpon the sands From this time forward we began to plie Northwards and the first of Iuly fell with the land againe where we fished and found reasonable good store I tooke the latitude that day and found our selues in 10 degrees and 22 minutes The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck and wee came so neere it that Dalamor as he told vs espied some of the ships that were in the harbour yet notwithstanding we all fell to leeward of the riuer could not after that by any meanes recouer the height of it againe but we ceased not on all parts to endeuour the best we could oftentimes lost company for a day or two one of another but there was no remedie but patience for to Fernambuck we could not come hauing so much ouershot it to the Northward and the wind keeping at the South and Southwest The 20 day I tooke the Sunne in 5 degrees 50 minuts which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck and the further wee went the more vnto wardly did the rest of our ships worke either to come into hauen or to keepe company one with another And â—ruely I suppose that by reason of the froward course of the Admirall he meant of purpose to lose vs for I know not how the neerer we endeuoured to be to him the further off would he beare from vs and wee seeing that kept on our owne course and lookt to our selues as well as we could The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation for our best course some would goe for the West India some directly North for England and in conclusion the greater part was bent to plie for our owne countrey considering our necessities of victuals and fresh water and yet if any place were offered vs in the way not to omit it to seeke to fill water The 26 day in the morning we espied a lowe Island but we lost it againe and could descrie it no more This day we found our selues in 3 degrees and 42 minutes The 27 day we searched what water we had left vs and found but nine buts onely so that our captaine allowed but a pinte of water for a man a day to preserue it as much as might be wherâ—with euâ—ry man was content and we were then in number fiftie men and boyes The first of August we found our selues 5 degrees to the Northward of the line all which moneth we continued our course homâ—ward withoâ—t touching any where toward the end whereof a sorrowfull accident fell out in our hulke which being deuided from vs in a calme fell a fire by some great negligence and perished by that meanes in the seas wee being not able any wayes to helpe the ship or to saue the men The 4 day of September we had brought our selues into the height of 41 degrees 20 minutes somwhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores and thus bulting vp and downe with contrary winds the 29 of the same moneth we reachâ—d the coast of England and so made an end of the voyage A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal borne in the citie of Eluas continued vnto the yere 1587. Wherein among diuers rare things not hitherto deliuered by any other writer certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truâ—ly reported whâ—ch was intercepted with the author thereof at the riuer of Plate by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586. FRancis Drâ—ke an Englishman being on the sea and hauing knowledge of the small strength of the towne of Nombre de Dios came into the harborough on a night with foure pinnesses and landed an hundreth and fifty men and leauing one halfe of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there hee with the rest entred the towne without doing any harme till hee came at the market place and there his company discharging their calieuers and sounding their trumpets which made a great noyse in the towne were answered by their fellowes in the force who discharged and sounded in like maner This attempt put the townesmen in such extreme feare that leauing their houses they fled into the mountaines and there be thought themselues what the matter should be in the towne remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarme But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion ioyned foureteene or fifteene of them together with their pieces to see who was in the towne and getting to a corner of the market-place they discouered the Englishmen and perceiuing that they were but a few discharged thâ—ir pieces at them and their fortune was such that they slew the trumpetter and shot the captaine whose name was Francis Drake into the legge who feeling himselfe hurt retired toward the Fort where he had left the rest of his men but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet and being not answered againe and hearing the calieuers discharged in the towne thought that their fellowes in the towne had bene slaine and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses Now Francis Drake whom his men carried because of his hurt when he came to the fort where he left his men and saw them fled he and the rest of his company were in so great feare that leauing their furniture behinde them and putting off their hose they swamme waded all to their Pinnesses and departed forth of the harbour so that if the Spaniards had followed them they might haue slaine them all Thus Captaine Drake did no more harme at Nombre
of people it contayneth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a fort built hard by it and here are 500 souldiers continually in garrison Betweene this place and Valparizo the Indians call the coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing 25 leagues vp into the countrey is the principall towne of all Chili and the seate of the gouernour it consisteth of about 800 houses The port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next towne neere the sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the land and containeth about 200 houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a gentleman which is gouernour of the towne hath an Ingeuio for sugar at this place endeth the whole prouince of Chili Here also the mountaines ioyning hard vpon the sea are the cause why all the land betweene Copiapo and Peru containing 160 leagues lyeth desolate The first towne on the coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any farther I will here also declare vnto you the first discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the sea-coast againe and to the ende you may vnderstand mee the better I will begin with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this maine land passing ouer the mountaines they discouered the South sea where because they found Indian people with gold and pearles they built a towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the sea-side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by sea to the coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly winds blowing on this coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to shippes sayling that way and by land the passage was impossible in regard of mountaines and riuers yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Island of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Piçarro borne in the citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a company vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the coast of Peru and hauing obtained licence of the gouernour of that place Francisco Piçarro set foorth with two foresayd Carauels and 100 men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Piçarro sayling along the coast met with much contrary winds and raine which put him to great trouble and he began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sailing of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery riuer and bay that hee saw along the coast which was the chiefe cause that hee stayed so long on his voyage also thirtie of his company dyed by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last hee came to an Island called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supply of victuals of men which ship being departed 40 of his men that remained behind made a mutiâ—y and passed vp into the countrey meaning to returne by land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Piçarro was left vpon the said Island onely with thirteene men who although he had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would he rather die then goe backe and his 13 men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine land in the night season Thus he continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with 40 men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecured his voyage till he came to the first plaine countrey of Peru called Tumbez where he found a fort made by the king of Peru against the Indians of the mountaines Wherefore Piçarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a people of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in gold and siluer and well apparelled At this port of Tumbez hee tooke 30000 pezos of gold in trucke of marchandize and hauing too few men to proceede any further hee carried two Indians with him to learne the language and returned backe for Panama Upon this discouery Francisco Piçarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to â—raue of the king the conquest of this land Whither being come the king granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a fleete of ships and brought also along with him foure of his brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his voyage for Peru being accompanied with his partner Diego de Almagro They sailed first to the Island called Isla del Gallo where Francisco Piçarro and his brethren went on land and left Diego de Almagro in the ships And the whole number which afterward landed on the maine land were 60 horsemen and 120 footemen with two great field-peeces But before we proceede any farther we thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru and the naturall disposition of the inhabitants This countrey was called Peru by the Spaniards of a riuer so named by the Indians where they first came to the sight of gold From which riuer standing vnder the line till you come to Copiapo the first towne on the coast of Chili stretcheth the land of Peru for the space of eight hundred leagues vpon sixe hundred whereof from Aâ—acama to Tumbez did neuer drop of raine fall since the flood of Noah and yet is it the fruitfullest land for all kind of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life that is to be found in all the world besides The reason why it raineth not in this land is because it beeing a plaine countrey and very narrow and low situate betweene the Equinoctiall and the tropique of Capricorne there runneth on the West frontier not aboue twentie leagues from the sea called Mar del Sur Eastward thereof a mighty ridge of high mountaines couered with snow the height of which mountaines so draweth
Item the yland of S. Mary in 37. degr 15. min. Item the bay of Valpares in 33. degr 40. min. Item the bay of Quintero in 33. degr 20. min. Item Coquimbo in 29. degr 30. min. Item Morro moreno in 23. degr 20. min. Item Arica standeth in 18. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Pisca standeth in 13. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Lima standeth in 11. degr 50. min. Item Santos standeth in 9. degr 20. min. Item the bay of Cherrepe in 6. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Paita in 5. degr 4. min. Item the yland of Puna in 2. degr 50. min. Item Cape Sant Francisco to the North of the Equinoctiall in 1. degr A note of the height of certaine places to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall line on the coast of New Spaine INprimis Panama standeth in the latitude of 9. degrees Item the yland called Isla de Canoas in 9. degr 10. min. Item Cape Blanco in 10. degr 10. min. Item Rio Lexo in 12. degr 40. min. Item Aguatulco in 15. degr 50. min. Item Acapulco in 17. degr 20. min. Item Sant Iago in 18. degr 50. min. Item Cape de los Corrientes in 20. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Xalisco in 21. degr 30. min. Item the ylands of the Maries in 21. degr 20. min. Item the yland of Saint Andrew in 22. degr Item the ylands of Ciametlan in 23. degr 40. min. Item that the Cape of Santa Clara on the point of California is in 23. degrees A note of the heights of certaine places beginning from the ylands of the Ladrones and passing by the Philippinas the Malucos Iaua minor Iaua maior the Cape of Bona Sperança and the yle of Santa Helena INprim one of the ylands of the Landrones called Guana standeth in 13. degr 50. min. Item Cape De Spirito Santo on the yle of Luçon standeth in 13. degr Item the yland of Capul in 12. degr 30. min. Item that the yland of Seboyon standeth in 12. degr Item that the Easterly end of the yland of Pannay is in 11. degr Item that the opening betweene the South head of Pannay and the South head of Isla de los Negros is in 10. degr 10. min. Item that the South-head of Isla de los Negros is in 9. degr 10. min. Item that the North-head of the yland Mindanao is in 7. degr 50. min. Item the South-head of Mindanao called Cape Cannel is in 6. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of Batochina is in 10. min. Item that 12. small ylands stand in 3. degr Item the latitude of two other ylands is in 4. degr 10. min. Item the Westerly head of Iaua minor is toward the South in 8. degr 30. min. Item the Easterly head of Iaua maior is toward the South in 8. degr 20. min. Item Malaca standeth to the Northward in 2. degr Item Cape Falso on the promontory of Africa standeth in 34. degr 20. min. Item the Cape of Bona a Sperança standeth in 34. degr 40. min. Item the yland of Santa Helena standeth in 15. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of S. Augustine standeth Southward in 8. degr 40. min. Soundings on the coast of Barbarie from Rio del Oro vnto Cape Blanco INprimis about 3. leagues off Rio del Oro you shall haue very faire shoulding fine white sand 18. fathoms and so alongst vnto Cape Blanco two or three leagues off the shore you shall haue 18. and 20. fathoms And when you come within one league of the Cape you shall haue twelue or thirteene fathoms browne sand very faire shoulding And if you will hall in with Cape Blanco beware you come not within seuen or eight fathoms of the Cape for there lyeth a sand off the Cape Also about 7. or eight leagues off the Cape lyeth a long should next hand Southwest and by South off the Cape Soundings on the coast of Guiny ITem Going vnto Sierra Leona hauing the cape Eastnortheast off you 7 leagues off you shall haue 22 fadome browne sand And halling in you shall finde very faire shoalding You may be bold to borrow on the Southermost shore but take heed of a rocke that lieth in the faire way a good birth off the shore but there is no feare of it for it lieth aboue the water and is distant two miles off the South shore Item You may be bolde to borrow hard by rocke for on the North side going in there lieth one long sand which runneth Southeast and Northwest and lieth distant from the South shore 2 leagues And you shall anker in 14 or 15 fadoms hard by the shore Also going vnto the island called Illha Verde the which iland lieth 10 leagues to the Southward of Sierra Leona the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and you shall haue betweene them 9 or 10 fadome And if you will anker at the sayd iland you shall haue 5 or 6 fadome hard by the shore Also you must haue especiall care of a great current that setteth alongst the coast of Guiny to the Eastward Item And if you be bound vnto the Southwards you must go Westsouthwest off for feare oâ— the shoald that is called Madera Bomba the which shoald is to the Southwards of the iland Soundings on the coast of Brasil ITtem Unto the Northwards of Cape Frio the cape bearing southwest off you about 17 or 1â— leagues off you shall haue 45 fadoms streamy ground and running Southwest you shall find 32 fadoms blacke sand and then running Westsouthwest into a deepe bay which lieth tenne leagues to the Northwards of the cape you shall haue 22 fadoms oaze that depth you shall hauâ— all alongst except you be farre into the bay and then you shall haue 16 fadoms all oazie Item To the Northwards of Cape Frio about 6 or 7 leagues you shall haue many small islands Item To the Northwards of the cape 6 leagues you shall haue two small islands one mile distant the one from the other and they are distant from the maine fiue leagues And betweene those ilands and the cape you shall haue very many islands hard aboord the maine Item The cape bearing West of you two leagues off you shall haue 55 fadoms oaze Also you shall know when you are shot about the cape vnto the Southwards by deeping of the water Also if you will go for S. Sebastian from the cape you must go West and South and Westâ—southwest among And the distance from the cape vnto S. Sebastian is 50 leagues And being shot into the bay any thing nere the shore you shall haue 24 fadoms all oazie And halling in for S. Sebastian you shall know it by two little islands which be round anâ— those ilands lie from the iland of S. Sebastian next hand East and by South and are distant the one from the other about foure leagues Also off the Southermost end of S. Sebastian there lieth one iland about 6 leagues off which iland is
called the Alcatrarza and there he foure little ilands about it Also you may know it by the trending of the land vnto the Southwards Item If you will go in at the Northermost end of S. Sebastian you must take heed of a sand that lieth on the Northeast part of the iland but you may be bolde to borrow on the iland for thâ— sand lieth off the maine side Also you mâ—y anker on the Northermost part of the iland in tennâ— fadoms and the maine is distant from you where you shall ride two leagues off Item If you will come in at the Southermost end of the iland of S. Sebastian your course from the Alcatrarza is Southwest Northeast and their distance is 6 leagues the one from the other Item Unto the Southwards of the riuer Plate being in the latitude of 45 degrees and 60 leagues off the maine you shall haue shoalding in 60 fadoms or 65 fadoms oazie sand and then halling in for the shore Westsouthwest â—6 leagues you shall haue 50 fadoms oaze and you shall haue faire shoalding all along Item In the latitude of 47 â…“ you shall see about one mile in length not passing one league oâ— the shore a ledge of broken ground but no danger Also you shall haue very faire shoalding all along the coast and the land lying South and North vntill you come vnto port Desire which standeth in 48 degrees Item If you will go into port Desire on the North side there lieth one ledge of rocks about league distant from the shore Also on the North side at the mouth of the harborow there lieâ— couple of rocks which are at halfe flood vnder water but be bolde to borrow on the Southermost shore for there is no danger and you shall haue no lesse then 6 fadâ—ms water at a low water the harborow lying East and West Also you may know the harborow by one litle iland that lieth Southeast off the mouth of the harborow and it is distant 4 leagues Furthâ—rmore you may know the harborow by an high rocke that â—tandeth on the South side and this rocke is very much like a watch tower Also if you be any thing in you may anker in 5 fadoms at a low water Item It floweth there South and North and higheth at spring â—ides 3 fadoms and an halfe water and in the offing the flood setteth to the Northward Item In the latitude of 48 degrees 50 minuts you shall haue 44 fadoms blacke sand about 5 leagues off and about 3 leagues off you shall haue 25 fadoms and great shingle stones Item in the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall haue sounding in 38 fadoms oazie sand Item In the latitude of 51 degrees 10 minuts you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the shore in 44 fadoms small blacke stones Soundings within the entrance of the Streights ITem About 2 leagues from the Northermost shore you shall haue 38 fadoms blacke sand and all along you shall haue deepe watâ—r not lesse then 18 or 20 fadoms in the faire way Soundings on the coast of Chili in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 36 degrees you shall haue soundings in 12 fadoms 2 miles from the sand browne sand Item In the latitude of 35 degrees you shall haue soundings one league off from the land in 10 fadoms wâ—ite sand Soundings on the coast of New Spaine in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 14 degrees to the North of the line you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the land in 30 fadoms browne sand Item From the latitude of 14 degrees vnto the latitude of 15 degrees you shall haue faire shoalding 3 leagues from the land Soundings on the coast of Africa vnto the Eastward of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues ITem To the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues in the latitude of 34 degrees and 10 minuts 8 leagues from the land you shall haue 65 fadome and browne sand A note of the lying of the land vnto the Southward of Port Desire IN primis Seales bay standeth vnto the Southwards of Port Desire 12 leagues Southsouthwest Furthermore vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 3 leagues you shall haue very low land Also more vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 7 leagues in the heighth of 48 degrees 40 minuts you shall see a râ—cke 5 leagues off the shore the land lying Southwest and by South Item In the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall see a small flat Iland about a league and an halfe off the shore the land lying Sâ—utâ—west and by South Furtheâ—more from the latitude of 49 degrees vnto the lâ—tâ—tude of 50 degrees the land lieth Souâ—h and by West and is high land Item From the latâ—tude of 50 degrees vnto the latitude of 50 degrees 40 minuts the land lieth Southwest and by South Furthermore frâ—m the latitude of 50 dâ—grees 40 minuts vnto the latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts the land lieth South and by West North and by East Item In the sayd latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts there goeth in an harborow which is to be knowen by a long beache that lieth on the South side of the harborow Moreouer the sayd harborow standeth 12 leagues vnto the Northwards of Cape Ioy. Furthermore from the latitude of 52 degrees 17 mâ—nuts vnto the latitude of 52 dâ—grees 40 minuts in which heigâ—h standeth Cape Ioy the land lieth Southsoutheast and Northnorthwest Item Comming from the Northwards yâ—u shall see before you come â—o Cape Ioy a very long beach about the length of 8 leagues being 5 leagues short of the cape vnto the Northwards Also vnto the Southwards of the cape you shall see another beach about a league long adioyning hard vnder the cape about which beach is the entrance of the Streights of Magellan the which Straights me in breadth sixâ— leagues ouer from the cape vnto the South shore lying South and by East Item From Cape Ioy being the entrance of the streight of Magellan vnto the first narrow passage of the sayd streight the course is West and by North and East and by South and are distant 18 leagues the land being in breadth from the one side to the other one league Item From the first narrow vnto the second narrow passage the course is West by Southâ— and East and by North and the distance is 12 leagues and in breadth the one side is from the other about two leagues ouer Item From the second narrow vnto the islands that be called Elizabeth Bartholomew and Penguin ilands the distance is 5 leagues and the course is Southwest and Northeast the ilandâ— being distant a league and an halfe the one from the other Item From the sayd ilands vnto Port Famine is 16 leagues the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast Moreouer from Port Famine vnto Cape Froward the course is South and by West and North and by East and they are distant 8 leagues asunder Item From Cape Froward
at the island of S. Andrew where we ankered in 17 fadoms water Item The 17 day of September we departed from the island of S. Andrew and the 24 day of September we put into the bay of Chiametlan where we ankered in 8 fadoms water and the 26 of September we departed from the bay of Chiametlan and the 28 day wee ankered vnder the islands of Chiametlan in 4 fadoms Item The 9 day of October wee departed from the islands of Chiametlan and crossing ouer the mouth of Mar vermejo the 14 day of October we had sight of the cape of California Item The 15 day of October we lay off the cape of S. Lucas and the 4 day of Nouember we tooke the great and rich ship callâ—d Santa Anna comming from the Philippinas and the 5 day of Nouember we put into the port of S. Lucas where we put all the people on shore and burnt the Santa Anna and we ankered in 12 fadoms water Item The 19 day of Nouember we departed from the port of S. Lucas and the 3 day of Ianuary wee had sight of one of the islands of the Ladrones which island is called The island of Iwana standing in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts Item The 3 day of Ianuary we departed from the iland of Iwana and the 14 day of Ianuarie we had sight of the cape of Spirito santo and the same day we put into the Streights of the Philippinas and the 15 day of Ianuary we ankered vnder the iland of Capul on the which iland we watered and wooded Item The 24 of Ianuary we departed from the iland of Capul and the 28 day of Ianuary we arriued in the bay of Lago grande which bay is in the island of Pannay where there were Spaniards building of a new ship Item The 29 of Ianuary wee departed from the bay of Lago grande and the same day at night wee were cleere from the islands of the Philippinas shâ—ping our course towards the ilands of Maluco Item From the 29 day of Ianuary vnto the first day of March we were nauigating between the West end of the island of Pannay and the West end of the island of Iaua minor Item The first day of March wee passed the Streights at the West head of the island of Iaua minor and the 5 day of March we ankered in a bay at the Wester end of Iaua maior where wee watered and had great store of victuals from the towne of Polambo Item The 16 day of March wee departed from the island of Iaua maior and the 11 day of May we had sight of the land 40 leagues vnto the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança the land being low land A note from the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the Northwards ITem The 21 day of May wee departed from the cape of Buena Esperança and the 8 day of Iune we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland of Santa Helenâ— where we watered and made our abode 12 dayes Item The 20 day of Iune at night wee departed from the island of Santa Helena and the 4 day of Iuly we passed vnder the Equinoctiall line Item The 20 day of Iune at night wee departed from the island of Santa Helena and the 25 day of August in the morning wee had sight of the islands of Flores and Coruo in the latitude of 40 degrees Item The 9 day of September 1588 wee arriued after a long and terriblâ— tempest in the Narrow seas in the hauen of Plimmouth in safetie by the gracious and most mercifull protection of the Almighty to whom therefore be rendered immortall praise and thankesgiuing now and for euer Amen A note of our ankering in those places where we arriued after our departure from England 1586. IN primis Wee ankered in the harborow of Sierra leona in 10 fadoms water and a Northwest winde in that rode is the woorst that can blow Item You may anker vnder the island that is called Ilha Verde in 6 fadoms water and the winde being at the Westnorthwest is the woorst winde that can blow Item You may anker vnder the island of S. Sebastian on the Northwest part in 10 fadoms and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in Port Desire in 5 fadoms water and a West and by South winde is the woorst Item You may anker vnder Cape Ioy without the mouth of the Streights of Magellan in 7 fadoms water Item You may anker within the Straights of Magellan vâ—till you come vnto the first narrowing in 25 or 30 fadoms water in the mid way of the Streights Item You may anker in the second narrow of the Strâ—ights in 16 fadoms water Item You may anker vnder Penguin island on which side you please in 6 or 7 fadoms water Item You may anker in Port Famine in 5 or 6 fadoms water and a Southsoutheast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in Muskle coue which coue is on the South side and is 7 leagues to the Southwards of Cape Froward and you shall ride in 12 fadoms Item You may anker in Elizabeth bay which bay is on the North side of the Streights in 8 fadoms water Item From Elizabeth bay vnto Cabo descado you may anker on both sides of the Streights in many places A note of our ankering after we were entred into the South sea IN primis You may anker in the bay of Mocha in 7 or 8 fadoms water and there a Northeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the North side of S. Mary island in nine fadoms water and there a Northnorthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Conception vnder one small island in 9 fadoms water and â— Northnorthwest winde is the woorst winde in that bay Item You may anker in the bay of Quintero in 7 fadoms water and a Northnorthwest wind is the worst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Arica in 6 fadoms and in that bay a Westnorthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Pisca and Paraca in fiue fadoms and in that bay a Northnorthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the bay of Cherepe in 8 fadoms and there from the Northwest vnto the Southeast it is open Item You may anker in the bay of Paita in 7 fadoms water and there a Northnortheast wind is the woorst winde Item You may anker on the Northeast part of the island of Puna in 4 fadoms and a Northeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker at Rio dolce where wee watered vnto the Easâ—wards of the island of Puna in 10 fadoms A note of what depths we ankered in on the coast of New Spaine ITem You may anker in the port of
spent not any during the time of our abode here Our Captaine and Master falling into the consideration of our estate and dispatch to goe to the Generall found our wants so great as that in a moneth wee coulde not fitte our shippe to set saile For wee must needes set vp a Smiths forge to make boltes spikes and nayles besides the repairing of our other wants Whereupon they concluded it to bee their best course to take the pinnesse and to furnish her with the best of the company and to goe to the Generall with all expedition leauing the shippe and the rest of the company vntill the Generals returne for hee had vowed to our Captaine that hee would returne againe for the Streights as hee had tolde vs. The Captaine and Master of the pinnesse being the Generals men were well contented with the motion But the Generall hauing in our shippe two most pestilent fellowes when they heard of this determination they vtterly misliked it and in secret dealt with the company of both shippes vehemently perswading them that our Captaine and Master would leaue them in the countrey to bee deuoured of the Canibals and that they were mercilesie and without charitie whereupon the whole company ioyned in secret with them in a night to murther our Captaine and Master with my selfe and all those which they thought were their friendes There were markes taken in his caben howe to kill him with muskets through the shippes side and bullets made of siluer for the execuâ—ion if their other purposes should faile All agreed hereunto except it were the bote-swaine of our shippe who when hee knew the matter and the slender ground thereof reueâ—led it vnto our Master and so to the Captaine Then the matter being called in question those two most murtherous fellowes were found out whose names were Charles Parker and Edward Smith The Câ—ptaine being thus hardly beset in perill of famine and in danger of murthering was constrained to vse lenitie and by courteous meanes to pacifâ—e this furie shewing that to doe the Generall seruice vnto whom he had vowed faith in this action was the cause why hee purposed to goe vnto him in the pinnesse considering that the pinnesse was so necessary a thing for him as that hee could not bee without her because hee was fearefull of the shore in so great shippes Whereupon all cried out with cursing and swearing that the pinnesse should not goe vnlesse the shippe went Then the Captaine desired them to shewe themselues Christians and not so blasphemously to be haue themselues without regard or thankesgiuing to God for their great deliuerance and present sustenance bestowed vpon them alleaging many examples of Gods sharpe punishment for such ingratitude and withall promised â—o doe any thing that might stend with their good liking By which gentle speaches the matter was pacified and the Captaine and Master at the request of the company were content to forgiue this great treachery of Parker and Smith who after many admonitions concluded in these wordes The Lord iudge betweene you and mee which after came to a most sharpe reuenge euen by the punishment of the Almightie Thus by a generall consent it was concluded not to depart but there to stay for the Generals returne Then our Captaine and Master seeing that they could not doe the Generall that seruice which they desired made a motion to the companie that they would lay downe vnder their handes the losing of the Generall with the extremities wherein we then stoode whereunto they consented and wrote vnder their hands as followeth The testimoniall of the companie of The Desire touching their losing of their Generall which appeareth to haue beene vtterly against their meanings THe 26 of August 1591 wee whose names bee here vnder written with diuers others departed from Plimmouth vnder M. Thomas Candish our Generall with 4 ships of his to wit The Galeon The Robuck The Desire and The Black pinnesse for the performance of a voyage into The South sea The 19 of Nouember we fell with the bay of Saluador in Brasil The 16 of December we tooke the towne of Santos hoping there to reuictuall our selues but it fell not out to our contentment The 24 of Ianuary we set saile from Santos shaping our course for The Streights of Magellan The 8 of Februarie by violent stormes the sayde fleete was parted The Robuck and The Desire arriued in Porte Desire the 6 of March The 16 of March The Black pinnesse arriued there also and the 18 of the same our admirall came into the roadeâ— with whom we departed the 20 of March in poore and weake estate The 8 of Aprill 1592 we entred The Streights of Magellan The 21 of Aprill wee ankered beyond Cape Froward within 40 leagues of The South sea where wee rode vntill the 15 of May. In which time wee had great store of snowe with some gustie weather the wind continuing still at Westnorthwest against vs. In this time wee were inforced for the preseruing of our victuals to liue the most part vpon muskles our prouision was so slender so that many of our men died in this hard extremitie Then our General returned for Brasil there to winter to procure victuals for this voyage against the next yeere So we departed The Streights the 15 of May. The 21 being thwart of Port Desire 30 leagues off the shoare the wind then at Northeast and by North at fiue of the clock at night lying Northeast wee suddenly cast about lying Southeast and by South and sometimes Southeast the whole fleete following the admirall our ship comming vnder his lee shot ahead him and so framed saile fit to keepe companie This night wee were seuered by what occasion wee protest wee know not whither we lost them or they vs. In the moruing we only saw The Black pinnesse then supposing that the admirall had ouershot vs. All this day wee stoode to the Eastwards hoping to find him because it was not likely that he would stand to the shoare againe so suddenly But missing him towards night we stood to the shoareward hoping by that course to finde him The 22 of May at night we had a violent storme with the winde at Northwest and wee were inforced to hull not being able to beare saile and this night we perished our maine tressâ—etrees so that wee could no more vse our maine top-saile lying most dangerously in the sea The pinnesse likewise receiued a great leake so that wee were inforced to seeke the next shoare for our reliefe And because famine was like to bee the best ende wee desired to goe for Port Desire hoping with seales and penguins to relieue our selues and so to make shift to followe the Generall or there to stay his comming from Brasil The 24 of May wee had much winde at North. The 25 was calme and the sea very loftie so that our ship had dangerous foule weather The 26 our fore-shrowdes brake so that if wee had not beene
these vermine but the more we laboured to kill them the more they increased so that at the last we could not sleepe for them but they would eate our flesh and bite like Mosquitos In this wofull case after we had passed the Equinoctiall toward the North our mâ—n began to fall sick of such a monstrous disease as I thinke the like was neuer heard of for in their ankles it began to swell from thence in two daies it would be in their breasts so that they coulâ— not draw their breath and then fell into their cods and their cods and yardes did swell most grieuously and most dreadfully to behold so that they could neither stand lie nor goe Whâ—reupon our mâ—n grew mad with griefe Our captain with extreme anguish of his soule was in such wofull case that he desired only a speedie end and though he were scarce able to speake for sorrow yet he perswaded them to patience and to giue God thankes like dutifull children to accept of his chastisemâ—nt For all this diuers grew raging mad some diâ—d in most lothsome furious paine It were incredible to write our misery as it was there was no man in perfect health but the captaine one boy The master being a man of good spirit with extreme labour bore out his griefe so that it grâ—w not vpon him To be short all our men died except 16 of which there were but 5 able to mooue The captaine was in good health the master indifferent captaine Cotton and my selfe swolne and short winded yet better then the rest that were sicke and one boy in health vpon vs 5 only the labour of the ship did stand The captaine and master as occasion serued would take in and heaue out the top-sailes the master onely attended on the sprit-saile and all of vs at the capsten without sheats and tacks In fine our miscrie and weaknesse was so great that we could not take in nor heaue out a saile so our top-saile sprit-sailes were torne all in pieces by the weather The master and captaine taking their â—urnes at the helme were mightily distressed and monstrously grieued with the most wofull lamentation of our sick men Thus as lost wanderers vpon the sea the 11 of Iune 1593. it pleased God that we arriued at Bear-hauen in Ireland and there ran the ship on shore where the Irish men helped vs to take in our sailes and to more our ship for flooting which slâ—nder paines of theirs cost the captaine some ten pounds before he could haue the ship in safetie Thus without vicâ—uals sailes men or any furniture God onely guided vs into Ireland where the captaine left the master and three or foure of the company to keepe the ship and within 5 dayes afâ—â—r he and ceâ—taine others had passage in an English fisher-boat to Padstow in Cornewall In this maner our small remnant by Gods onely mercie were preserued and restored to our counâ—rey to whom be all hâ—nour and glory world wâ—thout end The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1596 vnto the great Emperor of China by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield marchants of the citie of London who were embarqued in a fleet of 3 ships to wit The Beare The Beares whelpe and the Beniamin set forth principally at the charges of the honourable knight Sir Roberâ— Duddeley and committed vnto the command and conduct of M. Beniamin Wood a man of approoued skill in nauigation who together with his ships and company because we haue heard no certaine newes of them since the moneth of February next after their departure we do suppose may be arriued vpon some part of the coast of China and may there be stayed by the said Emperour or perhaps may haue some treacherie wrought against them by the Portugales of Macao or the Spaniards of the Philippinas ELizabetha Dei gracia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Regina verae christianae fidei contra omnes falso Christi nomen profitentes inuictissima propugnatrix c. Altissimo Serenissimoque Principi potentissimo magni regni Chinae dominatori summo in illis Asiae partibus Insulisque adia centibus imperatori magno in orientalibus mundi regionibus Monarchae salutem multosque cum omni optimarum reruÌ„ copia affluentia laetos foelices annos Cum honesti fideles subditi nostri qui has literas nostras ad serenitatem vestram perferunt Richardus Allot Thomas Bromefield ciuitatis nostrae Londini iâ— dicto nostro regno Angliae mercatores impensè a nobis efflagitauerint vt eorum studia ad imperij vestri regiones commercij gracia nauigandi commendaremus Cumque regni vestri fortitèr prudenterque administrati fama per vniuersam terraruÌ„ orbem disseminata diuulgata subditos hos nostros inuitauerit non solum vt dominationis vestrae regiones inuisant sed vt regni vestri legibus institutis dum in illis mundi partibus coÌ„morati fuerint regendos se moderandos permittant prout mercatores decet qui mercimonioruÌ„ commurandorum causa ad tam longè dissitas nec adhuc nostro orbi satis cognitas regiones penetrate cupâ—unt illud vnum spectantes vt mercimonia sua mercimonioruÌ„que quorundam quibus ditionis nostrae regiones abundant exemplaria quaedaÌ„ siue specimina serenitatis vestrae subditorumque vestroruÌ„ conspectui offerant diligenter cognoscere studeant si quae aliae sint apud nos merces quae vestro vsui inseruiant quas honesto vbique terrarum licito commercij ritu alijs mercibus quarum in imperij vestri regionibâ— tam artis quam naturae beneficio magna copia est commutare possint Nos equissimis honestorum hominum precibus acquiescentes quia nihil ex iustissimo hoc mercaturae vsu incommodi siue dispendij oâ—â—turum sed plurimuÌ„ potius emolumenti vtriusque regni tum principibus tum subditis prouenturum existimamus dum earuÌ„ rerum quibus ahundamus exportatione aliarum quibus egemus inuectione aequissimis precijs iâ—uari vtrinque locupletari possimus Serenissimam Maiestatem vestram rogamus vt subditis his nostris cum mercimoniorum vendendorum permutandorum gratia ad imperij vestri stationes pottus loca oppida ciuitates accesserint eundi redeundi cum subditis vestris negotiandi plena libera fiat potestas Illisque huiusmodi libertates immunitates priuilegia quae aliorum principum sâ—bditis apud vos mercaturam exercentibus concedi solent serenitatis vestrae clementia inuiolota conseruentur nos vicissim non tantùm omnia amicae principis officia serenitati vestrae deferemus sed ad maiorem communis inter nos â—ubditosque nostros amicitiae coÌ„mercij propagationem subditis vestris omnibus singulis si serenissime Maiestati vestrae ita visum fuerit plenam integram in ditionis nostre quascunque regiones veniendi commorandi negotiandi reuertendi
Floridians measure their moneths by the reuolutions of the Moone The arriual of Captaine Iohn Ribault at the Fort the 28 of August 1565. Note False reâ—oâ—ts of laâ—d 〈◊〉 to the Admiral of Fâ—ance The danger of bâ—ckbiting Alcibiades banâ—shed by backbiters Laudonâ—ere receiuing of Captaine Ribault Letters of the Lord Admiâ—all vnto Laudonnieâ—e Accusations against him Laudonniereâ— answere thereunto Fiue Indian kings The mouÌ„tans of Apalatcy wherein Aâ—e mines or perfect gold Sicroa Pira red mettall Perfect gold Good meanes to auoid the danger of fire September 4. The Spaniards vndermining and surprizing of the French The riuer Seloy or the riuer of Dolphins but 8 or 10 leagues ouer land from the fort but it is thirty doubling the Cape by sea Dangerous flawes of wind on the coast of Florida in September King Emola A village and riuer both of that caâ—e An aduertisment of my Lord Admiral to Captaine Ribault Captaine Ribault â—mbarkment Sept. 8. The tenth of September A mighty tempest the tenth of Sept. Lauâ—onnierâ— hardly vsed by Ribault 〈…〉 and â—is company begin 〈◊〉 fortifie themselueâ— A muster of the men left in the fort by Ribault Fourescore and fiue left in the fort with Laudonnieâ—e The Spanyards discepâ—d the 20 of September The Spaniards enter the fort Francis Iean a traitour to his nation Don Pedro Melendes captaine of the Spaniards Laudonnierâ— escape Iohn du Chemin a faithfull seruant The diligence of the Chaâ—neâ—s to saue them that escaped out of the fort Among these was Iaques Morâ—ues painter sometime liuing in the Black fâ—yers in London Francis Iean cause of thiâ— enterprise The bad dealing of Iames Ribault Our returne into France thâ— 25. of September 1565. October 28. Nouember 10 The chanel of Saint George 〈◊〉 aâ—riuall in Sâ—ansey Baâ— in Glamorgan shire in South-Wales The courtesie of oâ—â— Master Morgan Bâ—isâ—oll London Monsieur de Foix Ambassadour for the French king in England The conclusion The causes why the French lost Florida The French Fleete cast away on the coast of Florida The chanell of Bahama betweene Florida and the Isles of Lucayos The Frenchmens landing at the Riuer Tacatacouru Eight sauagâ— kings The kings seate Complaints of thâ— Sauages against the Spanyards Two chainâ—s of siluer giuen to Gourgues Peter de Bré had liued aboue two yeeres with Satourieua Three pledges deliuered to Gourgues by Satourioua The riuer of Salinacani called Somme by the French The riuer of Sarauâ—hi The estate oâ— the Spanyards in Florida The riuer of Saracary or Sarauaâ—â— The assault and taking of the first Fort. The valure of Olotocara The assault and taking of the second fort The Sauages great swimmers The Spaniards of the second Fort all sâ—aâ—ie Note A notable Spanish subtiltâ—e The cause why the Floridian bury their goods with them Notâ— The slaughteâ— of the Spaniards of the third Forâ— The taking of the third Fort. The 〈◊〉 hanged ouâ—â— the French and Spaniards slame Flâ—â—â—â— The three Forts râ—â—ed Great honour done by the Sauages to 〈◊〉 Kniues in great estimation The third of May. The arriuall of Gourgues at Rochel the sixt of Iune Che-de Bois The birth life and death of captaine Gourgues Wateri which is able to receiue any Fleete of ships of great burden a goodly riuer La grand Copaâ— a rich citie Oâ—â—n Store of golde siluer and precious stones in Topira Topâ—ra Another greater Prouince Those man seeme to be the Piniâ—â—â— euer one â—â—â—rier Marcus de Niâ—a in his 2. Chap. This was the Port of Santa Cruz in the Isle of California Valle de los Corazones mentioned by Vasquez de Coronado cap. 1. Petatlan a towne The Island of 〈…〉 A great island and 30. small islands which serue to be the new islands of California rich in pearles A desert foure dayes iourney This was the 〈…〉 Vacupa a towne 4â— leaguâ—s from 〈◊〉 Baâ— of 〈◊〉 From Vacupa to Ceuola are 37 dayes iourney Great pearles and 〈◊〉 golde in the Isle of California which he is in number Another village This graduation is mistaken by 6. or â— degrees at the 〈◊〉 Marata lieth toward the Southeast â—otâ—nteac lyeth â—est A mightie beast with one horne Fifteene Dâ—â—â—â— iourney from the end of the desert to Ceuola or Ciuâ—lâ— The second desert entred the 9 of May. Twelue dayes iourney â—ost rich 〈◊〉 of gold and siluer in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ce the 〈◊〉 Totonteac the greatest â—â—d most populâ—â—â—rouince A desert A second desert Compostella in 21 degrees of latitude This was but 2â—0 leagues â—rom Mexico Frier Maâ—â—â—â—â—f Nâ—â— The riuer of Lachimi The valley of the pâ—ople called Caracones Vâ—lle del Seâ—nor The valley de loâ— Caâ—aâ—ones distant fiuâ— dâ—yes iourney from the Westâ—â—ne â—â—a Sâ—â—â—n or eighâ— Isles which are the Isles of California A ship seene oâ— the seâ— câ—â—â—t Chichilticâ—â—â— â—â— dayes iouâ—ney from the seâ— This Câ—iâ—â—iâ—â—icale is indeed but in 28 deâ— The â—3 oâ— Iune Don Garcia Lâ—peâ— de Caâ—denas A godly and fruitfull countrâ—y found Riâ— dâ—l Linâ— A wise forecast The treason of the Indians Great â—orecâ—st and diligeâ—ce of the Campe-maâ—â—er They arriue at the citie â—â— of â—ibola The arrâ—gancie of the pâ—ople of Cibola Commandement to vse gentlenesse to the Sauages There were 800 men within the towne Gomaâ—a Hist. gen cap. 213. They defend the wals with stones like those of Hochelaga Eâ—â—â—llâ—nt houses â—oure or fiue â—oftes high Cibola is a â—rouince conâ—â—â—ning sâ—uâ—n towâ—â—â— Fiue hundâ—ed housâ—s in Graâ—adâ— A painte necâ—ssariâ— in a nâ—w discouery Painted maâ—tles Store of Turquâ—â—es Emralds Granatâ—s Crhâ—â—â—all Eâ—â—elâ—ent and very â—â—eat cocks Gâ—mara hist. gen Cap 213. saâ—th that the coldâ— is by reaâ—on of the â—igâ— mountaines A wood of Cedars Excellent grasse Deere hares and couies â—ery good salte The Westernâ— sea within 150. leagues from Cibola Beares Tigers Lions Porkespicks mightie sheep wilde goates Wilde Bores Deere Ounces Stagges Theâ—â—rauaile 8. daâ—es iourney toward the North sea Oxe hides dressed and painted very cunningly Totonteac is an hotte lake Tadouac seemeth because it is a lake and endeth in it to haue some affinitie herewith Other townes neere a riuer Turqâ—â—ses Manâ—lâ—s The Indians flee to the hiâ— with their wiues châ—â—â—dren and goods A citie greatâ— then Granada Twâ— tableâ— painted by thâ— Indianâ— one of bâ—astâ— â—nother oâ— birdes and fishes An old pâ—ophecie that â—hose parts should be suâ—dued by Châ—â—â—â—â—ans They worship the water Seuen cities farre from Granada Tucâ—â—o The Spaniards virtualling in discouerie A garment excellently imbroidered with needle worke An orelude â—ertaine Turquâ—â—es The death of Stephan the Negro Acucu Gold and siluer found in Cibola Acuco The Westerne sea discouered Tiguâ—â— Aâ—a and Quiuiray A townâ— burne Another town assaulted Maâ—tles Turqueses Feathers Precious things Melons Cotton Large mantles Cicuic fourâ— dayes iourney from Tiguâ—â— Quâ—â—ira â—â—eapes of 〈◊〉 dâ—â—â— made for markes to know the way The Spaniards râ—turne to 〈◊〉 and so to Mexico 154â— Tâ—e Spaniards wouâ—d haue inhabited the countrey Ships seâ—ne on tâ—e sea coast
de San Barâ—ardo La Bacilla The shoalds of Serrana Serranilla Cape de Corrientes Cape de San Antonio The Tâ—â—tugâ—â—â— Seranilla An Island in 16. degrees 〈◊〉 Câ—â—â— de Cameron The vaâ—iâ—tioâ— of the compasse Isla de Pinos The currentâ— sâ—t here sometimes Wesâ— Isla de Coâ—â—â— The latitude of 〈…〉 19. deg and one â—ieâ—â—e Las Tortugas The little Islâ— called Vermâ—â—â— Marâ—â— oâ— Vâ—â—la Rica The low ground of Almeria Lâ—s Sierras 〈◊〉 Papalo Saint Paul Monte de Câ—rneâ—os Casa de Buytroâ— The castle of S. Iuan de Vâ—lâ—â— The hospitall The riuer of 〈◊〉 Alacranes or â—â—â—pâ—orâ— The triangle â—â—rta or â—aâ—â—a The high hils 〈◊〉 â— Maâ—tin 〈◊〉 de Medelin S. Iuan de Vllua 〈◊〉 in 18. deg and a halfe The Tortugas The currents to the East â—an de Cabanas â—auana â—eâ— Martyres The sholds of Mimbresâ— that is of Osiars The Chanell reacheth to 28 degrees La Bermuda * The variation of the Compasse Flores and Câ—eruo Saint George Terzera The Cape of S. Vincent The windes are alwayes at Northwest in the summer The markes oâ— Capâ— S. Vincent The Asagresal The Cape of Saint Mary The course in winter from the chanel of Baâ—ama The variation of the Compasse Many lost vpon Bermuda by negligence The Isle of S. Marie * Faial The barre oâ— S. Lucar Sierras de Monchico To aâ—oyde men of warre The castle of Aimonte The Cape of S Nâ—colas on the East ende of Cuba Pontâ— de Mayâ—ca â—araâ—oa A â—lâ—â—â—d on the East side of Baracoa â—aâ—o de â—â—a This worde Cayo in the Biskapur â—â—â—gue signifieth a date â— shoald Pracellas The Mosâ—wes Camoloquea The flats of Mecaâ—a to be auoyded Cropeda a flat Island 2. Rockes of stone Punta de Caueus Matanâ—as The currents The Teates of Hauana The â—arbour of Xâ—â—oca Markes to know the harbour of Hauana Caio de Moa Caio Romanâ—â— Alcane de Barasoga Sauano Basquo The Flats of Mecala Take heede of that which is here saâ—d for it hath litle reason Sierras de Camaloquâ—a Caio de Moa Pracellas Hauana Punta de Mance Sierra del Hama Caio Romano The markes of the Flat of Caio Romano Punta de Naga Punta de hidalgo The calmes of 〈◊〉 The variation of the compasse Deseada in 15. â—egrees and a halâ—e Warlike and dangerous Indians like â—hose oâ— Dominica These 2. the white and the gray Islands are rather baâ—â— rockes in the sea foâ— so doeth Farrallon the Spanish word signifie But I interprâ—te it Island because all the rocks separated froÌ„ the bigger Islands are saâ—d to be litle Islands This white bare Island is made whitâ— vp the dâ—ng of birdes and sea-foules that resort vnto it These rockes are called Los 〈◊〉 or the spoâ—tes The point oâ— Causedo â—an Domingo The point of Niâ—ao The Isle of Beata Ocoa Puerto hermoso The Isle of Alto Velo◠〈◊〉 Frailes 〈◊〉 Las sierras de donna Maria. Isla Baque Cape Tiburon The Isle of Nauaza Sierras de Cobâ—â— Sierras de Tarquino Los Caimanes Los Iardines Las sierras de Guanaguarico A conuenienâ— watering place The Isle Vermeja Villa rica â— Iuan de Vllua â— volcan or burning hil â—ierras de Sant Martâ—n Sierras de Villa 〈◊〉 â—io de las palmas Rio de las monâ—anâ—as Rio de Panuco Rio Heâ—moâ—o oâ— The beautiâ—ull â—iuer The current of the bay of Mexico the winde being at the East setteth to the Northâ— and 40. leagues from thâ—â—hoâ—e to the Northeast The mountaines oâ— Tamaclipa 〈◊〉 tide at the riuer of Panuco Laâ— sieâ—ras de Tarquia â— Luis de Tamâ—ice Cabo Roxo A watering place The bay â—â— Cassones All these are vpon the 〈◊〉 of Tabasco Las sierras de â— Pabâ—â—â— Punta delgada oâ— The slendâ—â— pointâ— Cabezaâ— anegadas are 〈◊〉 heads 〈◊〉 vnder water Comedera de Peâ—cado Cabo de Coâ—â—ienteâ— Cabo de S. Aâ—â—ton Cape Sisal vpon the coast of Campeche in lucatan Or Isla de Arenas Sierras de S. Martin Roca partida Or Minsapa Of Antoniserro Las Tortugas The hilles called Los Organos vpon Cuba neere Hauana Rio de puercos Baya honda La quadrilla de sierras El pan de Caâ—annas La mesa de Marien The tower of Hauana Note Chipiona a towne standing vpon the coast of Andaluzia next vnto S. Lucas El pan de Matanzas Barrancas If you will recouer Hauana go also signifie creeks or broken entrances of landes Cabeza de los Martires Which Martires are a number of small Ilands lying ahead the Cape of Florida Los Mimbres The markes of Pan de Matanzas Punta de los Puercos The furious current in the chanell of Bahama Directions is know whether you be in the chanell of Bahama or no. Cabo de Cannaueral in 28. deg and a halfe The course 〈◊〉 Winter The Isle of Bermuda The course in the Summer more Northerly Puerto Pini El Passaje place on the Northeast part of the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Cabo del Enganno the most Easter in Cape of Hispaniola Or Semana Las Ouejas Cabo Franco El Puerto de Plata Baracoa Isla de Tortugas otherwise called Hinagua The Isle of Iaico Las sierras de Cabanca Cayo Romano This word Cayo in the â—â—â—caian tongue signifieth a flat or a shâ—ld Cabo de Cruz. This Island lyeth 100. leagues from Hauana The great Parcel Las Anguillas Another Cayo 6 or 7 leagues from Cayo de Cruz. El Puerto de Maranzas or The hauen 〈◊〉 slaughters 〈◊〉 Las Sierras de Guana Cruz del Padre La Baia de Conel La Baia de Caos or Cayos Or Camoloquec Note large * This is a very commoditus Isle for 〈◊〉 in our way to Virginia * large A treatâ—se of the West Indieâ— The yle oâ— Trinidad Curiâ—paâ— Parico Tierra de Breâ— The death of Captaine Whiddon â— Englishmen betrayed by Antony Berreo The Citie of S. Ioseph taken Antony Berreo taken prisoneâ— Sir W. Ralegâ— passed 400. miles toward Guianaâ— The statelines of Manoa marg Fran. Lopez de Gomara hist. gen cap. 120. Iuan Martineâ— the first that euer saw Mâ—noa Diego de Ordaâ— went â—oorth with 600 souldiers 1531. Fran. Lopez bist gen de las Ind. cap. 87. The great city of Manoa or El Dorado The author of the name of El Doradoâ— The substance of this report is in the end of the nauigation of the great riuer of Marannon written by Gonzalo Fernando de â—uiedo to cardinall Bembâ—â— Ramusin Vol 3. fol. 416. Sir Robert Duddeleyâ— Reade Iosephus Acosta The voyage of sir Iohn Burgh to the West Indiesâ— 1534. Gomar cap. 84â— 86. Don Pedro de Siluaâ— Pedro Hernandez de Serpa Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada Antonio Berreo A new rich trade of the French to the riuer of Amazones The seat of the Amazones Many great riuer a falling into Orenoque The prouince of Emeria inhabited by gentle Indians Carapana Morequito Vides the gouernour of Cumana competâ—tor with Berreo in the conquest of Guiana Macureguaray Ten Spanyards arâ—â—e at Manoa Aromaia Saima anâ— â—â—â—kiri
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâ—e
for the ayding helping and protecting of her Maiesties merchants by the order and commaundement of our Lord and king his Maiestie And to that ende I haue giuen order to all our authorised people to bee carefull ouerthem and to defende them in all causes and to giue them free libertie to trafficke at their owne willes and pleasures It may bee that your merchants doe not certifie you the trueth of all things nor make knowen vnto your honour my readinesse to protect them And howe my Letters and Commissions are sent to all authorised people for them that they shoulde ayde and assist them according to the tenour of my Letters to all others that bee in authoritie vnder the said Officers or otherwise Also your honour writeth of the debarring of your merchants at the Sea port from their accustomed libertie of enterchangeable trafficke and bartar Touching which complaint search and inquisition hath bene made and commaundement giuen that your Queenes Maiesties merchants at the Seaside and in all places where the trade is doe not sustaine any domage or hinderance hereafter but that they shal be at libertie without any hindering or letting either in the Mosco the Treasurehouse or else where by any of our authorised people but absolutely to bee at free libertie at their owne will and pleasure And also I will continue to be their protectour and defendour in all causes by our Lorde and kings Maiesties order and commaundement as it shal be knowen and certified you by your people resident here in the Mosco Written in our Kings Maiesties royall citie of Mosco from the beginning of the world 7101â— yeere in the moneth of Ianuary A most gracious Letter giuen to the English Merchants Sir Iohn Hart and his company by Theodore Iuanowich the King Lord and great duke of all Russia the onely vpholder thereof THe onely God omnipotent before all eternitie his will be done without ende the Father Sonne and holy Ghost we glorifie in Trinitie Our onely God the maker of all things and worker of all in all euery where with plentifull increase for which cause he hath giuen life to man to loue him and to trust in him Our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his holy children with his word to discerne good through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keepe the right sâ—epter and suffer vs to reigne of our selues to the good profit of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the mainteinance of vertue We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanouich of all Russia the onely vpholder of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Casan and king of Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great duke of Smolensko of Otuer Vghorie Permia Viatski Bulgari and other regions great duke also of Nouogrod in the lowe Countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yaruslaue Bealozero and of Liefland of Vdorski Obdorski Condenski and commaunâ—er of all the Countrey of Siberi and of the North parts and Lord ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grusinski and King ouer the Countrey of Igorski and ruler ouer many other kingdomes and Lordships more Our princely Maiestie at the request of our brother in lawe Boâ—is Feodorowich Godenoua our seruant and Master of our horses generall Comptroller of our house and gouernour of the Lordships and kingdomes of Casan and Astracan vnto the English merchants Sir Iohn Hart knight sir William Webbe knight Richard Salkenstow Alderman Nicholas Moseley alderman Robert Doue Wilâ— Garrowe Iohn Harbey Robert Chamberlaine Henry Anderson Iohn Woodworth FraÌ„cis Cherry Iohn Merrick Christopher Holmes hath graciously giuen leaue to come go with their ships into our kingdome territories of Duina with all kind of commodities at their pleasures to trafficke froÌ„ the seaside to our roial city of Mosco in al other cities townes countries and territories of our whole kingdom of Mosco vpon the humble petition and sute of the saide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company wee haue giuen them leaue to passe and trafficke into all parts of our dominions and territories of Mosco and to our inheritance of Nouogrod and Plesco with their wares and commodities without paying any custome or dueties We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia haue firmely giuen and graunted vnto the aforesaide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company for the loue we beare to our deare sister Queene Elizabeth we I say of our gracious goodnes haue giuen leaue to trauel and passe to our royal seat of Mosco and to all the parts of our kingdome with all kinde of commodities and to trafficke with all kinde of wares at their owne pleasure without paying any custome of their said wares To you our Customers we wil and command not to take any maner of custome of the said merchants and their company neither for entering weying nor passing by or through any place of our territories nor for custome of iudgement by Lawe or for their person or persons nor any duties ouer bridges or for certificats or processes or for conducting ouer any streames or waters or for any other customes or dueties that may be named we wil and straitly commaund you not to take any of them in any wise Prouided alwayes that the saide merchants shall not colour any strangers wares nor bring them into our countrey nor fauour them colourably nor sel for any stranger To you our subiects also we coÌ„mand not to meddle or deale with any wares of strangers colourably nor to haue them by you in keeping nor to offer to sel their coÌ„modities but themselues to sel their owne coÌ„modities in change or otherwise as they may or can And in al townes cities countreys or any part of our dominions and territories it shal be lawful for the foresaid merchants and their company to sell or barter away their owne commodities in change or otherwise for or at their pleasure as they will And whensoeuer the said merchants or any of them come into our territories of great Nouogrod or Plesco or to any other parts of our kingdome with their wares by vertue of these our Maiesties letters we straitly charge and command you our Captaines generals and all other that be authorised or in office to suffer the aforesaid merchants to passe and repasse and to take no kinde of custome or dutie of them or any of their goods howsoeuer it may haue name nor in no place else where they shal come in all our kingdome Likewise if they sell not nor buy no wares you shall take no custome but suffer them quietly to passe where they will with their goods Of our gratious goodnes and meere goodwill we haue giuen the said merchants leaue to trafficke throughout all our kingdomes and in all townes and cities with all maner of wares and commodities without paying any custome or dutie Wheresoeuer they shal
her and giue her ouer Two dayes after this we had sight of mount Chiego which is the first high-land which we descrie on the Spanish coast at the entrance of the Straight of Gibraltar where we had very foule weather and the winde scant two dayes together Here we lay off to the sea The Master whose name was George Goodlay being a young man and one which neuer tooke charge before for those parts was very proud of that charge which he was litle able to discharge neither would take any counsel of any of his company but did as he thought best himselfe in the end of the two dayes of foule weather cast about and the winde being faire bare in with the straights mouth The 19 day at night he thinking that he was farther off the land then he was bare sayle all that night an houre and an halfe before day had ranne our shippe vpon the ground on the coast of Barbarie without the straight foure leagues to the South of Cape Espartel Whereupon being all not a litle astonied the Master said vnto vs I pray you forgiue me for this is my fault and no mans else The company asked him whether they should cut off the maine maste no sayd the Master we will hoyse out our boate But one of our men comming speedily vp sayd Sirs the ship is full of water well sayd the Master then cut the mayne-mast ouer boord which thing we did with all speede But the after part suddenly split a sunder in such sort that no man was able to stand vpon it but all fled vpon the foremast vp into the shrouds thereof and hung there for a time but seeing nothing but present death approch being so suddenly taken that we could not make a raft which we had determined we committed our selues vnto the Lord and beganne with dolefull time and heauy hearts to sing the 12 Psalme Helpe Lord for good and godly men c. Howbeit before we had finished foure verses the waues of the sea had stopped the breathes of most of our men For the foremast with the weight of our men the force of the sea fell downe into the water and vpon the fall thereof there were 38 drowned and onely 12 by Gods prouidence partly by swimming and other meanes of chests gote on shoare which was about a quarter of a mile from the wracke of the ship The master called George Goodley and William Palmer his mate both perished M. Caesar also being captaine and owner was likewise drowned none of the officers were saued but the carpenter We twelue which the Lord had deliuered from extreme danger of the Sea at our comming ashore fell in a maner into as great distresse At our first comming on shore we all fell downe on our knees praying the Lord most humbly for his mercifull goodnesse Our prayers being done we consulted together what course to take seeing we were fallen into a desert place we trauelled all that day vntill night sometimes one way and sometimes another and could finde no kinde of inhabitants onely we saw where wilde beasts had bene and places where there had bene houses which after we perceiued to haue bene burnt by the Portugals So at night falling into certaine groues of oliue trees we climed vp and sate in them to auoid the danger of lions and other wilde beasts whereof we saw many the next morning The next day we trauelled vntill three of the clocke in the afternoone without any food but water and wilde date roots then going ouer a mountaine we had sight of Cape Espartel whereby we knew somewhat better which way to trauell and then we went forward vntill we came to an hedgerow made with great long canes we spied and looked ouer it and beheld a number of men aswell horsemen as footmen to the number of some fiue thousand in skirmish together with small shot and other weapons And after consultation what we were best to do we concluded to yeeld our selues vnto them being destitute of all meanes of resistance So rising vp we marched toward them who espying vs foorthwith some hundred of them with their iauelings in their hands came running towards vs as though they would haue run vs thorow howbeit they onely sâ—rooke vs flatling with their weapons and said that we were Spaniards and we tolde them that we were Englishmen which they would not beleeue yet By and by the conflict being ended and night approching the captaine of the Moores a man of some 56 yeres olde came himselfe vnto vs and by his interpretor which spake Italian asked what we were and from whence we came One Thomas Henmer of our company which could speake Italian declared vnto him that we were marchants and how by great misfortune our ship marchandise the greatest part of our company were pitifully cast away vpon their coast But he void of humainity all manhood for all this caused his men to strip vs out of our apparell euen to our shirâ—s to see what money and iewels we had about vs which when they had found to the value of some 200 pounds in golde and pearles they gaue vs some of our apparel againe and bread and water onely to comfort vs. The next morning they carried vs downe to the shore where our shippe was cast away which was some sixteene miles from that place In which iourney they vsed vs like their slaues making vs being extreame weake to carry their stuffe and offering to beat vs if we went not so fast as they We asked them why they vsed vs so and they replied that we were their captiues we sayd we were their friends and that there was neuer Englishman captiue to the king of Marocco So we came downe to the ship and lay there with them seuen dayes while they had gotten all the goods they could and then they parted it amongst them After the end of these seuen dayes the captaine appointed twenty of his men wel armed to bring vs vp into y e countrey and the first night we came to the side of a riuer called Alarach where we lay on the grasse all that night so the next day we went ouer the riuer in a frigate of nine oares on a side the riuer being in that place aboue a quarter of a mile broad and that day we went to a towne of â—hirty houses called Totteon there we lay foure dayes hauing nothing to feed on but bread and water and then we went to a towne called Cassuri and there we were deliuered by those twenty souldiers vnto the Alcaide which examined vs what we were and we tolde him He gaue vs a good answere and sent vs to the Iewes house where we lay seuen dayes In the meane while that we lay here there were brought thither twenty Spaniards and twenty Frenchmen which Spaniards were taken in a conflict on land but the Frenchmen were by foule weather cast on land within the Straights about Cape de Gate and
Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast are East and West and there is 15. leagues distance betweene them The Bay of Molues or Gaspay is in 48. degrees and the coast lyeth North and South and taketh a quarter of the Northeast and Southwest vnto the Bay of Heate and there are 3. Isles one great one and two smal from the Bay of Heate vntill you passe the Monts nostre Dame al the land is high and good ground al couered with trees Ognedoc is a good Bay and lyeth Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and it is a good Harbour and you must saile along the shore on the Northside by reason of the low point at the entrance therof and when you are passed the poynt bring your selfe to an ancre in 15. or 20. fathoms of water toward the South shore and here within this Hauen are two riuers one which goeth toward the Northwest and the other to the Southwest And on this coast there is great fishing for Coddes and other fish where there is more store then is in Newfoundland and better fish And here is great store of riuer foule as Malards wild Geese and others And here are all sorts of trees Rose trees Raspesses Filbird trees Apple trees Peare trees and it is hotter here in Sommer then in France The Isle of Ascension and the 7. Isles which lie on the North shore lie Southeast and Westnorthwest and are distant 24. leagues The Cape of Ognedoc and the 7. Isles are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast are distant 35. leagues The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 7. Isles are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is 25. leagues and this is the breadth of this Sea and from thence vpward it beginneth to waxe narrower and narrower The 7. Isles are in 50. degrees and ½ The 7. Isles and the poynt of Ongear lie Northeast and Southwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues and betweene them are certaine small Islands and the point of Ongear and the mountaines Nostre Dame which are on the South side of the entrance of the riuer are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is ten leagues and this is here the abredth of the Sea The poynt of Ongear and the riuer of Caen lie East and West and they are distant 12. leagues And all the coast from the Isle of Ascension hither is very good ground wherein growe all sortes of trees that are in France and some fruits The poynt of Ongear is in 49. degrees and ¼ And the riuer of Caen and the Isle of Raquelle lye Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 12. leagues The Isle of Raquelle is in 48. degrees and â…” In this riuer of Caen there is great sâ—ore of fish And here the Sea is not past 8 leagues broad The Isle of Raquelle is a very low Isle which is neere vnto the South shore hard by a high Cape which is called the Cape of Marble There is no danger there at all And betweene Raquelle and the Cape of Marble ships may passe And there is not from the Isle to the South shore aboue one league and from the Isle vnto the North shore about foure leagues The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance of Saguenay are Northeast Westsouthwest and are distant 14. leagues and there are betweene them two small Islandes neere the North shore The entrance of Saguenay is in 48. degrees and â…“ and the entrance hath not past a quarter of a league in breadth and it is dangerous toward the Southwest and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to waxe wider and wider and it seemeth to bee as it were an arme of the Sea And I thinke that the same runneth into the Sea of Cathay for it sendeth foorth there a great current and there doth runne in that place a terrible rase or tyde And here the riuer from the North shore to the South shore is not past foure leagues in breadth and it is a dangerous passage betweene both the lands because there lie bankes of rockes in the riuer The Isle of Raquelle and the Isle of Hares lye Northeast and Southwest and take ¼ of the East and the West and they are distant 18. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Liepueres or Hares lie Northnortheast Southsouthwest and are distant 5. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Raquelle are Northnorthwest and Southsouthwest and are distant three leagues The Isle of Hares is in 48 and 1 16 of a degree From the Mountaines of Nostre Dame vnto Canada and vnto Hochelaga all the land on the South coast is faire a lowe land and goodly champaigne all couered with trees vnto the brink of the riuer And the land on the North side is higher and in some places there are high mountaines And from the Isle of Hares vnto the Isle of Orleans the riuer is not past 4 or 5 leagues broad Betweene the Isle of Hares and the high land on the North side the sea is not past a league and an halfe broad and it is very deepe for it is aboue 100. fathoms deepe in the middest To the East of the Isle of Hares there are 2 or 3 small Isles and rockes And from hence to the Isle Des Coudres or of Filbeards all is nothing but Isles and rockes on the Southshore and towards the North the sea is fayre and deepe The Isle of Hares and the Isle of Filbeards lie northeast West and Southwest and they are distant 12 leagues And you must alwayes run along the high land on the north shore for on the other shore there is nothing but rocks And you must passe by the side of the Isle of Filbeards and the riuer there is not past a quarter of a league broad and you must sayle in the middest of the chanel and in the middest runneth the best passage either at an hie or a low water because the sea runneth there strongly and there are great dangers of rocks and you had neede of good ancre and table The isle of Filbeards is a small isle about one league long and halfe a league broad but they are all banks of sand The isle of Filberds stands in 47. deg and ¾ The isle of Filberds and the isle of Orleans lie northeast and southwest and they are distant 10 leagues and thou must passe by the high land on the northside about a quarter of a league because that in the midst of the riuer there is nothing but sholds and rocks And when thou shalt bee ouer against a round Cape thou must take ouer to the South shore southwest and a quarter toward the South and thou shalt sayle in 5.6 and 7 fathoms and there the riuer of Canada beginneth to bee fresh and the salt water endeth And when thou shalt be athwart the point of the isle of Orleans where