FLORIDA In all the rest of the Coast that is betweene the point of Sancta Helena by New found Land and the Bacallaos vnto the Land of Labrador which reacheth and passeth the height of England there is no Towne nor Gouernment of Spaniards although by diuers times and Nations it hath beene discouered and Nauigated and it is knowne there is aboue one thousand leagues iourney of Land without gold and the more in height the worse and lesse habitable There be many Riuers and Ports that because they are not well knowne nor frequented there is no mention made but of the Riuer of the Stagges by another name of Sancta Marie which is a very great and maine Riuer almost in the midst of the Coast betweene the Baccallaos from whence the great Riuer Ochelago entreth within the Land toward the West which diuers times the strangers haue nauigated beleeuing to haue found that way passage to new Spaine And in the Coast of Florida which looketh to the West are the Tortoyses seuen or eight Ilands together and to the North of the point of los Martyâ—eâ— the Muspa in terra firme And thirteene leagues to the North the Bay of Charles by another name of Iohn Ponce of Lyon and as much more forward the Bay of Tampa thirtie three leagues from the Bay of Tocobaga by another name of the Holy Ghost or de Meruelo in twentie nine degrees and an halfe of height where beginneth that which properly is called Florida Many haue thought that by this side of Florida toward the land of Labrador there might a streit be found to communicate the North the South Seas together saying that as it had beene found to the South there should be one to the North but experience doth shew that the South passage is no streight at the least it is alreadie in doubt and by the North vntill now though it hath beene much sought for it hath not beene found and hee that went neerest to it was the President Peter Melendez by some conjectures All the Coast on the West side vnto the Gouernment of Panuco which is aboue 300. leagues is called The Gulfe of New Spaine wherein is no Towne of Spaniards though it was giuen for a gouernment to Pamphilo of Naruaez and to Hernando of Soto and first to Francisco de Garay and of his people in particular The Country is very poore of victuals and the people miserable and although in it are many Riuers and Ports no mention is made of them because they are not well knowne This Gulfe hath two entrances by the one the currents doe enter furiously betweene Yucatan and Cuba and goe out with a greater force betweene the same Iland of Cuba and the point of Florida and running doe make the channell of Bahama which taketh his name of the Iland rehearsed THe second Audience which was setled in the Indies is that of New Spaine and Nunyo de Guzonau Cauallero de Guadalaiara was the first President till a Gouernour were prouided and because he gaue no satisfaction there was another new Councell quickly sent and for President of it Don Sebastian Ramirez of Fuenleal which of a Iudge of the Chancerie of Granada went for President of the Councell of Saint Dominicke and Bishop of the Citie of the Conception of the Valley a person of great Learning Vertue and Valour Hee had the charge of the Gouernment Iustice and disposition of the goods Royall the Warre remayning at the charge of the Marquesse of the Valley with order to communicate with the President that which appertayned thereto and betweene them was alwayes great conformitie The bounds of this Councell on the one side doth not comprehend that which commonly is called New Spaine and on the other it comprehendeth more because the new Gallicia which is a Councell by it selfe is part of New Spaine The Prouince of Yucatan falleth within the bounds of it which as now it is may haue in length about foure hundred leagues from the furthest East of Yucatan vnto where it parteth bounds with the Councell of new Gallozia and North and South about two hundred from the end of the Gouernment of Panuco vnto the South Sea his bounds remayning open on the North side whose principall Prouinces are the Archbishopricke of Mexico the Bishoprickes of Mechoacan and that of los Angelos or Tlascala and of Guaxaca and of Chiapa and the Gouernments of Panuco and Yucatan with that of Tobosco and for circuit or commerce the Ilands Phillipinas and the dispatch of the Nauigation of China New Spaine is one of the best Prouinces of the new World and the most habitable in a good temper hauing abundance and plentie of Corne Millet and Cattle and all other necessaries for humane life except Oyle and Wine and although in many places of it there is Gold Siluer is most generall whereof there are many good Mynes HONDIVS his Map of New Spaine HISPANIA NOVA There are in Mexico Monasteries of Dominican Franciscan and Austine Friers the company of Iesus El Carmen la Merced the Bare-foot and Trinitarie Friers ten Monasteries of Nunnes one Colledge of Indian children and another of Arrepentidas the Repentantes and Recogidas or Retyred and the Vniuersitie where curious and learnedly the Sciences are read with other Colledges and Hospitals And the Spaniards which inhabit the bordering Townes of the Indians and Granges are about three thousand and there are reckoned about two hundred and fiftie Townes of Indians in which the chiefe places of Doctrine are one hundred and fiue and in them and thereabouts are six thousand Granges more then fiue hundred thousand tributarie Indians and more then one hundred and fiftie Monasteries of Franciscan Dominican and Austine Friers And the Doctrines or Schooles of Priests and Friers to teach the Faith Catholike to the Indians are without number besides the Fathers of the Company and Mercenarie Friers there is also Resident in Mexico the holy Office of the Inquisition whereof we will intreat hereafter In the Coast bounding on this Archbishopricke towards the South Sea and the Prouince of Acapulco is the good Port of Acapulco in seuenteene degrees height sixe leagues from the Riuer Yopes whereby the Archbishopricke is joyned with the Bishopricke of Tlascala And other eight more to the West the Riuer of Citaâ—a and other foure the Riuer of Mitla In the Coast of the North it hath that which falleth in the Gouernment of Tanuco In the limits of this Councell are the Mynes of Puchuca fourteene leagues from Mexico and the Mynes of Tasco twentie two those of Ysmiquilpo which are of Lead twentie two the Mynes of 〈◊〉 twentie foure the Mynes oâ— Tâ—â—azcaltepeque eighteene those of Cultepâ—quâ— 22. those of Zacualpa twentie 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 40. those of Guanaxato sixtie those of Commaia seuen From Guanaxuator those of Acâ—â—chica eighteene from the Citie of los Angelos and those of Gaâ—la or Zumatlan and Saint Lewes of the Peace
the Port of Cauyete and the Iland of Mocha more to the South and the Port of Cauten which is that of the Imperiall and to the South the landing place and the Riuer of Tolten before the Port of Valdinia and past this the Point of the Galley and more to the South the great Bay or Port of Osorno in the Riuer de las Canoas and to the South of it about thirtie leagues to the Lake de los Coronados the broadest Riuer of this Realme and at the end of this Realme the Lake of Aucud HONDIVS his Map of the MAGELLAN Streight FRETUM Magellani The Ports Capes and Points of the Coast of the one and the other Sea vnto the Streighr although they be many and some are not pointed in the Cardes of Nauigation it appeareth not wholly neither is there any certaine relation of all And the most knowne of the Coast from Chile vnto the Streight which runneth from Valdinia about an hundred leagues to the West South-west are the Cape of Saint Andrew in seuen and fortie degrees from whence the Coast turneth directly to the South vnto the Streight by the Cape of Saint Roman in eight and fortie degrees and neere vnto it the Iland of Saint Catalina neere to the great Bay which they call Hartichoked and within it the Bay of our Lady and the Iland of Santa Barbara and more forward the Ports of Hernan Gallego in eight and fortie degrees two third parts and the Bay of The Kings eighteene leagues from the Port of Hernan Gallego and the Bay of Saint Iohn in fiftie degrees one third part the Cape of Saint Francisco in one and fiftie whereby some Channels doe enter into the Land and the Iland de la Campana or of the Bell eleuen leagues from Saint Francis also with some Channels which haue not beene nauigated within the Land and the Bay of Saint Lazarus in two and fiftie degrees with Channels on the sides which enter very broad and long to the one and the other parts which haue not beene nauigated and a great Sea of Ilands which alwayes was said to bee at the South side neere to the mouth of the Streight the which Sir Richard Hawkins denyeth for hee saith That at this mouth of the Streight on the South side he found no more then foure small Ilands and one in the middest like a Sugar loofe and that at the least they are distant from the mouth of the Streight sixe leagues and the great Sea is on the one side and he holdeth for certaine it is that which they say is the firme Land of the South side of the Streight and that there is no firme land The Streight though they haue past it from the South to the North side by order of the Vice-roy Don Franciscus of Toledo Peter Sarmiento and Antonie Pablo Corso and it is knowne it stands from 52. to 53. degrees of altitude where it draweth most to the South and that in length it hath one hundred and ten â—eagues or one hundred and fifteene little more or lesse and in breadth from one to tenne it hath neuer beene nauigated to an end from the South Sea to the North Sea nor the Pyrats that haue past it from the North to the South are vnderstood to haue returned by it The aboue said Sir Richard Hawkins saith that he sailed many dayes by the Straight and affirmeth that all the Countrie on the South side is no firme Land but many Ilands which reach to 56. degrees the which he might know because he sayled to the same 56. degrees through the middest of those Ilands and seeing he found nothing but Sea hee followed his course againe through by the Straight and that this cannot be so farre the differences of Seas which the many entrings doe cause that are among those Ilands and that the habiting of them is of people on the North side which doe passe to those Ilands to sustaine themselues of fishings and in their seasons returne to their Countries and that he comprehended this of many things especially of not hauing seene any seated inhabitating but some Cabbins which the Indians doe make for a time The same said Sir Francis Drake that it hapned him when he passed the Straight the yeare 1579. who after his comming out into the South Sea he ran along with tempests compassing this Sea vnto the mouth of the North Sea and by the same way he had runne he made sure his nauigation to the South Sea The parts most famous of the Straight at the entring of the South are the Cape Desseado or Desired in 53. degrees and the Channell of all Saints two and twentie leagues from the mouth very broad and large and past it the port of the Treason and afterward another great large Channell which runneth to the North-west and Rowlands Bell a great Rocke in the middest at the beginning of a Channell They gaue it this name of one of Magellanes fellowes called Rowland who went to reacknowledge it which was a Gunner the point of possession which is foure leagues from the Cape of Virgenes at the entring of the North Sea in 52. degrees and a halfe of altitude when Peter Sarmiento and Antonie Pablo Corso by order which they had to reknowledge the Straight for it had beene commanded long before for to see if it were a more easie nauigation to the South Sea then that of Panama they viewed the two narrow places that at the entrie of the North and it seemed to Peter Sarmiento that the one was so narrow that with Artillerie it might be kept and so much he perswaded it that although the Duke of Alua affirmed it was impossible the Armie which Iames Flower carried vnfruitfully was sent about it and in the end was knowne that that nauigation is dangerous and the flowing of two Seas which come to meete in the middest of the Straight doe withdraw themselues with such furie ebbing in some places more then sixtie fathoms that when the Shippes did carry nothing but Cables to preserue themselues from loosing that which they had sayled they would goe full froaghted In foure hundred leagues there is of Coast from the mouth of the Straight vnto the Riuer of Plate which runneth altogether North-east and South-west there is the Riuer of Saint Ilefonsus twelue leagues from the Cape of the Virgenes the a Gallizian Riuor and the Bay of Saint Iames foureteene leagues from the Riuer of Sancta Cruz in 50. degrees and at the mouth an Iland called of the Lyons and the Port of Saint Iulian in 49. degrees and the Riuer of Iohn Serrana to the South of the Ilands of Duckes in 47 degrees the Riuer of Cananor in 45. degrees the Cape of Saint Dominicke before the Cape of three Points and the Land de los Humos or of the Smoakes in 38. degrees the Point of Sancta Hellene and of Saint Apollonia in 37. degrees before the White
Archdeacon of the rest and his friends sent for a certayne Saracen which was a Sooth-sayer Who said vnto them A certayne leane man who neyther eateth nor drinketh nor sleepes in a Bed is angry with him if hee can obtayne his blessing hee may recouer Then they vnderstood it was the Monke And about mid-night the Priests Wife his Sister and his Sonne came intreating that hee would come and blesse him They also raised vs vp to intreate the Monke Then he said vnto vs intreating him Let him alone because hee with three others who likewise tooke euill courses consulted to goe vnto the Court to procure Mangu Chan that I and you should bee expelled from these parts For there arose a contention among them because Mangu and his Wiues sent foure Iascots and certayne Silkes vpon Easter Eeuen to the Monke and Priests to distribute among them And the Monke had kept vnto himselfe one Iascot for his part and of the other three one was counterfeit for it was Copper Whereupon it seemed to the Priests that the Monke had kept too great a portion to himselfe Whence it might bee that they had some words among themselues which were reported to the Monke When day came I went vnto the Priest hauing an extreme griefe in his side and spitting bloud whereupon I thought it was an Impostume Then I counselled him if he had any thing that was an others to restore it He said hee had nothing I spoke vnto him also of the Sacrament of Extreme Vnction Who answered we haue no such custome neither doe our Priests know how to doe it I intreat you that you would doe it for mee as you know best to bee done I aduised him also concerning Confession which they frequent not hee spake shortly in the Eare of a certayne Priest one of his fellowes After this hee beganne to bee better and hee intreated mee to goe for the Monke So I went but the Monke would not come at the first yet when hee heard hee was some-what better hee went with his Crosse. And I also went and carryed in a Boxe of Master Williams the bodie of Christ which I had reserued vpon Easter Day at the intreatie of Master William Then the Monke beganne to kicke him with his feet and hee most humbly imbraced his feet Then I said vnto him It is the custome of the Church of Rome that the sicke should receiue the Bodie of Christ as it were prouision for their iourney and a defence against all the Deceits of the Enemie Behold the Bodie of Christ which I consecrated on Easter Day You must bee confessed and desire it Then said hee with a great Faith I desire it with all my heart Which when I had discouered hee with great affection said I beleeue that this is my Creatour and my Sauiour who gaue mee life and will restore it againe vnto mee after death in the generall Resurrection and so tooke the Bodie of Christ from my hand made after the manner of the Church of Rome Then the Monke abode with him and gaue him in my absence I know not what Potions On the morrow hee beganne to haue the pangs of death vpon him Then taking their Oyle which they said was holy I anointed him according to the manner of the Church of Rome as they intreated mee I had none of our Oyle because the Priests of Sartach kept all And when wee should sing a Dirge and I would haue beene present at his end the Monke sent vnto mee willing me to depart because if I should bee present I could not come into the house of Mangu Chan for one whole yeare Which when I had told his friends they said it was true and requested me to depart lest I might be hindered in that good which I might promote Assoone as hee was dead the Monke said vnto mee care not I haue killed him with my Prayers This fellow only was Learned and opposed himselfe against vs the rest know nothing Henceforth Mangu Chan himselfe and they all will crouch at our feete Then hee declared vnto me the foresaid Answere of the Sooth-sayer Which not beleeuing it I inquired of the Priests who were friends of the dead whether it were true or no. Who said it was But whether he were pre-instructed or not that they knew not Afterwards I found that the Monke called the foresaid Sooth-sayer and his Wife into his Chappell and caused dust to bee sifted and to diuine vnto him For hee had a certayne Rutenian Deacon who diuined to him Which when I vnderstood I was astonied at his foolishnesse and said vnto him Brother a man full of the Holy Ghost which teacheth all things should not demand Answeres or Counsell from Sooth-sayers seeing all such things are forbidden and they excommunicated who follow such things Then hee beganne to excuse himselfe that it was not true that hee sought after such things But I could not depart from him because I was placed there by the commandement of Chan himselfe nor could I remooue my selfe without his speciall command COncerning the Citie of Caracarum know this that excluding the Palace of Chan himselfe it is not so good as the Castle of Saint Denis and the Monasterie of Saint Denis is tenne times more worth then that Palace and more too There are two streets there one of the Saracens where the Faires are kept and many Merchants haue recourse thither by reason of the Court which is alwayes neere and for the multitude of Messengers There is another street of the Cataians who are all Artificers Without those streets there are great Palaces which are the Courts of the Secretaries There are there twelue kindes of Idolatries of diuers Nations Two Churches of Mahomet where the Law of Mahomet is proclaimed one Church of the Christians at the end of the Towne The Towne is inclosed with a mudde Wall and hath foure Gates On the East part Millet and other Graine is sold which yet is seldome brought thither On the West Sheepe and Goates On the South Oxen and Waggons are sold. At the North Horses are sold. Following the Court before the Ascension wee came thither the Sunday before the Ascension The next day after we were called before Bulgai who is a Iustice and chiefe Secretarie both the Monke and all his Family and wee and all the Messengers and Strangers which frequented the house of the Monke And wee were called before Bulgai seuerally first the Monke and after wee and they beganne diligently to inquire whence wee were and for what purpose wee came and what our errand was And this inquirie was made because it was told Mangu Chan that foure hundred Hassasines or secret Murtherers were gone forth in diuers Habits to kill him About that time the foresaid Ladie was restored to health and shee sent for the Monke and hee not willing to goe answered shee hath sent for Idolaters about her let them cure her if they can I will goe no more Vpon Ascension
but were forced to lie still but not long after the Ice opened againe like to a sluce and we past through it and set sayle againe and so sayled along by the Land but were presently enclosed with Ice but being in hope of opening againe meane time wee eate somewhat for the Ice went not away as it did before after that wee vsed all the meanes wee could to breake it but all in vayne and yet a good while after the Ice opened againe and we got out and sayled along by the Land West and by South with a South vvind The three and twentieth wee sayled still forward West and by South till the Sunne was South-east and got to the Trust-point which is distant from the Ice-point fiue and twentie miles and then could goe no furtheer because the Ice lay so hard and so close together and yet it was faire weather the same day we tooke the height of the Sunne with the Astrolabium and also with our Astronomicall Ring and found his height to be 37. degrees and his Declination 23. degrees and 30. minutes which taken from the height aforesayd there rested 13. degrees and 30. minutes which substracted out of 90. degrees the height of the Pole was 76. degrees and 30. minutes and it was faire Sun-shine weather and yet it was not so strong as to melt the Snow that we might haue water to drinke so that wee set all our Tinne platters and other things full of Snow to melt and so molt it and put snow in our mouthes to melt it downe into our throates but all was not enough so that we were compelled to endure great thirst FRom the Low-land to the Streame Bay the course East and West foure miles From the Streame Bay to the Ice-hauen point the course East and by North foure miles From the Ice-hauen point to the Ilands point the course East North-east fiue miles From the Ilands point to the Flushingers point the course North-east and by East three miles From the Flushingers point to the Head point the course North east foure miles From the Head point to the point of Desire the course South and North sixe miles From the point of Desire to the Iland of Orange North-west eight miles From the Ilands of Orange to the Ice point the course West and West and by South fiue miles From the Ice point to the point of Trust the course West and by South fiue and twentie miles From the point of Trust to Nassawes point the course West and West and by North ten miles From the Nassaw point to the East end of the Crosse Iland the course West and by North eight miles From the East end of the Crosse Iland to Williams Iland the course West and by South three miles From Williams Iland to the Blacke point the course West South-west sixe miles From the Blacke point to the East end of the Admirable Iland the course West South-west seuen miles From the East to the West point of the Admirable Iland the course West South-west fiue miles From the West point of the Admirable Iland to Cape Planto the course South-west and by West ten miles From Cape de Planto to Lombs-bay the course West South-west eight miles From Lombs-bay to the Staues point the course West South-west ten miles From the Staues point to Langenesse the course South-west and by South fourteene miles From Langenesse to Cape de Cant the course South-west and by South sixe miles From Cape de Cant to the point with the Blacke clifts the course South and by West foure miles From the point with the Blacke clifts to the Blacke Hand the course South South-east three miles From the Blacke Iland to Constint-sarke the course East and West two miles From Constint-sarke to the Crosse point the course South South-east fiue miles From Crosse point to Saint Laurence Bay the course South South-east sixe miles From Saint Laurence Bay to Mel-hauen the course South-east sixe miles From Mel-hauen to the two Ilands the course South South-east sixe miles From the two Ilands where we crost ouer to the Russia Coast to the Ilands of Matfloe and Delgoy the course South-west thirtie miles From Matfloe and Delgoy to the Creeke where we sayled the compasse round about and came to the same place againe two and twentie miles From that Creeke to Colgoy the course West North-west eighteene miles From Colgoy to the East point of Camdenas the course West North-west twentie miles From the East point of Camdenas to the West side of the White Sea the course West North-west fortie miles From the West point of the White Sea to the seuen Ilands the course North-west foureteene miles From the seuen Ilands to the VVest end of Kilduin the course North-west twentie miles From the VVest end of Kilduin to the place where Iohn Cornelis came vnto vs the course North-west and by VVest seuen miles From thence to Cola the course VVest Southerly eighteene miles So that wee sayled in the two open Scutes sometimes in the Ice then ouer the Ice and through the Sea three hundred and eightie one miles Flemish which is one thousand one hundred fortie and three miles English The foure and twentieth of Iune the Sunne being Easterly we rowed heere and there in the Ice to see where we might best goe out but wee saw no opening but when the Sunne was South we got into the Sea for the which we thanked God most heartily that hee had sent vs an vnexpected opening and then we sayled with an East winde and went lustily forward so that we made our account to get aboue the point of Nassawes close by the land and wee could easily see the point of Nassawes and made our account to bee about three miles from it The sixe and twentieth it still blew hard out of the South and broke the Ice whereunto we were fast in pieces and we thereby draue into the Sea and could get no more to the fast Ice whereby we were in a thousand dangers to bee all cast away and driuing in that sort in the Sea wee rowed as much as we could but we could not get neere vnto the Land therefore we hoysed vp our Focke and so made vp with our sayle but our Fock-mast brake twice in peeces and then it was worse for vs then before and notwithstanding that there blew a great gale of Wind yet we were forced to hoyse vp our great Sayle but the winde blew so hard into it that if wee had not presently taken it in againe we had sunke in the Sea or else our Boate would haue been filled with water for the water began to leape ouer-boord and wee were a good way in the Sea at which time the waues went so hollow that it was most fearefull and wee thereby saw nothing but death before our eyes and euery twinckling of an eye looked when wee should sinke But God that had deliuered vs out of so many dangers of Death
7. degrees and a halfe variation from the North point to the West The fourteenth faire weather but cloudie and a stiffe gale of wind variable betweene North-east and South-west wee steered away West by South a point South all day vntill nine of the clocke at night then it began to Thunder and Lighten whereupon we tooke in all our sayles and layd it a hull and hulled away North till mid-night a league and a halfe The fifteenth very faire and hot weather the winde at North by East At foure of the clocke in the morning we set sayle and stood on our course to the Westward At noone wee found our height to bee 37. degrees 25. minutes The after-noone proued little wind At eight of the clocke at night the winde came to the North and wee steered West by North and West North-west and made our way West The Compasse varyed 7. degrees from the North to the West The sixteenth faire-shining weather and very hot the wind variable betweene the North and the West wee steered away West by North. At noone wee found our height to bee 37. degrees 6. minutes This morning we sounded and had ground in ninetie fathomes and in sixe Glasses running it shoalded to fiftie fathoms and so to eight and twentie fathoms at foure of the clocke in the after-noone Then wee came to an Anchor and rode till eight of the clocke at night the wind being at South and Moone-light we resolued to goe to the Northward to finde deeper water So we weighed and stood to the Northward and found the water to shoald and deepe from eight and twentie to twentie fathomes The seuenteenth faire and cleere Sun-shining weather the winde at South by West wee steered to the Northward till foure of the clocke in the morning then wee came to eighteene fathomes So we Anchored vntill the Sunne arose to looke abroad for Land for wee iudged there could not but be Land neere vs but we could see none Then we weighed and stood to the Westward till noone And at eleuen of the clocke wee had sight of a low Land with a white sandie shoare By twelue of the clocke we were come into fiue fathomes and Anchored and the Land was foure leagues from vs and wee had sight of it from the West to the North-west by North. Our height was 37. degrees 26. minutes Then the wind blew so stiffe a gale and such a Sea went that we could not weigh so we rode there all night an hard rode The eighteenth in the morning faire weather and little winde at North North-east and North-east At foure of the clocke in the morning we weighed and stood into the shoare to see the deeping or shoalding of it and finding it too deepe we stood in to get a rode for wee saw as it were three Ilands So wee turned to windward to get into a Bay as it shewed to vs to the Westward of an Iland For the three Ilands did beare North off vs. But toward noone the wind blew Northerly with gusts of wind and rayne So we stood off into the Sea againe all night and running off we found a Channell wherein we had no lesse then eight nine ten eleuen and twelue fathomes water For in comming ouer the Barre wee had fiue and foure fathomes and a halfe and it lyeth fiue leagues from the shoare and it is the Barre of Virginia At the North end of it it is ten leagues broad and South and North but deepe water from ninetie fathoms to fiue and foure and a halfe The Land lyeth South and North. This is the entrance into the Kings Riuer in Virginia where our English-men are The North side of it lyeth in 37. degrees 26. minutes you shall know when you come to shoald water or sounding for the water will looke Greene or thicke you shall haue ninetie and eightie fathomes and shoalding a pace till you come to ten eleuen nine eight seuen ten and nine fathomes and so to fiue and foure fathomes and a halfe The nineteenth faire weather but an hard gale of winde at the North-east wee stood off till noone and made our way South-east by East two and twentie leagues At noone wee cast about to the Westward and stood till sixe of the clocke in the after-noone and went fiue leagues and a halfe North-west by North. Then wee cast about againe to the Eastward and stood that way till foure the next morning The twentieth faire and cleere weather the winde variable betweene East North-east and North-east At foure of the clocke in the morning wee cast about to the Westward and stood till noone at which time I sounded and had two and thirtie fathomes Then we take to the Eastward againe wee found our height to bee 37. degrees 22. minutes We stood to the Eastward all night and had very much wind At eight of the clocke at night we tooke off our Bonnets and stood with small sayle The one and twentieth was a sore storme of winde and rayne all day and all night wherefore wee stood to the Eastward with a small sayle till one of the clocke in the after-noone Then a great Sea brake into our fore-corse and split it so we were forced to take it from the yard and mend it wee lay a trie with our mayne-corse all night This night our Cat ranne crying from one side of the ship to the other looking ouer-boord which made vs to wonder but we saw nothing The two and twentieth stormy weather with gusts of rayne and wind In the morning at eight of the clocke we set our fore-corse and stood to the Eastward vnder our fore-sayle mayne-sayle and misen and from noone to noone we made our way East South-east fourteene leagues The night reasonable drie but cloudie the winde variable all day and night Our Compasse was varyed 4. degrees Westward The three and twentieth very faire weather but some Thunder in the morning the winde variable betweene East by North. At noone wee tackt about to the Northward the winde at East by North. The after-noone very faire the wind variable and continued so all night Our way we made East South-east till noone the next day The foure and twentieth faire and hot weather with the wind variable betweene the North and the East The after-noone variable winde But at foure of the clocke the wind came to the East and South-east so wee steered away North by West and in three Watches wee went thirteene leagues At noone our height was 35. degrees 41. minutes being farre off at Sea from the Land The fiue and twentieth faire weather and very hot All the morning was very calme vntill eleuen of the clocke the wind came to South-east and South South-east so wee steered away North-west by North two Watches and a halfe and one Watch North-west by West and went eighteene leagues At noone I found our height to bee 36. degrees 20. minutes being without sight of Land The sixe and
the great mercie of God we came to an Anchor cleere of it and close by it our Master named them the Iles of Gods Mercie This is an Harbour for need but there must be care had how they come in Heere our Master sent me and others with me to discouer to the North and North-west and in going from one place to another we sprung a Couey of Partridges which were young at the which Thomas Woodhouse shot but killed only the old one This Iland is a most barren place hauing nothing on it but plashes of water and riuen Rockes as if it were subiect to Earthquakes To the North there is a great Bay or Sea for I know not what it will proue where I saw a great Iland of Ice aground betweene the two Lands which with the Spring-tide was set afloat and carried into this Bay or Sea to the North-westward but came not backe againe nor within sight Here wee tooke in some Drift wood that we found ashoare From hence we stood to the South-west to double the Land to the West of vs through much floting Ice In the end wee found a cleere Sea and continued therein till wee raysed Land to the North-west Then our Master made his course more to the South then before but it was not long ere we met with Ice which lay ahead of vs. Our Master would haue doubled this Ice to the North but could not and in the end put into it downe to the South-west through much Ice and then to the South where we were embayed againe Our Master stroue to get the shoare but could not for the great store of Ice that was on the coast From out of this Bay we stood to the North and were soone out of the Ice then downe to the South-west and so to the West where we were enclosed to our fight with Land and Ice For wee had Land from the South to the North-west on one side and from the East to the West on the other but the Land that was to the North of vs and lay by East and West was but an Iland On we went till we could goe no further for Ice so we made our ship fast to the Ice which the tide brought vpon vs but when the ebbe came the Ice did open and made way so as in seuen or eight houres we were cleere from the Ice till we came to weather but onely some of the great Ilands that were carried along with vs to the North-west Hauing a cleere Sea our Master stood to the West along by the South shoare and raysed three Capes or Head-lands lying one aboue another The middlemost is an Iland and maketh a Bay or Harbour which I take will proue a good one Our Master named them Prince Henries Cape or Fore-land When we had layd this we raised another which was the extreme point of the Land looking towards the North vpon it are two Hills but one aboue the rest like an Hay-cocke which our Master named King Iames his Cape To the North of this lie certaine Ilands which our Master named Queene Annes Cape or Fore-land Wee followed the North shoare still Beyond the Kings Cape there is a Sound or Bay that hath some Ilands in it and this is not to be forgotten if need be Beyond this lieth some broken Land close to the Mayne but what it is I know not because we passed by it in the night Wee stood to the North to double this Land and after to the West againe till wee fell with Land that stretched from the Mayne like a shewer from the South to the North and from the North to the West and then downe to the South againe Being short of this Land a storme tooke vs the wind at West we stood to the North and raised Land which when our Master saw he stood to the South againe for he was loath at any time that wee should see the North shoare The storme continuing and comming to the South shoare againe our Master found himselfe shot to the West a great way which made him muse considering his Leeward way To the South-west of this Land on the Mayne there is an high Hill which our Master named Mount Charles To the North and beyond this lieth an Iland that to the East hath a faire head and beyond it to the West other broken Land which maketh a Bay within and a good Road may be found there for ships Our Master named the first Cape Salsburie When we had left this to the North-east we fell into a Rippling or Ouer-fall of a Current which at the first we tooke to bee a Shoald but the Lead being cast wee had no ground On we passed still in sight of the South shoare till we raised Land lying from the Mayne some two leagues Our Master tooke this to bee a part of the Mayne of the North Land but it is an Iland the North side stretching out to the West more then the South This Iland hath a faire Head to the East and very high Land which our Master named Deepes Cape and the Land on the South side now falling away to the South makes another Cape or Head-land which our Master named Worsenhams Cape When wee were nigh the North or Iland Cape our Master sent the Boat ashoare with my selfe who had the charge and the Carpenter and diuers others to discouer to the West and North-west and to the South-west but we had further to it then we thought for the Land is very high and we were ouer-taken with a storme of Raine Thunder and Lightning But to it we came on the North-east side and vp we got from one Rocke to another till we came to the highest of that part Here we found some plaine ground and saw some Deere as first foure or fiue and after a dozen or sixteene in an Herd but could not come nigh them with a Musket shot Thus going from one place to another wee saw to the West of vs an high Hill aboue all the rest it being nigh vs but it proued further off then we made account for when wee came to it the Land was so steepe on the East and North-east parts that wee could not get vnto it To the South-west we saw that wee might and towards that part wee went along by the side of a great Pond of water which lieth vnder the East side of this Hill and there runneth out of it a streame of water as much as would driue an ouer-shot Mill which falleth downe from an high Cliffe into the Sea on the South side In this place great store of Fowle breed and there is the best Grasse that I had seene since we came from England Here wee found Sorell and that which wee call Scuruy-grasse in great abundance Passing along wee saw some round Hills of stone like to Grasse cockes which at the first I tooke to be the worke of some Christian. Wee
as was the Geographicall partition of the Iland it selfe mentioned before at the end of the first Chapter diuided into North East South and West quarter And againe they diuided the Fourths into Thirds except the North quarter For this as it was larger then the rest was parted into Fourths But these Thirds they subdiuided againe into their parts some Tenths and others somewhat otherwise For the which not finding a fit name I haue retayned the proper name of the Countrey that which with them is Hreppar wee may counterfeitly call Reppae vnto the which also we may imagine no vnapt Etymon from the word Repo For here was the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of them that executed any publike Office for equitie either of opinion and judgement and the equall ballancing of mindes to be preserued in the rest of the Magistrates worthily ought to begin there vnlesse any would rather thinke they had respect heere vnto Reeb that is to say Coards with the which the diuision was made after the most ancient manner of the Hebrewes themselues Euery Reppa regularly contayned twentie Inhabitants at the least for oftentimes it contayned more limited by a certayne increase of the wealth of their Family vnder which they might not be reckoned to the poorer Reppes to the richer they might Moreouer in euery Third as also in the Fourths of the North Tetrade which Iurisdictions in times past they called Pyng at this day also Syslu herad they appointed three more famous places consecrated to the Seat of Iustice and Iudgements besides also dedicated to Ethnicke Sacrifices which they call Hoff we call them Holy Places and Temples Euery Chappell after the manner of this Countrey was sumptuously built whereof wee reade of two of one hundred and twentie foot long One in the Iurisdiction of Washdall of North Island the other in Rialarnes of South Island and this surely sixtie foot broad Moreouer euery such holy place had a kind of Chappell adjoyning This place was most holy Heere stood the Idols and Gods made with hands vpon a low stoole or a certayne Altar about which the cattle which were to be sacrificed vnto them were orderly placed But the chiefe and middlemost of the Gods was Iupiter by them called Por from whom these Northerne Kingdomes yet call Thors day Thorsdagh The rest of the Gods were collateral vnto it whose certayne number and names I haue not heard Yet in the ancient forme of oath whereof mention shall be made hereafter three besides Thorus are specially noted by name Freyr Niordur and As whereof the third to wit As I thinke to be that famous Odinus not accounted the last among those Ethnicke Gods of whom I made mention before Synecdochically called As because hee was the chiefe of the people of Asia who came hither into the North for in the singular number they called him As which in the plurall they called Aesar or Aeser This Odinus as aforesaid for his notable knowledge in Deuillish Magicke whereby like another Mahomet hee affected a Diuinitie after his death was reckoned among the number of the Gods from whom at this day Wednesday is called Odens Dagur the day of Odinus whereupon peraduenture I shall not vnaptly call Odin Mercurie as Thor Iupiter Yet the ancients honoured Odin in the place of Mars and such as were slaine in the warres they say were sacrificed to Odin And the companions or Sonnes of Odin were Freyr and Nâ—ordur who through the same artes which their Father or Prince Odinus practised obtayned an opinion of Diuinitie I haue before aduertised you that chiefly in the North Countrey Kings after their death are honoured for Gods But the worshipping of them hath not yet come vnto the Islanders wherefore we will speake nothing of them in this place Before that seate of the Gods placed in the foresaid Temples stood an Altar erected couered aboue with Iron that it might not be hurt with fire which must bee continually there A Caldron also or brasen vessell was set vpon the Altar to receiue the bloud of the sacrifices with an holy water sticke or sprinkle to bedew the standers by with the bloud of the sacrifices Besides on the Altar a siluer Ring was kept or of copper of twentie ounces which being anointed with the bloud of the sacrifices they who executed any office pertayning to Iustice being now readie to take their oath religiously handled while they were sworne Foure-footed beasts for the most part were appointed for sacrifices to bee conuerted to the food of the Sacrificers Although in the meane space I finde a lamentable matter that the blinde Ethnicks in the foresaid place of Rialarnes vsed also humane sacrifices where at the doore of the Temple was â— very deepe Pit wherein the humane sacrifices were drowned which Pit was called Blotkellda from the Sacrifice Also in West Island in the Prouince of Thornsthing in the middle of the Market place there was a round circle into the which men appointed to be sacrificed to the Gods were gathered who being violently smitten against an exceeding great stone set there were cruelly slaine The indignitie whereof that stone is reported to haue declared many ages after by the bloudy colour which no shower of raine or water could euer wash away An abominable crueltie surely yet not wanting examples deriued euen from the most ancient times I omit those of later time and found in the neare bordering Countries as the humane sacrifices of the French whereof Cicero pro Fonteio speaketh and also the custome of nearer bordering Countries I doe not mention the Roman sacrifices among which Luperca Valeria appointed to be sacrificed was deliuered from present death by an Eagle Let the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and sacrificing of noble Virgins of the Greekes not be remembâ—ed with whom Helena was likewise freed from imminent perill of sacrificing by the benefit of an Eagle But who is it that can be ignorant of Benhennon or Gehennon of the Hebrewes and their crueltie farre greater then this exercised not vpon slaues or guiltie persons but euen vpon their dearest children Concerning which matter I thought good to set downe the wordes of Christoph. Adricomus Delphus Gehennon saith he was a place in the suburbs of Ierusalem ouer against the East vnder the Mountayne of Offence neare the Fish poole of the Fuller most pleasant like Tempe In this Valley stood a Pauilion and the brasen Idol of Moloch cunningly wrought in the shape of a King bâ—llow within whose head resembling a Calfe the other parts a man had armes stretched forth to sacrifice children who through the vehement heat of the Idol were burned amidst those cursed embracements For when by the fire put vnder in the concauity of the Idoll it became all fiery then the most wicked parents with incredible crueltie deliuered their dearest children to wit their Sonnes and Daughters to be burned within these detestable
wood But before the men had laid into her the little quantitie that she was able to carrie they came aboard againe for the wind began to blow hard and the Sea to goe loftie so that here was no place for vs to abide any longer otherwise I was purposed to haue searched further alongst the shoare but this gale of winde comming Northerly I stood from hence to the Westwards being desirous to see more Land or finde a more open Sea And hauing sayled about fifteene or sixteene leagues I met with Ice again in latitude 71. degrees and coasted it eight or nine leagues further Westward and South-westward as it lay but then the wind came to the South-west and we stood close by it a while to the Southwards but finding the gale to increase and considering that it was the most contrary winde which could blow against my further proceeding for the Ice as we found did â—â—end neerest South-west and besides if there had beene any high Land within twentie leagues of vs wee might perfectly haue made it the weather was so faire and cleere In these respects and for the Reasons following I tooke the benefit of this wind to returne to the North-eastwards againe being now about two hundred leagues from King Iames his New Land in latitude 71. degrees First I purposed to sayle alongst the South-east side of the Land that I had discouered to bee better satisfied what Harbours there were and what likelihood of profit to ensue and from thence to proceed to the place where I first fell with Ice in latitude 73. degrees when I was driuen to the South-eastwards with a Westerly storme for I am yet verily perswaded that being there we were not farre from Land although wee could not see it by reason of thicke foggie weather Then my further intent was if I found no good occasion to spend my time there for to coast the Ice or try the open Sea to the Northwards betwixt 73. and 76. degrees where formerly I had not receiued desired satisfaction by reason of a storme that draue me off and then I purposed if time might seeme conuenient to proceed to the North Coast of King Iames his New Land to haue seene what hope was there to be had for passage Northward or for compassing of the Land which is most like to be an Iland I stood away East and by South and being neere the foresaid Iland the winde came to the West and blew a very hard gale wherewith I passed alongst the South-east side of the Iland vnder a paire of coarses but without that satisfaction which I expected for the winde blowing so stormie and the Sea growne very great I was forced to stand further from the shoare then willingly I would haue done and besides there was a thicke fogge vpon the Land whereby I could not be satisfied what Harbours or Roads were about it yet might we see three or foure Capes or Head-lands as if there went in Bayes betwixt them I sayled about it and then stood to the Northward againe and being now assured that it was an Iland I named it Sir Thomas Smiths Iland This Iland is about ten leagues in length and stretcheth North-east and South-west it is high Land and at the North end of it there is a Mountayne of a wonderfull height and bignesse all couered with Snow which I called Mount Hackluyt the base or foot of it on the East side is almost foure leagues long it hath three such sides at the base lying out to the Sea and from the fourth side doth the rest of the Iland extend it selfe towards the South-west which is also as it were a place fortified with Castles and Bulwarkes for on each side there bee three or foure high Rockes which stand out from the Land appearing like Towres and Forts It lyes in the parallel of 71. degrees where the Needle varieth from the true Meridian Westwards eight degrees The Land is generally so farre as I haue seene Rockie and very barren and worse then the Land that I haue seene in King Iames his New Land vnder eightie degrees for there is no grasse but mosse and where I first landed vpon low ground all the stones were like vnto a Smiths finders both in colour and forme the sand is generally mixed with a corne like Amber the Beaches are abundantly stored with drift wood and many stones light like Pumis which will swimme on the water I saw many traces of Foxes and the footing of Beares but not any signe of Deere or other liuing creatures and very small store of Fowle From hence I stood to the Northward according to my former purpose but was crossed with a contrarie storme from the North-west which put me off to the Eastward but as the wind shifted I made my way to the North-westwards all I could and came againe to the Ice in latitude 75. degrees from whence I proceeded towards King Iames his New Land and had sight of the Land the eighteenth of August being in latitude 77. degrees 30. minutes and hauing a hard gale of wind then at North-west I stood close by it vnder a paire of coarses but could not weather Prince Charles Iland and therefore I bore vp intending to goe into Nicks Coue which is on the North side of Ice-sound there to attend a faire winde and in the meane time to get ballast aboard the Pinnasse and all other things necessary But comming to enter into the Harbour I thought it not a place conuenient because I could hardly haue gotten out againe with a Southerly wind which would carrie me to the Northwards and therefore I stood ouer for Green-harbor where I anchored at one a clocke in the morning the nineteenth of August Here I caused my men to launch a shallop and to get ballast and water aboard the Pinnasse and before nine a clocke at night I was readie to proceed Northward with the first faire winde I stayed here fiue dayes during which time it blew hard for the most part at North and North-west and on the foure and twentieth of August the winde came to the East North-east as wee supposed till we were out of the Harbour so I set sayle to proceed Northward and had the wind Easterly out of Ice-sound wherewith I stood North-west towards Cape Cold but being cleere of the high Land we found the wind to bee at North North-east therefore I resolued of another course which was this Hauing perused Hudsons Iournall written by his owne hand in that Voyage wherein hee had sight of certayne Land which he named Hold-with-hope I found that by his owne reckoning it should not be more then one hundred leagues distant from King Iames his New Land and in the latitude of 72. degrees 30. minutes or thereabouts therefore seeing I could not proceed Northward I purposed to goe to the South-westwards to haue sight of this Land and discouer it if wind and weather would permit So I stood away
hands The sixt we came to Flâ—câ—rie into which harbour by Gods helpe we came at two a clocke in the afternoone The seauenth day we supplied our wants of wood and water The eight day about two a clocke in the afternoone we set sayle forth of the harbour of Flecoriâ— about six a clock it fell calme till about eight about which time the Nasâ— of Norway by the Danish men called Lyndis-â—ose bare next hand North-west of vs sixe leagues off at which time I directed my course West North-west finding the compasse varied 7. degrees 10. minutes to the Eastwards of the true North. The thirteenth we had sight of the Hand of Faire I le and also of the South-head of Shâ—tland called Swimborne hâ—ad which are high Lands at noone the Iland of Faire Ile bearing West halfe a point Northerly foure leagues off I made obseruation and found vs in the latitude of 59. degrees 20. minutes This night about seuen a clocke wee came about an English league to the Northwards of the North-west and of Faire I le wee met with a great race of a tyde as though it had beene the race of Portland it setting North North-west Being out of the said race I directed my course West and by North hauing the winde North-east and by North this euening Faire Ile bearing East South-east foure leagues Swimborne head North-east and by North eight leagues the Iland of Foolâ— North-east and by East seuen leagues I found by exact obseruation the compasse to be varied to the East-ward of the true North 60. degrees 10. minutes The fourteâ—â—th in the morning the winde came to the East South-east wee steering West and by North away this morning the Iland of Faire Ile did shew in my sight to bee about ten leagues off at which time we did descrie two of the Westermost Ilands of Orkney which did beare South-west and by South The eighteenth the winde at North-west and by West wee laid it away South-west and by West and sometimes South-west This day 〈◊〉 noone wee were in the Latitude of 58. degrees 40. minutes The nineteenth day the winde at South-west and South-west and by West wee lying as the night before being at noone in the Latitude of 59. degrees and a halfe The foure and twentieth day the winde at North-east and by East we steering still with a fresh gale West South-west this euening we looked to haue seene Busse Iland but I doe verily suppose the same to be placed in a wrong Latitude in the Marine Charts The sixe and twentieth at noone wee were in the latitude of 57. degrees 45. minutes The thirtieth day in the morning betweene seuen and eight the weather began to cleere and the Sea and winde to waxe lesse wee looking for the Lion and the Pinnasse could haue no sight of them we supposing them to bee a sterne off vs we standing still vnder our courses This day the winde came to the North-east and by East being very cold weather we lying North North-west away Making my obseruation at noone I found vs in the latitude of 59. degrees 15. minutes our way North North-west fortie leagues This afternoon between one and two a clock we descried Land it bearing North North-east off vs about ten leagues off North-east by North off vs about ten leagues it being a very high ragged land lying in the latitude of 59. degrees 50. minutes lying alongst South-east and by South and North-west and by North. This Head-land wee named after the Kings Maiesties of Denmarke because it was the first part of Groenland which we did see This afternoone about one a clock bearing in for the shoare we saw an Iland of Ice which bore West South-west of vs three leagues off so hauing the wind at East South-east we bore in for the shoare where wee found so much Ice that it was impossible either for vs or any other ship to come into the shoare without great danger yet wee put our selues into the Ice as wee thought conuenient being incumbred and compassed about with the same in such sort as the Captaine my selfe the Boatswaine with another of our companie were forced to goe ouerboord vpon an Iland of Ice to defend it from the ship at which time I thought it conuenient to stand off into the Sea againe and so being cleere of the Ice to double Cape Desolation to the North-westwards of which I doubted not but to find a cleer coast so standing away all this night West South-west to cleere vs of the Ice which lay farre from the shoare being very thicke towards the Land with great Ilands of Ice that it is wonderfull This euening the Cape Christian bearing North-east and by East fiue leagues I found the Compasse varied 12. degrees 15. minutes to the North-westwards Moreouer standing to Seaward from the foresaid Cape we came in blacke water as thicke as though it had beene puddle water we sayling in the same for the space of three houres The one and thirtieth in the morning faire weather with the winde somewhat variable wee steering away North-west and by West betweene foure and fiue in the morning we had sight of the Lion againe but not of the Pinnasse They being a Sea-boord off and hauing espied vs they stood with vs at which time the Captaine Lieutenant and Steereman came aboord vs earnestly intreating mee to bestow a Sea Chart of the Steerman and to giue him directions if by tempestuous weather they should lose vs they protesting and swearing that they would neuer leaue vs as long as winde and weather would permit them to keepe companie with vs. By whose speechees I being perswaded did giue them a Sea Chart for those Coasts telling them that if they would follow me that by Gods assistance I would bring them to a part of the Land void without pester of Ice and also harbour the ships in good Harbour by Gods helpe they swearing and protesting that they would follow mee so long as possibly they could with which oathes and faire speeches I rested satisfied thinking they had thought as they had sworne but it fell out otherwise So hauing made an end with vs about noone they went aboord againe wee being this day in the latitude of 59. degrees 45. minutes hauing stood all the night before and this forenoone also so nigh the shoare as wee could for Ice the Cape Christian South South-east and North North-west and from the Cape to Cape Desolation the Land lyeth East and by South and West and by North about fiftie leagues This day betweene one and two a clocke the Vice-admirals Boat being newly gone aboord it fell very hasie and thicke so that wee could not see one another by reason of the fog therefore our Captaine caused to shoote off certaine Muskets with a great peece of Ordnance to the intent the Lion might heare vs which heard of them they presently stood with vs at which time
entred me thought I was come into a new World Whose Life and manners I will descrbe vnto your Highnesse as well as I can THey haue in no place any setled Citie to abide in neither know they of the Celestiall Citie to come They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues which stretcheth from the Riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the Sunne And euery of their Captaines according to the great or small number of his people knoweth the bounds of his Pastures and where hee ought to feed his Cattell Winter and Summer Spring and Autumne For in the Winter they descend vnto the warme Regions South-ward And in the Summer they ascend vnto the cold Regions North-ward In Winter when Snow lyeth vpon the ground they feed their Cattell vpon Pastures without water because then they vse Snow in stead of water Their houses wherein they sleepe they ground vpon a round foundation of Wickers artificially wrought and compacted together the Roofe whereof consisteth in like sort of Wickers meeting aboue into one little Roundell out of which Roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a Chimney which they couer with white Felt and oftentimes they lay Morter or white Earth vpon the said Felt with the powder of bones that it may shine white And sometimes also they couer it with blacke Felt. The said Felt on the necke of their house they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of Pictures Before the doore likewise they hang a Felt curiously painted ouer For they spend all their coloured Felt in painting Vines Trees Birds and Beasts thereupon The said houses they make so large that they contayne thirtie foot in breadth For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their Carts I found it to bee twentie feet ouer and when the house was vpon the Cart it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feet at the least I told two and twentie Oxen in one Teame drawing an house vpon a Cart eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the Cart and eleuen more before them the Axle-tree of the Cart was of an huge bignesse like vnto the Mast of a Ship And a fâ—llow stood in the doore of the house vpon the fore-stall of the Cart driuing forth the Oxen. Moreouer they make certayne foure square Baskets of small slender Wickers as bigge as great Chests and afterward from one side to another they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like Wickers and make a doore in the fore-side thereof And then they couer the said Chest or little House with black Felt ubbed ouer with Tallow or Sheeps Milke to keep the rain from soking through which they deck likewise with painting or with feathers And in such Chests they put their whole Houshold-stuffe and Treasure Also the same Chests they doe strongly binde vpon other Carts which are drawne with Camels to the end they may wade through Riuers Neither doe they at any time take downe the said Chests from off their Carts When they take downe their dwelling houses they turne the doores alwayes to the South and next of all they place the Carts laden with their Chests here and there within halfe a stones cast of the House insomuch that the House standeth betweene two rankes of Carts as it were betweene two Walles The Matrones make for themselues most beautifull Carts which I am not able to describe vnto your Maiesty but by Pictures only for I would right willingly haue painted all things for you had my Skill beene ought in that Art One rich Moal or Tartar hath two hundred or one hundred such Carts with Chests Duke Baatu hath sixteene Wiues euery one of which hath one great house besides other little houses which they place behind the great one being as it were Chambers for their Maidens to dwell in And vnto euery of the said houses doe belong two hundred Carts When they take their houses from off the Carts the principall Wife placeth her Court on the West Frontier and so all the rest in their order so that the last Wife dwelleth vpon the East Frontier and one of the said Ladies Courts is distant from another about a stones cast Whereupon the Court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great Village very few men abiding in the same One woman will guide twenty or thirty Carts at once for their Countries are very plaine and they binde the Carts with Camels or Oxen one behind another And there sits a Wench in the fore-most Cart driuing the Oxen and all the residue follow on a like pace When they chance to come at any bad passage they let them loose and guide them ouer one by one for they goe a slow pace as fast as a Lambe or an Oxe can walke HAuing taken downe their houses from off their Carts and turning the doores South-ward they place the bed of the Master of the house at the North part thereof The womens place is alwayes on the East-side namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face South-wards but the mens place is vpon the West-side namely at the right hand of their Master Men when they enter into the house will not in any case hang their Qâ—iuers on the womens side Ouer the Masters head there is alwayes an Image like a Puppet made of Fealt which they call the Masters Brother and another ouer the head of the good Wife or Mistris which they call her Brother being fastened to the wall and aboue betweene both of them there is a little leane one which is as it were the keeper of the whole house The good Wife or Mistris of the house placeth aloft at her beds feet on the right hand the Skinne of a Kid stuffed with Wooll or some other matter and neere vnto that a little Image or Puppet looking towards the Maidens and women Next vnto the doore also on the womens side there is another Image with a Cowes Vdder for the women that milke the Kine For it is the dutie of their women to milke Kine On the other side of the doore next vnto the men there is another Image with the Vdder of a Mare for the men which milke Mares And when they come together to drinke and make merrie they sprinkle part of their Drinke vpon the Image which is aboue the Masters head afterward vpon other Images in order then goeth a Seruant out of the house with a cup full of Drinke sprinkling it thrise towards the South and bowing his knee at euery time and this is done for the honour of the Fire Then performeth he the like Superstitious Idolatry towards the East for the honour of the Ayre and then to the West for the honour of the water and lastly to the North in the behalfe of the Dead When the Master holdeth a cup in his hand to drinke before hee tasteth thereof hee powreth his part vpon the ground
may remayne in this Land which request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can Wherefore you and your Interpreter must of necessitie goe vnto Mangu-Can Howbeit your associate and the other man shall returne vnto the Court of Sartach staying there for you till you come backe Then began the man of God mine Interpreter to lament esteeming himselfe but a dead man Mine Associate also protested that they should sooner chop off his head then withdraw him out of my company Moreouer I my selfe said that without mine Associate I could not goe and that we stood in need of two Seruants at the least to attend vpon vs because if one should chance to fall sick we could not be without another Then returning vnto the Court he told these Sayings vnto Baatu And Baatu commanded saying let the two Priests and the Interpreter goe together but let the Clerke returne vnto Sartach And comming againe vnto vs hee told vs euen so And when I would haue spoken for the Clerke to haue had him with vs he said No more words for Baatu hath resolued that so it shall bee and therefore I dare not goe vnto the Court any more Goset the Clerke had remayning of the Almes money bestowed vpon him twentie sixe Yperperas and no more ten whereof he kept for himselfe and for the Lad and sixteene hee gaue vnto the man of God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares he returning vnto the Court of Sartach and our selues remayning still in the same place VPon Assumption Euen our Clerke arriued at the Court of Sartach And on the morrow after the Nestorian Priests were adorned with our Vestments in the presence of the said Sartach Then wee our selues were conducted vnto another Host who was appointed to prouide vs house-roome victuals and Horses But because wee had not ought to bestow vpon him hee did all things vntowardly for vs. Then wee rode on forward with Baatu descending along by the bancke of Etilia for the space of fiue weekes together Sometimes mine Associate was so extreamly hungry that hee would tell mee in a manner weeping that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in all his life before There is a Faire or Market following the Court of Baatu at all times but it was so farre distant from vs that wee could not haue recourse thereunto For wee were constrained to walke on foote for want of Horses At length certaine Hungarians who had sometime beene after a sort Clergie men found vs out and one of them could as yet sing many Songs without booke and was accounted of other Hungarians as a Priest and was sent for vnto the Funerals of his deceased Countrey-men There was another of them also pretily well instructed in his Grammar for he could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that we spake but could not answere vs. These Hungarians were a great comfort vnto vs bringing vs Cosmos to drinke yea and sometimes flesh for to eate also who when they requested to haue some Bookes of vs and I had not any to giue them for indeed we had none but onely a Bible and a Breuiary it grieued me exceedingly And I said vnto them Bring me some Inke and Paper and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here and they did so And I copied out for them Horas beatae Virginis and Officium defunctorum Moreouer vpon a certaine day there was a Comanian that accompanied vs saluting vs in Latine and saying Saluete Domini Wondering thereat and saluting him againe I demanded of him who had taught him that kind of salutation He said that he was baptized in Hungaria by our Friers and that of them he learned it Hee said moreouer that Baatu had enquired many things of him concerning vs and that he told him the estate of our Order Afterward I saw Baatu riding with his company and all his Subiects that were housholders or Masters of families riding with him and in mine estimation they were not fiue hundred persons in all At length about the end of Holy-rood there came a certaine rich Moal vnto vs whose Father was a Millenary which is a great Office among them saying I am the man that must conduct you vnto Mangu-Can and we haue thither a iourney of foure moneths long to trauell and there is such extreame cold in those parts that stones and trees doe euen riue asunder in regard thereof Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your selues whether you be able to indure it or no. Vnto whom I answered I hope by Gods helpe that we shall be able to brooke that which other men can indure Then hee said if you cannot indure it I will forsake you by the way And I answered him it were not iust dealing for you so to do for we go not thither vpon any businesse of our owne but by reason that we are sent by our Lord. Wherefore sithence we are committed vnto your charge you ought in no wise to forsake vs. Then he said all shall be well Afterward he caused vs to shew him all our garments and whatsoeuer he deemed to bee lesse needfull for vs he willed vs to leaue it behind in the custodie of our Host. On the morrow they brought vnto each of vs a furred Gowne made all of Rams skinnes with the Wooll still vpon them and breeches of the same and boots also or buskins according to their fashion and shooes made of felt and hoods also made of skins after their manner The second day after Holy-rood we began to set forward on our iourney hauing three guides to direct vs and we rode continually East-ward till the feast of All-Saints Throughout all that Region and beyond also did the people of Changle inhabite who were by parentage discended from the Romans Vpon the North side of vs wee had Bulgaria the greater and on the South the foresaid Caspian Sea HAuing trauelled twelue daies iourney from Etilia we found a mightie Riuer called Iagac which Riuer issuing out of the North from the land of Pascatir descended into the foresaid Sea The language of Pascatir and of the Hungarians is all one and they are all of them Shepheards not hauing any Cities And their Countrey bordereth vpon Bulgaria the greater on the West frontier From the North-East part of the said Countrey there is no Citie at all Out of the said fore-named Region of Pascatir proceeded the Hunnes of old time who afterward were called Hungarians Next vnto it is Bulgaria the greater Isidore reporteth concerning the people of this Nation that with swift Horses they trauersed the impregnable walls and bounds of Alexander which together with the Rockes of Caucasus serued to restraine those barbarous and blood-thirstie people from inuading the Regions of the South insomuch that they had tribute paid vnto them as farre as Aegypt Likewise they wasted all Countries euen vnto France Whereupon
may be taken by men The great Can hath in his Court two which are brethren one called Bayan the other Mingan called in the Tartar language Ciuici that is Masters of the Game whereof either hath the charge of ten thousand men they which are vnder one of them are clothed in red the other in skie-colour alway when they hunt These keepe diuers sorts of Dogs to the number of fiue thousand Mastiues and other In hunting they goe with their people one on the right and the other on the left hand of the King and they take vp so great a length of the Playne that from one end to the other is a dayes iourney so that no beast can escape them and it is great pleasure when the Can goes in the midst to see the Dogs follow Harts Beares and other kinds And these Brethren are bound by coueâ—ant from the beginning of October to the end of March to bring to the Court one thousand heads of â—easts and birds besides Quailes and fishes the best they can in great proportion The moneth of March comming in great Can departeth from the Citie of Cambalu and proceedeth North-eastward towards the Ocean distant thence two dayes iourneyes bringing with him about ten thousand Falconers who haue Falcons Hawkes Gerfalcons and other kinds of Fowles of prey fit for hawking These Falconers disperse themselues by an hundred or two hundred in a Companie and the birds that are taken for the most part are brought vnto the King who by reason of his Gout sitteth in a woodden house which two Elephants carrie couered with the skins of Lions and within hanged with cloth of Gold hauing with him for his recreation twelue choice Hawkes and twelâ—e fauoured Courtiers many Noblemen and Souldiers ride by who guard the Kings person Who when they see Phesants or Cranes or other birds flying in the aire declare it to the Falconers which are neere vnto the King and they signifying the same vnto the King vncouer the Kings House and let their Falcons and Hawkes flie and the King sitting on his Bed beholdeth the pastime of the birds Other ten thousand men also goe with the King who in that hawking â—unne hither and thither by two and two and marâ—e whither the Falcons and Hawkes flie that are cast from the fist that if need bee they may helpe them And these in the Tartars Language are called Toscaol that is to say Watch-men or Markes-men being skilfull in a certaine kind of whistle wherewith they call in the Hawkes that are flowen Nor is it needfull that the Falconer who let the Hawkes flie should follow her seeing they of whom I now speake are busily imployed in taking vp the Hawkes and are carefull that by no meanes they bee hurt or lost And euery flying Hawke carrieth a little table of siluer on her foot signed with the marke of her Master or Falconer that if shee bee lost shee may bee restored to her owner But if the marke cannot be knowne the Hawke is deliuered to a certaine Baron who for this cause is called Bulangazi to whom are brought all lost things otherwise the Finder would be counted a Thiefe and to him Losers resort to inquire of things lost He hath a most eminent place noted by his Ensigne that in so great an assembly of people he may be knowne Whiles they are thus busied in sporting and hawking they come vnto a certaine great Plaine called Caczarmodin where the Tents of the King and all the Courtiers are prepared about ten thousand in number The first and chiefe is the Cans Pauilion vnder which ten thousand Souldiers stand besides Barons and Noble-men with the doore to the South sustayned with three Pillars wrought with diuers curious and excellent carued workes and couered with the skinnes of Lions and strakes of diuers colours which keepe out rayne But within the walls of the Pauilions are couered with most costly skinnes of Armelines and Sables although in those Countries these skinnes are accounted most precious that sometimes skinnes worth two thousand Sultanines of gold are scarce sufficient for one paire of Vests The Tartars call the Sable the Queene of Furres The Cordes wherewith these Pauilions are supported are of silke There are also other Pauilions erected wherein the Wiues Sonnes and Hand-maides of the King remaine Further also the Falcons Hawkes Owles Garfalcons and other Birds which serue for Hawking haue their Tents wherein they are contayned For there is so great a multitude of Tents that to them that come thither a farre off it seemeth that a famous Citie is built there The King remayneth all March in that Plaine and taketh innumerable Beasts and infinite multitudes of Fowle For no man may else hunt in all the Prouinces of that Kingdome at the least within fiue dayes iourney one way ten another and fifteene a third way of the Cans Court nor keepe an hunting Dogge or an Hawke and specially from the beginning of March vntill the moneth of October no man is permitted to vse any deuice or engine whatsoeuer to take Stagges Deere Roe-bucks Hares lest he should hinder their breede and herevpon it is that there are such store It is incredible what multitudes of People Merchants and merchandises of all sorts are seene in Cambalu The Money of the Great Can is not made of gold or siluer or other metall but they take the middle barke from the Mulberrie Tree and this they make firme and cut it into diuers and round pieces great and little and imprint the Kings marke thereon Of this matter therefore the Emperour causeth an huge masse of money to bee made in the Citie of Cambalu which sufficeth for the whole Empire and no man vnder paine of death may lawfully coine any other or spend any other money or refuse it in all his Kingdomes and Countries Nor any comming from another Kingdome dare spend any other money in the Empire of Great Can. Whereby it commeth to passe that Merchants often comming from farre remote Countries and Regions vnto the Citie of Cambalu bring with them gold siluer pearle and precious stones and receiue the Kings money for them And because this money is not receiued in their Countries they change it againe in the Empire of Great Can for merchandise which they carrie away with them He also payeth stipends to his Officers and Armies of the mentioned money and lastly whatsoeuer thing he needeth in his Court he buyeth with this money Wherefore there is not a King to be found in the World who exceedeth him in Treasure not expended on the Mint as elsewhere The Great Can hath twelue Barons as is said before which are his Counsell of Warre and dispose of martiall affaires and the exalting or disgracing of Captaines and Souldiers Their office is called Thai that is The high Court because they haue none aboue them but the Can. Other twelue Barons are appointed Counsellors for the foure and
Necks Hands Bellies and Legs making the Images of Lions Dragons and Birds and so firmely imprint them that they cannot easily bee put out and the more such Images any one hath by so much is hee esteemed the more gallant And there be Professors of this foolish Art of flesh embroiderie which vse no other Trade but this Needle-worke and dying of Fooles-skinnes Amu is an Easterly Prouince subiect to Great Can whose Inhabitants worship Idols and haue a peculiar language They abound with Herds of Cattell and haue plentie of Victuals and many Horses and those excellent which Merchants bring into India They haue also many Buffes and Oxen because there are delicate Pastures there As well Men as Women weare bracelets of gold and siluer of great value on their armes also the like on their legs but those of the Women are of most value From Amu to Cangigu are fiue and twentie dayes iourney The Prouince Tholoman is eight dayes iourney distant to the East from Amu subiect vnto Great Can hauing a peculiar language and worshipping Idols The Men and Women thereof are tall and goodly of a browne colour The Countrey is very well inhabited hauing many and strong Castles and Cities The men are exercised in Armes and accustomed to warre They burne the bodies of their dead and inclosing the Reliques of their bones in a Chest hide them in the Caues of the Mountaines that they cannot bee touched either of man or beast Gold is in great plentie there and in stead of money they vse Porcelanes brought from India as also in Cangigu and Amu. From the Prouince Tholoman the way leadeth towards the East on a Riuer by which are many Cities and Castles and at the end of twelue dayes you come to the great Citie Cintigui The Countrey is subiect to Great Can and the Inhabitants thereof are addicted to Idolatrie Excellent Clothes are made in this Countrey of the barkes of Trees wherewith they are clothed in the Summer Very many Lions are there so that for feare of them none dare sleepe without doores by night The ships which goe vp and downe the Riuer for feare of the Lions are not fastned to the banke There are great Dogs in the same Countrey so hardie and strong that they feare not to aduenture on the Lion And it often hapneth that two Dogs and one Archer kill a Lion for the Dogs set on by the man giue the onset and the Lions nature is presently to seeke shelter from some Tree that the Dogs may not come behind him neither yet will his great heart suffer him to runne from the Dogs lest he should seeme afraid but he holds his stately pace the man mean-while shooting and the Dogs fastning on his hinder parts but with such quicknesse that when the Lion turnes on them they are gone And then doth this magnanimous Beast hold on his way againe to seeke such Tree succour that with Bitings and Arrowes he sometimes comes short and with expense of bloud dyeth by the way This Countrey aboundeth with Silke which by Merchants is carried to diuers Prouinces by the Riuer They liue on Merchandise their money is Paper They are valiant in Armes At the end of ten dayes is the Citie Sidinfu and twentie dayes from thence is Gingui and foure dayes thence is Pazanfu towards the South and is in Cataio returning by the other side of the Prouince The people are Idolaters and burne their dead There are also certaine Christians which haue a Church all vnder the Can and vse Paper money They make Clothes of Gold and Silke and Launes very fine By this Citie which hath many Cities vnder it goes a great Riuer which carries store of merchandise to Cambalu made by many Channels to passe thither But wee will passe hence and proceeding three dayes iourney speake of Cianglu Cianglu is a great Citie toward the South of the Prouince of Cataio subiect to the Can the Inhabitants are Idolaters and burne their dead Their money is the Mulberie Paper coine of the Can. In this Citie and the Territories they make store of Salt for that Earth is very salt and out of it they get Salt after this manner They heape vp Earth in manner of an Hill and powre water vpon it which drawes the saltnesse of the Earth vnto it and then runnes into certaine Conduits and is boyled in Pannes till it be congealed to Salt faire and white to the Cans and their great gaine being carried into other Countries to sell. There are great Peaches very good which weigh two pounds a piece Fiue dayes iourney beyond the Citie Cianglu in Cataio Southward standeth another Citie named Ciangli in which way are many Cities and Castles all subiect to the Can through the middest whereof runneth a great Riuer very conuenient for shipping laden with merchandises Six dayes iourney thence to the South all which way hath great Cities and Castles of Idolaters is the noble Kingdome and great Citie Tudinfu which had his proper King before it was subdued to Great Can Anno 1272. and hath eleuen Royall Cities famous for traffick subiect to the iurisdiction thereof It is very delectable for Gardens and Fruits rich in Silkes The Can sent to the gouernment hereof one of his Barons named Lucansor with eightie thousand Horse who rebelled against his Lord but was slaine by a power of one hundred thousand vnder two other Barons sent against him and the Countrey reduced to obedience Seuen dayes off riding by many Cities and Castles of Idolaters plentifull of all things towards the South is the famous Citie named Singuimatu vnto the which on the South a certaine great Riuer runneth which being diuided by the Inhabitants of the place into two Riuers floweth partly to the East towards Cataio and partly to the West towards Mangi By these Riuers innumerable Vessels for multitude and incredible for their greatnesse and wealth bring necessaries to both Prouinces If you goe sixteene dayes iourney towards the South from Singuimatu you still meet with Cities and Townes where much trading is exercised The Inhabitants of these Countries are Idolaters subiect to Great Can. After that sixteene dayes you come vnto a great Riuer named Caramoran which is said to flow out of the Kingdome of Vincan or Presbyter Iohn of the North. It is very deepe and carrieth Ships of great burthen it is also stored with Fish Within one dayes iourney of the Sea there are in this Riuer fifteene thousand Saile each of which carrieth fifteene Horses and twentie Men besides Victualls and the Mariners This is the Cans Fleet kept there in readinesse to carrie an Armie to any of the Ilands in the Sea if they should rebell or to any remote Region Neere the banke of the Riuer where these Ships are kept is Coiganzu and ouer against it Quanzu one a great Citie the other small After you are past that Riuer you enter into the
against him but were his faithful and obedient sâ—biects but they armed themselus because they would not be gouerned by the Parthians their ancient enemies Thus Calix thought greatly to trouble him when he rose in Armes against him and did thinke that he had already assaulted the Wall which the King of China had made against the Tartarians As soone then as the Prince was aduertized of the pretences of Calix thus discouered hee marched one dayes Iourney forward to the end he might approach vnto Calibes and impart the same vnto him what face soeuer Calibes set on the matter he harkened what would become of Calix that hee might likewise make some commotion there was left with him to command ouer the Parthians the Prince of Thanais without whom he could not doe any thing for that hee led the Auantgard Thus was the Army deuided in two parts the King of China remayning long before he was aduertized of all this and thought he had all the forces both of the Tartarians and Parthians vpon his Armes so as this was of no small importance to fauour our Affaires for Tamerlan had especially giuen commandement that the passages which are easily gotten might as diligently bee kept to the end that the King of China should not be aduertized of the tumult Then Tamerlan set forward his Auantgard vnder the leading of Odmar hee promised vnto himselfe shortly a happie successe in his Affaires and aduertized the Emperour of all but it came vnto him when he was sicke And surely it was high time for Tamerlan to march forward or else all had beene reuolted so leauing his Footmen he made great Iournies Now during the time that he had bin aduertized and made his abode to consult which was the space of two moneths Calix hauing presented himselfe with a hundred thousand fighting men before Cambalu a very great Citie and chiefe of the Prouince of Catayo the Inhabitants thereof came out to meete him and did also receiue him with all the joy that might be Now whilst our Army marched towards Caindu and from thence vnto Calatia whether our Army went easily looking for the Forces of his Natiue Countrey of Zachetay to come and joyne with him he did not yet forget to send forward daily of our Souldiers towards Cambalu so as they supposed all our Forces to be on the necke of them already which gaue great terrour vnto the people Calix perceiuing that the people did repent hee thought best to withdraw himselfe out of Cambalu determining to oppose himselfe against Tamerlan and sent for his power from all places putting all vpon the euent and hazard of a battell He drew out of Cambalu full fiftie thousand men as well Burgesses as Souldiers which were there in Garrison hauing wonne all the Captaynes which the old Emperour had placed there in Garrison amounting to the number of thirty thousand men and him that commanded ouer them who had consented vnto the reuolt of this great Citie To make it short hauing assembled all his Forces he had fourescore thousand Horse and a hundred thousand Footmen the which hee had gathered together from all parts Our Army then marched with all diligence in such sort as certayne Scouts which were two thousand Horse had newes of the Armie of Calix the which came forwards directly towards vs whereof they caused the Emperour to be certified speedily who sent thither two thousand Horses more to the end they should keepe the passage of a Riuer called Brore by the which our victuals were conueyed vnto the Armie and also for to winne alwayes time the Prince knowing right well that the motions of Ciuill Warres bee furious at the beginning and that it is the best to resist them slowly drawing them alwayes out at length if it be possible For the people in the end acknowledging their faults their meanes and money fayling them and oftentimes victuals also On the contrary side in a Royall Army none of all this doth happen where all things are fauourable and the Souldiers well disciplined obedience and order beeing wisely obserued Then had the Emperour the guiding of his owne purposes for he had receiued commandement from the Emperour his Vncle to hazard therein all for all deliuering vp into his hands the safegard of his life and estate that he might thereby end his dayes in peace willing him likewise to punish this arrogant fellow and his partakers By this meanes came forces from all parts vnto Tamerlan but on the contrary part the Enemies Army was then in his chiefest force and began to feele the want of victuals Calix was of the age of fortie he was a Captayne renowmed with the great Cham hee was one of the chiefest in dignitie and place and they had alwayes respected him within Tartarie as a person most worthy of the Empire if the glory of Tamerlan and his reputation had not so far excelled The Armies began to be viewed the one of the other about eight of the clock in the morning where there were very many skirmishes before they came vnto the mayne Battayle according to the fights of these Nations it was a great Plaine wherein they met at that time with like aduantage on eyther part Odmar led the Auantgard wherein there was fortie thousand Horse and threescore thousand Foot-men he made three Squadrons whereof hee set forward one before him that began the Battayle Tamerlan marched in the same order but his Squadrons were much stronger the Foot-men both of the Auantgard and of the Battayle were on the right and left wings Tamerlan had drawne out sixe thousand Parthian Horse and two thousand Tartarian for the Arier-ward and had committed the charge thereof vnto a faithfull Seruant of his called Axalla a Genuois borne a man of great judgement his vnderstanding being good and quicke and a Captayne in great estimation amongst the Souldiers although hee worshipped God in another manner then wee did and was a Christian. And hee had many of them with him whom he caused to come from the Georgians and from Pont Euxin who fought with great agilitie this day did hee shew his great fidelitie and courage vnto his Prince Calix on the other-side who was a well spoken man was encouraging his Souldiers to fauour his fortune and the libertie of his Nation he had diuided his troupes into three mayne Battayles onely his Foot-men vpon the right hand his owne person was in the middest of the mayne Battayle with many Foot-men which compassed him round about according as wee vse to fight In the end valiantly fighting he fell into Axallas hands which with one voyce he proclaymed through all his Campe which ouerthrew the courage of all his Souldiers Hee was kept vntill the next day and was iudged by all the Counsell worthy of punishment whereupon Tamerlan caused his head to bee smitten off the which hee sent to bee presented vnto the Inhabitants of Cambalu he caused the like to be done vnto all the
their head fastened with a siluer bodkin their grounds are plentifull of many and good waters it is a people that sayle very seldome being in the middest of the Sea They weare good shore Swords they were in times past subject to the Chinas with whom they had great conuersation therefore are very like the Chinas Now this Iland remayning to the Sea from China as we haue said the Coast of China runneth winding from the Prouince of Cantano and from her Coast vnto the Coast of the Prouince of Nanquin whether to the Portugals haue sayled the Coast making neuer a point as the Maps doe make the which may be seene well pointed in the Sea-cards and in the Maps made among the Portugals The Tartars are reckoned among the Scythians and runne so far along China with the which it hath continuall Warre that commonly they affirme to haue betweene the Chinas and the Tartarians a Wall of an hundred leagues in length And some will affirme to bee more then a hundred leagues the first Kingdome that doth confine with it on the Sea-side of India is one that is called Cauchin-china which hath about an hundred leagues little more or lesse a long the Sea-coast the Sea maketh a great entrance betweene it and the I le Daman which is of fiftie leagues in length and is already of the Chinas and in the end of this entrance this Kingdome abutteth with the Kingdome of China and is subiect to the King of China The people of this Kingdome in their Habit Policie and Gouernment doe vse themselues like the people of China The Countrey is much inhabited and of much people it is also a very plentifull Countrey They haue the same Writing that the Chinas haue although their speech be diuers Beyond this Kingdome of the Cauchin-chinas lyeth another very great Kingdome which runneth within the Land along China which some doe call Laos and others Siones Maons this by the otherside towards India doth confine with the Kingdome of Camboia and with the great Kingdome of Syam and with the rich Kingdome of Pegu with all the which Kingdomes it hath Traffique in sort that there remayâ—eth to this Kingdome towards the Sea of India all the Coast of Pegu vnto the ends of the Kingdome of Champaa which doth confine with Cauchin-china And so there remayne to these Laos toward the â—ide of the Indian Sea the great Kingdome of Pegu the Kingdome of Tanaçarin and that of Quedaa and that of Malaca and the Kingdomes of Paâ— of Patane of Syam of Camboia and of Champaa which abutteth vpon the Cauchin-chinas This Kingdome of the Laos or Sions Maons was subdued by the Bramas of the which we will speake presently in the yeere of fiftie sixe and among some which they brought captiue to Pegu they brought some Chinas which the Laos held Captiues as one George Mello affirmed vnto mee which went for Captayne of the Voyage to Pegu. And though commonly there be no Warres betweene these Laos and the Chinas because of the great Mountaynes that are betweene them on the which the Chinas haue good forces on that side in the Prouince of Camsi which doth confine with these and with the Bramas and in the forces they haue continually men in Garrison for the defence of those parts there bee notwithstanding continually assaults on the one side and of the other whereby the Laos might haue some Chinas captiue Before that these Laos were subdued by the Bramas they carryed to Sion to Camboia and to Pegu some very good Muske and Gold whereof is affâ—rmed to be great store in that Countrey and these people hauing Muske makes a conjecture the great store of Muske which the Chinas haue they get it from the many beasts thaâ— are in the Confines of this Kingdome in the Prouince of Camsi from whence they bring it The Muske is the flesh and bloud of certayne beasts which they say to be as bigge as Foxes the which beaten with strokes and killed they tye the skinne with the flesh together in lumps the which they cut after the flesh is rotten and so they sell it which the Portugals do call Muske Cods And when it commeth fresh presently it appeareth to be rotten flesh and bloud the rest they sell loose holding these Cods for the finer Muske Returning to the Laos whereof we were speaking these be the Wares which they brought to the aboue-said Kingdomes carrying in returne Cotton-clothes and other things they had need of This people is not very browne they weare their haire all cut round vnderneath and all the rest aboue ruffled raysing it many times vpward with their hands that it remayneth to them like a Cap and serueth in stead of one for they weare nothing on their heads they goe naked from the middle vpward and from the hips downward they weare certayne Cotton-clothes girt about them all white the women goe couered from the brests to the halfe legge they haue their faces some-what like the Chinas they haue the same Heathenish Ceremonies that the Pegus and Siones and the Camboias The Priests of their Idols doe weare yellow clothes girt about as the rest of the people and a certayne manner of yellow Copes with certayne folds and seames in which they hold their Superstitions Of this people I saw many in Camboia which remayned there the yeere before by the way of Traffique and that yeare that I was there they came not because of the Warres wherein as I said they said they were subdued by the Bramas These Laos came to Camboia downe a Riuer many daies Iournie which they say to haue his beginning in China as many others which runne into the Sea of India it hath eight fifteene and twentie fathome water as my selfe saw by experience in a great part of it it passeth through many vnknowne and desart Countries of great Woods and Forrests where there are innumerable Elephants and many Buffes of which I saw many wild in that Countrie and Merus which is like a good Mule and certayne beasts which in that Countrie they call Badas of the which the Male haue a pointlesse and blunt Horne in their fore-head and some of the Hornes are spotted with singular colours and others all blacke others of a waxe colour but they haue no vertue but only for the Hemorroides or Piles and after the Elephant there is no other greater beast the haire of it is browne and footed like an Elephant the head like a Cow and it hath a great lumpe of flesh that falleth vpon his head whereof I did eate trauelling in those parts There are also many other wilde Beastes There bee some Thorny Trees like Limons and Oranges and many wilde Grapes through the Woodes When these Laos doe returne to their Countrie going against the streame they goe in three moneths This Riuer causeth a wonder in the Land of Camboia worthy of reciting Comming neere to a place which they call Chudurmuch which is twelue
weare cut Hose and Caps and blunt Swords and a Portugall that was carryed captiue the Land inward told me that he heard the Chinas say that they called these Alimenes §. II. Cantan described the publike and priuate buildings and Gouernment The shipping and Husbandry of China their contempt of the idle and prouision for impotent poore BEing to intreate of the Citie of Cantan I giue first a warning to the Readers that among many Noble Cities Cantan is one lesse Noble then many of China and farre inferiour in building then many other although it be more populous then many this is said by all them that saw it and trauelled within the Land where they saw many other This aduice presupposed it is to be noted that Cantan in his compasse is of very strong Wals very well made and of a good height and to the sight they seeme almost new beeing eighteene hundred yeares since they were made as the Chinas did affirme they are very cleane without any cleft hole or rift or any thing threatning ruine They are of free stone about a mans height and from thence vpward of brickes made of a clay like vnto that of the Porcelane Dishes whence it causeth them to bee so strong that I building a Chappell in Malaca one of these which was brought from China could scarsly bee broken with a good Pick-axe Iointly with this there is in this Citie and in all the rest an Officer of the King which onely hath care to ouer-see the Wals for the which he hath a good stipend And euery yeare when the Gouernour of the Borders commeth to visit the Prouince hee doth visit this as well as the other Officers to know if he doth well his Office and finding him in any fault or negligence hee is put from his Office and punished And if he standeth in need of any expence for the mending of the Walls the Ouer-seer of the Rents is bound to giue him that which is necessarie vnder paine that if the mending remayneth vndone he shall bee well punished For this cause the Wals of all the Cities are continually kept sound and in good reparation These Walles are within the Citie little more then the walke of the same Citie in their height which is the cause of beeing much more cooler The Wals haue in compasse 12350. paces and it hath eighty three Bulwarks This Citie and so all the rest hath on the one side the Riuer along the which as well this as the rest are built almost in a Valley and on the other side they haue a Ditch full of water of a good breadth betweene the which and the wall remayneth a good distance where there may runne together a good troupe of people and the Earth that was taken out of the Ditch was cast betweene it and the wall whereby the foot of the wall remayneth a great deale higher then the other ground Besides the ditch notwithstanding this wall hath a great blemish for it hath on the contrarie side to the Riuer without the wals and the ditch a little Hillocke that discouereth all the Citie within the wals This wall hath seuen gates the entries of the which are sumptuous and high strong and well made with Pinacles aboue not square but made like steps The other places of the wals haue no Pinacles the wall at the entring of the gates is twelue paces thicke the gates are all ouer plated with Iron and all of them haue their draw-bridges very strong which are alwayes vp and are neuer let downe but are ready against they be needfull all the gates at the entrings haue Courts and the Courts that are toward the side of the Suburbs which lyeth along the Riuer haue euery one three gates one in the front and two on the sides which remayne for the seruice of streets that lye along the wall the wals of the Courts are almost of the height of them within the gate which is in the front in the Court is like vnto that of the wals within it hath also a draw-bridge the gates which are in the side of the Courts are small The Courts that are on the other-side of the field where no Suburbe is haue no more but one gate and this not right against that of the wals but stand on the one side the streets of the Citie are all drawne by a Line very straight without any manner of making a nooke or winding all the crosse wayes are as straight as the streets in sort that there is neyther street nor trauerse that maketh any turning All the streets and trauerses are very well paued the pauements going along the Houses and lower in the middest for the course of water the principall streets haue triumphant Arches which doe crosse them high and very well made which make the streets very beautifull and enoble the Citie the principall streets haue along the Houses close Portals in the which and vnder the Arches many things are sold. The Houses of them which rule the Countrey are at the entrings very sumptuous with high Portals great and well wrought of Masons worke they haue in the fore-front very great gates like the gates of a Citie with two Giants painted with Clubs in their hands I saw foure in one Pagode which is a Temple of Idols drawne naturally from some which they say the King hath to keepe his weakest passages from Tartaria They are of great members of about twelue or thirteene spans high On the street side it hath right against the principall Porch a receite not very great It hath built along the street a good wall of a good height right against the gate that when the gate is open they that are within may not be gazed on by them that goe by the street this gate serueth not neither is it opened but for dispatching of matters of Iustice and the principall of the House goe in and out at them and others that are as honourable or more then they at the one side of this principall gate is another very great gate but not so big as the principall which is for the seruice of the House and of the Prisoners when the principall gate is shut and when this principall gate is shut they set a glued Paper crosse ouer both the leaues on which is written the name or firme of the principall of the House and for to open it againe an Officer of the House bringeth the same firme or marke on a playstered board to the Porter that hee may open it without the which token hee may not open it vnder a great punishment Entring by this gate there is a great Court and almost square which is almost a Horse-race and it hath a Gallery little lesse then the length of the gate which leadeth straight from the gate to a very great Table that stands at the end of the Court the which is all paued with square stones with leanings as high as a
same yeere there fell great store of rayne verie hot with the which the earth seemed to burne and many people perished with the great heate but the Prouince perished not altogether wherefore this woman was carried to the King which was in prison in the place where the Portugals were which told this Reader forasmuch as this Author hath often mentioned and related also the storie of certaine Portugals Prisoners in China one of which hee nameth Galotte Perera from whom hee receiued great part of his China intelligence I haue thought good to adde hither Pereras relations translated long since out of Italian and published by R. Willes hauing abbreuiated some things in the Frier that you might rather haue them at the first hand from this Gentleman which saw them but abbreuiated to preuent tediousnesse CHAP. XI The relation of GALEOTTO PERERA a Gentleman of good credit that lay Prisoner in China THis Land of China is parted into thirteene Shires which sometimes were each one a Kingdome by it selfe but these many yeeres they haue beene all subiect vnto one King The King maketh alwayes his abode in the great Citie Pachin as much to say in our language as by the name thereof I am aduertised the Towne of the Kingdome This Kingdome is so large that vnder fiue moneths you are not able to trauell from the Townes by the Sea side to the Court and backe againe no not vnder three moneths in Poste at your vrgent businesse The Post-horses in this Countrey are little of bodie but swift of foote Many doe trauell the greater part of this iourney by water in certaine light Barkes for the multitude of Riuers commodious for passage from one Citie to another The King notwithstanding the hugenesse of his Kingdome hath such a care thereof that euerie Moone by the Moones they reckon their moneths he is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth therein Before that wee doe come to Cinceo we haue to passe through many places and some of great importance For this Countrey is so well inhabited neere the Sea side that you cannot goe one myle but you shall see some Towne Borough or Hostrie the which are so abundantly prouided of all things that in the Cities and Townes they liue ciuilly Neuerthelesse such as dwell abroad are very poore for the multitude of them euery where so great that out of a Tree you shall see many times swarme a number of Children where a man would not haue thought to haue found any one at all From these places in number infinite you shall come vnto two Cities very populous and being compared with Cinceo not possibly to bee discerned which is the greater of them These Cities are as well walled as any Cities in all the world As you come into either of them standeth so great and mightie a Bridge that the like thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugall nor else where I heard one of my fellowes say that he told in one Bridge fortie Arches The occasion wherefore these Bridges are made so great is for that the Country is toward the Sea very plaine and low and ouerwhelmed euer as the Sea-water encreaseth The breadth of the Bridges although it be well proportioned vnto the length thereof yet are they equally built no higher in the middle than at either end in such wise that you may directly see from the one end to the other the sides are wonderfully well engraued after the manner of Rome workes But that wee did most maruell at was therewithall the hugenesse of the stones the like whereof as we came into the City we did see many set vp in places dishabited by the way to no small charges of theirs howbeit to little purpose whereas no body seeth them but such as do come by The Arches are not made after our fashion vaulted with sundry stones set together but paued as it were whole stones reaching from one Pillar to another in such wise that they lie both for the Arches heads gallantly serue also for the high-way I haue been astonied to behold the hugenesse of these aforesaid stones some of them are twelue paces long and vpward the least eleuen good paces long and an halfe The wayes each where are gallantly paued with foure-square Stone except it be where for want of Stone they vse to lay Bricke in this voyage we trauelled ouer certaine Hills where the wayes were pitched and in many places no worse paued than in the plaine ground The Countrey is so well inhabited that no one foot of ground is left vntilled small store of cattell haue we seene this way we saw onely certaine Oxen wherewithall the countrey-men doe plough their ground One Oxe draweth the Plough alone not onely in this Shire but in other places also wherein is greater store of cattell These countrey-men by art doe that in tillage which we are constrained to doe by force Here be sold the voydings of Close-stooles although there wanteth not the dung of beasts and the excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all China The Dung-fermers seeke in euery street by exchange to buy their durtie ware for Hearbs and Wood. The custome is very good for keeping the Citie cleane There is great abundance of Hennes Geese Duckes Swine and Goates Wethers haue they none the Hennes are sold by weight and so are all other things Two pound of Hennes flesh Goose or Ducke is worth two Foi of their money that is three halfe pence Swines flesh is sold at a peny the pound Beefe beareth the same price for the scarcitie thereof howbeit Northward from Fuquico and further from the Sea coast there is Beefe more plentie and sold better cheape Beefe onely excepted great aboundance of all these Viands wee haue had in all the Cities wee passed through And if this Countrey were like vnto India the Inhabitants whereof eate neither Hen Beefe nor Porke but keepe that onely for the Portugals and Moores they would bee sold here for nothing But it so falling out that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world they doe feed vpon all things specially vpon Porke the fatter that is vnto them the lesse lothsome The highest price of these things aforesaid I haue set downe better cheape shall you sometimes buy them for the great plentie thereof in this Countrey Frogs are sold at the same price that is made of Hennes and are good meat amongst them as also Dogs Cats Rats Snakes and all other vncleane meates The Cities be very gallant specially neere vnto the Gates the which are maruellously great and couered with Iron The Gate-houses built on high with Towers the lower part thereof is made of Bricke and Stone proportionally with the walls from the walls vpward the building is of Timber and many stories in it one aboue the other The strength of their Townes is in the mightie Walls and Ditches Artillery haue they none The streets in Cinceo and in all the rest of
hung innumerable bells making a continuall strange noyse with the motion of the ayre At the great Gate of this second wall in terrible shapes stood the two Porters of Hell as they call them Bacharom and Qugifau with Iron Maces in their hands terrible to looke on Passing vnder an Iron chayne fastened to the brests of these Diuels wee came into a faire street long and wide compassed with painted arches on the top whereof were two rankes of Idols all that length in which were aboue fiue thousand Images wee knew not of what matter being all gilded with Myters on their heads of diuers inuentions At the end of this street was a great square Hill set with blacke and white shining stones the whole square compassed with foure rewes of Giants of mettall each of fifteene spannes with Halberds in their hands and gilded beards At the end of all stood Quiay Huiaon God of the Raine set vp against a bastion or border seuentie spannes long and his head so high that it reached to the battlements of the tower which were aboue twelue fathoms by his mouth eyes nostrils and brests casting out water which the people below gathered as a great relique This water came from the top of the tower by secret pipes Wee passed vnder his legges which stood as a great portall and came to a large house like a Church with three Iles on marble pillars and on the walls on both sides many Idols great and small of diuers figures all gilded set on their bases in good order At the end of this house on a round of fifteene steps stood an Altar made in fashion of a Throne and thereon the Image of Nacapirau like a goodly woman with her hayre loose and her hands lifted to heauen all of gold so burnished that it dazeled the eyes About that tribunall in the foure first steps stood twelue Kings of China crowned in siluer And beneath were three rewes of gilded Idols on their knees with their hands lifted vp many siluer Candle-sticks hanging about them Going thence wee came to another street of arches like the former and from thence by two others of rich buildings to a great hill in which were eightie two Bells of mettall very great hanging by chaynes from Iron beames sustained with Iron Columnes Thence wee went to a strong Gate 'twixt foure towers in which stood a Chifu with thirtie Halberdiers and two Notaries which tooke the names of all passengers to whom wee gaue thirtie Reis for entrance The fourth remarkable and famous building was in the Riuer of Batampina in an Iland about a league in compasse walled round with stone eight and thirtie spannes aboue water within filled with earth round encompassed with two rewes of Latten grates the vttermost sixe spannes high for people to leane on the inner of nine holding siluer Lions with balls the Armes of the China Kings Within these grates in good order were placed one hundred and thirteene Chappels in manner of round Bulwarkes in each of them was an alabaster Sepulcher seated on the heads of two siluer Serpents with faces of women and three hornes on their heads In euery of them were thirteen Candlesticks of siluer with seuen lights in each burning In the midst of a spacious place compassed with three rewes of grates with two rankes of Idols stood a high Tower with fiue steeples of diuers paintings and on their tops Lions of siluer in which tower the Chinois sayd were the bones of the one hundred and thirteene Kings worshipped by them for great reliques These bones say they euery New Moone feast one with another whereupon the vulgar at those times offer to them infinite store of Fowles of all sorts Rice Kine Hogges Sugar Honey and other prouision which the Priests receiue and deceiue them in recompence with as it were Iubilees of plenarie Indulgences and remission of sinnes as they beleeue In this Tower wee saw a rich house all lined with siluer plates from the top to the bottome in which stood those one hundred and thirteene Kings statues and the bones of each King in his owne statue and they say that by night these Kings communicate and passe the time together which none may see but the Cabizondos a higher degree of Bonzos as that of Cardinals with vs which fables they beleeue for very certaintie In this great circuit wee told three hundred and fortie Bells of mettall and cast Iron in seuenteene places by twentie in a place which all sound on those New-moone feasts abouesayd Neere to that tower in a rich Chappell built on seuen and thirtie columnes of stone stood the Image of Amida made of siluer with the hayres of gold on a Throne of foureteene steps all wrought with gold the hands eleuated to Heauen beneath her shoulders hung like lines of beades many little Idols as big as the middle finger and the secret parts were couered with two great Oyster-pearles garnished with gold They being demanded the meaning of this mysterie sayd that after the generall Floud in which all mankinde was drowned God sent Amida from the Heauen of the Moone being great Chamberlaine to Nacapirau his wife to restore the destroyed world who setting heere feete in Calempluy before mentioned being lately freed of the waters shee turned it into gold and there standing on her feet with her face in heauen a great quantitie of Creatures issued from downe her arme downe her right hand Males and Females downe the left hauing no other place in her bodie whence to bring them foorth as other women of the world whom for sinne God hath subiected to filthinesse of corruption to shew how filthy sinne is After shee had finished this trauell or child-birth of 33333. Creatures as they number one third part Males and two parts Females shee remayned so weake hauing no bodie to prouide her any thing that with dizzinesse shee fell to the ground dead without recouerie Whereat the Moone in condoling her death couered her selfe with sorrow which are those shadowes wee see from the earth which say they shall remaine so many yeers as she produced Creatures 33333 then the Moone shall put off her maske of sorrow and the night shall bee after as cleere as the day Such and other like mad stuffe did they tell which might make one wonder and more to weepe that the Deuill should gull them with such manifest lyes being otherwise so vnderstanding a people From this Hill we went to another Temple of Nuns sumptuous and rich in which they told vs was the Mother of this King Nhay Camisama but would not let vs enter being strangers Thence by a street of Arches wee went to a hauen called Hicharioo Topileu where was store of strange shipping of diuers Kingdomes which come continually to that Temple for a plenarie Iubilee which the King with many priuiledges hath granted them and dyet on free cost To speake of other Temples and
and presently at another casting of the Lead they had but six fathome and presently after that againe ten eleuen and twelue fathome the streame running hard against the Flats From the East-end of the Admirals Iland to Cape Negro that is the Blacke point they sayled about fiue or six miles East North-east and a mile without the Blacke point it iâ— seuenty fathome deepe the ground slimy as vpon Pamphius right East-ward of the Blacke point there are two sharpe pointed Hils in the Creeke that are easie to be knowne The sixt of Iuly the Sunne being North they come right before the Blacke point with faire weather this Blacke point lyeth vnder 75. degrees and 20. minutes From the Blacke point to Williams Iland they sayled seuen or eight miles East North-east and betweene them both about halfe a mile there lay a small Iland The seuenth of Iuly they sayled from Williams Iland and then William Barents tooke the height of the Sunne with his Crosse-staffe and found it to be eleuated aboue the Horizon in the South-west and by South 53. degrees and 6. minutes his declination being 22. degrees and 49. minutes which being added to 53. degrees and 6. minutes make 75. degrees and 55. minutes This is the right height of the Pole of the said Iland In this Iland they found great store of Driftwood and many Sea-horses being a kind of fish that keepeth in the Sea hauing very great teeth which at this day are vsed in stead of Iuory or Elephants Teeth there also is a good Road for ships at twelue and thirteene fathome deepe against all winds except it bee West South-west and West-winds and there they found a piece of a Russia ship and that day they had the wind East North-east mistie weather The ninth of Iuly they entred into Beeren-fort vpon the Road vnder Williams Iland and there they found a white Beare which they perceiuing presently entred into their Boat and shot her into the bodie with a Musket but the Beare shewed most wonderfull strength which almost is not to be found in any beast for no man euer heard the like to bee done by any Lion or cruell beast whatsoeuer for notwithstanding that she was shot into the bodie yet she leapt vp and swamme in the water the men that were in the Boat rowing after her cast a Rope about her necke and by that meanes drew her at the sterne of the Boat for that not hauing seene the like Beare before they thought to haue carryed her aliue in the ship and to haue shewed her for a strange wonder in Holland but she vsed such force that they were glad that they were rid of her and contented themselues with her skinne only for shee made such a noyse and stroue in such sort that it was admirable wherewith they let her rest and gaue her more scope with the Rope that they held her by and so drew her in that sort after them by that meanes to wearie her meane-time William Barents made neerer to her but the Beare swamme to the Boat and with her fore-feet got hold of the sterne thereof which William Barents perceiuing said she will there rest her selfe but she had another meaning for she vsed such force that at last she had gotten halfe her body into the Boat wherewith the men were so abashed that they ranne into the further end of the Boat and thought verily to haue beene spoyled by her but by a strange meanes they were deliuered from her for that the Rope that was about her necke caught hold vpon the hooke of the Ruther whereby the Beare could get no further but so was held backe and hanging in that manner one of the men boldly stept forth from the end of the Scute and thrust her into the bodie with a halfe-pike and therewith shee fell downe into the water and so they rowed forward with her to the shippe drawing her after them till shee was in a manner dead wherewith they killed her out-right and hauing slayed her brought the skin to Amsterdam The twentieth of Iuly they sayled out of Beeren-fort from Williams Iland and the same day in the morning got to the Iland of Crosses and there went on Land with their Pinnasse and found the Iland to be barren and full of Cliffes and Rocks in it there was a small Hauen whereinto they rowed with their Boat This Iland is about halfe a mile long and reacheth East and West on the West end it hath a banke about a third part of a mile long and at the East end also another banke vpon this Iland there standeth two great Crosses the Iland lyeth about two long miles from the firme Land and vnder the East-end thereof there is a good Road at sixe and twentie fathome soft ground and somewhat closer to the Iland on the Strand at nine fathome sandie ground From the Iland of Crosses to the point of Cape Nassaw they sayled East and East and by North about eight miles it is a long flat point which you must be carefull to shunne for thereabouts at seuen fathome there were flats or shoales very farre from the Land it lyeth almost vnder 76. degrees and a halfe From the West end of Williams Iland to the Iland with the Crosses is three miles the course North. From Nassaw point they sayled East and by South and East South-east fiue miles and then they thought that they saw Land in North-east and by East and sayled towards it fiue miles North-east to descrie it thinking it to bee another Land that lay Northward from Noua Zembla but it began to blow so hard out of the West that they were forced to take in their Marsaile and yet the wind rose in such manner that they were forced to take in all their Sayles and the Sea went so hollow that they were constrayned to driue sixteene houres together without sayle eight or nine miles East North-east The eleuenth of Iuly their Boat was by a great waue of the Sea sunke to the ground and by that meanes they lost it and after that they draue without sayles fiue miles East and by South at last the Sunne being almost South-east the wind came about to the North-west and then the weather began somewhat to cleere vp but yet it was very mistie Then they hoysed vp their sayles againe and sayled foure miles till night that the Sunne was North and by East and there they had sixtie fathome deepe muddie ground and then they saw certayne flakes of Ice at which time vpon the twelfth of Iuly they woond West and held North-west and sayled about a mile with mistie weather and a North-west wind and sayled vp and downe West South-west three or foure miles to see if they could find their Boat againe after that they woond againe with the wind and sayled foure miles South-east till the Sunne was South-west and then they were close by the Land of Noua Zembla that lay East and
abroad in the Towne it was also carryed to the Princes Court in the Hage at which time the Lord Chancellour of Denmarke Ambassadour for the sayd King was then at Dinner with Prince Maurice for the which cause we were presently fetcht thither by the Scout and two of the Burgers of the Towne and there in the presence of those Ambassadours and the Burger-masters wee made rehearsall of our Iourney both forwards and backwards I thought good to adde hither for Barents or Barentsons sake certaine Notes which I haue found the one Translated the other Written by him amongst Master Hakluyts Paper This was Written by William Barentson in a loose Paper which was lent mee by the Reuerend Peter Plantius in Amsterdam March the seuen and twentieth 1609. THe foure and twentieth of August Stilo nouo 1595. wee spake with the Samoieds and asked them how the Land and Sea did lye to the East of Way-gates They sayd after fiue dayes iourney going North-east wee should come to a great Sea going South-east This Sea to the East of Way-gates they sayd was called Marmoria that is to say A calme Sea And they of Ward-house haue told vs the same I asked them if at any time of the yeere it was frozen ouer They sayd it was And that sometimes they passed it with Sleds And the first of September 1595. Stilo nouo the Russes of the Lodie or Barke affirmed the same saying that the Sea is sometimes so Frozen that the Lodies or Barkes going sometimes to Gielhsidi from Pechora are forced there to Winter which Gielhsidi was wonne from the Tartars three yeeres past For the Ebbe and Flood there I can finde none but with the Winde so runneth the streame The third of September Stilo nouo the winde was South-west and then I found the water higher then with the winde at North or North-east Mine opinion is grounded on Experience That if there bee a passage it is small or else the Sea could not rise with a Southerly Winde And for the better proofe to know if there were a Flood and Ebbe the ninth of September Stilo nouo I went on shoare on the South end of the States Iland where the Crosse standeth and layd a Stone on the brinke of the Water to proue whether there were a Tide and went round about the Iland to shoote at a Hare and returning I found the Stone as I left it and the Water neither higher nor lower which prooueth as afore that there is no Flood nor Ebbe CHAP. VI. A Treatise of IVER BOTY a Gronlander translated out of the Norsh Language into High Dutch in the yeere 1560. And after out of High Dutch into Low Dutch by WILLIAM BARENTSON of Amsterdam who was chiefe Pilot aforesaid The same Copie in High Dutch is in the hands of IODOCVS HONDIVS which I haue seene And this was translated out of Low Dutch by Master WILLIAM STERE Marchant in the yeere 1608. for the vse of me HENRIE HVDSON WILLIAM BARENTSONS Booke is in the hands of Master PETER PLANTIVS who lent the same vnto me INprimis it is reported by men of Wisedome and Vnderstanding borne in Gronland That from Stad in Norway to the East part of Island called Horn-nesse is seuen dayes sayling right West Item men shall know that betweene Island and Gronland lyeth a Riffe called Gombornse-skare There were they wont to haue there passage for Gronland But as they report there is Ice vpon the same Riffe come out of the long North Bottome so that we cannot vse the same old Passage as they thinke Item from Long-nesse on the East side of Island to the abouesaid Horn-nesse is two dayes sayle to the Brimstone Mount Item if you goe from Bergen in Norway the course is right West till you bee South of Rokenesse in Island and distant from it thirteene miles or leagues And with this course you shall come vnder that high Land that lyeth in the East part of Groneland and is called Swafster A day before you come there you shall haue sight of a high Mount called Huit-sarke and betweene Whitsarke and Groneland lyeth a Head-land called Hernoldus Hooke and thereby lyeth an Hauen where the Norway Merchants Ships were wont to come and it is called Sound Hauen Item if a man will sayle from Island to Gronland hee shall set his course to Snofnesse which is by West Rokenesse thirteene miles or leagues right West one day and nights sayling and after South-west to shun the Ice that lyeth on Gombornse-skare and after that one day and night North-west So shall hee with this course fall right with the abouesayd Swafster which is high Land vnder which lyeth the aforesayd Head-land called Hornoldus Hooke and the Sound Hauen Item the Easter Dorpe of Groneland lyeth East from Hernoldus hooke but neere it and is called Skagen Ford and is a great Village Item from Skagen Ford East lyeth a Hauen called Beare Ford it is not dwelt in Iâ— the mouth thereof lyeth a Riffe so that great Ships cannot harbour in it Item there ir great abundance of Whales and there is a great Fishing for the killing of them there but not without the Bishops consent which keepeth the same for the benefit of the Cathedrall Church In the Hauen is a great Swalth and when the Tide doth runne out all the Whales doe runne into the sayd Swalth Item East of Beare Ford lyeth another Hauen câ—lled Allabong Sound and it is at the mouth narrow but farther in very wide The length whereof is such that the end thereof is not yet knowne There runneth no Streame It lyeth full of little Iles. Fowle and Oxen are there common and it is playne Land on both sides growne ouer with greene Grasse Item East from the Icie Mountayne lyeth an Hauen called Fendebother so named because in Saint Olafes time there was a Ship cast away as the speach hath beene in Groneland In which Ship was drowned one of Saint Olafes men with others and those that were saued did burie those that were drowned and on their Graues did set great stone Crosses which wee see at this day Item somwhat more East toward the Icie Mountayne lyeth a high Land called Corse Hought vpon which they Hunt white Beares but not wiâ—hout the Bishops leaue for it belongeth to the Cathedrall Church And from thence more Easterly men see nothing but Ice and Snow both by land and water Now wee shall returne againe to Hernoldus Hooke where we first began to come to the first Towne that lyeth on the East side of Hernoldus Hooke called Skagen Ford and so we will write the Names of all that lye on the West-side of the Ford or Sound Item West from Hernoldus Hooke lyeth a Dorpe called Kodosford and it is well built and as you sayle into the Sound you shall see on the right hand a great Sea and a Marsh and into this Sea runneth
durst not without the Emperour of Russia his licence Whereupon I answered that the Emperours Maiestie when he was raigning was very gracious vnto our Nation aboue all other strangers and shewed what great priuiledges hee had bestowed on our people and how by the English-mens meanes at the first what a trade is now at Arkania and what profit came not onely into his Maiesties Treasurie but also into all parts of his Dominions which in time might be brought hither and withall shewed the Emperours priuiledge Wherefore then they began to put away feare and willed vs to stay fiue or sixe dayes vntill he had sent for the chiefest men of the Townes-men who were abroad and then they would giue vs an answer Then I desired that we might haue an house to be in and not to stay without doores So he gaue libertie to any that would to entertayne vs whereto there was one Callem that made answer that he would whereupon wee went with him and were in an Ambar of his vntill wee receiued answer from them In the meane time wee made much of them and feasted them with our Aqua vitae Biscuit and Figs that we might the better obtayne their loue The foure and twentieth the Customers came to giue vs our answere and told vs that they had concluded that we might stay if wee would but they must write vp to the Musko of our being here So we thanked them and gaue them such entertaynment as we could and sent presents to sixe of them of the chiefest which they tooke very thankfully and promised what fauour they could So this night I made ready my Letters to send for England The fourth of August fiue and twentie Lodyas arriued at the Towne laden with Meale and others which were bound for Molgomsey but by reason of contrary winds they were forced into Pechora and came vp to the Towne of Pustozer and vnladed to make sale The sixe and twentieth we remoued from the house where we were at the first vnto a Poles house who is christened Russe where we are to remayne all the Winter The nine and twentieth the frost was so strong that the Ozera was frozen ouer and the Ice driuing in the Riuer to and againe brake all the nets so that they got no Salmon no not so much as for their owne victuals The second of September the frost brake vp againe and it was open weather The eight of September there was a Soyma which the Towns-men bought that went downe the Riuer to haue gone for Iugoria and had a faire wind but they neglecting two dayes sayling that would haue carried them forth of the Riuer to the Sea the wind came contrary so that they were wind-bound and could not get any further and on the nineteenth gaue ouer their Voyage and came vp to the Towne The thirteenth of October the frost was so extreme that the Ozera stood in one night that men did walke on it the next day and so continued all the Winter after The twelfth of Nouember there went two men of Penega to Vst-zilma to buy Squerrils and Beauers and other commodities The thirteenth the Sunne arose at South and by East by the Compasse and set at South-west and by West The foure and twentieth there went diuers men with at the least three or fourescore Sleds drawne with Deere to a place called Slobodca where they hold a Mart from the beginning of December to the middle thereof and they carried fresh-water fish thither with whom William Pursgloue went into Russia The sixe and twentieth the Sunne arose at South and by West by the Compasse and set at South-west and by West The first of December the Sunne arose at South and by West Westerly by the Compasse and set South-west and by West Southerly The fourth the Towns-men of Pechora went ouer land into Iugoria to trade with the Inhabitants there and the Samoyeds The eleuenth Marmaduke Wilson said that he saw the Sunne but it was but the way of the Sunnes beames The thirteenth I saw the Sunnes beames my selfe but I could not see the Sun it selfe although I watched it very strictly The fourteenth it was snowie and stormie weather and continued so vntill the foure and twentieth day which was close weather also The fiue and twentieth being Christmas day I saw the Sunne and it rose at South and by West and set at South-west and by South it hauing the neathermost part of it all the way iust with the Horizon The sixe and twentieth it was stormy and snowy weather and so continued vntill the end of the moneth The second of Ianuarie the Sunne arose at South somewhat Westerly and set South-west a little Southerly it mounting a pretie height aboue the Horizon The fift William Pursgloue returned from Colmogro The eleuenth the Sunne arose at South by East by the Compasse and set at South-west and by West The twelfth there came a command from the Patriarch that there should bee a generall Fast both for young and old not exempting the sucking babes which began the thirteenth continuing three dayes space they neither eating nor drinking so much as water neither admitted they their sucking Babes saue those that fainted to whom they gaue a few Figs and a little water The nineteenth the Inhabitants of Pustozer that went into Iugoria returned from thence hauing had but an hard Voyage by reason of the Warres which the Samoyeds had amongst themselues so that they durst not goe into Molgomsey where they catch the most part of the Sables which come into Russia The three and twentieth came the Carratchey which is the chiefe of the Samoyeds but they had no commodities to speake of by reason of the Warres so that they neither durst trade with the Samoyeds of Molgomsey neither hunt for the Sables themselues which at other times they were wont to doe The thirtieth I had the chiefe Carratchey his sonne his sonnes sonne and his brothers sonne at Dinner and had some conference with him who told mee that they had seene ships in the Vaygats two yeeres one after another but they durst not bee seene of them but fled from them for the Russes told them that they would kill them or carrie them away prisoners Yet they seemed to be glad of our comming when they saw our behauiour and the entertaynment that they had of vs Neuerthelesse they are very timerous and vnreasonable couetous as by more acquaintance I perceiued by them The second of February the most part of the Samoyeds went to Slobodca with their commodities because in the Summer they had beene together by the eares with the Samoyeds of Callenose and had slayne one or two of them wherefore they went to agree with them and to pay ransome for some of their men that were taken afterwards The fifteenth the Sunne arose at South-east a little Southerly and set at West and by South Westerly The sixteenth the Sunne arose at
noone I found the height to bee 43. degrees 56. minutes This Eeuening being very faire weather wee obserued the variation of our Compasse at the Sunnes going downe and found it to bee 10. degrees from the North to the VVestward The seuen and twentieth faire sun-shining weather the winde shifting betweene the South-west and West and by North a stiffe gale we stood to the Southward all day and made our way South and by West seuen and twentie leagues At noone our height was 42. degrees 50. minuts At foure of the clocke in the after-noone wee cast about to the Northward At eight of the clocke we tooke in our top-sayles and our fore-bonnet and went with a short sayle all night The eight and twentieth very thicke and mystie and a stiffe gale of wind varying betweene South South-west and South-west and by VVest we made our way North-west and by VVest seuen and twentie leagues wee sounded many times and could get no ground At fiue of the clocke we cast about to the Southward the wind at South-west and by VVest At which time we sounded and had ground at seuentie fiue fathoms At eight wee had sixtie fiue fathoms At ten sixtie At twelue of the clocke at mid-night fiftie sixe fathoms gray sand The Compasse varyed 6. degrees the North point to the VVest The nine and twentieth faire weather we stood to the Southward and made our way South and by VVest a point South eighteene leagues At noone we found our height to bee 42. degrees 56. minutes wee sounded oft and had these 60.64.65.67.65.65.70 and 75. fathoms At night wee tryed the variation of our Compasse by the setting of the Sunne and found that it went downe 37. degrees to the North-ward of the VVest and should haue gone downe but 31. degrees The Compasse varyed 5. 1 â— degrees The thirtieth very hot all the fore-part of the day calme the wind at South South-east wee steered away VVest South-west and sounded many times and could find no ground at one hundred and seuentie fathomes VVe found a great current and many ouer-falls Our current had deceiued vs. For at noone we found our height to be 41. degrees 34. minutes And the current had heaued vs to the Southward fourteene leagues At eight of the clocke at night I sounded and had ground in fiftie two fathomes In the end of the mid-night watch wee had fiftie three fathomes This last obseruation is not to be trusted The one and thirtieth very thicke and mystie all day vntill tenne of the clocke At night the wind came to the South and South-west and South We made our way West North-west nineteene leagues Wee sounded many times and had difference of soundings sometimes little stones and sometimes grosse gray sand fiftie six fiftie foure fortie eight fortie seuen fortie foure fortie six fiftie fathomes and at eight of the clocke at night it fell calme and we had fiftie fathomes And at ten of the clocke we heard a great Rut like the Rut of the shoare Then I sounded and found the former Depths and mistrusting a current seeing it so still that the ship made no way I let the lead lie on the ground and found a tide set to the South-west and South-west by West so fast that I could hardly vere the Line so fast and presently came an hurling current or tyde with ouer-fals which cast our ship round and the Lead was so fast in the ground that I feared the Lines breaking and we had no more but that At mid-night I sounded againe and we had seuentie fiue fathomes and the strong streame had left vs. The first of August all the fore-part of the day was mystie and at noone it cleered vp We found that our height was 41. degrees 45. minutes and we had gone nineteene leagues The after-noon was reasonable cleere We found a rustling tide or current with many ouer-fals to continue still and our water to change colour and our sea to bee very deepe for wee found no ground in one hundred fathomes The night was cleere and the winde came to the North and North North-east we steered West The second very faire weather and hot from the morning till noone we had a gale of wind but in the after-noone little wind At noone I sounded and had one hundred and ten fathomes and our height was 41. degrees 56. minutes And wee had runne foure and twentie leagues and an halfe At the Sun-setting we obserued the variation of the Compasse and found that it was come to his true place At eight of the clocke the gale increased so wee ranne sixe leagues that watch and had a very faire and cleere night The third very hot weather In the morning we had sight of the Land and steered in with it thinking to goe to the North-ward of it So we sent our shallop with fiue men to found in by the shore and they found it deepe fiue fathomes within a Bow-shot of the shoare and they went on Land and found goodly Grapes and Rose trees and brought them aboord with them at fiue of the clocke in the Eeuening We had seuen and twentie fathomes within two miles of the shoare and we found a floud come from the South-east and an ebbe from the North-west with a very strong streame and a great hurling and noyses At eight of the clocke at night the wind began to blow a fresh gale and continued all night but variable Our sounding that wee had to the Land was one hundred eightie seuentie foure fiftie two fortie sixe twentie nine twentie seuen twentie foure nineteene seuenteene sometimes Oze and sometimes gray sand The fourth was very hot we stood to the North-west two watches and one South in for the Land and came to an Anchor at the Norther end of the Headland and heard the voyce of men call Then we sent our Boat on shoare thinking they had beene some Christians left on the Land but wee found them to bee Sauages which seemed very glad of our comming So wee brought one aboord with vs and gaue him meate and he did eate and drinke with vs. Our Master gaue him three or foure glasse Buttons and sent him on Land with our shallop againe And at our Boats comming from the shoare he leapt and danced and held vp his hands and pointed vs to a riuer on the other side for we had made signes that we came to fish there The bodie of this Headland lyeth in 41. degrees 45. minutes We set sayle againe after dinner thinking to haue got to the Westward of this Headland but could not so we beare vp to the Southward of it made a South-east way and the Souther point did beare West at eight of the clocke at night Our soundings about the Easter and Norther part of this Headland a league from the shoare are these at the Easterside thirtie twentie seuen twentie seuen twentie foure twentie fiue twentie The North-east point 17. degrees
passed by them till we came to the South side of the Hill we went vnto them and there found more and being nigh them I turned off the vppermost stone and found them hollow within and full of Fowles hanged by their neckes Then Greene and I went to fetch the Boat to the South side while Robert Billet and hee got downe a Valley to the Sea side where wee tooke them in Our Master in this time came in betweene the two Lands and shot off some Peeces to call vs aboord for it was a fogge Wee came aboord and told him what we had seene and perswaded him to stay a day or two in this place telling him what refreshing might there bee had but by no meanes would he stay who was not pleased with the motion So we left the Fowle and lost our way downe to the South-west before they went in sight of the Land which now beares to the East from vs being the same mayne Land that wee had all this while followed Now we had lost the sight of it because it falleth away to the East after some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues Now we came to the shallow water wherewith wee were not acquainted since we came from Island now we came into broken ground and Rockes through which we passed downe to the South In this our course we had a storme and the water did shoald apace Our Master came to an anchor in fifteene fathoms water Wee weighed and stood to the South-east because the Land in this place did lie so When we came to the point of the West Land for we now had Land on both sides of vs we came to an anchor Our Master sent the Boat ashoare to see what that Land was and whether there were any way through They soone returned and shewed that beyond the point of Land to the South there was a large Sea This Land on the West side was a very narrow Point Wee weighed from hence and stood in for this Sea betweene the two Lands which in this place is not two leagues broad downe to the South for a great way in sight of the East shoare In the end we lost sight thereof and saw it not till we came to the bottome of the Bay into sixe or seuen fathomes water Hence we stood vp to the North by the West shoare till wee came to an Iland in 53. where we tooke in water and ballast From hence wee passed towards the North but some two or three dayes after reasoning concerning our comming into this Bay and going out our Master tooke occasion to reuiue old matters and to displace Robert Iuet from being his Mate and the Boat-swaine from his place for words spoken in the first great Bay of Ice Then hee made Robert Billet his Mate and William Wilson our Boat-swaine Vp to the North wee stood till we raised Land then downe to the South and vp to the North then downe againe to the South and on Michaelmasse day came in and went out of certaine Lands which our Master sets downe by the name of Michaelmasse Bay because we came in and went out on that day From hence wee stood to the North and came into shoald water and the weather being thicke and foule wee came to an anchor in seuen or eight fathome water and there lay eight dayes in all which time wee could not get one houre to weigh our anchor But the eight day the wind beginning to cease our Master would haue the anchor vp against the mind of all who knew what belonged thereunto Well to it we went and when we had brought it to a peake a Sea tooke her and cast vs all off from the Capstone and hurt diuers of vs. Here wee lost our Anchor and if the Carpenter had not beene we had lost our Cable too but he fearing such a matter was ready with his Axe and so cut it From hence we stood to the South and to the South-west through a cleere Sea of diuers sounding and came to a Sea of two colours one blacke and the other white sixteene or seuenteene fathome water betweene which we went foure or fiue leagues But the â—â—ght comming we tooke in our Top-sayles and stood afore the wind with our Maine-sayle and Fore-sayle and came into fiue or sixe fathomes and saw no Land for it was darke Then we stood to the East and had deepe water againe then to the South and Southwest and so came to our Westermost Bay of all and came to an anchor neerest to the North shorae Out went our Boat to the Land that was next vs when they came neere it our Boat could not flote to the shoare it was so shallow yet ashoare they got Here our men saw the footing of a man and a Ducke in the snowy Rockes and Wood good store whereof they tooke some and returned aboord Being at anchor in this place we saw a ledge of Rockes to the South of vs some league of length It lay North and South couered at a full Sea for a strong tide setteth in here At mid-night wee weighed and stood to goe out as we came in and had not gone long but the Carpenâ—er came and told the Master that if he kept that course he would be vpon the Rockes the Master conceiued that he was past them when presently wee ranne on them and there stucke fast twelue houres but by the mercy of God we got off vnhurt though not vnscarred Wee stood vp to the East and raysed three Hills lying North and South wee went to the furthermost and left it to the North of vs and so into a Bay where wee came to an anchor Here our Master sent out our Boat with my selfe and the Carpenter to seeke a place to winter in and it was time for the nights were long and cold and the earth couered with Snow Hauing spent three moneths in a Labyrinth without end being now the last of October we went downe to the East to the bottome of the Bay but returned without speeding of that we went for The next day we went to the South and the South-west and found a place whereunto we brought our ship and haled her aground and this was the first of Nouember By the tenth thereof we were frozen in but now we were in it behooued vs to haue care of what we had for that we were sure of but what we had not was vncertaine Wee were victualled for sixe moneths in good proportion and of that which was good if our Master would haue had more he might haue had it at home and in other places Here we were now and therefore it behoued vs so to spend that wee might haue when time came to bring vs to the Capes where the Fowle bred for that was all the hope wee had to bring vs home Wherefore our Master tooke order first for the spending of that wee had and then to increase it by propounding
himselfe great matters by his meanes and therefore would haue all the Kniues and Hatchets which any man had to his priuate vse but receiued none but from Iohn King the Carpenter and my selfe To this Sauage our Master gaue a Knife a Looking-glasse and Buttons who receiued them thankefully and made signes that after hee had slept hee would come againe which hee did When hee came hee brought with him a Sled which hee drew after him and vpon it two Deeres skinnes and two Beauer skinnes Hee had a scrip vnder his arme out of which hee drew those things which the Master had giuen him Hee tooke the Knife and laid it vpon one of the Beauer skinnes and his Glasses and Buttons vpon the other and so gaue them to the Master who receiued them and the Sauage tooke those things which the Master had giuen him and put them vp into his scrip againe Then the Master shewed him an Hatchet for which hee would haue giuen the Master one of his Deere skinnes but our Master would haue them both and so hee had although not willingly After many signes of people to the North and to the South and that after so many sleepes he would come againe he went his way but neuer came more Now the Ice being out of the Sounds so that our Boat might go from one place vnto another a company of men were appointed by the Master to go a fishing with our net their names were as followeth William Wilson Henry Greene Michael Perce Iohn Thomas Andrew Moter Bennet Mathewes and Arnold Lodlo These men the first day they went caught fiue hundred fish as big as good Herrings and some Troutes which put vs all in some hope to haue our wants supplied and our Commons amended but these were the most that euer they got in one day for many dayes they got not a quarter so many In this time of their fishing Henry Green and William Wilson with some others plotted to take the net and the shallop which the Carpenter had now set vp and so to shift for themselues But the shallop being readie our Master would goe in it himselfe to the South and South-west to see if hee could meete with the people for to that end was it set vp and that way wee might see the Woods set on fire by them So the Master tooke the Sayue and the Shallop and so much victuall as would serue for eight or nine dayes and to the South hee went They that remained aboord were to take in water wood and ballast and to haue all things in a readinesse against hee came backe But hee set no time of his returne for he was perswaded if he could meet with the people hee should haue flesh of them and that good store but hee returned worse then hee went forth For hee could by no meanes meete with the people although they were neere them yet they would set the woods on fire in his sight Being returned hee fitted all things for his returne and first deliuered all the bread out of the bread roome which came to a pound a piece for euery mans share and deliuered also a Bill of Returne willing them to haue that to shew if it pleased God that they came home and he wept when hee gaue it vnto them But to helpe vs in this poore estate with some reliefe the Boate and Sayue went to worke on Friday morning and stayed till Sunday noone at which time they came aboord and brought fourescore small Fish a poore reliefe for so many hungry bellies Then we wayed and stood out of our wintering place and came to an Anchor without in the mouth of the Bay from whence we wayed and came to an anchor without in the Sea where our bread being gone that store of cheese we had was to stop a gap whereof there were fiue whereat the company grudged because they made account of nine But those that were left were equally diuided by the Master although he had counsell to the contrarie for there were some who hauing it would make hast to bee rid thereof because they could not gouerne it I knew when Henrie Greene gaue halfe his bread which hee had for fourteene dayes to one to keepe and prayed him not to let him haue any vntill the next Munday but before Wednesday at night hee neuer left till hee had it againe hauing eaten vp his first weekes bread before So Wilson the Boatswaine hath eaten in one day his fortnights bread and hath beene two or three dayes sicke for his labour The cause that moued the Master to deliuer all the Cheese was because they were not all of one goodnesse and therefore they should see that they had no wrong done them but euery man should haue alike the best and the worst together which was three pounds and a halfe for seuen dayes The wind seruing we weighed and stood to the North-west and on Munday at night the eighteenth day of Iune wee fell into the Ice and the next day the wind being at West we lay there till Sunday in sight of Land Now being here the Master told Nicholas Simmes that there would be a breaking vp of chests and a search for bread and willed him if hee had any to bring it to him which hee did and deliuered to the Master thirty cakes in a bagge This deed of the Master if it bee true hath made mee maruell what should bee the reason that hee did not stop the breach in the beginning but let it grow to that height as that it ouerthrew himselfe and many other honest men but there are many deuices in the heart of man yet the counsell of the Lord shall stand Being thus in the Ice on Saturday the one and twentieth of Iune at night Wilson the Boatswayne and Henry Greene came to mee lying in my Cabbin lame and told mee that they and the rest of their Associates would shift the Company and turne the Master and all the sicke men into the shallop let them shift for themselues For there was not fourteen daies victual left for all the Company at that poore allowance they were at and that there they lay the Master not caring to goe one way or other and that they had not eaten any thing these three dayes and therefore were resolute either to mend or end and what they had begun they would goe through with it or dye When I heard this I told them I maruelled to heare so much from them considering that they were married men and had wiues and children and that for their sakes they should not commit so foule a thing in the sight of God and man as that would bee for why should they banish themselues from their natiue Countrie Henry Greene bad me hold my peace for he knew the worst which was to be hanged when hee came home and therefore of the two he would rather be hanged at home then starued abroad and for the good will they
not maintaine a fore-course and draue vs backe to the altitude 63. degrees 56. minutes The storme continued so exceeding violent that I was faine to spoone before it fortie eight houres and the same wind and weather continued till the twentie one day and in that time wee were driuen as farre to the Southwards as Shottland And being faire by the Land and seeing no likelihood of faire weather I got a Fisher-man to conduct mee to a good Harbour called Hamersound not so much to eschew the stormy weather as to stop some leakes and to amend our rackling I tarryed in Shottland till the twelfth of April 1610. at which time the wind was Southerly The former wind came to the North at midnight with great store of Snow which froze as fast as it fell which wind continued till the fourteenth at noone At two of the clocke it came to the East north-east and I stood to the Northwards after many stormes much cold Snow and extreame Frosts I had sight of the North-cape the second day of May. Then I stood towards Chery Iland the winde being at West North-west The third day at noone the Cape bare South South-east seauenteene leagues off we had much Snow with Frost The fourth day it was thicke weather with great store of Snow and Frost the winde at North-west and by North. The fift day it was faire weather the winde at North North-east The sixt day at two of the clocke in the morning I met with some Ice but not very thicke so that I held my course toward Chery Iland the winde being at South at fiue of the clocke I saw the Ice so thicke that I could not possibly get through it Then I stood to the West wards with a short sayle and sounded but had no ground at a hundred fathome thicke foggie weather at eight of the clocke it began to cleere vp and I stoode into the Ice finding it scattered in some places and at twelue at noone I found the Pole eleuated aboue the horizon 74. degrees 7. minutes and sounded but had no ground at one hundred and seauentie fathomes From twelue till foure I ran North North-west two leagues and sounded and had a hundred and sixtie fathomes Then Chery Island did beare as I iudged North North-west about fifteene leagues off or more from foure till eight it was calme at eight of the clocke the winde came Southerly and I stood towards the Iland and found the Ice so thicke that the Ship had no roome to wend and withall such a fogge that I could not see one Cables length in which time the Ship had many a knocke but thankes be to God no harme was done By twelue of the clocke the seauenth day I got out of the Ice and lay a hull till the North Sunne at which time it began to be cleere weather then I set saile and stood to the Eastwards cold frosty weather The eight day it was very foggie the winde at North and by East with Snow and Frost I stood to the Eastwards in hope to get the Easter end of the Ice and so to Chery Island and I ranne into a Channell betweene two firme bankes of Ice and could finde no way through but lay in the Ice till the ninth day at a South Sunne Then I obserued and found the Ship in the altitude 74. degrees and 17. minutes the winde being at North North-west very faire weather but frostie I sailed in the abouesaid Ice one while one way and another while another in hope to finde some opening towards the Iland but which way soeuer I stood I saw all the Sea couered with Ice At a South Sunne the tenth day I obserued both with my Astrolabe and Crossestaffe and found the Poles height 74. degrees and 15. minutes and the variation 13. degrees and 30. minutes the North point Westerly by a North Sunne I got out of the Ice into the open Sea and to write each course way and winde with all other accidents would be too tedious but the thirteenth day of May at midnight I sounded being in very thicke Ice and had a hundred thirtie eight fadoms there presently I espied the Lionesse standing into the Ice I kept her company till eight of the clocke at night and then I steered as followeth from eight aboue said till twelue at noone The foureteenth day I sailed North-west and by North twelue leagues the winde at South South-east thicke foggie weather from twelue till foure at night I sailed seauen leagues North the same winde and weather with raine And by the fifteenth day at foure of the clocke in the morning I had sailed North twentie seauen leagues the same winde and weather at what time I supposed that I was not farre from land because I see great store of Sea-Foule about the Ship at eight of the clocke I sounded but had no ground at a hundred and fortie fathome very foggy weather likewise I sounded at twelue of the clocke at noone no ground at a hundred thirtie fiue fathomes where I met with Ice and grear store of Fowle as before winde at South and foggie weather I stood through the Ice till eight of the clocke at night holding no course by reason of it at which time I sounded and had nintie fiue fathom greene oze the weather being all one and very much Ice from eight till ten of the clocke I sayled North one legaue and a halfe and had seuentie fiue fathoms rockie ground From ten till twelue at midnight I sayled North one league and a halfe and sounded and had thirtie seuen fathoms the wind being at South with great store of raine and fogs and abundance of Ice round about but something broken Then I stood off West and by South and tooke in all the Sayles except the fore-saile and maine top-saile and at one of the clocke the sixteenth day sounded and had fortie fathomes oze likewise I sounded at two of the clocke and had fiftie two fathomes I could neither perceiue Current nor Tide in all this time and it did raine as fast as I haue commonly seene in England then I stood to the East wards and at three of the clocke sounded and had fortie fathomes oze and thus I sailed among the Ice East and East and by South and East North-east keeping no certaine course by reason of the Ice and had these depths following 30.20.19.16 and fifteene fathomes and then I saw the Land within two leagues and lesse of me bearing betweene the South and by East and the North-west then I stood in East and by South supposing to haue found a harborough within a ledge of rocks that lay off a low point which seemed like an Iland and standing in I found depths 10.9.8.7.6.7.4 and three fathomes standing in it a shoald bay and full of rockes Then I steered a way North-west and by West and had six seuen eight and ten fathome foule ground this
standing to the Northwards I saw the Sea couered with Ice which lay close to the Land which made me stand to the Southwards again I obserued at Gurnerds-nose and found the Poles height 79. degrees 50. minutes At a North-west Sun the same day I sent the skiffe on Land to search the Coast to the Southwards of Knottie-point where I sounded and had twenty foure fathomes Foule-ground and in the Fayre-way I sounded hauing these depths 30.35.45 and 48. fathomes all Rocky-ground By the seuenteenth day I was in the entrance of Close-coue at a South Sun at which time the Skiffe came aboord and brought a Beares skin and a Buck and a good quantite of Whales Fins and an Vnicornes horne which was fiue foot and seuen inches long and in the biggest part of it it was seuen inches and a halfe about The eighteenth day at a South Sun I came into the Road where I rid all that day hauing very much wind and raine that wee could doe nothing At a North Sunne I sent my Mate with the Skiffe and sixe men to seeke for more Fins c. The ninteenth day at a North Sun they came aboord hauing slaine ten Beares three of their skins and fat they brought aboord and a good quantitie of Fins and six paire of teeth The twentieth day in the morning I sent both the Boat and Skiffe to slay the other seuen Beares the wind being at North faire weather But they were no sooner gone but it blew very hard at North which brought abundance of Ice out of the bottome of the Sound but did the Ship no hurt At a West South West Sunne the Boats came aboord with the Beares skins the wind abouesaid set so much Ice out of the sound vpon the Ship that it inforced mee to set sayle The one and twentieth day at a North Sun I stood towardes Fayer-forland and sent out the skiffe The two and twentieth day at a South-east sunne they came aboord with the skiffe laden with Fins and killed fiue Deere Then I went on Land to search what I could find and I slew a Beare and tooke a young one aliue and at three of the clocke in the afternoone I came aboord with the skiffe laden with Fins The three twentieth day at a South-east sun the Boat came aboord and brought a good quantitie of Finnes and a Beares skinne Then I stood toward Cape-cold and the same day at a South sunne I sent the skiffe on Land to the Northwards of the Cape where they found sixteene Mohorses on a rocke which they slue and at a North-east sun the foure and twentieth day they had brought all the teeth and blubber of them aboord at which time the wind came to the North-west and blew verie hard then I stood towardes the Ice-sound to seeke what commodities it would yeeld At a North sunne I was neere Black-point which hath a great many sunken Rockes lying on the southermost end of it therefore you must come no neerer that shoare then twentie fiue fathomes The fiue and twentieth day till a South sun it was calme and the tyde droue the ship so farre from the Land that I could not send the boat on shoare The sixe and twentieth day at a South South-west Sunne I came aboord more laden with trauell then commodities at which time I slue a Buck. Then I stood toward Ice-sound and at a Point which parteth Foule-sound and Ice-sound I had thirtie fathomes oze so to ten fathomes Rockes then I steered East along the shoare and had betwixt thirtie and fifteene fathomes oze and sand In fifteen fathomes I anchored hauing the wind at North North-west faire weather at a North-west sun at a North sun I sent the skiffe to the shoare to search for commodities The seuen and twentieth day of Iune at an East North-east sun they came aboord and brought a good parcell of fins At six of the clock I sent the Skiffe to the Land againe and set sayle with the ship but it being calme and the tide setting the Ship towards a ledge of rocks made mee to anchor againe At a South South-east Sun they came aboord againe and brought a good quantitie of fins at a South Sunne I sent the Skiffe towardes the mouth of Ice-sound and in the entrance thereof I found a Coue in the which was twentie fathomes and so to thirteene but by reason of the tyde and edy-winds I could not get into it here the Skiffe came aboord and brought a few finnes Then I steered to another Sound in the Southside of Ice-sound where I anchored in twentie fathomes oze the same day at a North Sun The eight and twentieth day I stayed at the place abouesaid and tried the Beares grease to bring it into oyle and when we were all busied a Beare came swimming ouer the Bay towards the ship which I slew and split my Peece the wind being at West The nine and twentieth day at a South-east Sunne I sent the skiffe to search the Coast to the Westwards of this Bay the wind at North-west The last of Iune the skiffe came aboord at a South-east Sunne and brought a few Finnes and a Bucke the wind at North. The first of Iuly being Sunday I rid at the place abouesaid in hope to haue more Moon Land I obserued heere and found this place in 78. degrees 24. minutes and the variation Westwards seuenteene degrees Then I sent the skiffe to see if any more beasts were on Land The wind at Northwest faire weather The second day at a North North-east Sunne they came aboord and brought two Deere The third wee slew a few Morses whose teeth and blubber wee brought aboord at a North-west Sunne at which time I slew a Pricket this place I named the Green-hauen Immediately I sent the skiffe to take the teeth and fat of seuen beasts which lay slaine in another place The wind at West thicke foggie weather It floweth here on the Change day South and by West and hyeth sixe foot water and runneth halfe tyde halfe quarter The fourth day wee rid still at the South-west with fogges and raine and very much wind at the same time I saw great store of Ice in Ice sound The fifth day at a North-east Sunne I wayed the wind at West thicke weather and in standing out wee slew a she Beare and tooke her two young ones Indifferent faire weather we lay becalmed all this day The sixth day I was off Lownesse at a South Sunne the wind being at East blew so hard with raine and thicke weather that I was enforced to take in all the sayles saue a Mayne course which storme continued till eight at night at which time I set more sayle and stood to the Southwardes hoping to get some goods that way The seuenth day at noone the wind came to the North-east and then it began to bee cleere weather at what time I saw the Land of Bel-sound whither
from the North-west that wee were forced back againe to seek Harbour and came to an anchor the nineteenth of Iune in Crosse-road Here we stayed two dayes much wind blowing at the North North-east till the one and twentieth of Iune and then in the after-noone the wind came to the East and by South and the weather was faire therefore at a North North-west Sunne we weighed and set sayle againe and so did the Thomas Bonauenture that came to an anchor by vs this morning beeing also bound for Faire Hauen This next day in the afternoone we were thwart of Maudlen Sound and the weather being faire and calme we sent a shallop to the Northward to see what alteration there was amongst the Ice and to seeke out some good Harbour for a ship and also to set vp the Kings Armes at Hackluyts Head-land or some other conuenient place When Master Baffin was gone from the ship in the foresaid shallop I went presently into the other shallop into Maudlen Sound there to set vp the Kings Armes and also to see if there were any Morses come ashoare when I was within the Sound I found no Beeches bare for Morses to come vpon for Ice and snow lay yet vndissolued from the shoare side but I went to the Harbour and there caused a Crosse to be set vp and the Kings Armes to bee nayled thereon vnder which also I nayled a piece of sheet Lead whereon I set the Moscouie Companies Marke with the day of the moneth and yeere of our Lord. Then cutting vp a piece of Earth which afterward I carried aboard our ship I tooke it into my hand and said in the hearing of the men there present to this effect I take this piece of Earth as a signe of lawfull possession of this Countrey of King Iames his New-land and of this particular place which I name Trinitie Harbour taken on the behalfe of the Company of Merchants called the Merchants of New Trades and Discoueries for the vse of our Souereigne Lord Iames by the grace of God King of great Brittaine France and Ireland whose Royall Armes are here set vp to the end that all people who shall here arriue may take notice of his Maiesties Right and Title to this Countrey and to euery part thereof God saue King Iames. This is a good safe harbour and is vnder the latitude of 79 degrees 34. minutes as I haue found by good obseruation and haue of Westerly variation 25. degrees When I had here set vp the Kings armes I returned toward our ship which was come to an anchor at the entrance of Faire hauen staying till the floud came because that at the Tide of Ebbe there runnes a great current out of the Sound so at the next floud we came into Faire hauen and anchored by the Gamaliel and the Thomas Bonauenture the three and twentieth day of Iune Then Iohn Mason Master of the Gamaliel came aboord of our ship and I asked him if he had any worke for our men for I would cause them to come a shore he told me that hitherto he had not seene a Whale come in but his Furnaces and Coppers were already set vp and therefore as yet he had no neede of helpe but when occasion serued he would imploy them This day about eleauen a clocke Master Baffin returned in the Shallop from the Northwards he said that he had beene at Cape Barren which is the point of an Iland three or foure leagues from Hackluits headland but further then that he could not passe for Ice which lay close to the shore and he had not set vp the Kings armes in any place On Munday the seuen and twentieth day of Iune I went forth againe in the Shallop to the Northward partly to see what alteration there might be in the Ice with the Easterly windes which had blowne hard since the Shallop last returned but chiefely to set vp the Kings armes in some place conuenient because there was none set vp to the Northwards of Maudlen sound We rowed to Cape Barren where formerly Master Baffin had bin and finding the Ice there gone from the shore we proceeded further to an Iland which now we call the Saddle in respect of the forme thereof more then a league distant from Cape Barren In our way thither it began to snow and grew to be a great and vehement storme from the West North-west therefore we hasted and got to the lee side of the aforesaid Iland and there made fast our Shallop with a grapnell laid vpon the Icie shore vsing the best meanes we could with our shallops saile to keepe vs from the extremitie of so cold an harbour we staid here eight houres and the storme continued driuing the Ice still Eastward in great abundance and with wonderfull swiftnesse when the weather began to cleere I caused the men to rowe to Leewards to another Iland a league distant which seemed then to be a Cape of the maine land purposing there to set vp the Kings armes but afterwards wee found it to be an Iland and to the maine wee could not come for broken Ice This stormie weather continued from Munday night till Friday morning during which time we had beene but eleauen leagues at the furthest from our ship yet went we so farre as we could haue gone had the weather beene neuer so faire for at foure leagues distance from Cape Barren the Ice lay firme and vnbroken two or three miles from the shore and close againe to it lay the shattered Ice thronged together with this present storme On Friday morning we came backe againe to Hackluits headland and there I set the Kings armes in the like manner as at Trinitie Harbour from thence we rowed towards our ship and as we entred into Faire-hauen there came a Whale that accompanied vs into the harbour leaping and aduancing himselfe almost quite out of the water falling headlong downe againe with great noise we hasted aboord our ship and I sent forth both our Shallops to strike this Whale if they could and told Master Mason of her comming in who also went forth in his Shallop but it seemes the Whale past vnder the Ice which lay yet vnbroken betwixt the North harbour and the South harbour for they could not see her againe The next day there came more Whales in and Robert Hambleton our Masters mate strucke two which vnluckily escaped the first for want of helpe the Gamaliels Shallop being in chase of another Whale and our owne little Shallop not able to row against a head-sea to assist the other so that at length the Whale hauing towed the Shallop forth to Sea the harping iron came out the second was also strucken within the sound and ranne vnder the Ice which lay yet vnbroken at the East end of the Sound and drew the Shallop vpon it cleare out of the water by which meanes the Harpingiron came forth Here we
to the shore with our Shallops and went on land but seeing in all places great abundance of broken Ice we lay close to the shoare and doubting that although perhaps with much adoe we might get about the point of the Beach yet should we still be pestered with Ice from proceeding any further we resolued to walke ouer land to the other side of the Beach where we saw a hill about foure miles distant from which we thought we should be satisfied how much further it was possible for vs to proceede so thither we trauailed where when we came wee saw a very faire Sound on the East side of the Beach which was open within but there lay very much Ice at the entrance of it which although it was extended more then halfe ouer Sound yet we doubted not but if we could get our Shallops about the Beach we should finde either one way or other to passe ouer the said Sound from the high land on the other side we should receiue very good satisfaction if the weather continued faire and cleare as now it was therefore we intended to make triall what we might do but before we returned we went down to the point of the Beach at the entrance of the Sound and there set vp a Crosse and nailed a sixe pence thereon with the Kings Armes This being done we returned to our Shallops and according to our late determination we rowed about the point of Red-beach and with many crooked windings amongst the Ice at length we got ouer Wiches Sound for so it is now named As soone as we were ouer on the other side about two leagues from Red-beach Master Baffin and I clambred vp a very high hill from whence we saw a point of land bearing East North-east by the ordinary Compasse eighteene or twentie leagues distant as I supposed Wee likewise saw another faire Sound to the Southwards of vs which was much pestered with Ice but we could not see the end of it Here vpon the mountaine wee set vp a Warelocke and then came downe againe with lesse labour but more danger then we had in getting vp by reason of the steepinesse thereof then we walked to the shoare side and there found many beach Finnes whereby I coniectured that Master Marmadukes men in his first discouery made in Anno 1612. had not beene vpon this land to search the Beaches for in all other places where we had beene heretofore we could finde nothing at all Now therefore we resolued to make further search alongst this shoare and to proceede with our Shallops so farre as we possibly could whereupon wee returned to our men againe whom we left with our Shallops where we first landed Hauing stayed here a while and obserued the latitude which I found to be 79. degrees 54. minutes we saw a Shallop come rowing towards the extreamest point of this shoare therefore we hastned towards them to see who were therein and found them to be Master Marmadukes men lately come from their ship the Harts-ease which they said they left at Sea amongst the Ice about a league from Red Beach here they were setting vp a Crosse which they said that they found there fallen downe and had beene formerly set vp in the time of Master Marmadukes first discouery by one Laurence Prestwood whose name I saw thereon engrauen with two or three names more and it had the date of the seuenteenth of August 1612. Vpon this Crosse they nailed the Kings Armes Here we parted from them and according to our former determination we proceeded some in the Shallops amongst the Ice and others on shoare till wee went about foure leagues further in which space we found many more Finnes and one paire of Morses teeth but now we found the Ice so close packt together that wee could not proceede any further with our Shallops wherefore Master Baffin and I intended to walke ouer land vntill we should be better satisfied how farre this Sound went in for wee could as yet see no end of it and it seemed to make a separation of the land so leauing our men here with the Shallops wee trauailed almost a league further till we came to the point of a sandie beach that shot into the Sound which was wonderfully stored with drift Wood in great abundance From this point we receiued such satisfaction as we looked for because we saw the end of the Sound which lies South in about ten leagues It hath in it a good harbour that is landlockt and doubtlesse it is a good place for the Whale-killing if it be not euery yeare as now it is pestered with Ice Here I saw a more naturall earth and clay then any that I haue seene in all the Countr but nothing growing thereupon more then in other places This Sound is that which formerly had and still retaineth the name of Sir Thomas Smiths Inlet Being thus satisfied we came backe againe to our Shallops and seeing no way but one we returned towards our Ship but before we could get to Red-beach there arose a very great storme from the East North-east after we had entered amongst the Ice in Wiches Sound so that we were separated the one Shallop from the other whereby our danger was the greater for whiles wee were both in company together the one might haue beene helpefull to the other when neede required and more easie it seemed to saue them both then being separated to keepe either of them from wracke but God who in his wonted mercie is euer ready to relieue the faithfull distressed did not onely so prouide that we met together againe and indeede were helpefull the one to the other otherwise I doubt the one Shallop had miscarried for she was in great danger but also deliuered vs safely out from amongst these perillous rockes of Ice which it was very hard to shuâ— and at the length brought vs into an open Sea where with as scant a saile as we could make we past swiftly before the winde the Sea comming diuers times ouer the sternes of our Shallops which wet our skinnes that had scarse any dry cloathes on before to keepe them warme by reason of a drizeling Snow which fell with the storme then we went aboord our Ship into the South harbour of Faire hauen the fift of August with one hundred and fiftie Beach finnes and one paire of Morses teeth giuing thanks to God for his blessing and mercifull deliuerance The ninth of August two ships of the Hollanders that were appointed for Northerne Discouery were seene thwart of Faire Hauen sayling to the Southwards The eleuenth of August we set sayle forth of Faire Hauen the winde at South South-west intending to make tryall if yet the Ice would admit vs to haue passage to the Northwards or the North-eastwards We held our course from Cape Barren North-east and by East till seuen a clocke at night at which time hauing runne eight leagues
the Hauen of Saint Iohn the third day of August written in haste 1527. By your seruant Iohn Rut to his vttermost of his power I haue by me also Albert de Prato's originall Letter in Latin stile almost as harsh as the former English and bearing the same date and was indorsed Reuerend in Christo Patri Domino Domino Cardinali Domino Legat◠Angliae and began Reuerendissime in Christo Pater salutem Reuerendissime Pater plaeceat Reuerendissima peternitati vestra scire Deo fauente post quam exiuimus à Plemut quae fuit x. Iunij c. the substance is the same with the former and therefore omitted Datum apud le Baya Saint Iohan in Terris Nouis die x. Augusti 1527. Reuer Patr. vest humilis seruus Albertus de Prato the name written in the lowest corner of the sheet The voyage of Captaine GEORGE WEYMOVTH intended for the discouerie of the North-west Passage toward China with two flye Boates. ON Sunday the second day of May 1602. in the afternoone I weighed anchor and set saile from Redcliffe with two Fly-boates the one called the Discouery of seuentie Tunnes and the other called the God speed of sixtie Tunnes to discouer the North-west passage hauing in my ships fiue and thirtie men and boyes throughly victualled and abundantly furnished with all necessaries for a yeere and an halfe by the right Worshipfull Merchants of the Moscouie and Turkie Companies who for the better successe of the voyage prouided mee of a great trauailer and learned Minister one Master Iohn Cartwright The Master vnder mee in the Discouerie was one William Cobreth a skilfull man in his profession and in the God speed one Iohn Drewe and Mate in the said ship one Iohn Lane The first of Iune we descried Buquhamnes in the Latitude of 57. degrees The second day we saw the Point of Buquhamnes North-west from vs being a very smooth land and the land by it to the Southward riseth with many Homocks There lyeth a ledge of Rockes hard by the Nesse in a sandie Bay faire by the shore When we came neer the land we met with a fisher Boat and I agreed with one of the fisher men to carry me betweene the Isles of Orkney because I was not acquainted with the coast The fourth day at ten of the clocke wee descried the Isles of Orkney Some of those Southerne Ilands are prettie high land but the Northerne Iland which is called the Start is very low land There is no danger giuing the shore a good birth vnlesse it be by the Norther point of the Start there doth a ledge of Rockes lye a mile from the shoare At noone I found my selfe to be in the latitude of 59. degrees and 30. minutes the point of the Start bearing West and at one of the clocke in the afternoone we saw a faire I le which bare North-east and by North from vs and at eight of the clocke at night wee were North of the Start Then I directed my course West and by North. The fifth day about ten of the clocke in the morning we ranne some tenne leagues and then we saw two small Ilands some two leagues off and at eight and nine of the clocke we saw foure or fiue Boats of Fisher-men and spake with one of them and they were Scottish-men The sixt in the morning fell much raine and lasted till nine of the clocke and at ten of the clocke it cleared vp and became very faire weather and very temperate and warme and our course was West The seauenth the winde was at East and by North faire weather and our course West The eight at noone I obserued the Sunne and found vs to be in 59. degrees and fortie seuen minutes and we ran West South-west The twelfth day we held our course West the winde at East North-east with fogge in the morning at noone I obserued the Sunne and found my selfe in 57. degrees and 55. minutes the variation here was nothing at all The thirteenth at noone our course was West and by North the winde at North-east with fogge some three or foure houres and then cleare againe the ayre very warme as in England in the moneth of May. The foureteenth was faire weather and the winde at East North-east and our course West and by North. The fifteenth much raine all the forenoone our course West the winde at East and by North. The sixteenth the winde was at North North-east with much raine winde and fogge In the forenoone being very cold and at noone I obserued the Sun and found vs to be in 57. degrees and 35. minutes we found the variation to be eleuen degrees Westward and by that meane I found my selfe to be one degree more to the Southward then we should haue bin by our course for we could not see the Sunne in 96. houres before this day at noone and at our last obseruation before this which was the twelfth day we could not finde any variation at all Then we stood close by a winde to the Westward the winde being at North North-east The seauenteenth wee ranne North and by West the winde at North North-east faire weather This day we saw many gray Gulles and some Pigions The eighteenth at noone I obserued the Sunne and found our selues to be in the latitude of 59. degrees and 51. minutes And then we first descried a great Iland of Ice which lay North from vs as farre as we could ken it from the head of our maine topmast and about two of the clocke in the afternoone we saw the South part of Groneland North from vs some ten leagues As we coasted this Ice to the Northward we found it to be a maine banke of Ice for we saw the other end of it to beare West North-west from vs the winde being at South South-west little winde Then we ranne West South-west to cleere vs of the Ice The nineteenth the winde was at East South-east with some small raine The twentieth our course was West North-west the winde being at North and by East little winde This day sometimes we came into blacke water as thicke as puddle and in sailing a little space the water would be cleare againe Seeing this change of water so often to be thick and cleare againe so suddenly we imagined it had beene shallow water then we founded and could fetch no ground in one hundred and twenty fathomes and the Sea was so smooth that we could discerne no current at all At this time I reckoned the Cape of desolation to beare North North-east twentie foure leagues from vs. The one and twentieth the winde was variable The two and twentieth we were in the latitude of 60. degrees and 37. minutes the winde being at West wee ranne North and by West The seauen and twentieth the winde was at West South-west then our course was North-west and by North the weather faire and warme as in England in
doth confine with Costarica on the West side it hath in length East and West fiftie leagues and in breadth fiue and twentie a Mountainous Countrie full of bushes without Pastures or Cattle Wheate Barley little Millet or little Pulse but full of Gold with many vaines of it and rich Mines in the Riuers and breaches and those Indians that are are in warre it hath the Citie of the Conception fortie leagues from Nombre de Dios to the West where the Gouernour and the Officers which they of Panama at this present doe prouide are resident The Village of Trinitie stands six leagues to the East of the Conception by Sea for yee cannot goe by Land neere to the Riuer of Bethleem at three leagues from the Sea The Citie of Sancta Fe stands twelue leagues from the Conception to the South with melting houses and Deputie Officers The Citie of Charles in the coast of the South Sea neere to the Sea fiftie leagues from the Citie of Sancta Fe to the East all the Indians of this gouernment are in warre There is no Port of name in the two Coasts South and North of this gouernment and in all the bounds of the Counsell are the Riuers Ports and points following The Bay of Carabaco or of Saint Hierome in the coast of the North Sea and the confines of Veragua and to the East of it and of the Riuer of the Trinitie of the Conception and of Bethlehem where was the first inhabiting that the first Admirall made in Terra firme of all that Orbe in the yeare 1503. which continued not and right against the Shield an Iland and the Riuer of Chagre and more to the East a league the Portete to the place where the Admirall came discouering the same yeere and the Ports of Langostas twelue leagues from Nombre de Dios to the West and the Port de Gallinas or of Hennes nine degrees and the Port of Bonauenture six Portobelo fiue and right against it the Ilands of the Lookings and those of the Prouisions or Bastimentos and hauing Nombre de Dios two leagues the Riuer of Sardinilla and the Iland of Sardina foure and the Riuer of Millet or Mayz and the Riuer of Snakes or Culebras eight and at the entry of the Gulfe of Vraba where in the yeare 1509. the Bachiller Enciso built the Citie of Sancta Marie of Darien This Bachiller Enciso was he that published that in the Prouince which was called Castilla del Oro there were places where the gold was fished with nets which encouraged many people to goe to the Indies which passed in the yeare 1514. with Peter Arias Danila and the President Basco Nunnez of Balboa went 1513. from the Darien in demand of the South Sea and discouered it The Point of the Iland of Captiua stands right against the Mountaines of Saint Blas and the Iland of Comagre and the Iland of Pinos more within the Gulfe of Vraba and in the inward Port of it the Port of Nilcos neere to the mouth of the Riuer of Darien which diuideth the bounds of this Counsell and those of the Gouernement of Cartagena and there is Culata de Vraba where in the yeare 1510. Alonso of Oieda inhabited Saint Sebastian of Vraba This Gulfe stands in 8. degrees it hath foureteene leagues of longitude into the Lands and in the entrie it hath six in breadth and a little forward fiftie and at the end foure and fiue leagues within was the Citie of Sancta Marie the auncient of Darien In the South Sea stands the Cape of Sancta Marie and point de Guerra of Warre and toward Panama the Gulfe of Parita or Paris where stands Nata the point of Chiame the Countrie of that Cazique Chiapes the friend of Basco Nunnez of Balboa which holpe him in his discouery and passed the Port of Panama the Riuer of Chepo and the Balsa or of Congos in the inner part of the Gulfe of Saint Michael North and South from the Iland of Pearles and the Point or Port of Pinyas at the entrie of the Gulfe on the South side which is fiftie leagues from Panama and twentie ouerthwart to the Gulfe of Vraba and Puerto Quemado or Burnt Hauen neere to the Cape of Corrientes in 5. degrees of altitude Septentrionall THe bounds of the Counsel of the New Kingdome hath in length East and West three hundred leagues and as many North and South wherein are comprehended the Prouinces of the New Kingdome the gouernments of Sancta Martha and Cartagena and part of that of Popayan for borders the Prouinces of the Dorado or new Stremadura the Prouince of New Kingdome which is that which the Counsell gouerneth it hath in length from East to West foureteen leagues and eightie in breadth North and South of plaine ground for the most part with Valleys and hils and good Pastures for all sort of Cattle which are in abundance and in many places Wheate Miller and the fruits of Castile and generally much Gold and very fine and Mines of Copper Steele and the Countrie men for the most part are able men great traffickers and doe weare Cotten cloath And the Townes that be in the Kingdome of Spaniards are the Citie of Sancta Fe of Bogota which was built at the foote of Bogota so called by the Cazique which was called Bogota which the President Gonçalo Ximenez of Quesada built and gaue the name to the Citie and to the Kingdome because he was of Granada though in the discouery the President Belalcazar and Nicholas Federman had part it stands 72. degrees and a halfe of longitude from the Meridian of Toledo which by a greater circle may be one thousand foure hundred and fortie leagues and 4. degrees on this side of the Equinoctial it hath more then six hundred housholds in it is resident the Counsell the Kings Officers and Royall treasurie and Melting house the Cathedrall Metropolitane whose suffragans are Popayan Cartagena and Sancta Marta with a Monasterie of Dominicke and another of Franciscane Friers and in her borders more then fiftie thousand tributarie Indians and the Lake of Guatauita which was a worshipping place of the Indians where it is reported that they did cast great summes of Gold in offring to the Idols The Village of Saint Michael in the bounds of Sancta Fe twelue leagues from it to the North was built for trafficke with the Pauche Indians because being of a hot Countrie it did them hurt to goe to Sancta Fe which is cold The Citie of Tocayma fifteene leagues from Sancta Fe to the West somewhat inclined to the North with a Monasterie of Dominicke Friers was inhabited the yeare 1545. by the Captaine Hernando Vanegas in the border of the maine Riuer Pati which runneth into the Riuer Magdalene It hath no gold and is most hot and by night there falleth no Deaw in it In all the Kingdome there is
runne North to South as hath beene said yet is it in declining from the top to the foote of the Mountaine which may be as they beleeue by coniecture aboue twelue hundred stades And by this account although the mynes extend in such a profunditie yet there remaines sixe times as much space vnto the bottome or roote the which they say are most rich and aboundant as the body and spring of all veines Although vnto this day we haue seene the contrarie by experience for the higher the veine is to the superficies of the earth the more rich they finde it and the deeper it goes the poorer it is and of the baser aloy They then inuented the Soccabons by which they enter to worke in the mynes very easily with lesse charge paine and danger They haue eight foot in breadth and a stade in height the which they shut with doores By them they drawe forth their metall very easily paying to the proprietarie of the Soccabon the fift part of all the metall they draw forth There are nine alreadie made and others are begun They were nine and twentie yeeres in making of one Soccabon as they call it of the venome that flowes from the rich veine It was begun in the yeere 1550. the eleuenth yeere of the discouerie and was ended in the yeere 1585. the eleuenth of August This Soccabon crossed the rich veine thirtie fiue stades from the roote or spring and from thence where it met to the mouth of the myne were a hundred thirtie fiue stades So as they must descend all this depth to labour in the myne This Soccabon containes from his mouth vnto the veine of Crusero as they call it two hundred and fiftie yards in which worke were spent nine and twentie yeeres whereby wee may see what great paines men take to draw siluer out of the bowels of the earth They labour in these mynes in continuall darknesse and obscuritie without knowledge of day or night And forasmuch as those places are neuer visited with the Sunne there is not only continuall darknesse but also an extreme cold with so grosse an aire contrarie to the disposition of man so as such as newly enter are sicke as they at Sea The which happened to me in one of these mynes where I felt a paine at the heart and beating of the stomacke Those that labour therein vse candles to light them diuiding their worke in such sort as they that worke in the day rest by the night and so they change The metall is commonly hard and therefore they breake it with hammers splitting and hewing it by force as if they were flâ—nts After they carry vp this metall vpon their shoulders by Ladders of three branches made of Neats leather twisted like pieces of wood which are crossed with staues of wood so as by euery one of these Ladders they mount and descend together They are ten stades long a piece and at the end of one beginnes another of the same length euery Ladder beginning and ending at plat-formes of wood where there are seates to rest them like vnto galleries for that there are many of these Ladders to mount by one at the end of another A man carries ordinarily the weight of two Arrobes of metall vpon his shoulders tied together in a cloth in manner of a skip and so mount they three and three He that goes before carries a candle tied to his thumbe for as it is said they haue no light from Heauen and so goe they vp the Ladder holding it with both their hands to mount so great a height which commonly is aboue a hundred and fiftie stades a fearfull thing and which breedes an amazement to thinke vpon it so great is the desire of Siluer that for the gaine thereof men endure any paines And truly it is not without reason that Plinie treating of this subiect exclaimes and sayes thus Wee enter euen into the bowels of the Earth and goe hunting after riches euen to the place of the damned And after in the same Booke hee saith Those ihat seeke for metals performe workes more then Giants making holes and caues in the depth of the Earth piercing Mountaynes so deepe by the light of Candles whereas the day and the night are alike and in many moneths they see no day So as often the walls of their mynes fall smothering many of them that labour therein And afterwards hee addes They pierce the hard Rocke with hammers of Iron waighing one hundred and fiftie pounds and draw out the metall vpon their shoulders labouring day and night one deliuering his charge to another and all in darknesse onely the last sees the light with Wedges and Hammers they breake the Flints how hard and strong soeuer for the hunger of gold is yet more sharpe and strong The veines as I haue said where they finde siluer runne betwixt two Rocks which they call The Chase whereof the one is commonly as hard as flint and the other soft and easie to breake This metall is not alwayes equall and of the same bountie for you shall find in one and the same veine one sort of metall very rich which they call Cacilla or Tacana from which they draw much siluer and another is poore from whence they draw little The most rich metall of this Mountaine is of the colour of Amber and the next is that which inclines to blacke There is other somewhat red and other of the colour of ashes finally of diuers and sundrie colours which seeme to such as know them not to bee sinnes of no value But the myners doe presently know his qualitie and perfection by certaine signes and small veines they finde in them They carry all this metall they draw out of these mynes vpon Indian sheepe which serue them as Asses to carry it to the Mills the richest metall is refined by melting in those small Furnaces which they call Guayras for that is most leadie by reason whereof it is most subiect to melt and for the better melting thereof the Indians cast in a matter they call Soroche which is a metall full of Lead The metall being in these Furnaces the filth and earthie drosse through the force of the fire remaines in the bottome and the Siluer and Lead melt so as the Siluer swimmes vpon the Lead vntill it bee purified then after they refine the siluer many times after this manner of melting They haue vsually drawne out of one Quintall of metall thirtie fortie and fiftie pieces of siluer and yet I haue seene some most excellent that haue beene shewne me where they haue drawne in the melting two hundred yea two hundred and fiftie pieces of siluer of a Quintall of metall a rare wealth and almost incredible if we had not seene the triall thereof by fire but such metals are very rare The poorest metall is that which yeelds two three fiue or sixe pieces or little more This metall hath commonly little Lead but is
which the Christians call Picuti because they haue very great beakes in respect of the littlenesse of their bodies for their beakes are very heauie and weigh more then their whole bodies beside these Birds are no bigger then Quailes but haue a much greater bushment of feathers insomuch that their feathers are more then their bodies their feathers are very faire and of many variable colours their beakes are a quarter of a yard in length or more and bending downe toward the Earth and three fingers broad neere vnto the head their tongues are very quils wherewith they make a great hissing they make holes in Trees with their beakes in the which they make their Nests And surely these Birds are maruellous to behold for the great difference which they haue from all other Birds that I haue seene aswell for their tongues which are quils as I haue said as also for the strangenesse of their sight and disproportion of their great beakes in respect of the rest of their bodies There are no Birds found that prouide better for the safegard of their young in the time of their breeding to be without danger of wilde Cats that they enter not into their Nests to destroy their Egges or young and this aswell by the strange manner of building their Nests as also by their owne defence and therefore when they perceiue that the Cats approach toward them they enter into their Nests and holding their beakes toward the entrance of the same stand at their defence and so vexe the Cats that they cause them to leaue their enterprize There are also other Birds or Sparrowes which the Christians by contrary effect call Matti that is Fooles Whereas neuerthelesse there is no Bird that sheweth more wit and craft in defending her young from perill These Birds are little and in manner blacke and somewhat bigger then our Thrushes they haue certaine white feathers in their neckes and the like sagacitie or sharpnesse of sense as haue the Birds or Pyes called Gazzuole they seldome times light vpon the earth they make their Nests in Trees separated from other because the Monkeyes are accustomed to leape from Tree to Tree not descending to the ground for feare of other beasts except when they are enforced by thirst to come downe to drinke at such times as they are sure not to be molested and for this cause doe not these Birds make their Nests but in Trees farre diuided from other they make them of a Cubit in length or more after the manner of bagges or little sackes large at the bottome and growing narrower and narrower toward the mouth whereby they are fastened hauing the hole whereat they enter into the sacke of such bignesse as may onely suffice to receiue them And to the end that the Monkeyes may not deuoure their young if they chance to mount vpon the Trees where they haue their Nests they vse another craft which is to make their Nests in thicke branches of Trees and to defend the same with sharpe and strong thornes implicate and set in such order that no man is able to make the like so that the Monkeyes can by no meanes put their legges into the hole of the Nest to take out the young Birds aswell for the sharpnesse of the thornes as also for the depth of the Nests in the bottome whereof the young Birds rest without danger of their enemie for some of their Nests being three or foure spans in length the leg of the Monkey cannot reach to the bottome thereof They vse also another policie which is to make many of their Nests in one Tree the which they doe for one of these two causes that is that either of their owne naturall disposition they are accustomed to goe in great multitudes and reioyce in the company of their owne generation as doe the Birds which we call Stares or else to the intent that if it should so chance that the Monkeyes should climbe the Trees where they make their Nests they might bee a greater company to resist and molest the Monkeyes at whose approach they make a fearefull and terrible cry whereby the Monkeyes are put to flight Furthermore in the firme Land and in the Ilands there are certaine Birds called Piche or Gazzuole somewhat like vnto those which we call Wood-wals or Wood-peckes being lesse then ours of Spaine these are altogether blacke and goe hopping and leaping their beakes are also blacke and of the same fashion as are the Popingiayes beakes they haue long tayles and are somewhat bigger then Stares There are other Birds called Pintadelli which are like vnto certaine greene Birds which the Itrlians call Fringuelli and are of seuen colours these Birds for feare of the Monkeyes are euer wont to make their Nests ouer the bankes of Riuers or the Sea where the branches of Trees so reach ouer the water that with a little weight they may bow downe to the water their Nests are made so neere the tops of the branches that when the Monkeyes come thereon the branches bend toward the water and the Monkeyes turne backe againe for feare of falling For although no beast in the World be more malicious then this yet whereas the most part of beasts are naturally inclined to swimme this Monkey hath no manner of aptnesse thereunto and is therefore soone drowned or strangled in the water and by a priuie sense of Nature feareth the danger which he cannot escape These Birds make their Nests in such sort that although they bee wet and filled with water yet doe they so suddenly rise vp againe that the young Birds are not thereby hurt or drowned There are also many Nightingales and other Birds which sing maruellously with great melodie and difference in singing these Birds are of maruellous diuers colours the one from the other some are altogether yellow and some other of so excellent delectable and high a colour as it were a Rubie other are also of diuers and variable colours some of few colours and other some all of one colour being all so faire and beautifull that in brightnesse and shining they excell all that are in Spaine or Italie or other Prouinces of Europe Many of these are taken with Nets lime-twigs and Springes of diuers sorts Diuers other sorts of great fowles like vnto Eagles and such other as liue of prey are found in the firme Land of such diuersitie that it is in manner impossible to describe them all particularly and forasmuch as I haue more largely intreated hereof in my generall Historie of the Indies I thinke it not requisite heere to make any further mention of the same Of Trees Fruits and Plants THere is both in the firme Land and the Ilands a certaine Tree called Coco being a kind of Date Trees and hauing their leaues of the selfesame greatnesse as haue the Date Trees which beare Dates but differ much in their growing for the leaues of this Coco grow out of the trunkes of
quantities and when they come out of the Sea and bring forth their egges and goe together by companies from the Sea to feede on the Land the Christians or Indians follow their steps which they finde in the Sand and soone ouertake them because they are very heauie and slow in going although they make all the haste they can to returne to the Sea assoone as they espy any body When they that pursue them haue ouertaken them they put a stake or staffe vnder their legs and ouerturne them on their backs as they are yet running so that they can goe no further nor yet rise againe or turne and thus they suffer them to lye still while they follow after the rest which they ouerturne in like manner and by this meanes take very many at such times as they come forth of the Sea as I haue said This fish is very excellent and wholesome to be eaten and of good taste The second of the three fishes whereof I haue spoken is the Tiburon this is a very great fish and very quick and swift in the water and a cruell Deuourer these are oftentimes taken aswell when the ships are vnder saile in the Ocean as also when they lye at anker or at any other time and especially the least kinde of these fishes When the ships are vnder saile the biggest sort are taken after this manner When the Tiburon seeth the ship sayling hee followeth it swimming behind the which things the Mariners seeing cast forth all the filth of the ship into the Sea for the fish to eate who neuerthelesse followeth them with equall pase although they make neuer such haste with full winde and sailes and walloweth on euery side and about the ship and thus followeth it sometime for the space of a hundred and fiftie leagues and more and when the Mariners are disposed to take them they cast downe by the sterne of the ship a hooke of Iron as bigge as the biggest finger of a mans hand of three spans in length and crooked like a fish-hooke with beards according to the bignesse thereof and fastned to an Iron chaine of fiue or sixe linkes neere vnto the end and from thence tyed with a great rope fastning also on the hooke for a bait a piece of some fish or hogs flesh or some other flesh or the bowels and intrals of another Tiburon which they haue taken before which may easily be done for I haue seene nine taken in one day and if they would haue taken more they might also Thus when the Tiburon hath pleasantly followed the ship a long voyage at the length he swalloweth the bait with the hooke and aswell by his striuing to flee or escape as also by the swift passage of the ship the hooke ouerthwarteth and catcheth hold of his chaps the which fish when it is taken it is of such huge bignesse that twelue or fifteene men are scarsly able to draw it out of the water and lift it into the ship where one of the Mariners giueth it many knocks on the head with a club or beetle vntill he haue slaine it they are sometimes found of ten or twelue foote long and of fiue sixe or seuen spans in breadth where they are broadest they haue very great and wide mouthes to the proportion of the rest of their bodies and haue two rowes of teeth the one somewhat separate from the other of cruell shape and standing very thicke When they haue slaine this fish they cut the body thereof in small pieces and put it to drie hanging it three or foure dayes at the Cordes of the saile clothes to drie in the winde and then eate it It is doubtlesse a good fish and of great commoditie to serue the ships for victualls for many dayes the least of these fishes are most wholesome and tender it hath a skin much like to the skin of a Sole whereunto the said Tiburon is like in shape Which I say because Plinie hath made mention of none of these three fishes among the number of them whereof he writeth in his Naturall historie These Tiburons come forth of the Sea and enter into the Riuers where they are no lesse perillous then great Lizards or Crocodiles whereof I haue spoken largely before For they deuoure Men Kine and Horses euen as doe the Crocodiles they are very dangerous in certaine washing places or Pooles by the Riuers sides and where they haue deuoured at other times Diuers other fishes both great and small of sundrie sorts and kindes are accustomed to follow the ships going vnder saile of the which I will speake somewhat when I haue written of Manate which is the third of the three whereof I haue promised to entreat Manate therefore is a fish of the Sea of the biggest sort and much greater then the Tiburon in length and breadth and is very brutish and vile so that it appeareth in forme like vnto one of those great vessels made of Goats skins wherein they vse to carry new wine in Medina de Campo or in Areualo the head of this beast is like the head of an Oxe with also like eyes and hath in the place of armes two great stumps wherwith he swimmeth It is a very gentle and tame beast and commeth oftentimes out of the water to the next shoare where if he finde any herbes or grasse he feedeth thereof Our men are accustomed to kill many of these and diuers other good fishes with their Crosse-bowes pursuing them in Barkes or Canoas because they swim in manner aboue the water the which thing when they see they draw them with a hooke tyed at a small corde but somewhat strong As the fish fleeth away the Archer letteth goe and prolongeth the corde by little and little vntill he haue let it goe many fathoms at the end of the corde there is tyed a corke or a piece of light wood and when the fish is gone a little way and hath coloured the water with his bloud and feeleth himselfe to faint and draw toward the end of his life he resorteth to the shoare and the Archer followeth gathering vp his corde whereof while â—here yet remaine sixe or eight fathoms or somewhat more or lesse he draweth it toward the Land and draweth the fish therewith by little and little as the waues of the Sea helpe him to doe it the more easily then with the helpe of the rest of his companie he lifteth this great beast out of the Water to the Land being of such bignesse that to conuey it from thence to the Citie it shall be requisite to haue a Cart with a good yoke of Oxen and sometimes more according as these fishes are of bignesse some being much greater then other some in the same kinde as is seene of other beasts Sometimes they lift these fishes into the Canoa or Barke without drawing them to the Land as before for as soone as they are slaine they flote aboue the water And I beleeue verily
their bloud and purgation ceasseth immediately And when after this they haue a few dayes absteined from the company of men they become so streight as they say which haue had carnal familiaritie with them that such as vse them cannot without much difficultie satisfie their appetite They also which neuer had children are euer as Virgins In some parts they weare certaine little Aprons round about them before and behind as low as to their knees and hammes wherewith they couer their priuy parts and are naked all their bodie beside The principall men beare their Priuities in a hollow Pipe of Gold but the common sort haue them inclosed in the shells of certaine great Welkes and are beside vtterly naked For they thinke it no more shame to haue their Cods seene then any other part of their bodies and in many Prouinces both the men and women goe vtterly naked without any such couerture at all In the Prouince of Cueua they call a man Chuy and a woman Ira which name is not greatly disagreeable to many both of their women and of ours These Indians giue great honor and reuerence to their Caciques that is their Kings and Rulers The principall Cacique hath twelue of his most strong Indians appointed to beare him when he remoueth to any place or goeth abroad for his pleasure Two of them carrie him sitting vpon a long peece of wood which is naturally as light as they can finde the other ten follow next vnto him as footemen they keepe continually a trotting pase with him on their shoulders When the two that carrie him are wearie other two come in their places without any disturbance or stay And thus if the way be plaine they carry him in this manner for the space of fifteene or twenty leagues in one day The Indians that are assigned to this office are for the most part slaues or Naboritâ— that is such as are bound to continuall seruice I haue also noted that when the Indians perceiue themselues to be troubled with too much bloud they let themselues bloud in the calfe of their legges and brawnes of their armes this doe they with a very sharpe stone and sometimes with the small tooth of a Viper or with a sharpe reede or thorne All the Indians are commonly without Beards in so much that it is in a manner a maruell to see any of them either men or women to haue any downe or haire on their faces or other parts of their bodies Albeit I saw the Cacique of the Prouince of Catarapa who had haire on his face and other parts of his body as had also his wife in such places as women are accustomed to haue This Cacique had a great part of his body painted with a blacke colour which neuer fadeth and is much like vnto that wherewith the Moores paint themselues in Barbarie in token of Nobilitie But the Moores are painted specially on their visage and throate and certaine other parts Likewise the principall Indians vse these paintings on their armes and breasts but not on their visages because among them the slaues are so marked When the Indians of certaine Prouinces goe to the battaile especially the Caniball Archers they carrie certaine shels of great welkes of the Sea which they blow and make therewith great sound much like the noise of Hornes they carrie also certaine Timbrels which they vse in the stead of Drummes also very faire Plumes of Feathers and certaine armour of gold especially great and round peeces on their breasts and splints on their armes Likewise other peeces which they put on their heads and other parts of their bodies For they esteeme nothing so much as to appeare gallant in the warres and to goe in most comely order that they can deuise glistering with precious Stones Iewels Gold and Feathers Of the least of these welkes or perewincles they make certaine little Beades of diuers sorts and colours they make also little Bracelets which they mingle with gandes of Gold these they roule about their armes from the elbow to the wrest of the hand The like also doe they on their legges from the knees to the soles of their feete in token of Nobilitie especially their Noble Women in diuers Prouinces are accustomed to weare such Iewels and haue their neckes in manner laden therewith these Beades and Iewels and such other trinkets they call Caquiras Beside these also they weare certaine Rings of Gold at their eares and nostrels which they bore full of holes on both sides so that the Rings hang vpon their lippes Some of these Indians are poulde and rounded albeit commonly both the Men and Women take it for a decent thing to weare long haire which the women weare to the middest of their shoulders and cut it equally especially aboue their browes this doe they with certaine hard Stones which they keepe for the same purpose The principall Women when their teates fall or become loose beare them vp with barres of Gold of the length of a spanne and a halfe well wrought and of such bignesse that some of them weigh more then two hundred Castelans or Ducades of Gold these barres haue holes at both the ends whereat they tye two small cords made of Cotton at euery end of the barres one of these cords goeth ouer the shoulder and the other vnder the arme holes where they tye both together so that by this meanes the barre beareth vp their teates Some of these chiefe Women goe to the battaile with their Husbands or when they themselues are regents in any Prouinces in the which they haue all things at commandement and execute the office of generall Captaines and cause themselues to be carried on mens backs in like manner as doe the Caciques of whom I haue spoken before These Indians of the firme Land are much of the same stature and colour as are they of the Ilands they are for the most part of the colour of an Oliue if there be any other difference it is more in bignesse then otherwise and especially they that are called Coronati are stronger and bigger then any other that I haue seene in these parts except those of the Iland of Giants which are on the South side of the Iland of Hispaniola neere vnto the coasts of the firme Land and likewise certain other which they call Iucatos which are on the North side All which chiefly although they be no Giants yet are they doubtlesse the biggest of the Indians that are known to this day and commonly bigger then the Flemings and especially many of them as well women as men are of very high stature and are all archers both men and women These Coronati inhabit thirtie leagues in length by these coasts from the point of Canoa to the great riuer which they call Guadalchiber neere vnto Sancta Maria de gratia As I trauersed by those coasts I filled a butt of fresh water of that riuer six leagues
from place to place by the winde or course of the water Quintus Curtius writeth in his Historie that great Alexander came to the Citie of Memi where is a great Caue or Denne in the which is a Spring or Fountaine that continually auoideth a great quantitie of Bitumen in such sort that it is an easie thing to beleeue that the stones of the wals of Babylon might be laid therewith according as the said Author writeth I haue seene this Mine of Bitumen not onely in the Iland of Cuba but also such another in new Spaine in the Prouince of Panuco Thus farre I haue giuen you from Master Eden his Edition wherein because many things necessary to the naturall History of the Indies are in the Authors Summarie and in his 20. Books of a larger Historie I haue added hither such things as I thought fittest The Vâ—ias are like great Rats and the Cories like Conies of which the people in Hispaniola eate as also of the Yuanas Chemi and Mohni are little creatures also in that Iland which and their little mute Dogges were all the foure footed Beasts they had saue that of Rats there is some question The Indians of Iamaica and Cuba vse to catch fish with the fish Rouerso as Huntsmen or Falconers vse Hounds or Haukes in their game The Indians take it sometimes in their Nets of which I haue eaten and when they will bring vp one of them they feede it in the Sea and carrie it tied to their Canar by a strong line which when they see a fish fit for pray they loosen and vse words to excite courage and valour in this fish which presently flies like an arrow at that fish and fastens thereon and the Indian lets the line runne out at length being oiled of many fadomes and hauing a peece of wood at the end to buoy it till the fish be wearied this little fish little aboue a spanne long vnsightly to looke on still holding fast till the Indian gathering in his cord prepares to shoare to take the greater fish with much commendation and words of encouragement to this chase-fish perswading him to let goe his hold which otherwise should sooner by violence breake in peeces this Huntsman then force him to vnfasten Thus will he fasten on the belly of a Tortoise so great that two Indians and sometimes sixe haue enough to doe to carrie the same to their houses This fish Rouerso hath scailes Staire fashioned or like the roofe of a mans mouth and on them certain prickles very sharpe and strong whereby he fastens himselfe to what fish him pleaseth and these prickly scales he hath on the most part of his body They haue likewise a cunning wild-goose-chase in a great Lake casting in certaine great emptie Pompons in the season when Geese resort thither wherewith they being accustomed grow out of feare and will sit on them to bee carried Being thus acquainted the Indian puts one of these emptie Pompons on his head and with much dexteritie of swimming enters amongst the Geese and when one hath made him his Porter no part of his body being seene he swimmes from the rest and then with his hand pulls her in and hangs her thus strangled at his girdle and begins a fresh game When their Caciques are dead they lay them on a piece of wood or stone and make a fire about the same which may not burne them but by degrees draw forth all the moysture in sweat leauing onely the skin and bones and then in a place separate repose the same with the Ancestors which before had beene so dealt with this being their best Booke of Heraldrie to recount the Names and seuerall Descents in that Pedegree If any die in battell or so that they cannot recouer his body they compose Songs which the Children learne touching him and the manner of his death to supply that memoriall These Songs they call Areytos As for Letters they were so ignorant that seeing the intercourse of Spaniards by Letters they thought that Letters could speake and were very cautelous in their carriage of them lest the Letters might accuse them of ill demeanor by the way When they will disport themselues the Men and Women meet and take each other by the hand and one goeth before which is called Tequina or their Master with certaine paces measured to his singing in a low voice what commeth in his minde and after him all the multitude answereth in a higher voice with like measures proportioned to the tune and so continue they three or foure houres with Chicha or Mayz-wine among sometimes also changing the Tequina and taking another with a new tune and song Their Houses are commonly round like a Tent and sometimes with a double water passage which they call Buhio of good Timber thatched with Straw or long Grasse the Walls of Reed pitched into the ground In the Prouince of Abrayne in Golden Castile and thereabouts there are many Villages of Indians which dwell on the tops of Trees in Houses or Roomes there made to which they ascend by certaine staires of Besuco which growes about Trees and is vsed to binde their Walls and Timbers in their houses before mentioned Beneath the ground is fenny and couered with water not so high as a man and where it is deeper they vse Canoas and therewith passe to drie Land to sow their Mays and Iucca Battatas and Aies In those houses they are secured from wild Beasts Enemies and Fire They are not Archers and vse Clubs In the Gulfe of Vraba where Rio Grande enters the Sea are many Palme trees in the middest of the Riuer growing neere together on the tops whereof are houses made as the former and much bigger in which many Inhabitants dwell together and haue their beds tyed to the lower parts of the said Palme trees These beds they call Hamacas being couerlets of Cotten of good threed and well wouen of two or three braces long but narrower with cordes at the ends The cordes are of Cotton or of Henequen or Cabuya this the courser threed that the finer and able to cut Iron made of the leafe of a certaine herbe These Indians fight also with Clubs and did much harme to Captaine Vasco Nunes di Balboa his men which returned with losse not able to ouer-come them I haue also obserued that these Indians haue the bones of their skulls foure times as thicke as those of the Christians so that to strike them with a Sword must be warily done the Swords being thereby often broken Besides the Tigre and other beasts before mentioned in the firme Land are the Beori the Christians call them Dants not that they are such but for some resemblance as is also said of the Tigre of the bignesse of a meane Mule without hornes ash-coloured they know not to dresse and tanne their hides They take them with Dogs but if they take water they are fierce and
into New Spaine and with the second Armie of Grigialua and with the third of Cortese and with the fourth of Pamphilo di Narbaez all by order of Lieutenant Velasco whereby Cuba was in manner dispeopled and by the former causes mentioned of Hispaniola and by the contagion of the small Pockes which was vniuersall in all these Ilands So that the Great God hath in manner wholly extinguished them for their not without others sinnes They haue much Gold and Brasse vse to fish much with the Rouerso before mentioned as also that Wild-goose chase There are innumerable Cranes such as are in Spaine the Boyes take infinite Egges and young ones There are Turtles greater then in Spaine Euery yeare there passe from the end of Cuba infinite numbers of diuers sorts of Birds which come from the North of the firme Land and crosse ouer the Alacrain Ilands and Cuba and flye ouer the Gulfe Southwards I haue seene them passe ouer Darien and Nombre de dios and Panama in diuers yeeres in the Firme Land so many that they couer the Skie and this passage or march continueth a moneth or more about the moneth of March I thinke they flie round about the World for they neuer are seene to returne toward the West or North and we see them not euery yeere one after another from morning to night the aire is couered and some flie so high that they cannot bee seene others lower yet higher then the Mountaines tops They come from the North-west and North to the Southwards and then turne South-west occupying in length more then the eye can discerne and a great space in breadth The lowest are Eaglets and Eagles and all seeme Birds of prey of many kinds and plumes The higher cannot bee discerned in their plumes but in manner of flying and qâ—antâ—tie appeare of diuers sorts There haue beene Serpents killed in Cuba as bigge as a mans thigh and fiue and twentie or thirtie foot long and more They are tame and the Indians eate them and find sometimes in their bellies sixe or seuen creatures bigger then Conies which they swallow whole I am loth to lead you with this Author along with Grigialua in his long Expedition from hence to Iucatan and other parts Neere to Porto de termini he found two Trees seeming set by hand standing alone and fifteene paces off diuers Idols of Chalke They saw two Images made of the wood Copei in manner of Sodomiticall villenie ioyned together and another of Chalke with his circumcised member betwixt his hands Iamaica was in people vices creatures and other things like the former they were the Inuentors of the reuerso-fishing and Goose-catching with Gourds or Pompions aforesaid which sometimes they practised also with leaues and greene boughes on their heads and vsed that Garland as is before said of the Pompions Of Cubagua the Pearle Iland and of the Pearle-fishing is spoken before In Cubagua is a bituminous Fountayne hauing otherwise no water to drinke nor Hearbes nor Trees but a few of Guaiacan nor any liuing creatures though at first comming of the Christians there were a few Conies At the East point is the Fountayne running into the Sea with an Oily substance floating on it profitable for Medicine there called Deuils Dung They that liue there fetch their water seuen leagues off from Cumana on the firme Land and wood from Margarita The Kings fifth of the Pearle-fishing hath yeelded 15000. Duckets yeerly a thing not knowne that so many Pearles haue beene taken from so small a space the Iland of Cubagua not compassing aboue three leagues In the Gulfe of Orâ—tigâ—a and the Ilands therein in the Prouince of Nicaragua on the South Sea are many shel-fishes of a long forme some a Cubit long some lesse creased growing broader and broader to the end when they are opened they haue a fishie substance within them and shine within as the Pearle-oysters doe halfe their length thence by degrees loosing that shining toward the broader end The Pearles within them are not so fine as the other The Indians vse the shels to digge their loose ground fastning the shell to a handle of wood binding it fast and making a kind of Spade thereof In the yeare 1517. An Englishman vnder colour of Discouery came with a great ship towards Brasill on the Firme Land and thence trauersed to Hispaniola and came neere the Hauen of Saint Domingo and sent his Boat full of people on shoare and desired Trade But the Captaine of the Fort shot from the Castle at the Boate because shee came directly to the Port and thereupon they returned to their ship The English seeing this entertainment tooke their course towards the Iland of Saint Iohn and entred the Port of Saint German and there demanded victuals and prouisions for their ship complaining of the wrong done them at Saint Domingo comming thither for Trade to buy with their Mony and to barter Commodities There they got some victuals for which they paid in wrought pieces of Pewter and other things and so returned towards Europe where it is likely they came not for there was neuer any more heard of them The next yeare a French Pirat guided by a Spanish Pilot came to trade in the Iland of Pearles and a Portugall Carauell which he had taken on the Coast of Brasill and would haue landed his Boats full of men but was resisted and a Battel betwixt both parts followed in which thirteene Frenchmen were slaine and two of ours Three or foure Nauarrois and Biskainers fled from them and said the French were Theeues and came to take the Iland whereupon they went with all their strength and tooke her Boat and the ship fled out of sight c. Ouiedos twentieth Booke is of shipwrackes and disaduentures which haue happened to the Spaniards in those parts One which happened 1514. is admirable the ship sinking and fiue and twentie persons escaping in the Boat hast forbidding prouision of Card Compasse or victuall to saue their liues Thus liued they twelue dayes at Sea neither had they any thing to eate or drinke only a young man had saued two pounds of Bisket which beeing diuided amongst them he which had most had not aboue an ounce and halfe Vrine or the Sea was their drinke In this case they made Vowes to our Lâ—die of Antica in Siuill and on the twelfth day hauing made a Saile of their shirts they came to Siluer-port in Hispaniola Their Pilot Aâ—to Caluo told me the Storie The same yeare in the Pleet of Pedrarias de Auilla a Portugal youth being scoffed at and flouted by the Spaniards leaped into the Sea in a fresh gale and not without the wonder of all men was taken vp by another ship aliue whom after I saw vaunting of this folly and saying that no Castilian durst haue done it which I easily beleeue as hauing more wit then this Foole. Yet will I imitate a little this foolish
a King or Lord of some towne they offered him slaues to be put to death with him to the end they might serue him in the other world They likewise put to death his Priest or Chaplaine for euery Nobleman had a Priest which administred these ceremonies within his house and then they called him that he might execute his office with the dead They likewise killed his Cook his Butler his Dwarfes and deformed men by whom he was most serued neither did they spare the very brothers of the dead who had most serued them for it was a greatnesse amongst the Noblemen to be serued by their brethren and the rest Finally they put to death all of his traine for the entertaining of his house in the other world and lest pouerty should oppresse them they buried with them much wealth as Gold Siluer Stones Curtins of exquisite worke Bracelets of Gold and other rich peeces And if they burned the dead they vsed the like with all his Seruants and ornaments they gaue him for the other world Then tooke they all the ashes they buried with very great solemnity The obsequies continued tenne dayes with songs of plaints and lamentations and the Priests carried away the dead with so many ceremonies and in so great number as they could scarce accompt them To the Captaines and Noblemen they gaue trophees and markes of honour according to their enterprises and valor imployed in the wars and gouernments for this effect they had armes and particular blasons They carried these markes or blazons to the place where he desired to be buried or burnt marching before the body and accompanying it as it were in procession where the Priests and officers of the Temple went with diuers furnitures and ornaments some casting incense others singing and some sounding of mournfull Flutes and Drums which did much increase the sorrow of his kinsfolkes and subiects The Priest who did the office was decked with the markes of the Idoll which the Nobleman had represented for all Noblemen did represent Idols and carried the name of some one and for this occasion they were esteemed and honoured The order of Knighthood did commonly carry these foresaid markes He that should be burnt being brought to the place appointed they inuironed him with wood of Pine trees and all his baggage then set they fire vnto it increasing it still with goomie wood vntill that all were conuerted into ashes then came there forth a Priest attired like a Deuil hauing mouthes vpon euery ioynt of him and many eyes of glasse holding a great staffe with the which he did mingle all the ashes very boldly and with so terrible a gesture as he terrified all the assistants Sometimes this Minister had other different habits according to the quality of the dead There hath beene great curiosity at the Indies in making of Idols and Pictures of diuers formes and matters which they worshipped for Gods and in Peru they called them Guacas being commonly of foule and deformed beasts at the least such as I haue seene were so I beleeue verily that the Deuill in whose honour they made these Idols was pleased to cause himselfe to be worshipped in these deformities and in truth it was found so that the Deuill spake and answered many of these Guacas or Idols and his Priests and Ministers came to these Oracles of the father of lies and such as he is such were his Counsels and Prophesies In the Prouinces of New Spaine Mexico Tescuco Tlascalla Cholula and in the neighbour Countries to this Realme this kinde of Idolatry hath beene more practised than in any other Realme of the world And it is a prodigious thing to heare the superstitions rehearsed that they haue vsed in that point of the which it shall not be vnpleasant to speake something The chiefest Idoll of Mexico was as I haue said Vitâ—iliputzli It was an image of wood like to a man set vpon a stoole of the color of azure in a brankard or litter at euery corner was a piece of wood in forme of a Serpents head The stoole signified that he was set in heauen this Idoll had all the forehead Azure and had a band of Azure vnder the nose from one eare to another vpon his head he had a rich plume of Feathers like to the beake of a small Bird the which was couered on the top with Gold burnished very browne he had in his left hand a white Target with the figures of fiue pine Apples made of white Feathers set in a crosse and from aboue issued forth a crest of gold and at his sides he had foure darts which the Mexicans say had beene sent from heauen to doe those acts and prowesses which shall be spoken of In his right hand he had an Azured staffe cut in fashion of a wauing snake All these ornaments with the rest he had carried this sence as the Mexicans doe shew the name of Vitziliputzli signifies the left hand of a shining Feather I will speake hereafter of the proud Temple the Sacrifices Feasts and Ceremonies of this great Idoll being very notable things But at this present we will onely shew that this Idoll thus richly apparelled and deckt was set vpon an high Altar in a small peece or boxe well couered with linnen cloathes Iewels Feathers and ornaments of Gold with many runâ—les of Feathers the fairest and most exquisite that could be found he had alwaies a curtaine before him for the greater veneration Ioyning to the chamber or chappell of this Idoll there was a peece of lesse worke and not so well beautified where there was another Idoll they called Tlaloc These two Idols were alwaies together for that they held them as companions and of equall power There was another Idoll in Mexico much esteemed which was the god of repentance and of Iubilies and pardons for their sinnes They called this Idoll Tezcallipuca he was made of a blacke shining stone like to Iayel being attired with some Gentile deuises after their manner it had earerings of gold and siluer and through the nether lip a small canon of Christall in length halfe a foote in the which they sometimes put a greene feather and sometimes an azured which made it resemble sometimes an Emerald and sometimes a Turquois it had the haire broided and bound vp with a haire-lace of gold burnished at the end whereof did hang an â—aâ—e of gold with two firebrands of smoake painted therein which did signifie the praiers of the afflicted and sinners that he heard when they recommended themselues vnto him Betwixt the two eares hanged a number of small herons He had a Iewell hanging at his necke so great that it couered all his stomacke vpon his armes bracelets of Gold at his nauill a rich greene stone and in his left hand a â—aâ—ne of precious Feathers of Greene Azure and Yellow which came forth of a Looking-glasse of Gold shining and well burnished and that signified that within this Looking-glasse he saw
Margarites Diamonds and other stones all of glasse Mutezuma receiued it thankfully and went before with one of the Princes his Nephewes and commanded the other to leade Cortes by the hand next after him in the midst of the street and proceeding forward in this order then came the Gentlemen in the richest Liuery to welcome him one by one touching the ground with their hands and after returned to their standing And if the Citizens had come as they requested all that day would not haue serued for salutations The coller of glasse pleased well Mutezuma and because hee would not take without giuing a better thing as a great Prince hee commanded to be brought two collers of red Prawnes which are there much esteemed and at euery one of them hanged eight Shrimps of gold of excellent workmanship and of a finger length euery one he put these collers with his owne hands about Cortes his necke the which was esteemed a most great fauour yea and the Indians maruelled at it At this time they were come to the street end which was almost a mile long broad streight and very faire and full of houses on each side in whose doores windowes and tops was such a multitude of Indians to behold the strangers that I know not who wondred most our men to see such a number of them or else they to see our men their Ordnance and Horses a thing so strange vnto them They were brought vnto a great Court or house of Idols which was the Lodging Axaiaca at the doore whereof Mutezuma tooke Cortes by the hand and brought him into a faire hall and placed him vpon a rich Carpet saying vnto him Sir now are you in your owne house eate and take your rest and pleasure for I will shortly come and visit you againe Such as you heare was the receiuing of Hernando Cortes by Mutezuma a most mightie King into his great and famous Citie of Mexico the eight day of Nouember 1519. The house where the Spaniards were lodged was great and large with many faire chambers sufficient for them all it was neate cleane matted and hanged with Cloth of Cotton and Feathers of many colours pleasant to behold When Mutezuma was departed from Cortes hee beganne to set his house in order and placed the Ordnance at his doore and hauing all his things in good sort he went to a sumptuous Dinner that was prepared for him Assoone as Mutezuma had made an end of his Dinner hearing that the Strangers were risen from the Table and reposed a while then came hee to Cortes saluting him and sate downe by him He gaue vnto him diuers Iewels of Gold Plate Feathers and many Garments of Cotton both rich well wouen and wrought of strange colours a thing comely that did manifest his greatnesse and also confirme their imagination This gift was deliuered honourably and then beganne his talke as followeth Lords and Gentlemen I doe much reioyce to haue in my house such valiant men as yee are for to vse you with courtesie and intreate you with honour according to your desert and my estate And where heretofore I desired that you should not come hither the onely cause was my people had a great feare to see you for your gesture and grimme beards did terrifie them yea they reported that yee had such beasts as swallowed men and that your comming was from Heauen bringing with you Lightning Thunder and Thunder-bolts wherewith you made the Earth to tremble and to shake and that yee slue therewith whom yee pleased But now I doe see and know that you are mortall men and that yee are quiet and hurt no man also I haue seene your Horses which are but your Seruants and your Gunnes like vnto shooting Trunkes I doe now hold all for Fables and Lyes which haue beene reported of you and I doe also accept you for my meere Kinsman My Father told mee that hee had heard his forefathers say of whom I doe discend that they held opinion how they were not Naturals of this Land but come hither by chance in companie of a mightie Lord who after a while that hee had abode here they returned to their naturall soyle After many yeeres expired they camâ— againe for those whom they had left heere behind them but they would not goe with them because they had here inhabited and had Wiues and Children and great gouernment in the Land Now these mightie Lords seeing that they were so stubborne and would not returne with them departed from them sore displeased saying that hee would send his Children that should both rule and gouerne them in Iustice Peace and ancient Religion And for this consideration wee haue alwayes suspected and beleeued that such a people should come to rule and gouerne vs and considering from whence you come I doe thinke that you are they whom wee looked for and the notice which the great Emperour Charles had for vs who hath now sent you hither Therefore Lord and Captaine bee well assured that wee will obey you if there bee no feyned or deceitfull matter in your dealings and will also diuide with you and yours all that we haue And although this which I haue said were not onely for your vertue fame and deeds of valiant Gentlemen I would yet doe it for your worthinesse in the battailes of Tauasco Teocazinco and Chollolla being so few to ouercome so many Now againe if yee imagine that I am a God and the walls and rooffes of my houses and all my vessell of seruice to be of pure Gold as the men of Zempoallan Tlaxcallan and Huexozinco haue informed you it is not so and I iudge you to bee so wise that you giue no credit to such Fables You shall also note that through your comming hither many of my subiects haue rebelled and are become my mortall enemies but yet I purpose to breake their wings Come feele you my bodie I am of flesh and bone a mortall man as other are and no God although as a King I doe esteeme my selfe of greater dignitie and preheminence then others My houses you doe also see which are of timber and earth and the principallest of Masons worke therefore now you doe both know and see what odious lyers those Tale-bearers were But troth it is that Gold Plate Feathers Armour Iewels and other Riches I haue in the Treasury of my Forefathers a long time preserued as the vse of Kings is all the which you and yours shall enioy at all times And now it may please you to take your rest for I know that you are weary of your iourney Cortes with ioyfull countenance humbled himselfe seeing some teares fall from Mutezuma his eyes saying vnto him vpon the trust I haue had in your clemencie I insisted to come both to see and talke with your Highnesse and now I know that all are lyes which hath beene told mee The like your Highnesse hath heard reported of vs assure your selfe that the Emperour King of