his Lordship would passe ouer into the Mayne For without him I had no great desire and indeed I should haue beene quickly missed seeing it pleased his Honor to vse mee in the dispatch of all things which were to be done by warrant or direction vnder his hand So that whatsoeuer I shall say here I must be content to report vpon the report of others and I will not tell you any thing which mee thought my selfe did not first see reason to beleeue The plat and figure of the Iland is a square altera parte longius the length exceeding the breadth neere the proportion of seuen to foure for it is told me to be sixe and thirtie leagues long and twentie leagues broad bearing it selfe out from end to end neere in the same distance It lyeth East and West at the West end the two corners doe so jut out that they make a goodly Bay betwixt them but yet not so profitable because a goodly Riuer which would gladly disburden it selfe into the Bay is choaked with sands which the Sea casteth vp into the mouth of the Riuer which being nauigable a good way vp into the Land is within a stones cast of losing his old name and being called the Sea made shallow and vnfit for the receit of Vessels of burthen There are indeed in the same Bay other lesser Riuerets whereat Passengers vse to take in fresh water as Sir Francis Drake did after hee was beaten from the Citie of Puerto Rico and put forth thence to Nombre de Dios. Vpon this part of the Iland which is commonly called La Aquada in English The watering place the greatest Commander and of largest possessions is or of late hath beene one Chereno whose proper land is thought to containe in compasse and circuit neere the quantitie of ten leagues The other end the Easterly end is knowne by the name of La cabeça de San Iuan in English Saint Iohns head The Citie of Puerto Rico is his right side or arme and the South side about the Countrie of Choama whither the Bishop at our comming had carried himselfe will be answerable to the left side or left arme as being lesse fit for action and his feet is the watering place The most famous Riuers of this Iland are Toa and Baiamond the rather because they runne into the Harbour of the Citie of Puerto Rico whereof Toa is by much the greater and falleth more with the West of the Towne This Riuer riseth out of a Mountaine called Guiamo being on the South side of the mayne Iland some fifteene or sixteene leagues from Ricoâ—o â—o the Eastward from Guiamo it runneth North in one streame till it come to another Mountaine called Cawas and though in this way it receiue many Riuerets into it yet it cannot bee said either to lose or retaine his name for thus farre it is not knowne certainly what name it had as they say but here parteth it selfe into two streames the one whereof runneth Northerly to Luisa a Towne not great but somewhat fortified standing some sixe leagues to the Eastward of Puerto Rico. Whether the Towne doe giue or take his name of this arme of the Riuer it is vnknowne But well knowne it is that they haue both one name The other streame being once diuorced from Luisa runneth North North-west and falleth into the Harbour of Puerto Rico where it is called Toa Baiamond riseth betwixt the parting of Toa and Luisa and runneth a Northerly but more Easterly course withall till it mingleth it selfe with salt water on the South-west side of Puerto Rico. The Iland is watered with very many other Riuers and Riuerets and Springs without number or names but those that giue or take names of the Villages and Townes which stand vpon them for the most part runne Northerly For besides Guiamo which riseth in the Countrie of Coama and runneth into the Southerly Sea and the Riuer whereon Saint German which also is called Salamanca and Guadianilla is situate towards the West end of the Iland neere to Cape Roxo all the other of name runne to the leeward of the Iland and fall into the Northerly Sea As first and next to Puerto Rico to the Westward the Riuer and Towne of Saâ—uco next to it Guiamo then the Recibo twixt which and the Laguada is another whose name I could not learne The Laguada whereof I spake before and which giueth name to the Westerly end of the Iland where Sir Francis Drake as I said watered is next vnto the choaked Bay before mentioned in which Bay at the North-west Point is the Gawaraba which the Seas violence hath made something vnprofitable for nauigation so that the passage to Saint Domingo and the other leeward parts of the West Indies are most ordinarily from the Laguada if they of the Westerly part of the Iland haue any businesse that way For as Saint Germans or Salamanca though I haue heard it to be a Harbour and a Sea-faring Towne yet I am told so much to the contrarie as makes me doubt of the former report though I dare not absolutely assent to this later though a Spaniard of good vnderstanding told it me Now in euery one of these Riuers which I haue named is there gold found ordinarily before it be sought And I know it to bee true when the Spaniards perceiued by his Lordships manner of leauing the Citie of Puerto Rico that hee went not away without purpose to returne one of them told his Honor in plaine termes that he could not thrust his spade into any of these named Riuers and many other besides these but hee should finde gold This certainly is true and I haue seene the experience that some of the grauell of one of these Riuers being brought to his Lordship because it looked rich when triall was made onely by washing away the sand and grauell there was cornes of very good gold found in it and that for the quantitie and proportion in great measure Where because we are againe fallen into this argument I will report vnto you a certaine truth whereby the richnesse of the mynes in Puerto Rico may be esteemed One Ioancho de Luyando a Mint-master in this Iland dwelling in the Guadianilla neere to Saint Germans or at the least hauing workes there tooke a bullion or masse of gold so pure as it needed no further triall that being sent to the King it was found worth three thousand and fiue hundreth Duckets and diuers times he found such plates that onely splitting them he made himselfe trenchers of gold to eate his meat on This man may bee judged to haue beene of no great either wit or care for it is certainly reported that oftentimes meeting his owne slaues comming out of the Countrie to his house in Puerto Rico with store of gold hee did not know them to be his owne till themselues told him so and yet this man dyed so very rich that he left euery of his
they staid it made the intelligence of the Mexico fleet more probable And therefore if this were the cause of their stay our hope to make some purchace of it made vs more willing to haue their neighbourhood Mary it might bee they were sent to looke for our comming home which they might thinke would be straggling and weake and yet on the other side the vncertaintie of our comming either at this time or certainly this way made this something vnlikely His Lordship therefore commandeo Captaine Slingsby a fine Gentleman to goe ashoare and to learne more certaintie what was become of the Kings fleet and why they came This relation was from the men of Santa Cruz but the intelligence which Captaine Slingsby brought the same night late was from Uilla de la punta Delgada another Towne of the Ilands The summe of his report for I was by when he made it was that his Excellencie should haue any thing where withall they could doe him seruice and if it would please him to come ashoare they would take it as a great fauour For the Kings men of Warre they said that they iudged them certainly to bee gone home for they were gone hence vpon a fortnight before The cause of their comming was to waft the Caracks which all foure were gone by before the Kings fleet came hither with purpose indeed to stay till the end of this moneth for them But since the Caracks were come home there had beene sent a Caruell of Aduise to recall them As for the Mexico fleet there was not at the Ilands any newes of their comming this yeere This report made by Captaine Slingsby ouer-night was confirmed early the next morning by the Gouernour himselfe of the place a poore Gouernour scarce so good as an English Constable But this Captaine Iuan de Fraga de Mandoça came himselfe and made the same offer to his Lordship and withall brought both Hennes and Muttons with him which hee knew hee should not giue for nothing though hee would seeme vnwilling to receiue any thing He hauing beene sometime with my Lord and told all the newes hee remembred was licensed hauing first asked and obtayned a Passe for himselfe and a Protection for the Ilanders to keepe them from spoile by ours His Lordship granted his suit and which hee farther desired that they might bee conceiued in the same forme as those were which the Earle of Essex had giuen him within two dayes of the same day twelue moneth and which himselfe had carefully kept euer since When this fellow was gone the flagge of Counsell was hanged out c. The returne of this fleet vpon consultation after the newes aforesaid I forbeare to mention in regard of the length of this discourse They set forth from Flores Septemb. 16. 1598. On Michaelmas day they sounded and the ground on the fallow did still more assure vs of being in the sleeue and the Scollop shells confirmed their opinion which held vs rather on the Coast of France by the Master and others iudged otherwise whose iudgement if his Lordship out of his iudgement and authoritie had not contradicted and caused them to take a more Northerly course all had perished in all likelihood on the Vshent and Rocks For the next morning we saw the land of Normandie CHAP. IIII. The first Voyages made to diuers parts of America by Englishmen Sir SEBASTIAN CABOT Sir THO. PERT also of Sir IOHN HAWKINS and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE and many others collected briefly out of Master CAMDEN Master HAKLVYT and other Writers SIr Sebastian Cabota wee haue alreadie mentioned in the former Booke as a great Discouerer of that which most iustly should haue beene called Columbina and a great deale better might haue beene stiled Cabotiana then America neither Uesputius nor Columbus hauing discouered halfe so much of the Continent of the new World North and South as be yea the Continent was discouered by him when Columbus had yet but viewed the Ilands this Herrera for the South part hath mentioned in his Relation of the Riuer of Plate before naming him an Englishman and for the North is by vs in the fourth Booke deliuered A second time Sir Thomas Pert and the said Cabota were set forth with a fleet to America by King Henrie the eighth in the eight yeere of his reigne the same perhaps which Herrera hath also mentioned of an English ship at Hispaniola and other American Ilands in the yeere 1517. Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of many English into those parts as namely of Master Robert Tomson Merchant and Iohn Field which together with Ralph Sarre and Leonard Chilton in a ship of Iohn Sweeting dwelling at Cadiz all Englishmen An. 1555. sayled to Hispaniola and thence to Mexico in New Spaine where they found Thomas Blake a Scottishman who had dwelt there twentie yeeres At Mexico Robert Tomson and Augustine Boatio an Italian were imprisoned many moneths by the Inquisition and then brought out in a Saint Benito or fooles coat to doe penance a thing neuer seene there before which caused much concourse of people giuen to vnderstand of I know not what enemies of God and expecting to see some Monsters of vncouâ—â— shape They were much pitied by the people seeing such personable men but sentenced by the Archbishop to be sent back to Spaine where Tomson did his three yeeres enioyned penance at Siuil Boatio found the meanes to escape and dyed after in London Tomson after his libertie married with a rich Spanish heire The historie at large and his description of Mexico with the cause of his imprisonment about speaking freely of Images his Master had made an Image of our Ladie of aboue 7000. pezos price each pezo being foure shillings and eight pence of our money the Reader may see in Master Hakluyt Where also is deliuered the voyage of Roger Bodenham Englishman 1564. to Mexico also of Iohn Chilton 1568. thither and from thence to Nueua Biscaâ—a and to the Port of Naâ—idad on the South Sea to Sansonate in Guatimala to Tecoantepec to Sâ—conusco to Nicaragua to Nombre de Dios to Potossi Cusco Paita to Vera Paz Chiapa three hundred leagues from Mexico From Chiapa he trauelled thorow Hills till he came to Ecatepec that is The Hill of winde in the end of that Prouince supposed the highest Hill that euer was discouered from the top whereof are seene both the North and South Seas deemed nine leagues high They which trauell vp it lye at the foot ouer-night and about midnight begin their iourney that they may trauell to the top before the Sunne rise the next day because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards that it is impossible for any man to goe vp From the foot of this Hill to Tecoantepec the first Towne of New Spaine are fifteene leagues From Mexico he trauelled againe to Panuco and there fell sick which sicknesse in his returne benefited him for he fell amongst Caniball Indian which
haue done their vttermost yet can they not bring that People wholly in subiection And although the Spaniards haue in this Prouince eleuen Townes and two Bishoprikes yet haue they little enough to maintayne themselues by reason of the Warres for they spend all the Gold that the Land yeeldeth in the maintenance of their Souldiers which would not bee so if they had peace for then they might worke in all their Mines Thus hauing spoken somwhat of the situation of Chili and of the troublesome conquest thereof I will returne to my former discourse where I left Baldiuia therefore being of 150. houses hath twice beene burnt and spoyled by the Indians so that now it is waxen poore but before the Indians sacked it it was very rich and it standeth vp a Riuer foure leagues from the Sea Passing from hence you come to the plaine Countrie of Arauco being situate ouer against the Iland La Mocha on which Iland the Indians that inhabite belong to the maine Land Hauing passed this Plaine of Arauco the next Towne of the Spaniards that you come vnto is La Concepcion which hath beene the greatest and the richest Towne in all Chili but by reason that the Indians haue burned the same foure times it is now growne very poore and hath small store of people it containeth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the Plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this Towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a Fort built hard by it and here are fiue hundred Souldiers continually in Garrison Betweene this place and Ualparizo the Indians call the Coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing fiue and twentie leagues vp into the Countrie is the principall Towne of all Chili and the seat of the Gouernour it consisteth of about eight hundred houses The Port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next Towne neere the Sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the Land and containeth about two hundred houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a Port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a Gentleman which is Gouernour of the Towne hath an Ingenio for Sugar at this place endeth the whole Prouince of Chili Here also the Mountaines ioyning hard vpon the Sea are the cause why all the Land betweene Capiapo and Peru contayning one hundred and sixtie leagues lieth desolate The first Towne on the Coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any further I will here also declare vnto you the first Discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the Sea-coast againe and to the end you may vnderstand me the better I will beginne with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this mayne Land passing ouer the Mountains they discouered the South Sea where because they found Indian people with Gold and Pearles they built a Towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the Sea side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the Coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by Sea to the Coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly windes blowing on this Coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to ships sayling that way and by Land the passage was impossible in regard of Mountaines and Riuers Yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Iland of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Pizarro borne in the Citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a companie vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the Coast of Peru and hauing obtayned licence of the Gouernour of that place Francisco Pizarro set forth with the two foresaid Carauels and an hundred men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him Victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Pizarro sayling along the Coast met with contrary windes and raine which put him to great trouble and hee began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sayling of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery Riuer and Bay that hee saw along the Coast which was the chiefe cause that he stayed so long on his Voyage also thirtie of his companie died by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last he came to an Iland called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine Land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supplie of victuals and of men which ship being departed fortie of his men that remayned behinde made a mutinie and passed vp into the Countrie meaning to returne by Land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Pizarro was left vpon the said Iland onely with thirteene men who although hee had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would hee rather die then goe backe and his thirteene men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine Land in the night season Thus hee continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with fortie men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecuted his Voyage till hee came to the first plaine Countrie of Peru called Tumbez where hee found a Fort made by the King of Peru against the Indians of the Mountaines Wherefore Pizarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a People of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in Gold and Siluer and well apparelled At this Port of Tumbez hee tooke thirtie thousand Pezos of Gold in trucke of Merchandise and hauing two few men to proceed any further he carried two Indians with him to learne the Language and returned backe for Panama Vpon this Discouerie Francisco Pizarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to craue of the King the Conquest of this Land Whither being come the King granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a Fleet of shippes and brought also along with him foure of his Brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his Voyage for Peru being accompanied with his Partner Diego de Almagro They sayled first to the Iland called
is within a league of the I le which is called the Ile du Coudre or the I le of Fâ—lberds which may be some two leagues in length And from the said I le to the Land on the North side is a league The said Ile is some what euen and groweth sharpe toward both the ends on the West end there are Medowes and Points of Rockes which stretch somewhat into the Riuer The said Ile is somewhat pleasant by reason of the Woods which enuiron the same There is store of Slate and the soyle is somewhat grauelly at the end whereof there is a Rocke which stretcheth into the Sea about halfe a league We passed to the North of the said I le which is distant from the I le of the Hare twelue leagues The Thursday following we departed from thence and anchored at a dangerous nooke on the Northside where there be certaine Medowes and a little Riuer where the Sauages lodge sometimes The said day wee still ranged the Coast on the North vnto a place where wee put backe by reasons of the winds which were contrary vnto vs where there were many Rockes and places very dangeous here we stayed three dayes wayting for faire weather All this Coast is nothing but Mountaynes as well on the South side as on the North the most part like the Coast of the Riuer of Saguenay On Sunday the two and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed to goe to the I le of Orleans in the way there are many Iles on the South shoare which are low and couered with trees shewing to be very pleasant contayning as I was able to iudge some two leagues and one league and another halfe a league About these Iles are nothing but Rocks and Flats very dangerous to passe and they are distant some two leagues from the mayne Land on the South And from thence wee ranged the I le of Orleans on the Southside It is a league from the North shoare very pleasant and leuell contayning eight leagues in length The Coast on the South shoare is low land some two leagues into the Countrey the said lands begin to below ouer against the said Ile which beginneth two leagues from the South Coast to passe by the North side is very dangerous for the bankes of Sand and Rockes which are betweene the said Ile and the mayne Land which is almost all dry at a low water At the end of the said Ile I saw a fall of water which fell from a great Mountaine of the said Riuer of Canada and on the top of the said Mountaine the ground is leuell and pleasant to behold although within the said Countries a man may see high Mountaynes which may bee some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues within the Lands which are neere the first Sault of Saguenay We anchored at Quebec which is a Strait of the said Riuer of Canada which is some three hundred pases broad there is at this Strait on the North side a very high Mountayne which falleth downe on both sides all the rest is a leuell and goodly Countrey where there are good grounds full of Trees as Okes Cypresses Birches Firre-trees and Aspes and other Trees bearing fruit and wild Vines So that in mine opinion if they were dressed they would be as good as ours There are along the Coast of the said Quebec Diamants in the Rockes of Slate which are better then those of Alonson From the said Quebec to the I le of Coudre or Filberds are nine and twenty leagues ON Munday the three and twentieth of the said moneth we departed from Quebec where the Riuer beginneth to grow broad sometimes one league then a league and an halfe or two leagues at most The Countrey groweth still fairer and fairer and are all low grounds without Rockes or very few The North Coast is full of Rockes and bankes of Sand you must take the South side about some halfe league from the shore There are certaine small Riuers which are not nauigable but only for the Canowes of the Sauages wherein there be many fals Wee anchored as high as Saint Croix which is distant from Quebec fifteene leagues This is a low point which riseth vp on both sides The Countrey is faire and leuell and the soyles better then in any place that I haue seene with plenty of wood but very few Firre-trees and Cypresses There are in these parts great store of Vines Peares small Nuts Cheries Goose-beries red and greene and certaine small Roots of the bignesse of a little Not resembling Musheroms in taste which are very good roasted and sod All this soyle is blacke without any Rockes saue that there is great store of Slate The soyle is very soft and if it were well manured it would yeeld great increase On the Northside there is a Riuer which is called Batiscan which goeth farre into the Countrey whereby sometimes the Algoumequins come downe and another on the same side three leagues from the said Saint Croix in the way from Quebec which is that where Iacques Quartier was in the beginning of the Discouery which he made hereof and hee passed no farther The said Riuer is pleasant and goeth farre vp into the Countries All this North Coast is very leuell and delectable On Tuesday the foure and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed from the said Saint Croix where we stayed a tyde and an halfe that we might passe the next day following by day light because of the great number of Rockes which are thwart the Riuer a strange thing to behold which is in a manner dry at a low water But at halfe flood a man may beginne to passe safely yet you must take good heed with the Lead alwayes in hand The tyde floweth heere almost three fathomes and an halfe the farther we went the fairer was the Countrey We went some fiue leagues and an halfe and anchored on the North side The Wednesday following wee departed from the said place which is a flatter Countrey then that which we passed before full of great store of Trees as that of Saint Croix We passed hard by a little I le which was full of Vines and came to an Anchor on the South side neere a little Hill but beeing on the top thereof all is euen ground There is at other little Ile three leagues from Saint Croix ioyning neere the South shore Wee departed from the said Hill the Thursday following and passed by a little I le which is neere the North shoare where I saw sixe small Riuers whereof two are able to beare Boats farre vp and another is three hundred pases broad there are certaine Ilands in the mouth of it it goeth farre vp into the Countrey it is the deepest of all the rest which are very pleasant to behold the soyle being full of Trees which are like to Walnut-trees and haue the same smell but I saw no Fruit which maketh me doubt the Sauages told
anchored at the three Riuers This day wee sayled some foure leagues beyond the said three Riuers The Tuesday following we came to Quebec and the next day wee were at the end of this I le of Orleans where the Sauages came to vs which were lodged in the maine Land on the North side Wee examined two or three Algoumequins to see whether they would agree with those that wee had examined touching the end and the beginning of the said Riuer of Canada They said as they had drawne out the shape thereof that hauing passed the Sault which wee had seene some two or three leagues there goeth a Riuer into their dwelling which is on the North side So going on forward in the said great Riuer they passe a Sault where they carrie their Canoas and they come to passe fiue other Saults which may containe from the first to the last some nine or ten leagues and that the said Saults are not hard to passe and they doe but draw their Canoas in the most part of the said Saults or Falls sauing at two where they carrie them from thence they enter into a Riuer which is as it were a kinde of Lake which may containe some sixe or seuen leagues and then they passe fiue other Falls where they draw their Canoas as in the first mentioned sauing in two where they carrie them as in the former and that from the first to the last there are some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues Then they come into a Lake contayning some hundred and fifty leagues in length and foure or fiue leagues within the entrance of that Lake there is a Riuer which goeth to the Algoumequins toward the North and another Riuer which goeth to the Irocois whereby the said Algoumequins and Irocois make warre the one against the other Then comming to the end of the said Lake they meete with another Fall where they carrie their Canoas From thence they enter into another exceeding great Lake which may containe as much as the former They haue beene but a very little way in this last Lake and haue heard say that at the end of the said Lake there is a Sea the end whereof they haue not seene neither haue heard that any haue seene it But that where they haue beene the water is not salt because they haue not entred farre into it and that the course of the water commeth from the Sun-setting toward the East and they knowe not whether beyond the Lake that they haue seene there be any other course of water that goeth Westward That the Sunne setteth on the right hand of this Lake which is according to my iudgement at the North-west little more or lesse and that in the first great Lake the water freezeth not which maketh mee iudge that the climate is there temperate and that all the Territories of the Algoumequins are lowe grounds furnished with small store of wood And that the coast of the Irocois is Mountainous neuerthelesse they are excellent good and fertile soyles and better then they haue seene any where else That the said Irocois reside some fifty or sixty leagues from the said great Lake And this assuredly is all which they haue told mee that they haue seene which differeth very little from the report of the first Sauages This day wee came within some three leagues of the I le of Coudres or Filberds On Thursday the tenth of the said moneth wee came within a league and an halfe of the I le Du Lieure or Of the Hare on the North side where other Sauages came into our Pinnace among whom there was a young man an Algoumequin which had trauelled much in the said great Lake Wee examined him very particularly as wee had done the other Sauages Hee told vs that hauing passed the said Fall which wee had seene within two or three leagues there is a Riuer which goeth to the said Algoumequins where they be lodged and that passing vp the great Riuer of Canada there are fiue Falls which may containe from the first to the last some eight or nine leagues whereof there bee three where they carrie their Canoas and two others wherein they draw them that each of the said Falls may be a quarter of a league long then they come into a Lake which may containe some fifteene leagues Then they passe fiue other Falls which may containe from the the first to the last some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues where there are not past two of the said Falls which they passe with their Canoas in the other three they doe but draw them From thence they enter into an exceeding great Lake which may containe some three hundred leagues in length when they are passed some hundred leagues into the said Lake they meet with an Iland which is very great and beyond the said Iland the water is brackish But when they haue passed some hundred leagues farther the water is yet falter and comming to the end of the said Lake the water is wholly salt Farther he said that there is a Fall that is a league broad from whence an exceeding current of water descendeth into the said Lake That after a man is passed this Fall no more land can be seene neither on the one side nor on the other but so great a Sea that they neuer haue seene the end thereof nor haue heard tell that any other haue seene the same That the Sunne setteth on the right hand of the said Lake and that at the entrance thereof there is a Riuer which goeth to the Algoumequins and another Riuer to the Irocois whereby they warre the one against the other That the Countrie of the Irocois is somewhat mountainous yet very fertile where there is store of Indian Wheat and other fruits which they haue not in their Countrie That the Countrie of the Algoumequins is lowe and fruitfull I enquired of them whether they had any knowledge of any Mines They told vs that there is a Nation which are called the good Irocois which come to exchange for merchanâ—â—ses which the French ships doe giue to the Algoumequins which say that there is toward the North a Mine of fine Copper whereof they shewed vs certaine Bracelets which they had receiued of the said Good Irocois and that if any of vs would goe thither they would bring them to the place which should bee appointed for that businesse And this is all which I could learne of the one and the other differing but very little saue that the second which were examined said that they had not tasted of the salt water for they had not beene so farre within the said Lake as the others and they differ some small deale in the length of the way the one sort making it more short and the other more long So that according to their report from the Sault or Fall where wee were is the space of some foure hundred leagues vnto the
season there one may see Orange-trees Lymmon-trees Fig-trees Pomgranat-trees and all such sorts of trees bring forth fruit as good as in Prouence The Sauages vse sweatings often as it were euery moneth and by this meanes they preserue themselues driuing out by sweate all the cold and euill humours they might haue gathered But one singular preseruatiue against this perfidious sicknesse which commeth so stealingly and which hauing once lodged it selfe within vs will not bee put out is to follow the counsell of him that is wife amonst the wise who hauing considered all the afflictions that man giue to himselfe during his life hath found nothing better then to reioyce himselfe and doe good 〈◊〉 take pleasure in his owne workes They that haue done so in our companie haue found themse 〈…〉 s well by it contrariwise some alwaies grudging repining neuer content idle haue beene found out by the same disease True it is that for to enioy mirth it is good to haue the sweetnesse of fresh meates Fleshes Fishes Milke Butter Oyles Fruits and such like which wee had not at will I meane the common sort for alwaies some one or other of the companie did furnish Monsieur de Poutrincourt his Table with Wilde-fowle Venison or fresh Fish And if wee had halfe a dozen Kine I beleeue that no body had died there It resteth a preseruatiue necessary for the accomplishment of mirth and to the end one may take pleasure on the worke of his hands is euery one to haue the honest companie of his lawfull wife for without that the cheere is neuer perfect ones minde is alwaies vpon that which one loues and desireth there is still some sorrow the body becomes full of ill humours and so the sicknesse doth breed And for the last and soueraigne remedie I send backe the Patient to the tree of life for so one may well qualifie it which Iames Quartier doth call Anneda yet vnknowne in the coast of Port Royall vnlesse it bee peraduenture the Sasafras whereof there is quantitie in certaine places And it is an assured thing that the said tree is very excellent But Monsieur Champlain who is now in the great Riuer of Canada passing his Winter in the same part where the said Quartier did winter hath charge to finde it out and to make prouision thereof THe rough season being passed Monsieur de Monts wearied with his bad dwelling at Saint Croix determined to seeke out another Port in a warmer Countrie and more to the South And to that end made a Pinnace to bee armed and furnished with victuals to follow the coast and discouering new Countries to seeke out some happier Port in a more temperate aire Hee made in this Voyage but about an hundred and twenty leagues as wee will tell you now From Saint Croix to sixty leagues forward the coast lieth East and West at the end of which sixty leagues is a Riuer called by the Sauages Kinibeki From which place to Malebarre it lieth North and South and there is yet from one to the other sixty leagues in right line not following the Bayes So farre stretcheth Monsieur de Monts his Voyage wherein hee had for Pilot in his Vessell Monsieur de Champdore In all this Coast so farre as Kinibeki there are many places where shippes may bee harboured amongst the Ilands but the people there is not so frequent as is beyond that And there is no remarkable thing at least that may bee seene in the outside of the Lands but a Riuer whereof many haue written fables one after another I will recite that which is in the last Booke intituled The vniuersall Historie of the West Indies Printed at Douay the last yeere 1607. in the place where hee speaketh of Norombega For in reporting this I shall haue also said that which the first haue written from whom they haue had it Moreouer towards the North sayth the Authour after hee had spoken of Virginia is Norombega which is knowne well enough by reason of a faire Towne and a great Riuer though it is not found from whence it hath his name for the Barbarians doe call it Aguncia At the mouth of this Riuer there is an Iland very fit for fishing The Region that goeth along the Sea doth abound in fish and towards New France there is great number of wilde beasts and is very commodious for hunting the Inhabitants doe liue in the same manner as they of New France If this beautifull Towne hath euer beene in nature I would faine knowe who hath pulled it downe For there is but Cabins heere and there made with pearkes and couered with barkes of trees or with skinnes and both the Riuer and the place inhabited is called Pemptegoet and not Agguncia The Riuer sauing the tide is scarce as the Riuer on that coast because there are not Lands sufficient to produce them by reason of the great Riuer of Canada which runneth like this coast and is not fourescore leagues distant from that place in crossing the Lands which from else-where receiued many Riuers falling from those parts which are towards Norombega At the entrie whereof it is so farre from hauing but one Iland that rather the number thereof is almost infinite for as much as this Riuer enlarging it selfe like the Greeke Lambda 〈◊〉 the mouth whereof is all full of Iles whereof there is one of them lying very farre off and the formost in the Sea which is high and markable aboue the others But some will say that I equiuocate in the situation of Norombega and that it is not placed where I take it To this I answer that the Author whose words I haue a little before alleaged is in this my sufficient warrant who in his Geographicall Mappe hath placed in the mouth of this Riuer in the 44. degree and his supposed Towne in the 45. wherein we differ but in one degree which is a small matter For the Riuer that I meane is in the 45. degree and as for any Towne there is none Now of necessity it must be this riuer because that the same being passed and that of Kinibeki which is in the same higth there is no other Riuer forward whereof account should be made till one come to Virginia I say furthermore that seeing the Barbarians of Norombega doe liue as they of new France and haue abundance of hunting it must be that their Prouince be sea 〈…〉 our new France for fiftie leagues farther to the South-west there is no great game bec 〈…〉 e the woods are thinner there and the Inhabitants setled and in greater number then in Norombega The Riuer of Norombega being passed Monsieur de Monts went still coasting vntill he came to Kinibeki where a Riuer is that may shorten the way to goe to the great Riuer of Canada There is a number of Sauages Cabined there and the land beginneth there to be better peopled From Kinibeki going farther one findeth the Bay of
that there had bin a generall determination to haue shut vp hatches and commending our sinfull soules to God committed the Shippe to the mercy of the Sea surely that night we must haue done it and that night had we then perished but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope by our mercifull God giuen vnto vs. Sir George Summers when no man dreamed of such happinesse had discouered and cried Land Indeede the morning now three quarters spent had wonne a little cleerenesse from the dayes before and it being better surueyed the very trees were seene to moue with the winde vpon the shoare side whereupon our Gouernour commanded the Helme-man to beare vp the Boateswaine sounding at the first found it thirteene fathome when we stood a little in seuen fatham and presently heauing his lead the third time had ground at foure fathome and by this we had got her within a mile vnder the South-east point of the land where we had somewhat smooth water But hauing no hope to saue her by comming to an anker in the same we were inforced to runne her ashoare as neere the land as we could which brought vs within three quarters of a mile of shoare and by the mercy of God vnto vs making out our Boates we had ere night brought all our men women and children about the number of one hundred and fifty safe into the Iland We found it to be the dangerous and dreaded Iland or rather Ilands of the Bermuda whereof let mee giue your Ladyship a briefe description before I proceed to my narration And that the rather because they be so terrible to all that euer touched on them and such tempests thunders and other fearefull obiects are seene and heard about them that they be called commonly The Deuils Ilands and are feared and auoyded of all sea trauellers aliue aboue any other place in the world Yet it pleased our mercifull God to make euen this hideous and hated place both the place of our safetie and meanes of our deliuerance And hereby also I hope to deliuer the world from a foule and generall errour it being counted of most that they can be no habitation for Men but rather giuen ouer to Deuils and wicked Spirits whereas indeed wee find them now by experience to bee as habitable and commodious as most Countries of the same climate and situation insomuch as if the entrance into them were as easie as the place it selfe is contenting it had long ere this beene inhabited as well as other Ilands Thus shall we make it appeare That Truth is the daughter of Time and that men ought not to deny euery thing which is not subiect to their owne sense The Bermudas bee broken Ilands fiue hundred of them in manner of an Archipelagus at least if you may call them all Ilands that lie how little soeuer into the Sea and by themselues of small compasse some larger yet then other as time and the Sea hath wonne from them and eaten his passage through and all now lying in the figure of a Croissant within the circuit of sixe or seuen leagues at the most albeit at first it is said of them that they were thirteene or fourteene leagues and more in longitude as I haue heard For no greater distance is it from the Northwest Point to Gates his Bay as by this Map your Ladyship may see in which Sir George Summers who coasted in his Boat about them all tooke great care to expresse the same exactly and full and made his draught perfect for all good occasions and the benefit of such who either in distresse might be brought vpon them or make saile this way It should seeme by the testimony of Gonzalus Ferdinandus Ouiedus in his Booke intituled The Summary or Abridgement of his generall History of the West Indies written to the Emperor Charles the Fift that they haue beene indeed of greater compasse and I easily beleeue it then they are now who thus saith In the yeere 1515. when I came first to informe your Maiesty of the state of the things in India and was the yeere following in Flanders in the time of your most fortunate successe in these your kingdomes of Aragony and Casteel whereas at that voyage I sayled aboue the Iland Bermudas otherwise called Gorza being the farthest of all the Ilands that are yet found at this day in the world and arriuing there at the depth of eight yards of water and distant from the Land as farre as the shot of a Peece of Ordnance I determined to send some of the ship to Land as well to make search of such things as were there as also to leaue in the Iland certaine Hogges for increase but the time not seruing my purpose by reason of contrary winde I could bring my Ships no neerer the Iland being twelue leagues in length and sixteene in breadth and about thirtie in circuit lying in the thirtie three degrees of the North side Thus farre hee True it is the maine Iland or greatest of them now may bee some sixteene miles in length East North-east and West South-west the longest part of it standing in thirtie two degrees and twentie minutes in which is a great Bay on the North side in the North-west end and many broken Ilands in that Sound or Bay and a little round Iland at the South-west end As occasions were offered so we gaue titles and names to certaine places These Ilands are often afflicted and rent with tempests great strokes of thunder lightning and raine in the extreamity of violence which and it may well bee hath so sundred and torne downe the Rockes and whurried whole quarters of Ilands into the maine Sea some sixe some seuen leagues and is like in time to swallow them all so as euen in that distance from the shoare there is no small danger of them and with them of the stormes continually raging from them which once in the full and change commonly of euery Moone Winter or Summer keepe their vnchangeable round and rather thunder then blow from euery corner about them sometimes fortie eight houres together especially if the circle which the Philosophers call Halo were in our being there seene about the Moone at any season which bow indeed appeared there often and would bee of a mightie compasse and breadth I haue not obserued it any where one quarter so great especially about the twentieth of March I saw the greatest when followed vpon the eues eue of the Annuntiation of our Ladie the mightiest blast of lightning and most terrible rap of thunder that euer astonied mortall men I thinke In August September and vntill the end of October wee had very hot and pleasant weather onely as I say thunder lightning and many scattering showers of Raine which would passe swiftly ouer and yet fall with such force and darknesse for the time as if it would neuer bee cleere againe wee wanted not any and of raine more in
and reuerend Diuine Doctor LAYFIELD his Lordships Chaplaine and Attendant in that expedition very much abbreuiated §. I. The Shippes emploied in the Voyage and accidents on the Coasts of Spaine in the Canaries and the Nauigation thence to Dominica HIs Lordship being authorised by Letters Patents giuen at Westminster the foureteenth of Ianuary to leuie Forces seruiceable by Sea and Land came downe to Portesmouth the eight of February wherein nothing memorable happened till Munday being the thirteenth of March. While we were at Morning Prayer his Lordship happened to see a Gallant of the company purposely I name him not reading of Orlando Furioso to whom himselfe in person went presently after Seruice all the Company being by and hauing told him that we might looke that God would serue vs accordingly if we serued not him better bad him be sure that if againe he tooks him in the like manner he would cast his Booke ouer-boâ—â—d and turne himselfe out of the Ship The next day by obseruation it was found that towards the euening we had runne within fiue or sixe and twenty leagues of the North Cape whereupon his Lordship gaue direction to the Vice-admirall that he should carry his Flagge in the Maine-top and with a peece of Ordnance should hale in the rest of the Fleete to his Lee and that they all with him as their Admirall for the time should this night winde South and by West and there they should ride off and on scattering themselues to the North and South in the height of the Burlings till his Lordshippe should come to them In the meane season himselfe attended onely with the Guiana and the Scourges scoâ—t run to fall in with the North Cape meaning by the taking of some Caruell or some Fisherman to haue some certaine intelligence in what forwardnesse the fiue Carracks were which at this very time his Lordship knew were outwards bound The defect of his maine Maste caused him to stand in for the Burlings The Burlings is an Iland something longer then broad and by the violent beating of the Sea it selfe almost made two Ilands and within few yeares it will be so exceeding rockie it is and barren aboue measure We found no liuing thing in it but Lysards and some few Conies Vpon thursday being the thirteenth of Aprill we had sight of the Ilands The first that was within kenning was Alegrança the most Northerly of the Canaries we left it on the star-boord side as also three little hils rather then the Islands hauing all one name of the Grange In the afternoone we had Lancerota one of the six great Canaries in cleere kenning The next morning twixt fiue and six we were come to an anchor in the Roade which beareth East South-east of the Iland His Lordship had taken colde with watching the last night whereupon he found himselfe so ill the next morning being good Friday that he kept his Cabbin and was glad to take some strong Physicke He sent therefore for Sir Iohn Barkley his Lieutenant generall and gaue him order to land with certaine Companies to the number of betweene fiue and six hundred men They were in their March by ten that morning and marched the next way as they thought to the chiefe Towne of the Iland but their foremost desire was if they might to haue surprised the Marquesse who commandeth both that and the next Iland called Fortenentura as his owne possession The Towne is from the place they landed at as they coniecture some ten miles at the least By fiue in the afternoone they entered the Towne which besides the expectation they found clearely quitted of the enemy and nothing in a manner left sauing good store of very excellent Wine and Cheese After the Towne was assured Sir Iohn sent a troope to a strong Hold some halfe a mile of from the Towne called the Castle a place which the Marquesse had fortified with good store of Munition and Ordnance When our Troopes were come vp the Hill they found twixt 80 and 100. Ilanders and Spaniards within and about the house but without fight they quitted the place so that our men entered it without losse or danger They found in it a dozen or more cast Peeces of Brasse the least Bases the most whole Culuering and Demiculuering and an innumerable company of Stones laid in places of greatest aduantage The House it selfe built of squared stone flanked very strongly and cunningly both for defence and offence the entrance thereunto not as in our Forts of equall height with the foundation and ground but raised about a Pikes length in height so that without the vse of a Ladder there could be no entrance there I haue heard sundry of our wisest Commanders say that if they had drawne in their Ladder and onely shut the doore twenty men victualled might haue kept it against fiue hundred The Towne consisteth of somewhat more then a hundred houses whose building is rude being commonly but of one Storie their Roofes flat and something sloping to cast of raine couered onely with Canes or Straw laid vpon a few rafters and very dirt cast vpon all which being hardned by the Sunne becommeth of showre-proofe The Inhabitants are of very able and actiue bodies their stature commonly tall of swiftnesse in that Mountainous Countrie not farre behinde their Horses and Cammels their Armes are Pikes and Stones when a Peece is presented to them so soone as they perceiue the cocke or match to fall they cast themselues flat to the ground and the report is no sooner heard but they are vpon their feete their stones out of their hands and withall they charge with their Pikes and this in scattered incounters or single fight for either they know not or neglect orderly baâ—talion oftner giueth then receiueth hurt The Iland it is not round but stretched somewhat in length to the North-east and South-west parted by a ridge of Hils from end to end as Italie is by the Mountaines Apennine These hils are barren otherwise then that in prettie store they feede flocks of Sâ—eepe and Goates Their Vallies promise no fruitfulnesse being very sandy and dry something like Rye-fields in England and yet they yeelde passing good Barley and Wheate Their beasts be Sheepe and Goates few Neate many Asses fewer Camels but fewest Gennets and these of no great stature The Iland is thought to exceede the Wight both in breadth and length of the Temper a man may iudge besides that it lyeth in 28. degâ—ees and some minutes by the complexion of the Inhabitants which is blackish and by their Haruest-time which was past before the middest of Aprill and looke for a second about Michaelmas their landing there was vpon good Friday The next day the fifteenth of Aprill Sir Iohn Barkeley being out of hope to finde the Marquesse not knowing where to seeke him whom feare had taught to hide himselfe closely marched backe to the Nauie without farther
we haled ouer to the Coast of Tierra firma and arriued first at the I le of Margarita and comming to the Rancheria or fishing of Pearles in the small Iland of Cubagua we found the Gouernour of Cumana there with a company of Souldiers neuerthelesse we made bold to land and in our landing we receiued a great fight wherein diuers of our men on both sides were wounded but in the end I tooke the place with diuers of the stoutest of our Enemies Prisoners and thirteene Periaguaes and Canoes which are Barkes and Boats of the Countrey for ransome of all which I receiued fiue hundred pounds in Pearle This done I proceeded on my iourney sayling directly for Cape dela Vela and there meeting with a Portugall shippe of two hundred and fiftie tuns laden with three hundred and seuentie Negros brought from Congo or Angola and going to Cantagena with little resistance I tooke the same And sayling along with my prize Westward not able to double the Iles called Las Cabeças I was driuen farre downe to the Southward into the Gulfe of Acle in Spanish called Eusenada de Acle where we landed all our Portugals and Negros keeping only the Captaine which afterward paid â—â—e fiue hundred pounds for his owne and their ranâ—omes Within a while after we stood Westward with our shippes and went into the Iles called the Cabeças where I embarked an hundred and fiftie of my men in two small Pinnasses and two fine shallops and went for the Iles de Bastimentos and landing there vpon the said Ilands which are peopled and very fruitfull I tooke sixe or seuen Negroes for guides and so presently with our Pinnasses and Boates entred the mouth of the Riuer of Porto bello the seuenth of Februarie about two of the clocke after midnight the Moone shining very brightly At our first entrance into the Hauen which is aboue twelue score ouer and very deepe at the mouth and farre vpward we were halled by the strong and stately Castle of Saint Philip hauing thirtie fiue great pieces of Brazen Ordnance and fiftie Souldiers in the same to know whence we were wee hauing aboord vs such as could speake Spanish excellent well answered that we were of Cartagena then they commanded vs to anchor which we did accordingly About one houre afterwards with my two shallops which lay close by my Pinnasses and some thirtie of my principall men I went vp the Riuer hauing some of the smaller Fort called the Fort of Saint Iago which is directly ouer against the great Castle of Saint Philip running still on the shoare and crying out on me to stay but neglecting their out-cryes I landed at the first Towne called Triana where the alarme was presently giuen which neuerthelesse I set on fire and marched ouer a little Brooke into the great rich Towne of Porto bello and comming directly vp to the Kings Treasure-house which is very faire and large we found a squadron of souldiers whereof there are two hundred and fiftie alwayes belonging to the Towne and another company of the Inhabitants with two brasse Pieces of field Ordnance well mounted on their carriages which we presently possessed and fiercely set vpon the Souldiers At which alarme Captaine Antonie Fugars and Captaine George Lawriman of Ratcliffe came vp with my two Pinnasses with an hundred and twentie men to my rescue which was very hardly laid vnto At this house at our first comming into the Towne my Lieutenant Samuel Barnet was shot on the side of his head and through his eare and Captaine Giles comming to second him was likewise shot ouer the brest and through his arme In this meane space Pedro Melendes the Gouernour of the Towne had gathered sixtie Souldiers together and was comming toward a certaine bridge to encounter me I hauing not then aboue eight or nine men with mee to withstand them but God did prosper our proceedings mightily For the first two shot that went from vs shot Melendes through his Target and went through both his armes and the other shot hurt the Corporall of the field Whereupon they all retired to the house which they made good vntill it was almost day Against whom I sent Captaine Ward with some Souldiers who entred the house killing diuers of them and wounded Melendes in eight places more himselfe being shot through both his thighes in entring and some of his men hurt but in the end he tooke Melendes Prisoner and became Master of the house My selfe with others went to the Kings house wherein were many of the Souldiers who would not come to any composition but stoutly defended the same against Captaine Giles and our Lieutenant Samuel Barnet who in the end flue diuers of them and hurt many others taking the Kings Scriuano prisoner This fight endured for the space of foure or fiue houres The fight being ended and we being Masters of the Kings Treasure-house and all the Towne and hauing the Gouernour Melendes and the Scriuano with many others of the chiefest my Prisoners except the Alcalde which fled out of the Towne with a chaine of Gold about his necke Such Treasure as was found in the Kings house to the value of some nine or ten thousand Duckets I reserued to my selfe which was nothing to that which wee did expect that being the receite at one time of the yeere of all the Treasure that commeth from Peru and Chile amounting at least to fiue or sixe Millions of Duckets and had I come but seuen dayes sooner I had taken heere an hundred and twentie thousand Duckets which were newly laden in two Frigats for Cartagena The rest of the spoile of the Towne which came to no small value in Money Plate and Merchandize I gaue wholy to my Souldiers which being done I disposed my Corpses du guard in diuers places for keeping the Towne all that day and at the end of the streete leading toward Panama on the South Sea being full of all Artificers we made a barricado where Captaine Giles stood with another Corps du guard being diuers times assaulted by the enemy whom still hee valiantly repulsed and put to the worse Pedro Melendes the chiefe Gouernour of the Towne being my Prisoner in regard that he had valiantly carried himselfe in making resistance vntill he had tenne or eleuen wounds vpon him I did not only at length dismisse without any peny for his ransome but also caused my Chirurgion very carefully to dresse and trimme his wounds vsing him and his farre otherwise then Pedro Melendes his great Vncle vsed Iohn Ribault Landoniere and the French Nation in Florida whom they most cruelly murdered and massacred as many as they could lay any hands vpon Thus being Master for one whole day of the stately and new builded Towne of Porto bello which had two goodly Churches in it fully finished and sixe or seuen faire streets whereof two were full of all necessarie Artificers and of Merchants with three small
of London THe Riuer of the Amazons lieth in the highest part of the West Indies beyond the Equinoctial Line to fall with this Riuer fortie leagues from Land you shal haue 8. 6. 7. fathomes water you shal see the Sea change to a ruddie colour the water shall grow fresh by these signes you may run boldly in your course and comming neere the Riuers mouth the depth of your water shal increase then you shal make Discouerie of the Trees before the Land by reason the Land is very low and not higher in one place then another three foote being at a Spring tide almost all ouerflowne God knowes how many hundred leagues It flowes much water there with a verie forcible tide In this Riuer I continued tenne weekes seeing the fashion of the people and Countrie there This Countrie is altogether full of Woods with all sorts of wilde Beasts as Lions Beares Woolues Leopards Baboones strange Boores Apes Monkeies Martins Sanguines Marmosets with diuers other strange beasts also these Woods are full of Wild-fowle of all sorts and Parrats more plentifull then Pidgeons in England and as good meate for I haue often eaten of them Also this Countrey is very full of Riuers hauing a King ouer euerie Riuer In this place is continuall Tempests as Lightning Thunder and Raine and so extreame that it continues most commonly sixteene or eighteene houres in foure and twentie There are many standing waters in this Countrie which bee full of Aligators Guianes with many other seuerall water Serpents and great store of fresh fish of strange fashions This Countrie is full of Muskitas which is a small Flie which much offends a Stranger comming newly into the Countrie The manner fashion and nature of the people is this They are altogether naked both men and women hauing not so much as one threed about them to couer any part of their nakednesse the man taketh a round Cane as bigge as a pennie Candle and two inches in length through the which hee puls the fore-skinne of his yard tying the skinne with a piece of the rinde of a Tree about the bignesse of a small pack-threed then making of it fast about his middle hee continueth thus till hee haue occasion to vse him In each Eare hee weareth a Reede or Cane which hee bores through it about the bignesse of a Swannes Quill and in length halfe an inch and the like through the midst of the lower lippe also at the bridge of the Nose hee hangs in a Reede a small glâ—sse Beade or Button which hanging directly afore his Mouth flies too and fro still as hee speakes wherein hee takes great pride and pleasure Hee weares his Haire long being rounded below to the neather part of his Eare and cut short or rather as I iudged pluckt bald on the câ—owne like a â—rier But their women vse no fashion at all to set forth themselues but starke naked as they were borne with haire long of their Heads also their Breasts hang verie low by reason they are neuer laced or braced vp they doe vse to anoint their Bodies both Men and Women with a kind of redde Earth because the Muskitas or Flies shall not offend them These people are verie ingenious craftie and treacherous verie light of foot and good Bowemen whose like I haue neuer seene for they doe ordinarily kill their owne food as Beasts Fowle and Fish the manner of their Bow and Arrowes is this The Bow is about two yards in length the Arrow seuen foote His Bow is made of Brasill-wood verie curious his string of the rinde of a Tree lying close to the Boâ— without any bent his Arrow made of Reede and the head of it is a fish bone 〈◊〉 a Beast in this manner standing behinde a Tree hee takes his marke at the Beast and wo 〈…〉 〈◊〉 he followes him like a Bloud-hound till he fall oftentimes seconding his shoot then for any Fowle be he neuer so little he neuer misses him as for the first hee walkes by the water side and when hee hath spied a fish in the water hee presently strikes him with his Arrow and suddenly throwing downe his Bow hee leapes into the water swimming to his Arrow which hee drawes aland with the fish fastened to it then hauing each kild his owne food as well flesh and fowle as fish they meete together to the number of fiftie or sixtie in a company then make a fire after this fashion They take two stickes of Wood rubbing one hard against another till such time as they bee fired then making of a great fire euery man is his owne Cooke to broile that which he hath gotten and thus they feed without Bread or Salt or any kind of drinke but Water and Tobacco neither doe they know what it meanes In these Countries we could find neither Gold nor Siluer Oare but great store of Hennes For I haue bought a couple for a Iewes Harpe when they would refuse tenne shillings in money This Countrie is full of delicious fruite as Pines Plantines Guaues and Potato Rootes of which Fruits and Roots I would haue bought a mans burthen for a glasse Button or Bead. The manner of their Lodging is this they haue a kinde of Net made of the rinde of a Tree which they call Haemac being three fathome in length and two in breadth and gathered at both ends at length then fastning either end to a Tree to the full length about a yard and halfe from the ground when hee hath desire to sleepe hee creepes vnto it The King of euerie Riuer is knowne by this manner He weares vpon his head a Crowne of Parrats feathers of seuerall colours hauing either about his middle or about his Necke a Chaine of Lions teeth or clawes or of some other strange beast hauing a woodden Sword in his hand and hereby is he knowne to be the King Oftentimes one King warres against another in their Canowes which are Boats cut out of a whole Tree sometimes taking one another the Conquerours eates the Captiues By this time ten weekes were spent and being homewards bound but not the same way that we came for we sailed vnto the Riuer before the winde because it blowes there continually one way which forces all shippes that come thither to returne by a contrarie way The end of the sixth Booke VOYAGES TO AND ABOVT THE SOVTHERNE AMERICA WITH MANY MARINE OBSERVATIONS AND DISCOVRSES OF THOSE SEAS AND LANDS BY ENGLISHMEN AND OTHERS THE SEAVENTH BOOKE REader I here present thee the exactest Treatise of Brasil which I haue seene written by any man especially in the Historie of the multiplied and diuersified Nations and customes of men as also in the naturall Historie of Beasts Serpents Fowles Fishes Trees Plants with diuers other remarkeable rarities of those Regions It was written it seemeth by a Portugall Frier or Iesuite which had liued thirtie yeares in those parts from whom much against his will the written Booke was taken by one
imitating blue and yeeldeth the smell of the fruit of the Idean Bramble so that by the smell they were easily found of vs wandring in the Woods and other places where they grow they are of so sweet and pleasant a taste that none of our preserued fruits excell them Therefore I thinke it to bee the best fruit of all America I sometimes wrung one of them out of the which I drew a Cruze of juice which vnto me seemed nothing inferiour vnto the Wine which they call Malmesey Lastly as I haue said that among the Americans no foure-footed beasts birds fishes nor any liuing creatures in all things resemble ours of Europe so I now affirme as much as I could finde by experience wandring through the Woods and Fields that there are no Trees or Herbes and lastly no fruits which are not vnlike to ours except these three Plants Purslane Basill Royall and Fearne which grow in certaine places §. II. Of the Warre Battailes Fortitude and Weapons of the Barbarians and of their Religion ALthough our Tououpinambaultij Tonpinenquin make immortall warre against diuers bordering Nations after the manner of all the rest of the Barbarians Notwithstanding they contend not by warre to inlarge their bounds for they possesse more â—ands then they need or thinke of the getting of Riches by the spoiles ransomes and armes of the conquered For as they all confesse they are prouoked through no other affection then that they might most seuerely auenge the death of their Parents and Friends long since taken and deuoured by the enemie Moreouer when war is first proclaimed betweene certaine of these people all of them agreeing in this that the enemie vnto whom injurie is done will perpetually thinke on the reuenging of the same and therefore that it is to be attributed to cowardiâ—e if being brought into their power they suffer him to escape vnpunished their enmities are so inueterate and of such continuance that they can neuer be reconciled each to other But the manner whereby our Tououpinambaultij assemble being readie to goe to the warres is this as much as I could obserue Although they haue no Kings or Princes among them but are almost equall in dignitie yet this is giuen them by nature which also was most exactly in former times obserued by the Lacedemonians that they admire and reuerence the elder sort whom they call Peoreru Picheh for their experience of things therefore in euerie Village no contemptible seruice and obedience is performed vnto them These occasions being offered either walking or sitting in their Cotton hanging beds exhort the rest with these or the like words What say they speaking by turne without interruption of speech were our Ancestors who not only fought against so many enemies but also vanquished slue and deuoured them an Example vnto vs that wee should perpetually lye lurking heere at home Shall wee suffer our Nation which in former times was so great a terrour to all the rest that they could not in any sort indure their sight to be so much reproached to eur great disgrace that our enemies should assaile vs by Warre euen in our owne houses Shall we through our cowardize cause that the Margaites and Peros-ergaipa that is thâ—se wicked Nations assault vs first Then that Orator clapping his shoulders and buttocks with his hands addeth these words with exclamation Erima Erima Tououpinambaults Câ—nomâ—ouâ—ssou Tan Tan c. that is to say My Countrimen and most valiant young men wee are not so to doe but rather let vs prepare vs for the fight and bequeathe our selues to death and slaughter or auenge our people With these Orations therefore of the elders which sometimes are prolonged for six houres the hearers who most attentiuely hearken so that they forget not so much as one syllable being increased both in strength and courage speaking each to other in euerie Village assemble as speedily as they may at the prefixed place in great multitudes But before wee bring our Tououpinambaultij to the Battaâ—le wee are to declare with what Weapons they are furnished And first surely they haue Tacapes that is Clubs or Swords made some of redde and some of blacke wood they are commonly of the length of fiue or sixe feete round at the ends or of an ouall shape of the breadth of a foote and of the thicknesse of a Thumbe in the middest but the edges are verie finely sharpened for they are made of verie heauie wood such as Boxe is and are little inferiour to the edge of a verie sharpe Axe so that I easily beleeue that one Tououpinambaultian armed with such a Clubbe and inraged with furie would bee able to put two of our Countrie Fencers to much trouble and driue them to their shifts Moreouer they haue Bowes which they call Orapats made of the same kinde of wood to wit redde and blacke and they exceed ours so much in length and thicknesse that none of our men is able either to bend or vnbend them insomuch as they are of necessitie to vse all their strength for the bending of the Bowes of Children of tenne yeeres old They vse the herbe called Tocon for strings which although it bee verie slender yet is it of so great a strength that it may indure the force of an Horse Their Arrowes are of the length of an Ell made with three ioynts the middle part consisting of a Cane or Reede and the other two of blacke wood and those pieces are so aptly bound together with certaine barkes of Trees that they could not bee more firmely glued They apply two little feathers vnto them of the length of a foote which they binde together with a Cotton Thread because Glue is not in vse with them they aptly ioyne very sharpe bones on the ends sometimes a piece of a drie Reed of the length of a mans hand cut smooth after the manner of a Surgeons Launce and somtimes the verie end of the taile of the fish Raye which as I haue elsewhere said is verie venemous But since the Frenchmen and the Portugals came into those Countreyes the Barbarians after their manner haue accustomed to strengthen their Arrowes with Iron heads or at the least with verie sharpe Nailes We haue alreadie spoken what their dexteritie is in handling their Clubs but as touching the Bowes I hope that all they who haue seene the Barbarians will confirme that with their naked armes they shoot so speedily and so certainly that bee it spoken by the Englishmens leaue who are yet accounted the most skilfull Archers putting their Arrowes in the hand wherewith they hold their Bow twelue may sooner bee shot by them then sixe by the Englishmen Lastly they haue Targets of the Hide of Tapiroussou which I mentioned before broad plaine and round like to the bottome of a Germane Dâ—umme with these they couer not themselues in fight after the manner that our Souldiers vse but fighting receiue the Arrowes of
the Enemies with them So these are all the Weapons of the Americans for they couer not their bodies with other Armour but contrarily excepting their Caps of Feathers Bracelets and other short attire wherewith as aforesaid they decke their bodie if they wore but a shirt being about to goe vnto the battaâ—le they would presently put it off fearing least they might be intangled and incumbred therewith If they receiued Iron Swordes from vs as I gaue one to a certaine Moussacat of mine they presently cast away the sheathes they did the like also receiuing Kniues delighting in the brightnesse of them and thought them more seruiceable for the cutting of the boughes of Trees then for fight Eight or tenne thousand people being gathered together after the manner which hath beene spoken with no small number of women not to fight but to carrie their bagge and baggage and prouision of victuall assembling vnto the Campe they of the elder sort who haue slaine and deuoured the greatest number of enemiess haue the chiefe command and conducting of the forces who being their Leaders they prepare themselues for the journie And although they goe without order yet when they march trooping the most valiant men keeping the Front of the Armie it is a wonder how well all that whole multitude conuey themselues without Tribunes and Quarter-masters so that at the sound of the Trumpet they verie speedily assemble in battell array But there are some who with hornes which they call Inubia of the length of an elle and an halfe and of the thicknesse of our Country Speare of the bredth of an hand at the lower end like a Trumpet raise the Souldiers both going out of their Countrie and when the Campe remoueth Some also carrie Whistles made of the bones of their enemies slaine and deuoured in former time wherewith they continually pipe by the way that they might stirre vp the mindes of their companions and increase their desire to kill the enemies in like manner But if which often happeneth they please to vndertake a Voyage against the Enemie by Boat they passe along the shoares and commit not themselues vnto the maine Sea They order themselues in their Boats which they call Ygat euery one whereof consisteth of the barke of one tree taken off and appointed to this vse yet are they of such largenâ—sse that euery one of them may receiue fiftie men Standing therefore after their manner they driue the Boat forward with an Oare plaine on both sides which they hold in the middle Moreouer these Boats seing they are plaine are rowed with very little trouble yet is there no vse of them in the maine Sea or it a tempest arise But our Barbarians going a warfare in a great calme you may see a Fleet consisting of sixtie such Boats And these passe the Seas with so swift a motion that they are presently gone out of â—ight So these are the Armies of the Toupinenquin both by Sea and Land Being furnished after this manner they sometimes goe fiftie miles into the Enemies borders And first they vse this stratagem All the most valiant leaue the rest with the women and carriages one or two dayes Iourney behind them they approach with great silence and possesse the Woods lying in waite to entrappe the Enemie for whom they so diligently watch that oftentimes they lie hid there for foure and twentie houres And if they set vpon the Enemie vnawares as many men women and children as they meete with are not onely brought away but also slaine by the Enemies returning into their Countrey and put vpon Boucan in pieces and at length deuoured And they surprize them so much the more easily because the Villages for they haue no Cities are not compassed with walls and the Cottages which yet are fourescore or an hundred paces long haue no Doores but in their stead they set the boughs of Palmes or the stalke of the â—erbe Pindâ— at their Gates Yet they haue now learned to fortifie and intrench certaine Villages round about which border vpon the Enemies with postes of Palmes of sixe foot long besides they strengthen the entrances with woodden stakes sharpe at the end if therefore the Enemies will assaile those Villages by night which is common with them then the Inhabitants of the Village issue safely forth vpon them whereby it commeth to passe that whether they fight or flee they neuer escape but some are ouerthrowne through the paine of their wounded feete who are presently rosted and eaten by the Inhabitants But if they desire to fight in open warre bringing forth their forces on both sides it is scarce credible how cruell and horrible the battell is whereof my selfe was a beholder and therefore can iustly make report thereof I with another Frenchman somewhat more curiously to our great danger determined to accompanie our Barbarians going to the warres for if we had beene taken or hurt by the Margaiates wee had certainely beene deuoured These being foure thousand men in number fought with the Enemie neere vnto the shoare with such fiercenesse that they would haue ouercome euen the most furious and outragious The Tououpinambanitij as soone as they saw the Enemie brake out into so great and loude howling and exclamation as they who here hunt Wolues make no out-cries comparable with those for the clamour so pierced the aire that thunder then could scarse haue beene heard But comming neerer they doubled their cries and blew their Hornes and lastly whistled with their Pipes the one threatned the other and in a brauery shewed the bones of their dead Enemies and also the teeth whereof some wore them hanging about their neckes strung vpon a threed aboue two elles long and lastly they terrified the beholders with their gesture But when they came to ioyne battell matters fell out farre worse for a multitude of Arrowes was shot on both sides like swarming Flyes in number Such as were wounded who were not â—ew stoutly plucked the Arrowes out of their bodies which they bit like madde Dogs and yet abstayned not therefore from the battell For this Nation is so fierce and cruell that so long as they haue any little strength they fight continually and neuer betake themselues to flight we withdrawing our selues a little from the conflict were contented with that spectacle In the meane space I protest who haue diuers times here seene mightie Armies both of horse and foot ordered in battell array that I was neuer so much delighted in seeing the Legions of footmen in their glittering Armour as in beholding these Tououpinambaultij while they were fighting For besides that they were pleasantly seene whistling leaping and very speedily and nimbly gathering themselues round in a ring a very thicke cloude of Arrowes was moreouer added the feathers whereof being rose-colour blue red greene and of other such like colours gaue a radiant lustre in the Sunne their garments also Caps Bracelets and other ornaments of feathers
the Citie of Mexico by reason of their shipping although not in so great quantitie as they carry for Lisbone not for that they of Mexico either want shipping or abilitie but because the Spaniards would conquer it with the Sword as he hath done other Lands and not by the way of Traffique as the Portugall doth the principall Port from whence this Merchandize doth come is called Aguatorke in the Coast of China on the North side After the Conquest of this Kingdome of Mexico the order how the Spaniard did diuide this Land was this The principall Cities they refined to the King of Spaine and to the Generall of this Conquest who was renowmed Ferdinando Curtis they assigned vnto him a great Valley or as we call it a low Land betweene two Mountaines which was called Cornouake by which Valley he had the name of Marquesse of the Ualley where there were great Townes in which some affirme to be about 400000. fire houses whereby the rent was to him better worth then three hundred thousand Duckets by the yeere These Rents were confirmed to him and his for euer The other part of the Land that remayned was parted among the rest of the Captaines and Souldiers which were at this Conquest some had a hundred thousand Duckets by yeare and other fortie thousand Duckets and some fiftie thousand Duckets and hee that had least had ten thousand Duckets by the yeare so that now there are very few which haue this Rent for that they are most of them dead so that great part of the said Rents are fallen into the Kings hand wherefore there are many insurrections against the King which cost many a mans life And now to proceed farther along the Coast which is a Land full of great Mountains and very hot with much raine for which cause it is a very vnholsome Countrey where breedeth all noisome wormes and beasts therefore there are very few Indians dwelling there and no Spaniards so that the Countrey is almost desolate The first Land that is inhabited by the Spaniards along the Coast is called Veragua this is the most richest Land of Gold then all the rest of the Indies therefore it is inhabited with Spaniards In this place the people are alwayes sicke and it raineth continually and the Land yeeldeth no fruit so that all their sustenance commeth from other places all which necessities the Spaniards suffer with great patience for the couetousnesse of the Gold the which Gold they get out of the Riuers with the helpe of a number of Negroes I doe verily beleeue that if this Land were now the ancient Romanes or else the Egyptians they would surely make a channell from the end of this Riuer de Carinas which issueth from the Lake of Nicaragua to the South Sea for that there is no more but foure leagues betweene the Sea and the Riuer so that there they might Trade to the Moluccas and to the Coast of China so would it be sooner and easier done then the long and troublesome Voyages of the Portugals and sooner made then to goe through the Straits of Magellan which is almost vnpossible to passe thorow From this Land of Veragua vnto the Iland of Margereta the Coast along is called the firme Land not for that the other places are not of the firme Land but because it was the first firme Land that the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Ilands This Land is very hot and hath much raine and for this cause is very vnhealthfull and the most vilest place of all the rest is called Nombre de Dios which is the first place inhabited after you haue passed Veragua There may be in Nombre de Dios about foure hundred houses and hath a very good Port for shipping The cause why the Spaniards inhabited here in this place was for that it should bee the way by Land to the South Sea and for the Trade of Peru that is from hence vnto the Citie of Panama eighteene leagues And Panama standeth on the Coast of the South Sea To this Towne of Nombre de Dios doth come all Spanish shipping and there discharge them then put they the goods into small Barkes that goe vp a Riuer to a house which is called The house of Crosses where the small Barkes doe discharge the goods againe And then they put it on Mules so to carrie it to Panama which is seuen leagues from This house of Crosses all which they doe with much labour and great charge because the Land hath great store of raine and full of Mountaines and very vnhealthfull therefore they often want victuals for the victuals they haue come from Peru and Noua Hispania This Towne of Nombre de dios since they haue had the traffike out of Spaine are growne maruellous rich and very well inhabited but in short time the people left the Towne sauing onely the Merchants because of the vnhealthfulnesse thereof The King of Spaine hearing of the affaires of Drake and Oxenham sent out of Spaine three hundred Souldiers which should make warre against those Negros that had aided the Englishmen which were slaues vnto the Spaniards but runne away from their Masters and ioyned with the Englishmen thinking that way to be reuenged of the Spaniards crueltie But when these three hundred Souldiers were arriued in the Countrie at their first comming they tooke many of the Negros and did on them great iustice according to their faults committed but afterwards the Souldiers were a long time before they could get one Negro Which newes being sent vnto the King by his Captaines as also how the Countrie was full of Mountaines and Riuers and very vnhealthfull insomuch that his Souldiers died he did write to his Captaines to make agreement with those Negros to the end the Countrie might bee in quiet And the Negros inhabited two places where the Spaniards willed them so was the Kings pardon proclaimed to all those Negros from the time that they fled from their Masters into the Mountaines vnto that present day on condition that all those Negros that did runne from their Masters that day forward they should be bound to bring them dead or aliue but if they brought them not that then they should pay for them and to make all quiet in the Mountaines and on these conditions all things were concluded and agreed vpon So the Negros dwell in great Townes where they haue Spaniards for their Teachers and a Spaniard for their Iudge and with this they hold themselues very well contented and are obedient vnto their Rulers The King of Spaine hearing that Englishmen as well as Frenchmen haue vsed that Coast hee caused two Gallies to be made and well appointed to keepe the Coast the first yeere that they were made they tooke sixe or seuen French shippes and after this was knowne there vsed few Englishmen or French men of warre to come on the Coast vntill this yeere 1586. that the
fauour to seeke and discouer new Countries But the greatest and most notable discouery that hath beene from those parts now of late was that of the Isles of Salomon which were found in manner following The Licenciate Castro being gouernour of Peru sent forth a Fleete of Ships to discouer certaine Islands in the South Sea vpon the coast of Peru appointing as Generall of the same Fleete a kinsman of his called Aluares de Mendanio and Pedro Sarmiento as Lieutenant and in the Viceadmirall went Pedro de Ortega This Fleete departing forth of the hauen of Lima and sailing 800. leagues Westward off the coast of Peru found certaine Islands in eleuen degrees to the South of the Equinoctiall inhabited with a kinde of people of a yellowish complexion and all naked whose weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Darts The Beasts that they saw here were Hogs and little Dogs and they found some Hens Here also they found a muster of Cloues Ginger and Sinamon although the Sinamon were not of the best and here appeared vnto them likewise some shew of Gold The first Island that the Spaniards discouered they named Santa Izabella and here they built a small Pinnace with the which and with their Ships Boate they found out betweene nine and fifteene degrees of Southerly latitude eleuen great Islands being one with another of eightie leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sailed 150. leagues before they could know whether it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that continent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellan for they coasted it to eighteene degrees and could not finde the end thereof The Gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of Gold hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the Countrey and also for that the Indians were very stout men and fought continually against them they could neuer learne from whence that Gold came nor yet what store was in the Land These Indians vse to goe to Sea in great Canoas that will carrie one hundred men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small Pinnace and two Falcons a few may ouercome one hundred of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whom on the sodaine certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the Ships Boate and slew all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too warie in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their Pinnace and burnt the Towne and in this towne they found the small graines of Gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the end of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the winde continuing still in one place might be an occasion of longer tarrying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-boord and to lye nine moneths beating it vp and downe in the Sea before they could get into any harbour of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernment and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other Ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Straits of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needes runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as Hogs Hennes excellent Almonds Potatos Sugar-canes with diuers other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of Gold which the Indians will giue you in trucke for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of Gold brought home notwithstanding 40000. pezos with them besides great store of Cloues and Ginger and some Sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Salomon fetched Gold to adorne the Temple at Ierusalem might be the more desirous to goe and inhabit the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Islands Captaine Drake entered the South Sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the end that such Englishmen and of other Nations as passed the Straits of Magellan to goe to the Malucos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people CHAP. XII Briefe extracts translated out of IEROM BENZOS three Bookes of the New World touching the Spaniards cruell handling of the Indians and the effects thereof ANno 1641. Ierom Benzo went from Millaine to Siuill in Spaine and thence to the New World where he was entertained of the Spaniards and practised with them the huntings of the Indians which they did by lurking in couerts till some of the Natiues came within their reach by bribing the Cacikes with trifles to procure captiues and other meanes Peter Chalice came while we were there to Amaracan with aboue 4000. slaues and had brought many more but with labour wearinesse hunger and griefe for losse of their Countrie and friends many had perished in the way Many also not able to follow in the Spaniards swift march were by them killed to preuent their taking armes A miserable spectacle to see those troopes of slaues naked with their bodies rent maimed starued the mothers dragging or carrying on their shoulders their children howling the neckes of all armes and hands chained not any growne Maide amongst them which the spoilers had not rauished with so profuse lust that thence grew contagion and pernicious diseases The Spanish horsemen in those warres vsed quilted Iackes with Launces and Swords the footemen Sword Shield and Crosse-bow with lighter Iackes The moisture and great dewes made Peeces vnseruiceable in those parts The Islanders in Hispaniola seeing no hope of better or place for worse killed their children and then hanged themselues The women
him and twelue other with the horse Two dayes after the Gouernour came vnto vs wee imbarked our selues and were in the whole foure hundred men and fourescore horses in foure Ships and one Brigantine The Pilot which we had newly taken brought the Ships through the quicke sands which they call Canerreo so that the day following we found our selues on dry land and so remained fiue dayes the keele of the Ships oftentimes striking vpon the ground At the end of those fiue dayes a storme from the South brought so much water vpon the sands that wee might come out although not without much danger Departing thence we arriued at Guanignanico where another tempest assailed vs so fiercely that we stood in great danger to be lost at the head of the currents we had another where we staid three dayes And these being ouerpassed we went about the Cape of Saint Anthony and with a contrary winde we went till wee came within twelue leagues of the Hauana and standing the day following to put in there a Southerne gale of winde tooke vs which droue vs farre from the land so that wee crossed ouer by the coast of Florida and arriued the twelfth of Aprill at the land of Martes so coasting the way of Florida vpon holy Thursday in the same coast we ancored in the mouth of an open roade at the head whereof we saw certaine houses and habitations of the Indians The same day Alonso Euriquez the Auditor went out of the Ship and landed vpon an Iland which is in the same open roade and called to those Indians who came and abode with vs a good space and by way of ransome gaue him fish and certaine peeces of Deeres flesh The day following which was good Friday the Gouernour imbarked himselfe with as many men as the Boates could carry and we went to the Villages or houses of the Indians which wee had seene which we found all emptie and desolate because that night the people were gone in their Canoes One of those houses was very great and able to containe more then three hundred persons the other were much lesser and there we found a little Bell of Gold within the Nets The next day the Gouernour aduanced the Ensigne for your Maiesty and tooke possession of the Village in your royall name and presented the Commissions and was receiued and obayed as Gouernour according to your Maiesties appointment And so in like manner we presented our other prouisoes vnto him which he accepted and obeyed according to the contents thereof and presently caused the rest of the men to be shipped and the horses which were not aboue two and fortie because the other through the many tempests and beating of the Sea and length of time were dead And these few that remained were so weake and wearied as at that time we could doe little seruice The day following the Indians of those places came vnto vs and although they spoke vnto vs yet notwithstanding we vnderstood them not The Gouernour commanded that the Brigantine should goe coasting the way of Florida and search for the hauen which the Pilot Miruelo said he knew but was now astonished and knew not in what part we were nor where the hauen was and the Brigantine was appointed that if they found not the hauen to crosse ouer to the Hauana and finde the Ship wherein Aluaro della Querda was and hauing taken in some victuall to returne to finde it The Brigantine being deing departed we returned to enter into the Village of the same people where we had bin before with some other more and we coasted the gulfe which wee had found and hauing gone about foure leagues we tooke foure Indians and shewed them Maiz because vntill that day wee had not yet seene any token thereof they said they would bring vs where it grew and so they brought vs to their Village which was not farre from thence at the head of the gulfe and there they shewed vs a little Maiz which was not yet ripe to be gathered There wee found many chests of the Merchants of Castile and in euery one of them was the body of a dead man all which were couered with Deeres skins painted The Commissary thought that it was a kinde of Idolatry so he burned the chests with all the bodies We also found peeces of webs of cloath and Pennacchi which they had gotten out of Noua Hispaniola and certaine mosters of Gold Whereupon we demanded of those Indians by signes from whence they had such things They by signes shewed vs that very farre from thence there was a Prouince called Apalachen wherein there was great quantity of Gold Departing from thence wee went further carrying for guides those foure Indians which we had first taken and so ten or twelue leagues off from that place wee found another people of fifteene houses where was a goodly Plaine sowed with Maiz which now was ready to be gathered and we found some also dry There we abode two dayes and after returned May the first the Gouernour caused two pound of Biscuit and halfe a pound of Porke to be giuen to euery one of them who were to goe with vs and so we departed to enter within the land The summe of all them who went was three hundred men in all among whom was the Commissary Frier Iohn Sciuarez and another Frier called Frier Iohn de Palis and three Clarkes and the Officers Forty of vs were on horsebacke and so with that prouision which wee had brought wee went fifteene dayes without finding any other things to eate except Dates like those of Andaluzia In all this time we found not any Indian nor saw any house nor place inhabited and in the end we found a Riuer which wee passed with much danger and trouble by swimming and vpon rafts and staied a day to passe ouer it because it ranne with much fury Hauing passed to the other side of the Riuer two hundred Indians came against vs and the Gouernour went before and after he had spoken to them by signes they made much signes againe vnto vs that we should ioyne our selues with them taking fiue or sixe who brought vs vnto their houses which were about halfe a league off and there wee found great quantity of Maiz which staod now ready to be gathered After some search of the Countrey to the Sea wee departed from that place alwayes as we went inquiring for that Prouince which the Indians said was called Apalachen and brought for guides them that we had taken and so went forward vntill the seuenteenth of Iune and found no Indians that durst abide our comming There a y Cacique came vnto vs whom an Indian carried vpon his necke and hee was couered with a Deeres skinne painted and brought with him many people who went before him playing vpon certaine Flutes made of canes and so came vnto the Gouernour and abode with him an houre and we gaue him to vnderstand by
will soone take an end c. And a little below he saith Whereby your Maiestie shall know cleerely how those which gouerne in those quarters doe deserue to be dismounted and deposed from their gouernment to the end that the Common-weales may be relieued That if that be not done in mine aduise they can neuer be cured of their diseases His Maiestie shall vnderstand moreouer that in those Regions there are not any Christians but Deuils that there are no Seruants of God and the King but Traitors to the state and their King And in truth the greatest incumbrance that I find in reducing the Indians that are in warre and to set them at peace and to lead those which are at peace to the knowledge of our faith is vnnaturall and cruell entreatie which they that are in peace receiue of the Spanish being so deeply altered and launced that they haue nothing in more hatred and horror then the name of Christians the which in all these Countries they call in their Language Yares that is to say Deuils For the acts which they committed here are neither of Christians nor of men which haue the vse of reason but of Deuils Whereof it commeth to passe that the Indies which doe see these behauiours to be generally so farre estranged from all humanitie and without any mercie aswell in the heads as in the members they esteeme that the Christians do hold these things for a Law and that their God and their King are the Authors thereof And to endeuour to perswade them otherwise were to endeuour in vaine and to minister vnto them the more ample matter to deride and scorne Iesus Christ and his Law The Indians that are in war seeing the intreatie vsed toward the Indians that are in peace would choose rather to die once for all then to endure sundrie deaths beeing vnder the command of the Spanish I know this by experience most victorious Caesar c. He calleth the Indians in warre those which saued themselues by flying into the Mountaines from the slaughters of the mischieuous Spaniards And hee calleth the Indians in peace those which after hauing lost an infinite of their people by the Massacres haue beene thralled into the Tyrannicall and horrible seruitude aforesaid and whereof in the end they haue beene fined out desolated and slaine as appeareth by that which hath beene said by the Bishoppe which notwithstanding speaketh but little in comparison of that which they haue suffered The Indians in that Countrie haue accustomed to say if when they are trauelled and driuen vp the Mountaines loden they happen to fall downe and to faint for feeblenesse and for paine for at that time they lay on vpon them blowes with their feet and with their staues and they breake their teeth with the pummels of their Swords to make them rise and march on without taking of breath with these words Out vpon thee what a Uillaine art thou they I say the Indians for their parts are wont to say I can no more kill me here right I doe desire to die heere and this they say with great sighes and being scarce able to speake for hauing their heart drawne together declaring a great anguish and dolour Of the Prouince of Carthagene THis Prouince of Carthagene is situate vnder and a fiftie leagues distant from the same of Saint Martha towards the West confining with the Prouince of Ceu vnto the Gulph of Araba which are a hundred leagues all along the Sea-side and is a great Countrie within Land towards the South These Prouinces since the yeere 1498. or ninetie nine vntill now haue beene euill entreated martyred massacred desolated like vnto that of Saint Martha Of the Coast of Pearles and of Paria and of the I le of the Trinitie FRom the Coast of Paria vnto the Gulfe of Venesuela without forth which are two hundred leagues the Spanish haue wrought great and strange destructions rioting vpon that people and taking aliue as many as they could to the end they might sell them for slaues and oftentimes making them prisoners against the assurance and the promise of friendship made vnto them It cannot bee well told nor particularly exprest the sundrie kindes and greiuous vexations wrongs hurts and spoiles which those people indured at the Spaniards hands from the yeere 1510. vntill this present I will onely rehearse two or three acts by the which it may be iudged of the rest innumerable and excessiue and worthy all torments and fire In the I le of the Trinitie which is farre greater and more fertile then the I le of Sicile and ioyneth with the firme Land of the Coast of Paria and where the people are the best disposed and most enclined to vertue in their kind of all the Indians as they went there a Captaine Rouer in the yeere 1510. accompanied with sixtie or seuentie other pettie Theeues well appointed they published among the Indians by Proclamations and other publike Summons that they should come and dwell and liue with them in that I le The Indians receiued them as their owne bowels and babes and as well the Lords as Subiects serued them with exceeding readinesse bringing them to eate from day to day as much as might suffice to feed as many moe people For this is the liberalitie of all these Indians of the new World to bestow on the Spaniards of all that they haue in great abundance The Spanish build a great house of Timber in the which the Indians should dwell altogether for the Spanish would haue it so that there should bee one only house for all and no more to compasse that which they had alreadie premeditate to doe and did it When they laid the Thatch vpon the binding staues or sparres and had alreadie couered to the height of two mens length to the end that those that were within might not see those that were without vnder colour to hasten forward the worke that it might bee the sooner dispatched they set a great number of people within the Spaniards deuiding themselues the one part of them being bestowed without compassing the house round about with their weapons because of those that might get forth the other part of them presse into the house Thus laying hands on their Swords they beganne to threaten the Indians naked as they were to kill them if they did stirre and then bound them And those which fled they hewed them in pieces Howbeit some of the Indians which fled both of the hurt and not hurt with others that had not come within the house tooke their Bowes and Arrowes and assembled themselues in another house about an hundred or two hundred persons And as they kept the gate the Spaniards set fire on the house and burned them aliue After with their purchase which might bee of an hundred or fourescore persons of them which they had bound they get them to the I le of Saint Iohn where they sold the one moitie and thence to the I le
bee not very high being not in some places past one or two fathoms and at the most three it falleth as it were steppe by steppe and in euery place where it hath some small heigth it maketh a strong boyling with the force and strength of the running of the water In the breadth of the said Sault which may containe some league there are many broad Rockes and almost in the middest there are very narrow and long Ilands where there is a Fall as well on the side of the said Iles which are toward the South as on the North side where it is so dangerous that it is not possible for any man to passe with any Boat how small soeuer it be We went on land through the Woods to see the end of this Sault where after wee had trauelled a league wee saw no more Rockes nor Falls but the water runneth there so swiftly as it is possible and this current lasteth for three or foure leagues so that it is in vaine to imagine that a man is able to passe the said Saults with any Boats But he that would passe them must fit himselfe with the Canoas of the Sauages which one man may easily carrie For to carrie Boats is a thing which cannot be done in to short time as it should bee to bee able to returne into France vnlesse a man would winter there And beside this first Sault there are ten Saults more the most part hard to passe So that it would be a matter of great paines and trauell to bee able to see and doe that by Boat which a man might promise himselfe without great cost and charge and also to bee in danger to trauell in vaine But with the Canoas of the Sauages a man may trauell freely and readily into all Countries as well in the small as in the great Riuers So that directing himselfe by the meanes of the said Sauages and their Canoas a man may see all that is to be seene good and bad within the space of a yeere or two That little way which wee trauelled by Land on the side of the said Sault is a very thinne Wood through which men with their Armes may march easily without any trouble the aire is there more gentle and temperate and the soyle better then in any place that I had seene where is store of such wood and fruits as are in all other places before mentioned and it is in the latitude of 45. degrees and certaine minutes When we saw that we could doe no more we returned to our Pinnace where we examined the Sauages which we had with vs of the end of the Riuer which I caused them to draw with their hand and from what part the Head thereof came They told vs that beyond the first Sault that we had seene they trauelled some ten or fifteene leagues with their Canoas in the Riuer where there is a Riuer which â—unneth to the dwelling of the Algoumequins which are some sixty leagues distant from the great Riuer and then they passed fiue Saults which may containe from the first to the last eight leagues whereof there are two where they carrie their Canoas to passe them euery Sault may containe halfe a quarter or a quarter of a league at the most And then they come into a Lake which may be fifteene or sixteene leagues long From thence they enter againe into a Riuer which may be a league broad and trauell some two leagues in the same and then they enter into another Lake some foure or fiue leagues long comming to the end thereof they passe fiue other Saults distant from the first to the last some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues whereof there are three where they carrie their Canoas to passe them and thorow the other two they doe but draw them in the water because the current is not there so strong nor so bad as in the others None of all these Saults is so hard to passe as that which we saw Then they come into a Lake which may containe some eighty leagues in length in which are many Ilands and at the end of the same the water is brackish and the Winter gentle At the end of the said Lake they passe a Sault which is somewhat high where little water descendeth there they carrie their Canoas by land about a quarter of a league to passe this Sault From thence they enter into another Lake which may be some sixty leagues long and that the water thereof is very brackish at the end thereof they come vnto a Strait which is two leagues broad and it goeth farre into the Countrie They told vs that they themselues had passed no farther and that they had not seene the end of a Lake which is within fifteene or sixteene leagues of the farthest place where themselues had beene nor that they which told them of it had knowne any man that had seene the end thereof because it is so great that they would not hazard themselues to sayle farre into the same for feare lest some storme or gust of winde should surprise them They say that in the Summer the Sunne doth set to the North of the said Lake and in the Winter it setteth as it were in the middest thereof That the water is there exceesalt to wit as salt as the Sea water I asked them whether from the last Lake which they had seene the water descended alwaies downe the Riter comming to Gaschepay They told me no but said that from the third Lake onely it descended to Gaschepay But that from the last Sault which is somewhat high as I haue said the water was almost still and that the said Lake might take his course by other Riuers which passe within the Lands either to the South or to the North whereof there are many that runne there the end whereof they see not Now in my iudgement if so many Riuers fall into this Lake hauing so small a course at the said Sault it must needs of necessitie fall out that it must haue his issue forth by some exceeding great Riuer But that which maketh me beleeue that there is no Riuer by which this Lake doth issue forth considering the number of so many Riuers as fall into it is this that the Sauages haue not seene any Riuer that runneth through the Countries saue in the place where they were Which maketh me beleeue that this is the South Sea being salt as they say Neuerthelesse we may not giue so much credit thereunto but that it must bee done with apparent reasons although there be some small shew thereof And this assuredly is all that hitherto I haue seene and heard of the Sauages touching that which we demanded of them VVEe departed from the said Sault on Friday the fourth day of Iuly and returned the same day to the Riuer of the Irocois On Sunday the sixth of Iuly wee departed from thence and anchored in the Lake The Monday following wee
report of some Sauages who did affirme vnto him that at the further end thereof they did finde Salt water and that they had seene great Vessels which made Champlein beleeue that a passage might be there to the Bay of California or to some part of the South Sea which would proue an inestimable benefit for the Inhabitants of these parts opening a neere way to China which hath bin so many sundry wayes with so great charges so long sought for Howsoeuer in regard of the season and for want of necessary prouisions Champleine did returne backe at that time with a purpose to goe againe another yeare which if hee hath done is not yet knowne but this is most certaine that the Riuer of Canada hath a long course and through many goodly Countries some of these great Lakes by sending forth or by receiuing great Riuers doe afford meanes of commerce as farre as to some parts of Terra Florida as may be gathered by Champleines discouery c. THus haue I giuen thee Others trauells to Virginia and the Summer Ilands I will conclude with mine owne trauells for them I see many likely to bee disheartened by the slender growth of the Virginian Plantation which for the time might haue beene not onely a safe but a rich and blessed Mother of a numerous thriuing generation branching farre into other Colonies and yet is But why doe I intercept your eyes and diuert your thoughts suspend them at best from that which for my Countries good and zeale to Virginia without partiall respect on the right hand or on the left with a candid right hand I here present and forbid all sinister hands to meddle with Tros Tyriusve mihi I side no where but embrace Virginia with a right heart my pen directed my hands erected for her good which can doe â—ee no other good but in reference to the publike whose I am and whom vnder God and his Maiestie I serue and obserue with all that I haue am and can I had written it as a tractate by it selfe at the request of some worthy friends but here haue abridged it in some such things as the other parts of these Volumes containe CHAP. XX. Virginias Verger Or a Discourse shewing the benefits which may grow to this Kingdome from American English Plantations and specially those of Virginia and Summer Ilands GOd is the beginning and end the Alpha and Omega that first and last of whom and for whom are all things The first and last thing therefore in this Virginian argument considerable is God that is whether we haue Commission from him to plant and whether the Plantation may bring glory to him This in regard of vs and our scope That in regard of it and the lawfulnesse thereof To begin with this In the beginning God created heauen and earth all things therefore are his by a higher name then right this rule and the things ruled being his creatures of both which Man onely amongst Visible creatures was created capable which Moses deliuereth in these words that God created him after his owne Image which is spoken not onely of the spirituall immortall substance of his soule whose vnity shineth with that created Trinity of Vnderstanding Will Memory in it selfe and that of Vegetation Sense Reason exercised in and by bodily motion but more especially in regard of the Creator a conformity to him in righteousnesse holinesse of truth the whole Man shining with a borrowed light as the Moone is the image and reflexion of the Sunne and in regard of the Creature a iust dominion ouer the same as the holy words manifest replenish the Earth and subdue it and haue dominion ouer the Fish of the Sea and ouer the Fowle of the ayre and ouer euery liuing thing that moueth vpon the earth Although Mans rebellion had forfeited this Naturall Charter yet was the same in the repeopling of the World renewed to Noah and his Sons which euer since haue beene in actuall possession and as Adam gaue names as humaine earemarks to â—he liuing creatures so Noahs heires haue since giuen names to Seas and Lands and other creatures quite thorow the knowne World Neither did the Fall of Man so cracke this earthen vessell that all his created excellence ran out for neither were the substance or faculties of the soule extinct nor his prerogatiue ouer the visible creatures the spirituall creature naturally excelling the bodily and the reasonable and liuing the sensitiue vegetatiue and torpid these receiued a wound the other his spirituall and religious conformitie in these to God as a purer water of the purest life ran forth irrecouerably and as our naturall parts were weakned and wounded so of those supernaturall wee were vtterly robbed till that good Samaritan vndertooke the restitution of that in redemption whereunto in creation he had giuen first institution God hath laid vpon him the iniquitie of vs all and in his stripes wee are healed our Charter is renued and now made so compleat that whereas the deuills thought to rob man of Earth and Paradise Hee which taketh the wise in his craftinesse hath restored him nay that is little hath added Heauen Himselfe that as the Israelites entred vpon the houses Cities and possessions of the cursed Canaanites so Christians into those Thrones and celestiall Dominions which those spirituall Thrones and Dominions lost and there haue God himselfe and the Lambe to be their Temple and All in all vnto them for euer Amen Hence is it that Christians such as haue the Grace of the Spirit of Christ and not the profession of his merit alone haue and hold the world and the things thereof in another tenure whereof Hypocrites and Heathens are not capable These haue onely a Naturall right by the reliques of the Law of Nature left in Man by the Creators goodnesse for the conseruation of the face of a world in the world the same further improued with a warrantization Contra omnes gentes our euidences dialect by the Law of Nations vnto Nations and Lawes Politicke and Ciuill in each Nation allotting to the members thereof the publike and priuate ciuill rights and tenures which either publike or priuate persons or corporations held therein This tenure comparatiuely that Christian is by our Lord himselfe called a tenure in villenage that of sonnes the seruant hath his time and abides not in the house for euer but the sonne is heire in see simple fide simplici for euer Neither yet is it lawfull for Christians to vsurpe the goods and lands of Heathens for they are villains not to vs but to our and their Lord nor hath the sonne in nonage power to dispossesse villaines nor are wee sonnes by nature but by adoption and a later Euangelicall Charter which doth not disannull the former the Truth or Word of the Gospel receiued by Faith makes vs free free Tenants to our Lord not Lordly subuerters of others tenures which may with a good
were mustered eightie bands of Dutchmen sixtie of Spaniards six of high Germans and seuen bands of English fugitiues vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanlie an English Knight In the suburbs of Cortreight there were 4000. horsemen together with their horses in a readinesse and at Waten 900. horses with the troupe of the Marquesse del Gâ—â—sto Captaine generall of the horsemen Vnto this famous expedition and presupposed victory many potentates Princes and honorable personages hied themselues out of Spaine the Prince of Melito called the Duke of Pastrana and taken to be the Son of one Ruygomes de Silua but in very deede accompted among the number of King Philips base sons Also the Marquesse of Bargraue one of the sons of Arch-duke Ferdinand and Philippa Welsera Vespasian Gonsaga of the family of Mantua being for chiualâ—y a man of great renowne and heretofore Vice-roy in Spaine Item Iohn Medices base son vnto the Duke of Florence And Amadas of Sauoy the Duke of Sauoy his base son with many others of inferiour degrees At length when as the French King about the end of May signified vnto her Maiestie in plaine tearmes that she should stand vpon her guard because he was now certainly enformed that there was so dangerous an inuasion imminent vpon her Realme that he feared much least all her land and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it c. then began the Queenes Maiestie more carefully to gather her forces together and to furnish her own ships of warre and the principall ships of her subiects with souldiers weapons and other necessary prouision The greatest and strongest ships of the whole Nauie she sent vnto Plimmouth vnder the conduct of the right honorable Lord Charles Howard Lord high Admirall of England c. Vnder whom the renowned Knight Sir Francis Drake was appointed Vice-admirall The number of these ships was about an hundreth The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number and vnder the conduct of the Lord Henry Seimer were commanded to lie betweene Douer and Caleis On land likewise throughout the whole realme souldiers were mustered and trained in all places and were committed vnto the most resolute and faithfull captaines And where as it was commonly giuen out that the Spaniard hauing once vnited himselfe vnto the Duke of Parma ment to inuade by the riuer of Thames there was at Tilburie in Essex ouer-against Grauesend a mighty army encamped and on both sides of the riuer fortifications were erected according to the prescription of Frederike Genebelli an Italian enginier Likewise there were certaine ships brought to make a Bridge though it were very late first Vnto the said Armie came in proper person the Queenes most roiall Maiestie representing Tomyris that Scithian warlike Princesse or rather diuine Pallas her selfe Also there were other such armies leuied in England The principal Recusants least they should stir vp any tumult in the time of the Spanish inuasion were sent to remaine at certain conuenient places as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich And some of them were sent vnto other places to wit vnto sundry Bishops and Noblemen where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth and of her sacred Maiestie who of her most gracious clemency gaue expresse commandement that they should be intreated with all humaniâ—ie and friendship The Prouinces of Holland Zeland c. giuing credit vnto their intelligence out of Spaine made preparation to defend themselues but because the Spanish ships were described vnto them to be so huge they relied partly vpon the shallow and dangerous Seas all along their coasts Wherefore they stood most in doubt of the Duke of Parma his small and flat-bottomed ships Howbeit they had all their ships of warre to the number of nintie and aboue in a readinesse for all assâ—yâ—s the greater part whereof were of a small burthen as being more meete to saile vpon their Riuers and shallow Seas and with these ships they besieged all the hauens in Flanders beginning at the mouth of Scheld or from the towne of Lillo and holding on to Greueling and almost vnto Caleis and fortified all their Sea-townes with strong garrisons Against the Spanish fleets arriuall they had prouided fiue and twenty or thirty good ships committing the gouernment of them vnto Admirall Lonck whom they commanded to ioine himselfe vnto the Lord Henry Seymer lying betweene Douer and Cales And when as the foresaid ships whereof the greater part besieged the hauen of Dunkerke were driuen by tempest into Zeland Iustin of Nassau the Admirall of Zeland supplied that squadron with fiue and thirty ships being of no great burthen but excellently furnished with Guns Mariners and Souldiers in great abundance especially with 1200 braue Musquetiers hauing beene accustomed vnto Sea-fights and being chosen out of all their company for the same purpose and so the said Iustin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in the Station that the Duke of Parma could not issue forth with his Nauie into Sea out of any part of Flanders In the meane while the Shanish Armada set saile out of the hauen of Lisbon vpon the 19. of May An. Dom. 1588. vnder the conduct of the Duke of Medina Sidonia directing their course for the Bay of Corunna alias the Groine in Gallicia where they tooke in souldiers and warlike prouision this port being in Spaine the neerest vnto England As they were sailing along there arose such a mighty tempest that the whole Fleet was dispersed so that when the Duke was returned vnto his company he could not escry aboue eighty ships in all whereunto the residue by little and little ioyned themselues except eight which had their Masts blowne ouer-boord One of the foure Gallies of Portingall escaped very hardly retiring her selfe into the hauen The other three were vpon the coast of Baion in France by the assistance and courage of one Dauid Gwin an English Captine whom the French and Turkish slaues aided in the same enterprise vtterly disabled and vanquished one of the three being first ouercome which conquered the two other with the slaughter of their Gouernour and souldiers and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana with sundry others and so those slaues arriued in France with the three Gallies set themselues at libertie The Nauie hauing refreshed themselues at the Groine and receiuing daily commandement from the King to hasten their iournie horsed vp sailes the 11. day of Iuly and so holding on their course till the 19. of the same moneth they came then vnto the mouth of the narrow Seas or English channell From whence striking their sailes in the meane season they dispatched certain of their small ships vnto the Duke of Parma At the same time the Spanish Fleete was escried by an English Pinnace Captaine whereof was Master Thomas Fleming after they had beene aduertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scoutes and espials which hauing ranged along the coast of Spaine were lately
towne in Virginia 1687 1688 Rapahanock River 1694 Rashnesse in great enterprizes greatly blamed 1961 Ratliffe alias Sicklemore slaine by Powhatan 1732 Rats of twelue kinds 1303. Râ—ts that sleepe all day and wake all night 1316. Danger by Rats and the preventing thereof in ships 1391. Rats innumerable in the Bermudas 1796 1797. A strange Rat-plague 1727 Henry Ravens his voyage from Bermuda to Virginia 1742 Ravens in Bermudas which seemed to portend a sequell of mortalitie 1797 Raleighs viz. Sir Walter Raleighs his acts and esteeme at Orenoco 1269. His furnishing Ships for the first Discoverie of Virginia 1645. For a second third fourth fift and sixt voyage 1645 1646. He is accused of breach of Articles in the voyage to the Iles of Azores he answereth for himselfe 1958. His men left in Virginia and what became of them 1728 Recibo a towne in Port-Ricco 1170 Red-Reed a plant in the Bermudas causing a forcible vomit and effectually purging the stomacke 1801 Registers observed by the Indians and their manner of registring 1870 Richard Duke of Yorke father to Plantagenet his wilfull casting away himselfe 1962 Richard Sanders and his companions their comming from the Bermudas to Ireland in a small boat without any instrument in a direct line 1803 Rinde of a tree which is more strong then any spice in Virginia 1653 Rio del Oro River the breadth and depth thereof 1141 Rio de la Hacha a place taken by the English 1183. The riches and strength thereof 1419 Rio grand an American River the situation description and commodities thereof 1224 1237 1552 Rivers of gold 1216. A Riuer running vnder-ground 1217. Names of Riuers in America 1282 1286. A medicinable Riuer 1400. Riuers that encrease very much and ouerflow the bankes in dry weather without the flowing of the Sea 1553. River of Toads 1223. 1240. River of Stones 1223 1238. River of Palmes 1505. River of Kine 1562. River of Saint Crosses 1562. River Saint Margaret in Canada 1617. River Canada 1631. River de Carinas from the end of which if there were a channell made of foure leagues in length there would bee a passage to the South Sea through it without passing the perilous straits of Magellane 1433 Lord of Robewall Lieutenant to the French King in the Countreys of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga 1605 Rocke of Christall which if a man looke on in a Sunne-shine day will dazell his eyes 1285 Roecrafts Voyage to the New-found-land his surprizing of a French-Barke the conspiracie of his owne Mariners against him the discouerie of the conspiracie c. 1829. his voyage to Virginia kind vsage by Sir Samuel Argoll the distresse hee suffered in a tempest his death in a priuate quarrell 1830 Romanes custome in managing of Martiall affaires 1942 Rome a Citie of murtherers and haters of Kings 1894. New Rome much more drunken with the blood of Christians then heathenish Rome with the blood of Ethnicks 1894. Romane policie 1669 Rosier his relation of a voyage to Virginia 1651 seq Ruminnaui an Indian Captaine his cruell tyranny in Peru 1486 Russels Iles in Virginia 1712 Russia a little village in the Riuer Marwin 1283 S. SAbbath 1163 1657 Sabuco a Riuer and Towne in Port-Ricco 1170 Sacatekas the richest Mynes in the Indies 1177 Sachim of Mattachuest acknowledgeth the power of the English God 1866 Sacrifices and Sacrificers 1472 1531 1557 Sacrifices to the Deuill 1531 1868 Sacrifices to the water 1702 Sacriledge punished 1163 Sagenay-riuer and the adioyning Countries described 1606 1610 Sayles of cotton cloth 1394 Sagadohoc a riuer in Mawooshen 1874 Sagamos the name of a Captaine among the Northerne Americans 1633 Saint Lucia one of the Ant-Iles in the latitude of 14 degrees and 20 minutes 1833 Salma riuer 1248 Salomons Ilands their situation discouery and losse 1399 Salt how made and purified by the Indians 1550 Saltcountrie 1365. Salt made in New-found Land 1889 Salt-water dangerous to drinke 1143 Salt-water made drinkeable 1378 Samuel Champlain a Frenchman his taking vpon him the plantation of Kebec in New France 1642. a conspiracy against him ibid. his aduice for a further discouery 1642 1643. his fight with the Sauages and returne for France 1643. another voyage ibid. 1644 Samia-plains neere the riuer Orenoque 1248. Indians inhabiting those Plaines 1248 Samambaia a Tree in America 1213 Sambo Bay 1245 Sanctifying meat vsed by the Portingals in the Indies 1522 Sands rained downe in Peru 1476 Sands dangerous for nauigation in Brasil called by the Portingals Bayhas de Sant Antonio 1238 Sandy places trauelled by Compasse 1242 Sandy Cape 1620 Santa Port 1399 Santa Maria one of the Azores Ilands 1834 Santa Cruce a Carracke surprised by Captaine Norton and St. Iohn Burroughs 1144 1145. is burne by the Portingals ibid. Santa Fe del Nueuo regno di Granada the chiefe Citie in new Granada 1419 Santas a towne 1438 Sapparow the high countrie of Guiana 1280 Saquarema a nauigable riuer in Brasile its description and commodities 1240 Sassafrage 1649. its medicinable vertue 1655 Sasquesahunock certaine Indian Gyants their description 1693 Sauseges made of the heart and guts of Cods and Lord spiced 1628 Sauage-rocke 1647 Sauage and his crue plotted the death of Q. Elizabeth 1893 Sauages haue their goods interred with them and why 1605 Sauages fight with the English 1187. Sauages of Tuppan Bass 1188. Sauage towne described ibid. their manners warres and vsage of their captiues 1188 1218. drunkennesse 1189. their religion commodities they esteem not gold ibid. their hospitall fidelity to Anthony Kniuet Englishman 1209. their infidelity 1211. their ambition 1212. Sauages called Carijos and their battells 1218. Sauages called Petiuares 1225. Mariquites 1226. Topinambazes 1227. Tomominos Waytaquazes ibid. Waymores ibid. Abasanguaretam 1228. Wayanasses ibid. Topinaques ibid. called Pories Molopaques Motayas 1229 Lopos Wayanawazons 1230. Sauages their religious desires 1251. Sauages that make flat their childrens faces that liue in hollow trees quartering their faces into foure colours yellow azure particoloured and blacke 1481. Sauages very courteous and weeping at the distresse of Christians 1507. Sauages that kill their children left they should marrie with their aduersaries that eate any kind of Serpents that are great theeues lyars drunkards their tormenting Flies 1512 1513. their drinking onely raine-water 1514. Other Sauages strange customes fights feare of horses quicke-sensed 1518 1519 Sauage strange fashions in Florida 1520 1521. Forty English slaine by the Sauages of St. Lucia Anno 1605. 1833 Saugaleon Cape 1398 Saualet a Frenchman making two and forty voyages to New-found-Land 1605 Sauona Iland 1141 Sausa a Prouince in the Indies whose inhabitants worship the picture of Dog 1471 Scorpions not deadly 1304 Scourge of Malice a fortunate ship 1148 Schnirdels trauells to Peru and accidents there 1347 1362 Schenetveba a large towne in the Indies 1364 Scouring or flux how it may be prouoked or stayed 1265 Scooadodepon a towne of the Caribes in the Indies 1286 Scriueners voyage to Werawocamoco 1719. his death by drowning in the passage
to contradict Pourtrincourt in the execution of those decrees which had bin giuen forth by him as ciuill Magistrate of that place whereupon the Gentleman extreamely discontented and weary or contesting with him hauing said that it was his part to rule them vpon earth and theirs onely to guide him the way to heauen he returned backe to France leauing his Sonne Biencourt in his place Who being a youth at that time of more courage then circumspectnesse disdaining to be controuled by them whom he had enuited thither and scorning their insupportable presumption vsing spirituall armes for temporall ends and an imperious kinde of carriage who onely for spleene had excommunicated and branded him with a spirituall censure he threatned them by his temporall power with a more palpable punishment So that after much controuersie resoluing to separate themselues the two Iesuites taking a part of the Company with them went from thence to a place in new England called by them Mount Desart where they seated themselues and hauing a supply from the Queene Mother did plant sundry Fruit trees of the most delicate kindes in France such as Apricockes and Peaches neuer intending to remoue from thence At this time Sir Samuel Argall being then Gouernor of Virginia coasted alongst new England to traffique and discouer or to acquire things necessary for the Southerne Colony in these parts where the lands are reputed to be more fertil and the Seas more frequented did conceiue by a description made vnto him by the Sauages that there were some come from this part of the World to inhabit there and being iealous of any thing that might derogate from the honour or proue preiudiciall to the benefit of his Nation where their interest in this was easie to be apprehended he went whereas he was informed that they were and his vnexpected arriuall as it would seeme not onely amazed the mindes of the French but likewise preuenting their preparation and resolution he approached so neere to a Ship that lay before their Fort that hee beate them all that were therein with Musket shot from making any vse of their Ordnance saue one of the two Iesuites who was killed in giuing fire to a Peece Hauing taken the Ship they landed and went before the Fort summoning them that were therein to yeelde themselues who at the first made some difficulty asking a time to aduise but that being refused they priuately abandoned the Fort stealing out by some backe way into the Woods where they staied one night and the next day comming backe rendered themselues to Sir Samuel Argall who had lodged all that night within the Fort giuing vp the Patent they had from the French King to be cancelled He vsed them very curteously as their owne Writers doe make mention suffring such as had a minde to goe for France to seeke out Fishers Ships wherein they might be transported the rest that were willing to goe for Uirginia went thither alongst with him no man hauing lost his life but onely that one Iesuite who was killed whilst they made resistance during the time of the conflict Thereafter Father Biard the other of the Iesuites comming backe from Virginia with Sir Samuell Argall out of the indigestable malice that he had conceiued against Biencourt did informe him where he had planted himselfe offering as he did to conduct him thither As soone as they were entered within the Fort neere the vppermost of the Ilands Sir Samuel directed the Ship to ride at a reasonable distance to attend occasions before the Fort did land himselfe with forty of the best of his men vpon a Meddow where immediately they heard a peece of Ordnance from the Fort and he conceiuing since it was shot whilst it could doe no harme that it was done either but to giue terrour to them or to warne some that might happen to be abroad did make the greater haste towards the Fort where he presently entered finding it abandoned without any men at all left for the defence thereof He went vp the Riuer side fiue or six miles where he saw their Barnes and the ground where a great quantity of Wheate had grown which he carried with him to proue for Seede in Virginia he saw also their corne Milne very conueniently placed which together with the Barnes he left standing vntouched As for the Fruit it selfe he destroied it downe to the ground racing the French armes and leauing no Monument that might remaine to witnesse their being here After this Biencourt who had been somewhere abroad trauelling through the Countrey comming home desired to conferre with Sir Samuel Argall who did meete with him a part from the company vpon a meadow and after they had expostulated a space for what had past controuerting concerning the French and English little to these bounds at last Biencourt offered if hee might haue a protection from him to depend vpon our King and to draw the whole Furres of that Countrey to one Port where he would diuide them with him as likewise hee would show him good mettalls whereof he gaue him pieces the other refused to ioyne in any societie with him protesting that his Commission was onely to displant him and that if hee found him there thereafter hee would vse him as an enemy Biencourt labouring earnestly to haue had the Iesuit as he confessed with a purpose to hang him Whilest they were discoursing together one of the Sauages rushing suddenly forth from the Woods and licentiated to come neere did after his manner with such broken French as he had earnestly mediate a peace wondring why they that seemed to be of one Country should vse others with such hostilitie and that with such a forme of habit and gesture as made them both to laugh After Biencourt remouing from thence to some other Monsieur Champlein who had liued long here did carry a company with him from France of some fortie persons or thereabouts vp the Riuer of Canada whom hee planted on the North side thereof with a purpose to sue for a Factory drawing all the trade of that farre running Riuer within the hands of a few whom he doth command which a Plantation would haue dispersed in many parts otherwise if his desires had beene bended that way hee might haue planted many people there ere now the place is called Kebeck where the French doe prosper well hauing Corne by their owne labour which may furnish themselues for foode and likewise for a stocke to traffique with the Sauages with sundry other Fruites Rootes Vine grapes and Turkey Wheate Champlein hath discouered the Riuer of Canada from the Gulfe vpwards aboue 1200. miles finding in it sometimes such fals as he must carry his Boate a little way by land and then put it in againe He did many times come to great Lakes at the end whereof he did alwaies finde a Riuer againe and the last Lake where he came was a very huge one iudged to be three hundred miles in length by the