forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
From the cape of Batochina vnto the West head of Iaua minor the course is Southwest aâ—d by South Northeast and by North and the distance betweene them is 220 leagues Item From the West end of Iaua minor vnto the East end of Iaua maior the course is West and by North and East by South and the distance betweene them is 18 leagues in the which course there lieth one iland betweene them which iland is in length 14 leagues Item From the East end of Iaua maior vnto the cape of Buena Esperança the course is West and by South and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 1800 leagues Item That Cape Falso standeth 30 leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Buena Esperança off the sayd Cape Falso you shal haue shoalding 20 leagues off in 80 or 90 fadoms the course is from Caâ—e Falso vnto the cape of Buena Esperança Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast A note of the distance and course from the cape of Buena Esperanza vnto the Northwards ITem From the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the iland of Santa Helena the course is Northwest and Northwest aâ—d by West and the distance betweene thâ—m is 600 leagues Item From the iland of Santa Helena vnto the iland of Flores the course betweene them is Northnorthwest and Northwest and by North and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 1200 leagues Item From the iland of Flores vnto the lands end of England the course is betweene the Eastnortheast and the Northeast and by East and the distance betweene them is foure hundred and fifty leagues A note of the variation of our Compasse IN primis The variation of our compasse on the coast of New Spaine iâ— the South sea in tâ—e latitude of 12 degrees was one point to the Eastwards Item the variation of our compasse betweene â—he cape of California and the ilands of the Philippinas was one point and an halfe vnto the Eastward that was that the North did stand North and by East and halfe a point vnto the East Item The variation of our compasse betweene the ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança was two points and an halfe at the most to the Westward that was that the Northnortheast was our North. A note of our time spent in sailing betweene certeine places out of England 1586. IN primis We were sailing betweene England and the coast of Guinea from the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 26 day of August vnto the hauen called Sierra leona where we watered and stayed vntill the 6 day of September Item Wee departed from the coast of Guinea for the coast of Brasil the 10 day of September and wee had sight of the coast of Brasil the 26 day of October being sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Frio and from thence wee were sailing vnto the iland of S. Sebastian vntill the 31 and last day of October where we watered and set vp our pinnesse and we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland in tenne fadoms and stayed there vntill the 23 day of Nouember Item The 23 day of Nouember we departed from the iland of Sant Sebastian keeping our course South and by West vnto the port that is called Port Desire where we arriued the 17 day of December in which port we graued our shippe and we stayed there vntill the 28 day of December where we ankered in 5 fadoms Item The eight and twentieth day of December wee departed from the Port of Desire toward the Streight of Magellan where wee arriued the third day of Ianuary and wee remained in the Streights vntill the foure and twentieth day of February where we watered in many places on the South side hauing the winde all that while betweene the Westsouthwest and the Northwest Item We departed out of the Streights the 24 day of February toward the iland of Mocha which island we had sight of the 14 day of March. Item The 14 day of March at night we ankered in the bay of Marroccos where we rode in 9 fadoms water Item The 15 day of March we ankered in the iland of Saint Marie on the North part of the island in eight fadoms water blacke sand wheâ—e we stayed foure dayes Item The 19 day of March we departed frâ—â— the island of Saint Marie and the same day we ankered in the bay of Conception where we stayed vntill the next day and there we rode in ten fadoms water shiâ—gie stones Item The 20 day of March we departed from the bay of Conception and the thirtieth day of March we arriued in the bay of Quintero where wâ— watered and there the first day of April we had twelue of our men slaine being on land for water and we stayed there sixe dayes and we ankered in 7 fadoms water white sand Item We departed from the bay of Quintero the 5 day of April and we arriued at the bay of Arica the 24 day of April and we ankered in 7 fadoms water Item The 27 day of April we departed from the bay of Arica and the third day of May we arriued in the bay of Pisca and we ankered in 4 fadoms water in oaze Item The 5 day of May we departed from the bay of Pisca and the 12 day we ankered in the bay of Cherrepe where we ankered in 7 fadoms water in white sand Item The 18 day of May we departed from the bay of Cherrepe and the 20 day of May we arriued in the bay of Payta where we ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 20 day of May we departed from the bay of Paita and the 26 day of May we ankered at the iland of Puna and we ankered in 5 fadoms Item From the iland of Puna we departed the fourth day of Iune vnto Rio dolce in the main where we watâ—red and we ankered in 10 fadoms water browne sand Item The 12 day of Iune we departed from the place where we watered being bound for the coast of New Spaine and the 29 day of Iuly wee arriued in the port of Aguatulco where wee watered and ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 3 day of August we departed from the port of Aguatulco and the 26 day of August we arriued at the port of S. Iago where wee watered and stayed there vntill the second day of September and ankered in 6 fadoms Item The 2 of Septâ—mber we departed from the port of S. Iago and the 3 day of September we put into a port one league vnto the Westwards of Natiuidad where we ankered in 8 fadoms water Item The 4 day of September wee departed from the port of Natiuidad and the 7 day of September we put into the bay of Xalisco where we ankered in 9 fadoms water and the 10 day of September we departed from the bay of Xalisco and the 12 day of September we ankered
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whâ—nce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâ—dable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
attâ—mpt any thing into Florida and those regions inclining towards the North they proued moâ—t vnhappy and were at length discouraged vtterly by the hard and lamentable successe of many both religious and valiant in armes â—ndeuouring to bring those Norâ—herly regions also vnder the Spaâ—ish iurisdicâ—ion as if God had prescribed lâ—â—â—ts vnâ—o the Spanish nation which they might not exceed as by their owne gests recorded may be aptly gatherâ—d The French as they can pretend lesse title vnto these Northerne parts then the Spanyard by how much the Spanyard made the first discouery of the same continent so far Northward as vnto Florida and the French did â—ut reuiew that before discouered by the English nation vsurping vpon our right and imposing names vpon countreys riuers bayes capes or headlands as if they had bene the first finders of those coasts which iniury we offered not vnto the Spanyards but left off to discouer when we approched the Spanish limits euen so God hath not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent vpon anothers right notwithstanding their manifolde attempts in which theâ— issue hath bene no lesse tragicall then that of the Spanyards as by their owne reports is extant Then sâ—eing the English nation onely hath right vnto these countreys of America from the cape of Florida Northward by the priuilege of first discouery vnto which Cabot was authorised by regall authority and set forth by the expense of our late famous king Henry the seuenth which right also seemeth strongly defended on our behalfe by the powerfull hand of almighty God withstanding the enteâ—prises of other nations it may greatly incourage vs vpon so iust ground as is our right and vpon so sacred an intent as to plant religion our right and intent being meet foundations for the same to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countreys apperteining vnto the crowne of England the same as is to be coniectured by infallible arguments of the worlds end approching being now arriued vnto the time by God prescribed of their vocation if â—uer their calling vnto the knowledge of God may be expâ—cted Which also is very probable by the reuolution and course of Gods word and religion which from the beginning hath moued from the East towards at last vnto the West where it is like to end vnlesse the same begin againe where it did in the East which were to expect a like world againe But we are assured of the contrary by the prophesie of Christ whereby we gather that after his word preached thorowout the world shal be the end And as the Gospel when it descended Westward began in the South and afterward spread into the North of Europe euen so as the same hath begunne in the South countreys of America no lesse hope may be gathered that it will also spread into the North. These considerations may helpe to suppresse all dreads rising of hard euents in attempts made this way by other nations as also of the heauy successe and issue in the late enterprise made by a worthy gentleman our countryman sir Humfrey Gilbert knight who was the first of our nation that caried people to erect an habitatioâ— and gouernment in those Northerly countreys of America About which albeit he had consumed much substance and lost his life at last his people also perishing for the most part yet the mystery thereof we must leaue vnto God and iudge charitably both of the cause which was iust in all pretence and of the person who was very zealous in prosecuting the same deseruing honourable remembrance for his good minde and expense of life in so vertuous an enterprise Whereby neuerthelesse least any man should be dismayd by example of other folks calamity and misdeeme that God doth resist all attempts intended that way I thought good so farre as my selfe was an eye witnesse to deliuer the circumstance and maner of our proceedings in that action in which the gentleman was so infortunately incumbred with wants and woorse matched with many ill disposed people that his rare iudgement and regiment premedicated for those affaires was subiected to tolerate abuses in sundry extremities to holde on a course more to vpholde credit then likely in his owne conceit happily to succeed The issue of such actions being alwayes miserable not guided by God who abhorreth confusion and disorder hath left this for admonition being the first attempt by our nation to plant vnto such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be discouraged from it but to make men well aduised how they handle his so high and excellent matters as the cariage is of his word into those very mighty and vast countreys And action doubtlesse not to be intermedled with base purposes as many haue made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarse iustifiable which doth excite Gods heauy iudgements in the end to the terrifying of weake mindes from the cause without pondering his iust proceedings and doth also incense forren princes against our attempts how iust soeuer who can not but deeme the sequele very dangerous vnto their state if in those parts we should grow to strength seeing the very beginnings are entred with spoile And with this admonition denounced vpon zeale towards Gods cause also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honourable vnto this action of planting Christian people and religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America vnto whom I wish all happinesse I will now proceed to make relation briefly yet particularly of our voyage vndertaken with sir Humfrey Gilbert begun continued and ended aduersly When first Sir Humfrey Gilbert vndertooke the Westerne discouery of America and had procured from her Maiesty a very large commission to inhabit possesse at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince the same commission exemplified with many priuileges such as in his discretion he might demand very many gentlemen of good estimation drew vnto him to associate him in so commendable an enterprise so that the preparation was expected to grow vnto a puissant fleet able to encounter a kings power by sea neuerthelesse amongst a multitude of voluntary men their dispositions were diuers which bred a iarre and made a diuision in the end to the confusion of that attempt euen before the same was begun And when the shipping was in a maner prepared men ready vpon the coast to go aboord at that time some brake consort and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before pretended Others failed of their promises contracted and the greater number were dispersed leauing the Generall with few of his assured friends with whom he aduentured to sea where hauing tasted of no lesse misfortune he was shortly driuen to retire home with the losse of a tall ship and more to his griefe of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan Hauing buried onely in a
diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer some what neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said That here is the land of Saguenay which is rich and wealthy in precious stones And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found wriâ—ten these two lines following in the said Carde enclining toward the Southwest Here in this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues which they call in their language Canodeta Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you it is made after the maner of a sea Chart which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael and Iohn which at this present are in Canada If at their returne which will be God willing about Magdalene tyde they haue learned any new thing worthy the writing I will not faile to aduertise you thereof Your louing Friend IAQVES NOEL Here followeth the course from Belle Isle Carpont and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roberual 1542. BElles Isles are in 51 degrees and â…“ Belles Isles and Carpont are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and they are ten leagues distant Carpont is in 52 degrees Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are Northeast and Southwest and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay is 7 leagues The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and a halfe and on the Northside therof there is a rocke halfe a league from the Isle ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke And when thou commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the starreboord side and also on the larboord side there are two or three small Isles and when thou commest out on the Northeast side ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there is a shold which lieth on thy starboord side and saile thou by the North coast and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South because there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea And when thou art come athwart the hauen of Butes run along the North shore about one league or an halfe off for the coast is without all danger Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay and the Isles of Blanc Sablon which are within the Grand Bay neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast West and Southwest the distance is 30 leagues The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer against the Bay des Chasteaux and from theuce forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from land to land And the land on the South shore is all low land along the sea coast The North shore is reasonable high land Blanc Sablon is in 51 degrees â— The Isles of Blanc Sablon the Isles de la Damoiselle are Northeast Westsouthwest and take a little of the Westsouthwest and they are distant 36 leagues these Iles are in 50. deg ¾ And there is a good hauen you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the Northeast and within the distance of a pike an half because of a rocke which lieth on your larrebord side you may ancre in 10 fathome water ouer against a litle nooke and from the great headland vnto the place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables And if thou wouldest go out by the West side thou must saile neere the Isle by the starrebord giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the comming forth and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side by reason of a suncken flatte which lieth on the starrebord and thou shalt saile so on to the Southsouthwest vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth which is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles and thou shalt leaue it on the larrebord and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues because that Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast Southsouthwest Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours and on this coast there are faulcons haukes and certaine foules which seeme to be seasants The Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot are Northeast Westsouthwest take a little of the Northeast and southwest they are distant 18. leagues Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and ¼ And there the sea is broadest And it may be to the end of Newfoundland which is at the entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues which is the greatest bredth of this sea And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot Cape Tienot hath in y e sea 5 or 6 leagues distant froÌ„ it a sunkeÌ„ Iâ—land dangerous for ships The Cape Tienot and the midst of the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest they are 22. leagues distant the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49 deg ½ The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeastâ— the Northwest end is in 50. degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfeâ— and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad and from the Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is not aboue seuen leagues broad but vnto the firme land on the South side are about 15. leagues Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention toward the Southeast are Northeast and Southwest and are distant 30. leagues The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of Ascension are East and West and take a little of the Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 34. leagues The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle and a goodly champion land without any hilles standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster all couered with trees vnto the Sea shore and there are al sorts of trees as there be in France and there be wild beasts as beares Luserns Porkespicks And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues The Northwest end of the Isle the Cape des Monts nostre Dame which is on the maine land towards the South are Northeast and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues The Cape is in 49. degrees which is a very high land The Cape and end of the
the South parts of y e Ilands called De los Ladrones that is The Ilands of rouers or Islas de las Velas vnder 13. degrees and ½ in latitude Septentrionall and 164. degrees in longitude Orientall vpon the sixed Meridionall line which lyeth right with the Iland of Terçera From thence we helde our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues till we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo that is The point of the holy Ghost lying in the Iland Tandaya the first Iland of those that are called Philippinas Luçones or Manillas which is a countrey with fewe hilles with some mines of brimstone in the middle thereof From the point aforesayde wee sailed West for the space of eighteene leagues to the point or entrie of the chanell which runneth in betweene that Iland and the Iland of Luçon This point or entrie lieth scarce vnder 12. degrees All the coast that stretcheth from the entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo del Spirito santo is not very faire Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a hauen of indisserent greatnesse called Baya de Lobâ—s that is The Bay of woolues hauing a small Iland in the mouth thereof and within the chanell about halfe a league from the ende of the sayd Iland lyeth an Iland or cliffe when you passe by the point in the middle of the chanell â—hâ—n you haue fiue and twentie fathom deepe with browne sand there we found so great a streame running Westward that it made the water to cast a skum as if it had beene a sande whereby it put vs in feare but casting out our lead wee found fiue and twentie fathom deepe From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North and North and by East about tenne leagues lyeth the Iland of Catanduanes about a league distant from the lande of Luçon on the furthest point Eastward and from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West and Southwest lyeth the Iland Capuli about sixe leagues from thence stretching Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast being fiue leagues long and foure leagues broad and as wee past by it it lay Northward from vs vnder twelue degrees and ¾ and somewhat high lande Foure leagues â—rom the aforesayd Iland of Capuli Northwestward lie the three Ilands of the hauen of Bollon in the Iland of Luçones stretching North and South about foure leagues distant from the firme lande halfe a league whereof the furthest Southward lieth vnder thirteene degrees In this chanell it is twentie fathom deepe with white sand and a great streame running Southeast we passed through the middle of the chanell From this chanell wee helde our course Southwest and Southwest and by West for the space of twentie leagues vntill wee came to the West ende of the Iland of Tycao which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues This point or hooke lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¾ In the middle betweene this Iland and the Iland Capuli there lie three Ilands called the Faranias and we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all the Ilands at the depth of of 22. fathom with white sand From the aforesayd West point of the Iland Tycao to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sayle about the length of a league or a league and an halfe we put into that chanell holding our course South and South and by West about three leagues vntill we were out of the chanell at sixteene fathom deepe with halfe white and reddish sande in the chanell and at the mouth thereof whereof the middle lyeth vnder 12. degrees and â—â— and there the streames runne Northward The Iland of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and Southeast and is lowe lande whereof the Northwest point is about three leagues from the coast of Luçon but you cannot passe betweene them with any shippe but with small foists and barkes of the countrey This shallowe channell lieth vnder twelue degrees and running thorow the aforesaid chanell betweene the Ilands Tycao and Buryas as I sayd before we sayled Southward about two leagues from the Iland of Masbate which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long being in brâ—dth 4. leagues and lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¼ in the middle thereof and is somewhat high land From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas wee helde our course Westnorthwest for thirteene leagues leauing the Iland Masbate on the Southside and the Iland Buryas on the North side at the ende of thirteene leagues wee came by an Iland called Banton which is in forme like a hat vnder twelue degrees and â—â— when we had sayled the aforesayd thirteene leagues and eight leagues more on the South side wee left the Iland called Rebuiam which stretcheth Northwest and Northwest and by North and Southeast and Southeast and by South for the space of eight leagues being high and crooked lande whereof the North point lyeth vnder tweluâ— degrees and 2 3. and there you finde 35. fathom deepe with white sand From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine leagues there beginne and followe three Ilandes one of them being called Bantonsilla which is a small Iland in forme of a sugar loafe the second Crymara being somewhat great in length reaching East and West about two leagues the third Itaa or the I le of Goates hauing certaine houels By all these Ilands aforesayd you may passe with all â—ortes of shippes whereof the foremost lyeth Southward vnder twelue degrees and â—â— From the Iland of Bantonsilla or small Banton wee helde our course Northwest for the space of foure leagues to the chanell betweene the Ilands called de Vereies and the Iland Marinduque the Vercies lying on the South side vnder twelue degâ—ees and 3 4. which are two small Ilands like two Frigats and the Iland Marinduque on the North side vnder twelue degrees and 4 5. which is a great Iland stretching West northwest and Eastâ—outheast hauing in length 12 in bredth 7. leagues On the North side with the Iland Luçon it maketh a long and small chanell running somewhat crooked which is altogether full of shallowes and sandes whereby no shippes can passe through it The furthest point Westward of the same Iland lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and 1 4. It is high lande on the East side hauing the forme of a mine of brimstone or fierie hill and on the West side the land runneth downâ—ward at the point thereof being round like a loafe of bread in the chanell betweene it and the Vereies there are 18. fathom deepe with small blacke sand From the aforesayd chanell of Vereies and Marinduque wee helde our course Westnorthwest twelue leagues to the lande of Mindora to the point or hooke called Dumaryn lying full vnder thirteene degrees Fiue leagues forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left an Iland called â—sla del maestro del Campo that is The Iland of the Colonell lying vnder twelue degrees and 3 4. which is a small and flat Iland In this
Cuba and from thence to Hauana lying hard by which is the chiefest port that the king of Spaine hath in all the countreys of the Indies and of greatest importance for all the ships both from Peru Hunduras Porto rico S. Domingo Iamaica and all other places in his Indies arriue there in their returne to Spaine for that in this port they take in victuals and water and the most part of their lading here they meet from all the foresayd places alwayes in the beginning of May by the kings commandement at the entrance of this port it is so narrow that there can scarse come in two ships together although it be aboue sixe fadome deepe in the narrowest place of it In the North side of the comming in there standeth a tower in which there watcheth euery day a man to descrie the sailes of ships which hee can see on the sea and as many as he discouereth so many banners he setteth vpon the tower that the people of the towne which standeth within the port about a mile from the tower may vnderstand thereof Under this tower there lieth a sandy shore where men may easily go aland and by the tower there runneth a hill along by the waters side which easily with small store of ordinance subdueth the towne and port The port within is so large that there may easily ride a thousand saile of ships without anker or cable for no winde is able to hurt them There inhabit within the towne of Hauana about three hundred Spanyards and about threescore souldiers which the king mainteineth there for the keeping of a certeine castle which hee hath of late erected which hath planted in it about twelue pieces of small ordinance and is compassed round with a small ditch wherethorow at their pleasure they may let in the sea About two leagues from Hauana there lieth another towne called Wanabacoa in which there is dwelling about an hundred Indians and from this place 60 leagues there lieth another towne named Bahama situate on the North side of the Island The chiefest city of this Island of Cuba which is aboue 200 leagues in length is also called Sant Iago de Cuba where dwelleth a bishop about two hundred Spanyards which towne standeth on the South side of the Island about 100 leagues from Hauana All the trade of this Island is cattell which they kill onely for the hides that are brought thence into Spaine for which end the Spanyards mainteine there many negroes to kil their cattell and foster a great number of hogs which being killed and cut into small pieces they dry in the Sun and so make it prouision for the ships which come for Spaine Hauing remained in this Island two moneths I tooke shipping in a frigat and went ouer to Nombre de Dios and from thence by land to Panama which standeth vpon the South sea From Nombre de Dios to Panama is 17 leagues distance from which towne there runneth a riuer which is called the riuer of Chagre which runneth within 5 leagues of Panama to a place called Cruzes thorow which riuer they cary their goods and disimbarke them at the sayd Cruzes and from thencâ— they are conueyed on mules backs to Panama by land where they againe imbarke them in certeine small shippes in the South sea for all the coast of Peru. In one of these ships I went to Potossi and from thence by land to Cusco and from thence to Paita Here I remained the space of seuen moneths and then returned into the kingdome of Guatimala and arriued in the prouince of Nicoia and Nicaragua From Nicaragua I trauelled by land to a prouince called Nicamula which lieth toward the North sea in certaine high mountaines for that I could not passe thorow the kingdome of Guatimala at that time for waters wherewith all the Low countreys of the prouince of Soconusco lying by the South sea are drowned with the raine that falleth aboue in the mountaines enduring alwayes from April to September which season for that cause they call their Winter From this prouince I came into another called De Vera Paz in which the chiefest city is also called after that name where there dwelleth a bishop and about forty Spanyards Among the mountaines of this countrey toward the North sea there is a prouince called La CaÌ„dona where are Indian men of war which the king can not subdue for that they haue townes and forts in a great lake of water aboue in the sayd mountaines the most part of them goe naked and some weare mantles of cotton wooll Distant from this about 80 leagues I came into another prouince called the prouince of Chiapa wherein the chiefest city is called Sacatlan where there dwelleth a bishop and about an hundred Spanyards In this countrey there is great store of Cottâ—n wooll whereof the Indians make fiue linnen cloth which the Christians buy and cary into Noua Hispania The people of this prouince pay their tribute to the king all in Cotton wooll and Feathers Foureteene leagues from this city there is another called Chiapa where are the finest gennets in all the Indies which are caried hence to Mexico 300 leagues from it From this city I trauelled still thorow hilles and mountaines till I came to the end of this prouince to a hill called Ecatepec which in English signifieth The hill of winde for that they say it is the highest hill that euer was discouered for from the top of it may be discouered both the North and the South seas and it is in height supposed to be nine leagues They which trauell ouer it lie alwayes at the foot of it ouer night and begin their iourney about midnight to trauell to the top of it before the Sunne rise the next day because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards that it is impossible for any man to goe vp from the foot of this hill to Tecoantepec the first towne of Noua Hispania are about fifteene leagues And so from hence I iourneyed to Mexico By and by after I came to Mexico which was in the yere 1572 in the company of another Spanyard which was my companion in this iourney we went together toward the prouince of Panuco which lieth vpon the coast of the North sea and within three dayes iourney we entred a city called Mestitlan where there dwelt twelue Spanyards the Indian inhabitants there were about thirty thousand This city standeth vpon certaine hie mountaines which are very thicke planted with townes very holesome and fruitfull hauing plentifull fountaines of water running thorow them The high wayes of these hilles are all set with fruits and trees of diuers kindes and most pleasant In euery towne as we passed thorow the Indians presented vs with victuals Within twenty leagues of this place there is another city called Clanchinoltepec belonging to a gentleman where there inhabit about fourty thousand Indians and
degrees And the markes be these That on the West end it is lowest and the Eastermost is the highest And if thou fall with the middest of the Island then thou shalt goe a long it to the West vnto Cabo Roxo which is the end of the Isle And from thence the coast runneth North to Punta Aguada Cape Roxo hath certaine red cliffes Thou must steere West and by South from Cape Roxo to find Mona and so thou shalt haue sight of Mona And the marks thereof be these it is a low land lying East and West and on the East end it is highest it hath a slope towards the sea and standeth in 18â— degrees rather lesse then more And if it be by daâ— then thou shalt runne West and shalt see Saona which is an Island lying without Hispaniola and â—yeth East and West and is full of trees and hath certaine sandy bayes And if it bee cleere weather thou shalt see within the land of Hispaniola certaine hie hils called las Sierras de Yguey And being benighted vpon Mona then thou shalt steere West and by South because of certaine shoalds that lye off Saona but hauing day light and no sight of land thou shalt loofe vp Northwest and so passe by it and as thou goest along the coast of Hispaniola and seest the sea to be cast vp into the aire then thou shalt be about 10 leagues off the harbour of Santo Domingo and these mountings vp are called The Spoutes But I aduise thee that if thou bee benighted when thou fallest with Santo Domingo then thou must keepe the hils called Sierras de las minas viejas to the Northwest And if thou wouldest goe into Santo Domingo and meetest there with a forcible Northerly wind then the best way is to runne East till it be day And hauing daylight thou shalt cast abâ—ut and so thou must ply to wind-ward vntill the Northerly wind be done and when it is past make all the saile thou canst to hale with the sight of Calle de las Damas and when thou hast sight thereof thou shalt lye with thy stemme with a sandie Bay which lye thou the other side and then must take in thy maine saile and go so till thou bring thy selfe open with the midst of the riuer and so hauing opened the riuerâ— thou must go with great care in the middest of the same with all thy sailes vp except thy maine saile â—nd thou must haue thy boat out if it be needefull to sound or to tow thy ship if the cast too much to the loofe for the currents will cast here to the loofe wherefore bee sure to haue thy boat out to helpe thy steâ—rage and this is the way whereby thou must worke The course from Santo Domingo to go for Nueua Espanna I Aduise thee that if thou wilt goe from Santo Domingo for Nueua Espanna thou shalt goe Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Punta de Niçao which is a low point and is the end of the hilles called Sierras de las minas Vieias and towards the Northwest of them thou shalt see a lowe land and to goe into Hocoa thou shalt stirre from this poynt of Niçao Westnorthwest and thou shalt see the point of Puerto Hermoso and the Bay that it maketh and thou must be sure to keepe neere the shore to find a good road and feare â—ot to go neere the land for all is deepe water and cleare ground and let not fall thine anker till thou be past all the riuers and beware of the land for if thou ride much without thy anker wil come home because it is rocky and slatte ground And thou must be ready that when thine anker commeth home thou haue thy moarings readie in thy boat to carry on shore with foure or fiue men and if thou thinke good thou mayest let them fall on land with a rope And when thou are come to anker thou mayest send on shore to moare so shalt thou be best moared The course from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna GOing from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna thou shalt stirre Southwest and this way thou shalt and the Isles Beata and Alto velo Beata hath these marks It is a low land with the sea and full of trees and on the East side an high land or cliffe and Alto velo hath these markes A blacke round land and the Eastermost part thereof is highest and it hath a downefall When thou art North and South with * then thou shalt go West vntill thou be so farre shot as the Frailes and from thence goe West and by North and keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of Cape Tiburon And if by keeping this course thou haue sight of a little Island thou mayest make account it is the Isle of Baque and it is hard to the land and from thence thou shalt go West keeping thy selfe out vntill thou double a poynt that maketh as it were a great Bay and then thou must go West and by North till thou come to Cape Tiburon that hath a round blacke land and in some part thereof certaine white cliffes I aduise thee that when thou art against Cape de Tiburon thou stirre Northwest and so thou shalt haue sight of Cuba which lyeth East and West and thou shalt see certaine hilles which are called Sierras del Cobre and in the highest of them is the harbour of S. Iago de Cuba and finding thy selfe so thou mayest runne West vnto Cape de Cruz. And before thou seest Cape de Cruz thou shalt see the hils called Sierras de Tarquino and from these hils to Cape de Cruz the land wareth lower and lower and it is lowest of all at the Cape it selfe And if thou chance to haue the water troubled as though thy ship did raise vp the sand from the ground be not afraid for this place is called The nine fathoms for thou shalt find no lesse water vpon it and it is the shallowest water that thou shalt haue Thou must marke that Cape de Cruz maketh an eâ—de of the coast that commeth from the East to the West and beginneth the course that goeth North and South and standeth in 19. degrees rather more then lesse From Cape de Cruz thou must stirre Westnorthwest and this way thou shalt haue sight of the Isle de Pinos and if thou haue faire weather then thou must goe Northwest and by West because of the currents that will set thee out to sea And keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of an high land I tell thee it is the marke of the Isles called los Iardines and is commonly called the land of Zagneio and then thou shalt goe West and by South and if it bee by night then goe Westsouthwest vntill thou haue brought thy selfe out from The Iardines And being by day thou shalt keepe off the land and
when the Indians had well eaten and drunke they departed thence and going somewhat farre from them one of the Indians cryed to them and sayde Magallanes Esta he minha Terra that is Magallanes this is my countrey and because the Englishmen followed them it seemed the Indians fledde vpward into the land and beeing somewhat farre off they turned backe againe and with their arrowes slewe two of the English shippers one being an Englishman the other a Netherlander the rest came backe againe and saued themselues in the boate wherewith they presently put off from the shore Here they stayed till the seuenteenth of August vpon the which day they set saile running along by the coast about a league and a halfe from the land for there it is all faire and good ground at twentie and fiue and twentie fathome deepe and were about foure or fiue dayes before they came to the mouth or entrie of the Streight but because the wind was contrary they stayed till the 24 of August before they entred The entrie or mouth of the Streight is about a league broad on both sides being bare and flatte land on the North side they sawe Indians making great fires but on the Southside they saw no people stirring The foure and twentieth day aforesayd they beganne to enter into the Streight with an Eastnortheast wind This Streight may bee about an hundred and tenne leagues long and in bredth a league About the entry of the Streight and halfe way into it it tunneth right foorth without any windings or turnings and from thence about eight or tenne leagues towards the ende it hath some boutes and windings among the which there is one so great a hooke or headland that it seemed to runne into the other land and there it is lesse then a league broad from one land to the other and from thence forward it runneth straight out againe And although you finde some crookings yet they are nothing to speake of The issue of the Streight lieth Westward and about eight or tenne leagues before you come to the ende then the Streight beguineth to bee broader and it is all high land to the ende thereof after you are eight leagues within the Streight for the first eight leagues after you enter is low flat land as I sayd before and in the entrie of the Streight you find the streame to runne from the South sea to the North sea And after they began to saile in with the Eastnortheast wind being entred they passed along without any let or hinderance either of wind or weather and because the high land on both sides lay couered with snow and that all the Streight is faire and cleare they helde their course a harquebuse-shot in length from off the North side hauing nine and tenne fathome depth with good ground as I said before where if neede require a man may anker the hilles on both sides being full of trees some of the hilles and trees reaching downe to the sea side in some places hauing plaine and euen land and there they sawe not any greâ—t riuers but some small riuers that issued out of the riffes and breaches of the land and in the countrey where the great Cape or crooking is on the South side they saw certaine Indian fishermen in their Canoas or skiffs being such as they saw first on the North side but more people they saw not on the South side Being out of the Streight on the other side vpon the sixt of September of the aforesaid yeere they held their course Northwest for the space of three dayes and the third day they had a Northeast wind that by force draue them Westsouthwest which course they held for the space of ten or twelue dayes with few sailes vp and because the wind began to be very great they toâ—ke in all their sailes and lay driuâ—ng till the last of September The 24 day of the same moneth hauing lost the sight of one of their shippes which was about an hundred tunne then againe they hoised saile because the winde came better holding their course Northeast for the space of seuen dayes and at the ende of the sayde seuen dayes they had the sight of certayne Islands which they made towards for to anker by them but the weather would not permit them and being there the wind fell Northwest whereupon they sailed Westsouthwest The next day they lost the sight of another ship of their company for it was very foule weather so that in the ende the Admirals shippe was left alone for the ship of Nuno da Silua was left in the Bay where they wintered before they entred into the Streights and with this foule weather they ranne till they were vnder seuen and fiftie degrees where they entred into a hauen of an Island and ankered about the length of the shot of a great piece from the land at twentie fathome deepe where they stayed three or foure dayes and the wind comming Southward they weyed anker holding their course Northward for the space of two daies and then they espied a small vnhabited Island where being arriued they stroke sailes and hoised out their boate and there they tooke many birds and Seales The next day they set saile againe holding their course Northnortheast and North to another Island lying fiue or sixe leagues from the firme land on the Northside of the Streight where they ankered about a quarter of a league from the land in twelue fathome water This Island is small and lowe land and full of Indians the Island being altogether possessed and inhabited by them where they hoysed out their boate wherein the Admirall and twelue Englishmen entred going to fetch fresh water and to seeke for victuals and being landed vpon the Island the Indians in exchange of other things brought two Spanish sheepe and a little Maiz or rootes whereof they make bread and because it was late they returned againe vnto their ship without doing any other thing for that day The next day the said Captaine with the aforesaid twelue men being harquebusiers rowed to land againe and set two of their company on shore with their vessels to fetch fresh water and by the place where they should fill their water there lay certaine Indians secretly hidden that fell vpon the two Englishmen and tooke them which they in the boat perceiuing went out to helpe them but they were so assailed with stones arrowes that all or the most part of them were hurt the Captaine himselfe being wounded with an arrow on the face and with another arrow in the head whereby they were constrained to tuâ—ne backe againe without once hurting any of the Indians and yet they came so neere the boate that they tooke foure of their oares from them This done they set saile againe running along the coast with a South winde sailing so for the space of sixe dayes passing by the hauen called Sant Iago and put into another hauen and
it not the best course at the last but rather kept off in the sea from the coast And vpon Saturday the 17. of September wee fell with the coast of Barbarie and the 18. halled in with the roade of Santa Cruz. The 21. day wee â—â—ll with one of the ylands of the Canaries called Forteuentura In running alongst this yland we espied vpon a hill by the water side one wauing with a white flagge whereupon wee manned both our boates and sent them towards the shoare to vnderstand what newes They found them to bee two ragged knaues and one horseman and they tolde vs that Lanzarota was taken and spoyled in August by the Turkes when we saw they had nothing else to say we left them and proceeded on our course and fell againe with the coast of Barbarie The 25. day of September about 10. of the clocke we fell with Rio del Oro standing iust vnder our Tropike we anckered in the mouth of it in 8. â—adom the entrance of it is about 2. leagues ouer And the next day our Captaine with the boate searched the riuer and found it to be as broad 14. or 15. leagues vp as at the entrie of it but found no towne nor habitation sauing that there came downe two poore men and one of them spake good Spanish and told our Captaine that certaine Frenchmen vsed to come thither and laded some oxe hides and goats hides but other commoditie there was none We departed thence the 27 day â— the last day of the moneth being calme we went abord our General there consented to goe for Sierra Leona to wood and water From thence till the 10. of October wee were much becalmed with extreeme hot weather much lightning and great store of raine This 10. day we sounded finding a great current as we supposed by the ripling water which after wee found to bee an ordinary tide the flood setting to the Northwest and the ebb Southeast and here we had but 18. fathome water and no lande to bee seene it was on the Southermost part of the showles that lie in about 11. degrees but halling South off againe it presently deeped vnto 50. fathome and after halling Southeast and by East and East southeast we sounded but had no ground in 120. fathome The 21. of October wee fell with land vpon the coast of Guinea in the height of 8. degrees a very high land but of no great length it was the high land ouer Sierra Leona Wee drewe in to the land and found neere the shoare more water then in the offing at the Northren end of the high land we anckered about a mile and somewhat more from the shoare in 11. fathome To goe into the harbor of Sierra Leona we did borrow vpon the South side hauing no ground in 10. fathome halfe a mile from the shoare Upon the Northside of this harbour is very shoale water but on the Southside no feare more then is to be seene The 23. day being Sunday wee came to an ancker in the bay of fresh water and going ashoare with our boate wee spake with a Portugal who tolde vs that not farre off there were Negros inhabiting and that in giuing to the king a Botija of wine and some linnen cloth hee would suffer vs to water and wood at our pleasure But our Captaines thinking it not good to giue any thing for that which they might take freely landed and certaine of our men with them whereupon the Portugall and the Negros ranne all away into the woods Then wee returned againe into our boates and presently went and landed in another place thinking to haue fetcht a walke and so to come to our boats againe But wandering through a little wood we were suddenly and vnawares vpon a towne of the Negros whereupon they strooke vp their drumme giuing withall a great showe and off went their arrowes as thicke as haile Wee were in number about 30. caleeuers and 20. with our weapons which wee also let flie into the woods among them and what hurt we did we know not Then wee returned to our boates and tooke wood and water at our pleasure and reasonable store of fish and amongst the rest we halled vp a great foule monster whose head and backe were so hard that no sword could enter it but being thrust in vnder the belly in diuers places and much wounded hee bowed a sword in his mouth as a man would do a girdle of leather about his hande and likewise the yron of a boare speare He was in length about nine foote and had nothing in his belly but a certaine quantitie of small stones to the value of a pottell The fourth of Nouember wee went on shore to a towne of the Negros which stoode on the Southeast side of the harbour about a Sacar shot from the roade which we found to be but lately built it was of about two hundreth houses and walled about with mightie great trees and stakes so thicke that a rat could hardly get in or out But as it chanced wee came directly vpon a port which was not shut vp where we entred with such fiercenesse that the people fled all out of the towne which we found to bee finely built after their fashion and the streetes of it so intricate that it was difficult for vs to finde the way out that we came in at Wee found their houses and streets so finely and cleanly kept that it was an admiration to vs all for that neither in the houses nor streets was so much dust to bee found as would fill an egge shell Wee found little in their houses except some matts goards and some earthen pots Our men at their departure set the towne on fireâ— and it was burnt for the most part of it in a quarter of an houre the houses being couered with reed and straw After this wee searched the countrey about it where wee found in diuers plaines good store of rice in stacks which our men did beate out and brought abord in the huske to the quantitie of 14. or 15. tunnes in both our ships The 17. day of Nouember wee departed from Sierra Leona directing our course for the Straights of Magellan In this harbour diuers of our men fell sicke of a disease in the belly which for the time was extreeme but God bee thanked it was but of small continuance Wee founde also in diuers places of the woods images set vpon pinnes with diuers things before them as eggs meale rice round shot of stones and diuers other things such as the barbarous people had to offer vp When we came neere to the Line wee found it nothing so hot as it is at Sierra Leona by reason of the great winde and raine About the 24. day of Nouember one or two of our men died and others also were sicke of a Calentura The second day of Ianuary we had a little sight of land being about the
Malucos were in that part of the worlde which was allotted to the king of Spaine and that he would finde a shorter way thither then the Portugales tooke and layed before them such infallible reasons that the Councell giuing credite vnto his wordes sent him to sea with fiue ships and 400 men all very well appointed With these fiue ships setting saile from S. Lucar he came to the coast of Brasill where at that time two places were inhabited by Portugales and so sayling on along that coast he passed by the riuer of Plate which riuer was discouered a little before by Solis And notwithstanding many stormes and great mutinies among his companie he came at length vnto 48 degrees to the Southwards of the riuer of Plate where he found an harbour which he named Puerto de Sant Iulian and wintered there and there also he hanged 5 men and put on shore a Priest because they would haue made the company to stand against their captaine and so to haue returned backe againe But in the end hauing pacified his men he put to sea and within 5 dayes after he found the streights which by him were so much desired but before he entered the said streights there befell such a mutinie in one of his ships that the same ship returned backe againe And so himselfe with the other foure ships entering the streights one of the said foure with all the men therein was cast away at the very enterance which losse notwithstanding he proceeded on with the other three ships and passing many troubles and dangers in this long discouery ceased not to prosecute his intended voyage This discouery was at the first thought very profitable vnto the Spaniards but of late it hath prooued very hurtfull vnto them by meanes of certaine coasters which haue sayled the selfe same course These streights stand in 52 degrees and a halfe of Southerly latitude Also here is to be noted that it is colder to the Southward of the line then to the Northward in such wise that in forty degrees to the Southward the colde is more sharpe then in fiftie degrees to the North experience doth alwaies shew the same for it is as colde euen in the streights of Magellan as it is in sixty degrees of Northerly latitude Howbeit the colde is not the cause why nauigators frequent not the same but the Westerly and Southerly windes which blowe most furiously on that coast and that oftentimes out of the very mouth of the streightes and so continue for the most part of the yeere Also there runneth sometimes such a strong current that if the winde and it goe all one way the cables cannot holde neither can the ship withstand the force thereof For which cause and also for that there is no harbour till you be passed 30 leagues into the said streights most part of the ships that haue gone thither haue indured many troubles before they could come to the streights and being come to the mouth thereof they haue bene hindered by the current and winde and so haue beene put backe againe And to the end you may vnderstand the truth I will declare vnto you all the shippes that haue past through the said streights since Magellan first found them vnto this present yeere of 1586 when I haue once ended my discourse of Magellan his owne voyage Nowe you are by the way to vnderstande that the North side of the enterance of these streights is plaine lande without any wood or trees here are likewise some Indians though not many yet are they very mightie men of bodie of ten or eleuen foot high and good bow-men but no man-eaters neither haue they any victuals but such as they get by hunting and fishing they couer their bodies with the skinnes of beasts that they kill to defend them from the colde neither was there euer to this day any siluer or golde found among them or in their countrey These Streights they say extend in length from East to West about an hundred and twentie leagues At the middle of these streights on the North side are many mountaines couered with snow which mountaines stretch from thence along the frontiers of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada euen vnto the shore of the North sea at Santa Martha as I haue before signified It is a wonder to behold the exceeding heigth of these mountaines and the way which they continue couered with snow for euen vnder the Equinoctiall line they haue as much snowe vpon their tops as in 52 degrees Also it is worthy the remembrance that all this countrey towarde the South sea is very fruitfull and the people very discreete and gentle but all the coast towardes Brasill vpon the North sea is poore whereas neuer yet was found any commoditie of account and the people themselues are very cruell and saluage for the will of God is that good and ciuill men should inhabite fruitfull countries And for the better vnderstanding hereof you must note that all the land lying betweene the said ridge of mountaines and the South sea is called by the names of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada which are the best and richest countreys in all the world and most part of the land from the said mountaines to the North sea is called Brasiâ—l being a mountainous countrey where as yet was neuer found either golde or siluer From the said mountaines in the middle of the streights the land riseth high till you come to the end of the streights where you enter into the South sea in which place next the South sea the streights are very dangerous by reason of the sholdes rocks that lie on the North side Thus Magellan after he had entered the South seaâ— within 60 dayes came to the Iles of the Malucos without touching at any land vntill he came thither and so seeking there to lade his ships at an Iland inhabited by Moores he was by them treacherously slaine Now the Spaniards being too few for the managing of all three ships because many of them were dead partly with sicknes and partly with the hardnesse of the voiage determined to abandon one of their said ships and so manned the other two which two being laden with spices and other riches knew not what course they were best to take howbeit at length it was determined that one of these two ships should go for Nueua Espanna and the other for the cape of Buena Esperança and so for Spaine The ship that went for Spaine was called The Victorie the Pilot whereof was a Bisâ—ain named Iuan Sebastian del Cano to whom the king gaue great rewardes and appointed him the globe for his armes whereon was written Primus omnium circunde distime that is thou art the first man that euer sayled about me And albeit this voyage was so long and troublesome as is before mentioned yet many others haue attempted the same And the next that sought
of people it contayneth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a fort built hard by it and here are 500 souldiers continually in garrison Betweene this place and Valparizo the Indians call the coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing 25 leagues vp into the countrey is the principall towne of all Chili and the seate of the gouernour it consisteth of about 800 houses The port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next towne neere the sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the land and containeth about 200 houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a gentleman which is gouernour of the towne hath an Ingeuio for sugar at this place endeth the whole prouince of Chili Here also the mountaines ioyning hard vpon the sea are the cause why all the land betweene Copiapo and Peru containing 160 leagues lyeth desolate The first towne on the coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any farther I will here also declare vnto you the first discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the sea-coast againe and to the ende you may vnderstand mee the better I will begin with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this maine land passing ouer the mountaines they discouered the South sea where because they found Indian people with gold and pearles they built a towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the sea-side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by sea to the coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly winds blowing on this coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to shippes sayling that way and by land the passage was impossible in regard of mountaines and riuers yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Island of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Piçarro borne in the citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a company vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the coast of Peru and hauing obtained licence of the gouernour of that place Francisco Piçarro set foorth with two foresayd Carauels and 100 men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Piçarro sayling along the coast met with much contrary winds and raine which put him to great trouble and he began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sailing of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery riuer and bay that hee saw along the coast which was the chiefe cause that hee stayed so long on his voyage also thirtie of his company dyed by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last hee came to an Island called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supply of victuals of men which ship being departed 40 of his men that remained behind made a mutiâ—y and passed vp into the countrey meaning to returne by land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Piçarro was left vpon the said Island onely with thirteene men who although he had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would he rather die then goe backe and his 13 men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine land in the night season Thus he continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with 40 men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecured his voyage till he came to the first plaine countrey of Peru called Tumbez where he found a fort made by the king of Peru against the Indians of the mountaines Wherefore Piçarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a people of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in gold and siluer and well apparelled At this port of Tumbez hee tooke 30000 pezos of gold in trucke of marchandize and hauing too few men to proceede any further hee carried two Indians with him to learne the language and returned backe for Panama Upon this discouery Francisco Piçarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to â—raue of the king the conquest of this land Whither being come the king granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a fleete of ships and brought also along with him foure of his brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his voyage for Peru being accompanied with his partner Diego de Almagro They sailed first to the Island called Isla del Gallo where Francisco Piçarro and his brethren went on land and left Diego de Almagro in the ships And the whole number which afterward landed on the maine land were 60 horsemen and 120 footemen with two great field-peeces But before we proceede any farther we thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru and the naturall disposition of the inhabitants This countrey was called Peru by the Spaniards of a riuer so named by the Indians where they first came to the sight of gold From which riuer standing vnder the line till you come to Copiapo the first towne on the coast of Chili stretcheth the land of Peru for the space of eight hundred leagues vpon sixe hundred whereof from Aâ—acama to Tumbez did neuer drop of raine fall since the flood of Noah and yet is it the fruitfullest land for all kind of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life that is to be found in all the world besides The reason why it raineth not in this land is because it beeing a plaine countrey and very narrow and low situate betweene the Equinoctiall and the tropique of Capricorne there runneth on the West frontier not aboue twentie leagues from the sea called Mar del Sur Eastward thereof a mighty ridge of high mountaines couered with snow the height of which mountaines so draweth
fathoms vntill wee came vp to the roade which is about a league from the poynt borrowing alwayes on the South side vntill you come vp to the watering place in which Baye is the best roade but you must ride farre into the Baye because there run marueilous great tydes in the offâ—â— and it floweth into the road next of any thing at a Southeast and by East moone It is out of England to this place 930. leagues which wee ranne from the 21. of Iuly to the 26. of this moneth of August On Saturday being the 27. day there came 2. Negros aboord our Admiral from the shore and made signes vnto our Generall that there was a Portugal ship vp within the harborough so the Hugh Gallant beeing the Rere-admirall went vp 3 or 4. leagues but for want of a Pilot they sought no farther for the harborough runneth 3. or 4. leagues vp more and is of a marueilous bredth and very dangerous as we learned afterward by a Portugal On Sunday the 28. the Generall sent some of his company on shore and there as they played and daunced all the forenoone among the Negros to the end to haue heard some good newes of the Portugal ship toward their comming aboord they espied a Portugal which lay hid among the bushes whom we tooke and brought away with vs the same night and he tolde vs it was very dangerous going vp with our boates for to seeke the ship that was at the towne Whereupon wee went not to seeke her because we knew he told vs the trueth for we bound him and made him fast and so examined him Also he told vs that his ship was there cast away and that there were two more of his company among the Negros the Portugals name was Emmanuel and was by his occupation a Calker belonging to the Port of Portugal On Munday morning being the 29. day our Generall landed with 70. men or thereabout and went vp to their towne where we burnt 2. or 3. houses and tooke what spoyle wee would which was but litle but al the people fled and in our retiring aboord in a very litle plaine at their townes ende they shot their arrowes at vs out of the woods and hurt 3. or 4. of our men their arrowes were poysoned but yet none of our men miscaryed at that time thanked be God Their towne is marueilous artificially builded with mudde walles and built round with their yards pales in and kept very cleane aswell in their streetes as in their houses These Negros vse good obedience to their king as one of our men sayd which was with them in pawne for the Negros which came first There were in their towne by estimation about one hundred houses The first of September there went many of our men on shore at the watering place and did wash shirts very quietly all the day and the second day they went againe and the Negros were in ambush round about the place and the carpenter of the Admiral going into the wood to doe some speciall businesse espied them by good fortune But the Negros rushed out vpon our men so suddenly that in retiring to our boates many of them were hurt among whom one William Pickman a souldier was shot into the thigh who plucking the arrow out broke it and left the head behinde and he told the Chirurgions that he plucked out all the arrow because he would not haue them lance his thigh whereupon the poyson wrought so that night that hee was marueilously swollen and all his belly and priuie parts were as blacke as ynke and the next morning he died the peece of the arrow with the poyson being plucked out of his thigh The third day of the sayd moneth diuers of our fleete went vp 4. myles within the harbour with our boate and caught great store of fish and went on shore and tooke Limmons from the trees and comming aboord againe saw two Buffes The 6. day we departed from Sierra leona and went out of the harborough and stayed one tide 3. leagues from the point of the mouth of the Harborough in 6. fathoms and it floweth South Southwest On wednesday being the 7. of the same moneth wee departed from one of the Isles of Cape Verde alià s the Isles of Madrabumba which is 10. leagues distant from the poynt of Sierra leona and about fiue of the clocke the same night we anchored 2. miles off the Iland in 6. fathoms water and landed the same night and found Plantans only vpon the Ilande The 8. day one of our boats went out sounded round about the Iland they passed through a sound at the west end of the Iland where they found 5. fathoms round about the Iland vntil they came vnto the very gutte of the sound and then for a cast or two they had but 2. fathoms and presently after 6. fathoms and so deeper and deeper And at the East ende of the Iland there was a towne where Negros doe vse at sometimesâ— as we perceiued by their prouision There is no fresh water on all the South side as we could perceiue but on the North side three or foure very good places of fresh water and all the whole Iland is a wood saue certaine litle places where their houses stand which are inuironed round about with Plantan-trees whereof the fruit is excellent meat This place is subiect marueilous much to thunder raine and lightning in this moneth I thinke the reason is because the sunne is so neere the line Equinoctiall On saturday the tenth wee departed from the sayde Iland about 3. of the clocke in the afternoone the winde being at the Southwest The last of October running West Southwest about 24. leagues from Cape Frio in Brasile we fell with a great mountaine which had an high round knoppe on the top of it standing from it like a towne with two litle Ilands from it The first of Nouember wee went in betweene the Iland of Saint Sebastian and the mayne land and had our things on shore and set vp Forge and had our caske on shore our coopers made hoopes and so we remayned there vntill the 23. day of the same moneth in which time we fitted our things built our Pinnesse and filled our fresh water And while our Pinnesse was in building there came a Canoa from the riuer of Ienero meaning to goe to S. Vincent wherein were sixe naked slaues of the Countrey people which did rowe the Canoa and one Portugal And the Portugal knewe Christopher Hare Master of the Admirall for that Master Hare had bene at Saint Vincent in the Minion of London in the yeere 1581. And thinking to haue Iohn Whithal the Englishman which dwelleth at Saint Vincent come vnto vs which is twentie leagues from this Harborough with some other thereby to haue had some fresh victuals we suffered the Portugal to goe with a letter vnto him who promised to
Cape S. Francisco the course is North by East South and by West and the distance is 40 leagues Item Frâ—m Cape S. Francisco vnto the cape that is called Cape Blanco which cape is on the coast of New Spaine the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 160 leagues and you shall haue a great current that setteth out of the bay of Panama and the sayd current setteth South out Item From Cape Blanco vnto the Port de Veles the course is Northeast and Southwest and the distance 8 leagues Item From the Port de Veles vnto the port of S. Iohn the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 17 leagues Item From the port of S. Iohn vnto Rio Lexo the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 40 leagues Item From Râ—o Lexo vnto the gulfe of Fonsecco the course is Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast and they are distant 14 leagues Item In the mouth of Rio Lexo there lieth one iland and you must goe in on the Northwest part of that iland on the which iland you may be bolde for to borrow on and you must goe from that iland Southeast vp Item That in the gulfe of Fonsecco you shall haue lying ten ilands whereof three be peopled with Indians whereon you may haue water wood and salt Item On the West side of the gulfe of Fonsecco there is one towne of Indians which is called Mapal in which towne there is great store of beeues Item From the râ—uer Lexo vnto the bay of Sonsonate the course is East and West and the distance is 60 leagues Item From the bay of Sonsonate vnto the port of Aguaâ—â—lco the course is Northwest and by West Southeast aâ—d by East and the distance 160 leagues Item From the bay of Coppeleto vnto the port of Aguaâ—ulco it is 2 leagues the course is West and by North East and by South Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Angeles the course is East and West and they â—re distant 12 leagues Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Acapulco the course is West by North East and by South and the dâ—stance is 78 leagues Item From the port of Acapulco vnto the port of S. Iago the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 80 leagues Item From the port of S. Iago vnto the port of Natiuidad the course is East and West and the distance is 7 leagues Item From the port of Natiuidad vnto port of the ilands of Chiametla the course is East and West and the distance is 10 leagues Item From the ilands of Chiametla vnto Cape de los Corrientes the course is Northwest and by West Southeast and by East and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the Cape de los Corrientes vnto the bay of Xalisco the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 18 lâ—agues Item From the bay of Xalisco vnto the port of Chiametlan the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 30 lâ—agues Item From the Caâ—e de los Corrientes vnto tâ—e ilands called Las â—â—es Marias the course is Northwest and Southeaâ—â—â—nd tâ—e distance is 20 leagues Item From the Câ—pe de los Câ—rrientes vnto the cape of Santa Clara on the point of California the course is Weâ—tâ—orthwest and Eastsoutheast and the distance is 108 leagues A note from the coast of America vnto the Westwards ITem From the cape of Santa Clâ—ra vnto the ilands of The Ladrones the course is West and by South East and by Nâ—â—th and the distance betweene thâ—m is 1850 leagues Item That the â—ouâ—â—eâ—most iland of the Ladrones standeth in the latitude of 12 degrees and 10 minuts and from theâ—ce vnto the Northâ—rmost iland the course is Nâ—rthnortheast Sâ—uthsouthwest and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 200 leagues and the said Norâ—hermost iland standeth in 21 degrees 10 minuts Item From one of the ilands of the Ladrones which standeth in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts which iland is called Guâ—ihaâ—me vnto the Cape de Spirito santo which cape is vpon one of the ilands of the Philippinas the course is West and to the Southwards and the distance is 320 leagues Item From the cape of Spirito santo vnto the mouth of the entrance of the Streights of the Philippinas the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 15 leagues Item From the mouth of the Streights vnto the iland of Capul the course is Southwest and by West 6 leagues Item From the iland of Capul vnto the North head of the iland called Masbat the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues Item From the North head of the iland called Masbat vnto the iland called Seboion the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues A note of our course kept from the iland Seboion vnto the Southwards ITem From the iland of Seboion vnto the East end of the iland called Pannay the course is Southeast and by South Northwest and by West and the distance is 22 leagues Item That off the Easter end of the iland of Pannay there lie certâ—ine small ilands vnto the number of 12 or more and you shall haue shoald water among them Item From the Easter end of Pannay vnto a bay that iâ— called The bay of Lago grande on the same iland the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the diâ—â—ance is 18 leagues Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto the iland that is called Ysla de los Negros is the distance of 6 leagues Southeast and Northwest Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto three small ilands that stand in the latitude of 10 degrees the course is South and by West 12 leagues Furthermore from those three ilands vnto the Westermost end of Ysla de los Negros the course is Southwest and Northeast 10 leagues where we were cleere of the ilands of the Philippinas Item From the South end of Ysla de los Negros vnto the North head of the iland called Mindanao the course is South and North and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the North end of Mindanao vnto the South head of the sayd iland which is called Cape Cannal the course is South and by West North and by East and the distance is 26 leagues Item From the cape of Cannal betweene the South and the Westsouthwest about 10 or 12 leagues off you shall haue great store of small ilands about the number of 24 or more Item From the cape of Cannal vnto the cape of Batochina the course is Souâ—hsouthwest and Northnortheast and the distance is 100 leagues and betweene them setteth a great current vnto the Eastward Item
of the English nation EDuinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis id est eius quae ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt Anglorum pariter Britonum populis praefuit praeter Cantuarios tantùm necnòn Menauias Britonum insulas quae inter Hiberniam Britanniam sitae sunt Anglorum subiecit potestati The same in English EDwin king of the people of Northumberland that is to say of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British nation except onely the people of Kent who also brought in subiection vnder the English the Isles of Man and Anglesey and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons which are situate betweene Britaine and Ireland Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose Lib. 2. cap. 9. ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcente simo vicesimo quarto gens Nordanhumbrorum hoc est ea natio Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat cum rege suo Eduino verbum fidei praedicante Paulino cuius supra meminimus suscepit cui videlicèt regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei regni coelestis potestas terreni creuerat imperij ita vt quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit omnes Britanniae fines qua velipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur sub ditione acceperit Quin Menauias insulas sicut supra docuimus imperio subiugauit Anglorum Quarum prior quae ad austrum est situ amplior frugum prouentu atque vbertate foelicior nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram iuxta aestimationem Anglorum secunda trecentarum vltrà spatium tenet The same in English IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord sixe hundreth twentie and foure the people of Northumberland to wit those English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber together with their king Edwin at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned embraced the Gospel Under which king after he had once accepted of the Christian faith the power both of the heauenly of his earthly kingdome was inlarged insomuch that he which no English king had done before him brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces of Britaine which were inhabited either by the English men themselues or by the Britons Moreouer he subdued vnto the crowne of England as we haue aboue signified the Hebrides commonly called the Westerne Islands The principall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the South and more abounding with corne then the rest conteineth according to the estimation of the English roome enough for 960. families and â—he second for 300. and aboue The voyage of Bertus generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland in the yere of our Lord 684 out of the 4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum misso Hiberniam cum excercitu duce Berto vastauit miserè gentem innoxiam nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam ita vt nec ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret hostilis At insulani quantum valuere armis arma repellebant inuocantes diuinae auxilium pietatis coelitus â—e vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint creditum tamen est quòd hi qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur ocyùs Domino vindice poenas sui reatus luerent The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 684 Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie which Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses they pleaded for reuenge And albeit cursed speakers can by no meanes inherit the kingdome of God it was thought notwithstanding that they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England about the yere 890. OCther said that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other Norman He sayd that he dwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast and affirmed that the land notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North yet it is all desert and not inhabited vnlesse it be very few places here and there where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast who liue by hunting all the Winter and by fishing in Summer He said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooue and know how farâ—e that land stretched Northward and whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the desert Whereupon he tooke his voyage directly North along the coast hauing vpon his sâ—eereboord alwayes the desert land and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean and continued his course for the space of 3. dayes In which space he was come as far towards the North as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land he knew not how farre Well he wist and remembred that he was faine to stay till he had a Westerne winde and somewhat Northerly and thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde â—orsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes and at the fifth dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course and in conclusion turneâ— backe againe for he durst not enter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land perceiuing that on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited which was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his owne dwelling whereas continually thorowout all his voyage he had euermore on his steereboord a wildernesse and desert countrey except
or fountaines the water of which so soone as it entereth into the lake becommeth hard salte like vnto ice And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great reuenues for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte and for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera There come by sea also many ships for salt which pay tribute euery one of them according to their burden The third day after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia we found the Tartars Amongst whome being entered me thought I was come into a new world Whose liâ—e and maners I wil describe vnto your Highnes aswell as I can Of the Tartars and of their houses Chap. 2. THey haue in no place any setled citie to abide in neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues which stretcheth from the riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne And euery of their captaines according to the great or or small number of his people knoweth the bounds of his pastures and where he ought to feed his cattel winter and summer Spring and autumne For in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward In winter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground they feede their cattell vpon pastures without water because then they vse snow in stead of water Their houses wherein they sleepe they ground vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together the roofe whereof consisteth in like sorte of wickers meeting aboue into one little roundell out of which roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a chimney which they couer with white felte and oftentimes they lay morter or white earth vpon the sayd felt with the powder of bones that it may shine white And sometimes also they couer it with blacke felte The sayd felte on the necke of their house they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures Before the doore likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer For they spend all their coloured felt in painting vines trees birds and beastes thereupon The sayd houses they make so large that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes I found it to be 20 feete ouer and when the house was vpon the carte it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least I told 22. oxen in one teame drawing an house vpon a cart eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the carte and eleuen more before them the axletree of the carte was of an huge bignes like vnto the mast of a ship And a fellow stood in the doore of the house vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen Moreouer they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chestes and afterward from one side to another they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers and make a doore in the fore side thereof And then they couer the sayd chest or little house with black felt rubbed ouer with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers And in such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe treasure Also the same chests they do strongly bind vpon other carts which are drawen with camels to y e end they may wade through riuers Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off their carts When they take down their dwelling houses they turne the doores alwayes to the South next of all they place the carts laden with their chests here there within half a stones cast of y e house insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts as it were between two wals The matrons make for theÌ„selues most beautiful carts which I am not able to describe vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie for I would right willingly haue painted al things for you had my skill bin ought in that art One rich Moal or Taâ—tar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues euery one of which hath one great house besides other little houses which they place behind the great one being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwel in And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. cartes When they take their houses from off the cartes the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier and so all the rest in their order so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East frontier and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village very few men abiding in the same One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once for their countries are very plaine and they binde the cartes with camels or oxen one behind another And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte driuing the oxen and al the residue follow on a like pace When they chance to come at any bad passage they let them loose and guide them ouer one by one for they goe a slowe pace as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke Of their beds and of their drinking pots Chap. 3. HAuing taken downe their houses from off their cartes and turning the doores Southward they place the bed of the master of the house at the North part thereof The womens place is alwaies on the East side namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face Southwards but the mens place is vpon y e West side namely at the right hand of their master Men when they enter into the house wil not in any case hang their quiuers on the womens side Ouer the masters head there is alwayes an image like a puppet made of felte which they call the masters brother and another ouer the head of the good wife or mistresse which they call her brother being fastened to the wall and aboue betweene both of them there is a little leane one which is as it were the keeper of the whole houâ—e The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at her beds feete on the right haâ—d the skinâ—e of a Kidde stuffed with wooll or some other matter and neare vnto that a litle image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women Next vnto the doore also on the womens side there is another image with a cowes vdder for the women that milke the kine For it is the duety of their women to milke kine On the other side of the doore next vnto the men there is another image with the vdder of a mare for the men which milke mares And when they come together to drinke and make merie they sprinckle parte
beleeueth not shal be condemned At this word he modestly smiled but the other Moals began to clap their hands and to deride vs. And my silly interpreter of whom especially I should haue receiued comfort in time of need was himself abashed vtterly daâ—â—t out of countenance Then after silence made I said vnto him I came vnto your sonne because we heard that he was become a Christian and I brought vnto him letters on the behalfe of my souereigne Lord the king of France and your sonne sent me hither vnto you The cause of my comming therefore is best known vnto your selfe Then he caused me to rise vp And he enquired your maiesties name and my name and the name of mine associate and interpreter and caused them all to be put down in writing He demaunded likewise because he had bene informed that you were departed out of your owne countreys with an armie against whom you waged warre I answered against the Saracens who had defiled the house of God at Ierusalem He asked also whether your Highnes had euer before that time sent any messengers vnto him or no To you sir said I neuer Then caused he vs to sit downe and gaue vs of his milke to drinke which they account to be a great fauour especially when any man is admitted to drinke Cosmos with him in his own house And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground he commanded me to lift vp my countenance being destrous as yet to take more diligent view of vs or els perhaps for a kinde of superstitious obseruation For they esteeme it a signe of ill lucke or a prognostication of euill vnto them when any man sâ—ts in their presence holding downe his head as if he were sad especially when he leanes his cheeke or chinne vpon his hand Then we departed forth and immediatly after came our guide vnto vs and conducting vs vnto our lodging saide vnto me Your master the King requesteth that you may remaine in this land which request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can Wherefore you and your interpreter must of necessitie goe vuto Mangu-Can Howbeit your associate and the other man shall returne vnto the court of Sartach staying therefor you till you come backe Then began the man of God mine interpreter to lament esteeming himselfe but a dead man Mine associate also protested that they should sooner chop off his head then withdrawe him out of my companie Moreouer I my selfe saide that without mine associate I coulde not goe and that we stood in neede of two seruants at the least to attend vpon vs because if one should chance to fall sicke we could not be without another Then returning vnto the court he told these sayings vnto Baatu And Baatu commanded saying let the two Priests and the interpreter goe together but let the clearke returne vnto Sartach And comming againe vnto vs hee tolde vs euen so And when I would haue spoken for the clearke to haue had him with vs he saide No more words for Baatu hath resolued that so it shall be and therefore I dare not goe vnto the court any more Goset the clearke had remaining of the almes money bestowed vpon him 26. Y perperas and no more 10. whereof he kept for himselfe and for the lad and 16. he gaue vnto the man of God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares he returning vnto the court of Sartach and our selues remaining still in the same place Of our iourney towards the Court of Mangu Can. Chap. 22. VPon Assumption euen our clearke arriued at the court of Sartach And on the morrow after the Nestorian Priestes were adorned with our vestments in the presence of the saide Sartach Then wee ouâ— selues were conducted vnto another hoste who was appointed to prouide vs houseroome victualles and horses But because wee had not ought to bestowe vpon him hee did all things vntowardly for vs. Then wee rode on forwarde with Baatu descending along by the banke of Etilia for the space of fiue weekes together Sometimes mine associate was so extremelie hungrie that hee would tell mee in a manner weeping that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in all his life before There is a faire or market following the court of Baatu at all times but it was so farre distant from vs that we could not haue recourse thereunto For wee were constrained to walke on foote for want of horses At length certaine Hungarians who had sometime bene after a sort Cleargie men found vs out and one of them could as yet sing many songs without booke and was accompted of other Hungarians as a Priest and was sent for vnto the funerals of his deceased countrey men There was another of them also pretily wel instructed in his Grammer for hee could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that wee spake but could not answere vs. These Hungarians were a great comfort vnto vs bringing vs Cosmos to drinke yea and sometimes flesh for to eate also who when they requested to haue some bookes of vs and I had not any giue them for indeede we had none but onely a Bible and a breuiarie it grieued mee exceedingly And I saide vnto them Bring mee some inke and paper and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here and they did so And I copied out for them Horas beatae Virginis and Officium defunctorum Moreouer vpon a certaine day there was a Comanian that accompanied vs saluting vs in Latine and saying Saluete Domini Wondering thereat and saluting him againe I demaunded of him who had taught him that kinde of salutation Hee saide that hee was baptized in Hungaria by our Friers and that of them hee learned it He saide moreouer that Baatu had enquired many things of him concerning vs and that hee tolde him the estate of our order Afterwarde I sawe Baatu riding with his companie and all his subiects that were housholders or masters of families riding with him and in mine estimation they were not fiue hundred persons in all At length about the ende of Holy roode there came a certaine rich Moal vnto vs whose father was a Millenarie which is a great office among them saying I am the man that must conduct you vnto Mangu-Can and wee haue thither a iourney of foure moneths long to trauell and there is such extreame colde in those parts that stones and trees doe euen riue asunder in regarde thereof Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your selues whether you be able to indure it or no. Unto whome I answered I hope by Gods helpe that we shal be able to brooke that which other men can indure Then he saide if you cannot indure it I wil forsake you by the way And I answered him it were not iust dealing for you so to doe for wee goe not thither vpon anie businesse of our owne but by reason that we are
had assembled aboue a hundreth small ships called hopes being well stored with victuals which hoyes hee was determined to haue brought into the sea by the way of Sluys or else to haue conueyed them by the saide Yper-lee being now of greater depth into any port of Flanders whatsoeuer In the riuer of Waten he caused 70. ships with flat bottomes to be built euery one of which should serue to cary 30. horses hauing eche of them bridges likewise for the horses to come on boord or to goe foorth on land Of the same fashion he had prouided 200. other vessels at Neiuport but not so great And at Dunkerk hee procured 28. ships of warre such as were there to be had and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be leuied at Hamburg Breme Emden and at other places Hee put in the ballast of the said ships great store of beames of thicke plankes being hollow and beset with yron pikes beneath but on eche side full of claspes and hookes to ioyne them together Hee had likewise at Greueling prouided 20. thousand of caske which in a short space might be compact and ioyned together with nailes and cords and reduced into the forme of a bridge To be short whatsoeuer things were requisite for the making of bridges and for the barring and stopping vp of hauens mouthes with stakes posts and other meanes he commanded to be made ready Moreouer not farre from Neiuport hauen he had caused a great pile of wooden fagote to be layd and other furniture to be brought for the rearing vp of a mount The most part of his ships conteined two ouens a piece to bake bread in with a great number of sadles bridles and such other like apparell for horses They had horses likewise which after their landing should serue to conuey and draw engines field-pieces and other warlike prouisions Neere vnto Neiuport he had assembled an armie ouer the which he had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Camp-master This army consisted of 30. bands or ensignes of Italians of tenne bands of Wallons eight of Scots and eight of Burgundians all which together amount vnto 56. bands euery band containing a hundreth persons Neare vnto Dixmud there were mustered 80. bands of Dutch men sixtie of Spaniards sixe of high Germans and seuen bands of English fugitiues vnder the conduct of sir William Stanlie an English knight In the suburbes of Cortreight there were 4000. horsemen together with their horses in a readinesse and at Waten 900. horses with the troupe of the Marques del Gwasto Captaine generall of the horsemen Unto this famous expedition and presupposed victorie many potentates princes and honourable personages hied themselues out of Spaine the prince of Melito called the duke of Pastrana and taken to be the sonne of one Ruygomes de Silua but in very deed accompted among the number of king Philips base sonnes Also the Marques of Burgraue one of the sonnes of Archiduke Ferdinand and Philippa Welsera Vespasian Gonsaga of the family of Mantua being for chiualry a man of great renowne and heretofore Uice-roy in Spaine Item Iohn Medices base sonne vnto the duke of Florence And Amadas of Sauoy the duke of Sauoy his base sonne with many others of inferiour degrees Likewise Pope Sixtus quintus for the setting forth of the foresaid expedition as they vse to do against Turkes infidels published a Cruzado with most ample indulgences which were printed in great numbers These vaine buls the English and Dutchmen deriding sayd that the deuill at all passages lay in ambush like a thiefe no whit regarding such letters of safe conduct Some there be which affirme that the Pope had bestowed the realme of England with the title of Defensor fidei vpon the king of Spaine giuing him charge to inuade it vpon this condition that hee should enioy the conquered realm as a vassal and tributarie in that regard vnto the sea of Rome To this purpose the said Pope proffered a million of gold the one halfe thereof to be paied in readie money and the other halfe when the realme of England or any famous port thereof were subdued And for the greater furtherance of the whole businesse he dispatched one D. Allen an English man whom hee had made Cardinall for the same ende and purpose into the Low countries vnto whom he committed the administration of all matters ecclesiasticall throughout England This Allen being enraged against his owne natiue countrey caused the Popes bull to be translated into English meaning vpon the arriual of the Spanish fleete to haue it so published in England By which Bull the excommunications of the two former Popes were confirmed and the Queenes most sacred Maiestie was by them most vniustly depriued of all princely titles and dignities her subiects being enioined to performe obedience vnto the duke of Parma and vnto the Popes Legate But that all matters might be performed with greater secrecie and that the whole expedition might seeme rather to be intended against the Low countries then against England and that the English people might be perswaded that all was but bare words threatnings and that nought would come to effect there was a solemne meeting appointed at Borborch in Flanders for a treatie of peace betweene her maiestie and the Spanish king Against which treatie the vnited prouinces making open protestation vsed all meanes possible to hinder it alleaging that it was more requisite to consult how the enemie now pressing vpon them might be repelled from off their frontiers Howbeit some there were in England that greatly vrged and prosecuted this league saying that it would be very commodious vnto the state of the realme as well in regard of traffique and nauigation as for the auoiding of great expenses to maintaine the warres affirming also that at the same time peace might easily and vpon reasonable conditions be obtained of the Spaniard Others thought by this meanes to diuert some other way or to keepe backe the nauy now comming vpon them and so to escape the danger of that tempest Howsoeuer it was the duke of Parma by these wiles enchanted and dazeled the eyes of many English Dutch men that were desirous of peace whereupon it came to passe that England and the vnited prouinces prepared in deed some defence to withstand that dreadfull expedition and huge Armada but nothing in comparison of the great danger which was to be feared albeit the constant report of the whole expedition had continued rife among them for a long time before Howbeit they gaue eare vnto the relation of certaine that sayd that this nauie was prouided to conduct and waft ouer the Indian Fleets which seemed the more probable because the Spaniards were deemed not to be men of so small discretion as to aduenture those huge and monstrous ships vpon the shallow and dangerous chanel of England At length when as the French king about the end of May signified vnto her Maiestie in plaine termes that she should
corporis dotes Constantius Chlorus Caesar illam duxit in vxorem atque ex eà filium in Britanniâ genuit Constantinum Magnum Sed eo tandem Eboraci defuncto cum Annâ illâ Euangelicâ in sanctâ viduitate perdurauit ad vltimum vitae diem tota Christianae religioni dedita Sunt enim authores qui narrent per istam cessante persecutione pacem Ecclesijs datam Ad tantam coelestis Philosophiae cognitionem eam ferunt post agnitum Euangelium peruenisse vt olim multos ediderit libros carmina quaedam Graeca quae hucúsque à Pontico superesse perhibentur Visionibus admonita Hierosolymam petijt omnia saluatoris loca perlustrauit Romae tandem octogenaria foeliciter in Christo quieuit .15 Kalendas Septembris filio adhuc superstite anno salutis humanae 337. Regnante apud Britannos Octauio Huius corpus non minimâ nunc curâ Venetijs seruatur The same in English HElena Flauia Augusta the heire and onely daughter of Coelus sometime the most excellent king of Britaine the mother of the Emperour Constantine the great by reason of her singular beautie faith religion goodnesse and godly Maiestie according to the testimonie of Eusebius was famous in all the world Amongst all the women of her time there was none either in the liberall arts more learned or in instruments of musike more skilfull or in the diuers languages of nations more abundant then herselfe She had a naturall quicknesse or excellency of wit eloquence of speech and a most notable grace in all her behauiour She was seene in the Hebrew Greeke and Latine tougues Her father as Virumnius reporteth had no other childe to succeed in the kingdome after him but her and therefore caused her to be instructed in these things by the best teachers that thereby she might the better in time gouerne the Realme so that by reason of her passing beautie and other her excellent giftes of body and minde Constantius Chlorus the Emperour married her and had by her a sonne called Constantine the great while hee remained in Britaine Who at length deceasing at Yorke this Helena no otherwise then Anna of whom mention is made in the new Testament continued a vertuous and holy widow to the end of her life There are some writers which doe affirme that persecution ceased and peace was granted to the Christian Churches by her good meanes After the light and knowledge of the Gospel she grewe so skilfull in diuinitie that shee wrote and composed diuers bookes and certaine Greeke verses also which as Ponticus reporteth are yet extant Being warned by some visions she went to Ierusalem and visiâ—ed all the places there which Christ had frequented She liued to the age of fourescore yeeres and then died at Rome the 15. day of August in the yeere of our redemption 337. Octauius being then king of Britaine and her sonne Constantine the Emperour then also liuing and her body is to this day very carefully preserued at Venice The life and trauels of Constantine the great Emperour and King of Britaine FLauius Constantinus cognomento Magnus post Genitorem CoÌ„stantium Britannorum Rex ac Romanorum Caesar Augustus ex Britannica matre in Britannia natus in Britannia creatus Imperator patriam natalem magnificè suae gloriae participem fecit Prosâ—igatis Alemanis Hispanis Francis eorúmque Regibus pro spectaculo bestijs obiectis Galliam subiectam tenuit Tres Helenae matris auunculos Britannos Leolinum Traherum Marium quos caeteris semper fidentiores habuerat in suis fortunis Italis à Maxentij tyrannide foelicitèr liberatis in Senatorum ordinem Romae promouir Innumerae in eo vt Eutropius habet claruêre tam animi quà m corporis virtutes dum appetentissimus esset gloriae militaris successu semper in bellis prospero Inter literas tam Graecas quà m Latinas à Christianissima matre Helena Christi fidem edoctus eos honorabat praecipuè qui in Philosophia Christiana vitam reclinassent Vnde ab Oceani finibus nempe Britannis incipiens ope fretus diuina religionis curam in medijs superstitionum tenebris cepit ab Occiduis ad Indos innumerasad aeternae spem vitae erigens gentes Animum diuinis exercendo studijs noctes trahebat insomnes quaesita scribendi diuerticula per otium frequentabat Imperium oratione ac Sanctis operationibus continendum ratus Egregius Christianae disciplinae praeco filios ac proceres docuit pietatem diuitijs omnibus at que adeò ipsi anteferre totius mundi Monarchiae Falsorum deorum euerfor Imaginum cultus per Graeciam AEgyptum Persiam Asiam vniuersam ditionem Romanam repetitis abrogat legibus iubens peredicta Christum coli Euangelium predicarisacrum Ministris honores alimentâ— dari atque idolorum vbÃque destrui templa Et vt fidei forma cunctis videretur Euangelium Iesu Christi ante se semper ferri fecir Biblia sacra ad omnes prouincias destinari diademá que Monarchicum primus Britannis regibus dedit Ecclesijs infinita praestiâ—it agros annonam stipem egenis aegris viduis ac orphanis pro quibusque vt pater sollicitus Eusebium Lactantium similes familiarissimos habuit hanc ad Deum orationem indiès ipsis in eius vita testibus fudit Vnum te Deum esse nouimus vnum te Regem intelligimus appellamus adiutorem nobis abs te victoria cecidit ex te Aduersarium fudimus c. Pro delicijs habuit vt Sextus Aurelianus tradit literarum studia colere bonos artes fouere legere scribere meditari composuit Graecè Latinè multos libros Epistolas E vita Nicomedie discessit Senex aetatis suae Anno 66. Imperij 32 à Christi verò incarnatione 339. Constantinopli sepultus Octauio in Británijs regnante Eius vitam in quatuor libris Eusebius Caesariensis Graecè scripsit Ioannes Portesius Gallus in Latinum transtulit sermonem ¶ The same in English FLauius Constantine surnamed the great king of the Britaine 's after his father and Emperor of the Romanes borne in Britanie of Helena his mother and there created Emperour made his natiue countrey partaker of his singular glory and renoume Hauing conquered and put to flight the Almanes Spaniards Frenchmen and their Kings for a spectacle throwen out to wild beasts he held France it selfe as subiect vnto him and hauing happily deliuered the Italians from the tyrannie of Maxentius he preferred three of his mothers vncles all Britaines namely Leoline Trahere and Marius whom in all his actions he had found more faithfull vnto him then any others to be of the order of the Romane Senators Eutropius reporteth that he infinitely excelled in the vertues both of the mind and body also and that hauing a pleasure in the practise of warre and in the iust commendation of Martiall prowesse he neuer pitched his field but his successe in the battel was alwayes victorious His mother Helena hauing
from approching neere vnto their emperour Upon the chariot also two milke-white Ier-falcons doe sitâ— and seeing any game which hee would take hee letteth them flie and so theâ— take it and after this maner doeth hee solace himselfe as hee rideth Moreouer no man dare come within a stones cast of the chariot but such as are appointed The number of his owne followers of his wiues attendants and of the traine of his first begotten sonne and heire apparant would seeme incredible vnto any man vnlesse hee had seene it with his owne eyes The foresayd great Can hath deuided his Empire into twelue partes or Prouinces and one of the sayd prouinces hath two thousand great cities within the precincts thereof Whereupon his empire is of that length and breadth that vnto whatsoeuer part thereof he intendeth his iourny he hath space enough for six moneths continual progresse except his Islands which are at the least 5000. Of certaine Innes or hospitals appointed for trauailers throughout the whole empire THe foresayâ— Emperor to the end that trauailers may haue all things necessary throughout his whole empire hath caused certaine Innes to be prouided in sundry places vpon the high wayes where all things pertaining vnto victuals are in a continuall readinesse And when any alteration or newes happen in any part oâ— his Empire if he chance to be farre absent from that part his ambassadors vpon horses or dromedaries ride post vnto him and when themselues and their beasts are weary they blow their horne at the noise whereof the next Inne likewise prouideth a horse and a man who takes the letter of him that is weary and runneth vnto another Inne and so by diuers Innes and diuers postes the report which ordinarily could skarce come in 30. dayes is in one naturall day brought vnto the emperor and therefore no matter of any moment can be done in his empire but straightway he hath intelligence thereof Moreouer when y â— great Can himselfe will go on hunting he vseth this custome Some twenty dayes iourney from the citie of Kambaleth there is a forrest containing sixe dayes iourney in circuit in which forrest there are so many kinds of beasts and birds as it is incredible to report Unto this forrest at the ende of euery third or fourth yeere himselfe with his whole traine resorteth and they all of them together enuiron the sayd forrest sending dogs into the same which by hunting do bring foorth the beasts namely lions and stags and other creatures vnto a most beautifull plaine in the midst of the forrest because all the beasts of the forrest doe tremble especially at the cry of hounds Then commeth the great Can himselfe being caried vpon three elephants and shooteth fiue arrowes into the whole herd of beasts and after him all his Barons and after them the rest of his courtiers and family doe all in like maner discharge their arrowes also and euery mans arrow hath a sundry marke Then they all goe vnto the beasts which are slaine suffering the liuing beasts to returne into the wood that they may haue more sport with them another time and euery man enioyeth that beast as his owne wherein he findeth his arrow sticking Of the foure feasts which the great Can solemnizeth euery yeere in his Court. FOure great feasts in a yeere doeth the emperor Can celebrate namely the feast of his birth the feast of his circumcision the feast of his coronation and the feast of his mariage And vnto these feasts he inuiteth all his Barons his stage-players and all such as are of his kinred Then the great Can sitting in his throne all his Barons present themselues before him with wreaths and crownes vpon their heads being diuersly attired for some of them are in greene namely the principall the second are in red and the third in yellow and they hold each man in his hand a little Iuorie table of elephants tooth and they are girt with golden girdles of halfe a foote broad and they stand vpon their feete keeping silence About them stand the stage-players or musicians with their instruments And in one of the corners of a certaine great pallace all the Philosophers or Magicians remaine fâ—r certaine howers and doe attend vpon points or characters and when the point and hower which the sayd Philosophers expected for is come a certaine crier crieth out with a loud voyce saying Incline or bowe your selues before your Emperour with that all the Barons fall flat vpon the earth Then hee crieth out againe Arise all and immediately they all arise Likewise the Philosophers attend vpon a point or character the second time and when it is fulfilled the crier crieth out amaine Put your fingers in your eares and foorthwith againe he saieth Plucke them out Againe at the third point he crieth Boult this meale Many other circumstances also doe they performe all which they say haue some certaine signification howbeit neither would I write them nor giue any heed vnto them because they are vaine and ridiculous And when the musicians hower is come then the Philosophers say Solemnize a feast vnto your Lord with that all of them sound their instruments making a great and a melodious noyse And immediately another crieth Peace peace and they are all whist Then come the women-musicians and sing sweetly before the Emperour which musike was more delightfull vnto me After them come in the lions and doe their obeisance vnto the great Can. Then the iuglers cause golden cups full of wine to flie vp and downe in the ayre and to apply themselues vnto mens mouthes that they may drinke of them These and many other strange things I sawe in the court of the great Can which no man would beleeue vnlesse he had seen them with his owne eies and therefore I omit to speake of them I was informed also by certaine credible persons of another miraculous thing namely that in a certaine kingdome of the sayd Can wherein stand the mountains called Kapsei the kingdomes name is Kalor there growe great Gourds or Pompious which being ripe doe open at the tops and within them is found a little beast like vnto a yong lambe euen as I my selfe haue heard reported that there stand certaine trees vpon the sâ—ore of the Irish sea bearing fruit like vnto a gourd which at a certaine time of the yeere doe fall into the water and become birds called Bernacles and this is most true Of diuers prouinces and cities ANd after three yeres I departed out of the empire of Cataie trauailing fiftie dayes iourney towards the West And at length I came vnto the empire of Pretegoani whose principall city is Kosan which hath many other cities vnder it From thence passing many dayes trauell I came vnto a prouince called Casan which is for good commodities one of the onely prouinces vnder the Sunne and is very well inhabited inâ—omuch that when we depart out of the gates of one city we may beholde the gates
and some other spices The saide shippe called the Holy Crosse was so shaken in this voyage and so weakened that she was layd vp in the docke and neuer made voyage after Another voyage to the Iles of Candia and Chio made by the shippe the Mathew Gonson about the yeere 1535 according to the relation of Iohn Williamson then Cooper in the same ship made to M. Richard Hackluit in the yeere 1592. THe good shippe called the Mathew Gonson of burden 300 tunnes whereof was owner old M. William Gonson pay-master of the kings Nauie made her voyage in the yere 1535. In this ship went as Captaine Richard Gray who long after died in Russia Master William Holftocke afterward Controuller of the Queenes Nauie went then as purser in the same voyage The Master was one Iohn Pichet seruant to old M. William Gonson Iames Rumnie was Masters mate The master cooper was Iohn Williamson citizen of London liuing in the yeere 1592 and dwelling in Sant Dunstons parish in the East The M. Gunner was Iohn Godfrey of Bristoll In this ship were 6 gunners and 4 trumpetters all which foure trumpetters at our returne homewards went on land at Messina in the Iland of Sicilia as our ship road there at anker gat them into the Gallies that lay neere vnto vs in them went to Rome The whole number of our companie in this ship were about 100. men we were also furnished with a great bote which was able to cary 10 tunnes of water which at our returne homewards we towed all the way from Chio vntill we came through the straight of Gibaltar into the maine Ocean We had also a great long boat and a skiff We were out vpon this voyage eleuen moneths yet in all this time there died of sicknesse but one man whose name was George Forrest being seruant to our Carpenter called Thomas Plummer In a great lygier booke of one William Eyms seruant vnto Sir William Bowyerâ— Alderman of London bearing date the 15 of Nouember 1533 and continued vntill the 4 of Iuly 1544. I find that he the said William Eyms was factor in Chio not only for his Master but also for the duke of Norfolkes grace for many other worshipful marchants of London among whom I find the accompts of these especially to wit of his said Master sir William Bowyer of William Nicholas Wilford Marchant-taylors of London of Thomas Curtis pewterer of Iohn Starky Merter of William Ostrige Marchant of Richard Field Draper And further I find in the said ligier booke a note of the said Eyms of all such goods as he left in the hands of Robert Bye in Chio who became his Masters factor in his roome and another like note of particulers of goods that he left in the hands of Oliuer Lesson seruant to William and Nicholas Wilford And for proofe of the continuance of this trade vntill the end of the yeere 1552. I found annexed vnto the former note of the goods left with Robert Bye in Chio a letter being dated the 27 of Nouember 1552 in London The Epitaph of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read in the south I le of Saint Peters Church in the citie of Norwich which was knighted by Charles the fift at the winning of Tunis in the yeere of our Lord 1538. HEre vnder lyeth the corpes of Peter Reade Esquire who hath worthily serued not onely his Prince and Countrey but also the Emperour Charles the fift both at his conquest of Bâ—rbarie and at his siege at Tunis as also in other places Who had giuen him by the sayd Emperour for his valiant deedes the order of Barbary Who dyed the 29 day of December in the yeere of our Lord God 1566. The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with Charles the fift 1541 drawen out of his booke De Republica Anglorum instauranda THomas Chalonerus patria Londinensis studio Cantabrigensis educatione aulicus religione pius veréque Christianus fuit Itaque cum inuenilem aetatemâ— mentemque suam humanioribus studijs roborasset Domino Henrico Kneuetto à potentissimo rege Henrico eius nominis octauo ad Carolum quintum imperatorem transmisâ—o legato vnà cum illo profectus est tanquam familiaris amicus veleidem à confilijs Quo quidem tempore Carolo quinto nauali certamine à Genua Corsica in Algyram in Africa contra Turcas classem soluente ac hostiliter proficiscente ornatissimo illo Kneuetto legato regis Thoma Chalonero Henrico Knolleo Henrico Isamo illustribus viris eundem in illa expeditione suapte sponte sequentibus pariterque militantibus mirifice vitam suam Chalonerus tutatus est Nam triremi illa in qua fuerat vel scopulis allisa vel grauissimis procellis conquassata naufragus cum se diù natatu defendisset deficientibus viribus brachijs manibusque languidis ac quasi eneruatis prehensa dentibus cum maxima difficultate rudenti quae ex altera triremi iam propinqua tum fuerat eiecta non sine dentium aliquorum iactura ac fractura sese tandem recuperauit ac domum integer relapsus est The same in English THomas Chaloner was by birth a Londiner by studie a Cantabrigian by education a Courtier by religion a deuout and true Christian. Therfore after he had confirmed his youth and minde in the studies of good learning when Sir Henry Kneuet was sent ambassadour from the mighty Prince Henry the 8. to the Emperour Charles the fift he went with him as his familiar friend or as one of his Councell At which time the said Charles the 5. passing ouer from Genoa and Corsica to Alger in Africa in warlike sort with a mighty army by sea that honorable Kneuet the kings ambassadour Thomas Chaloner Henry Knolles and Henry Isham right worthy persons of their owne accord accompanied him in that expedition serued him in that warre wherin Thomas Chaloner escaped most wonderfully with his life For the gally wherein he was being either dashed against the rockes or shaken with mighty stormes and so cast away after he had saued himselfe a long while by swimming when his strength failed him his armes hands being faint and weary with great difficulty laying hold with his teeth on a cable which was cast out of the next gally not without breaking and losse of certaine of his teeth at length recouered himselfe and returned home into his countrey in safety The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham with the great Barke Aucher to Candia and Chio in the yeere 1550. IN the yeere 1550. the 13 of Nouember I Roger Bodenham Captaine of the Barke Aucher entered the said ship at Grauesend for my voiage to the Ilands of Candia and Chio in the Leuant The master of my ship was one William Sherwood From thence we departed to â—ilbery hope and there remained with contrarie windes vntill the 6. of Ianuary 1551. The 6 of Ianuarie the M. came to Tilbery and I had prouided a skilfull pylot to
reason thereof made great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good mealâ— Insomuch til at the last God sent him fauour in the sight of the keeper of the prison so that he had leaue to goe in and out to the road at his pleasure paying a certaine stipend vnto the keeper and wearing a locke about his leg which libertie likewise sixe more had vpon like sufferance who by reason of their long imprisonment not being feared or suspected to start aside or that they would worke the Turkes any mischiefe had libertie to go in and out at the sayd road in such maner as this Iohn Fox did with irons on their legs and to returne againe at night In the yeere of our Lord 1577. in the Winter season the gallies happily comming to their accustomed harborow and being discharged of all their mastes sailes and other such furnitures as vnto gallies doe appertaine and all the Masters and mariners of them being then nested in their owne homes there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred threescore and eight Christian prisoners who had bene taken by the Turks force and were of sixteen sundry nations Among which there were three Englishmen whereof one was named Iohn Foxe of Woodbridge in Suffolke the other William Wickney of Portsmouth in the Countie of Southhampton and the third Robert Moore of Harwich in the Countie of Essex Which Iohn Fox hauing bene thirteene or foureteene yeres vnder their gentle entreatance and being too too weary thereof minding his escape weighed with himselfe by what meanes it might be brought to passe and continually pondering with himself thereof tooke a good heart vnto him in hope that God would not be not alwayes scourging his children and neuer ceassed to pray him to further his pretended enterprise if that it should redound to his glory Not farre from the road and somewhat from thence at one side of the Citie there was a certaine viâ—tualling house which one Peter Vnticaro had hired paying also a certaine fee vnto the keeper of the road This Peter Vnticaro was a Spaniard borne and a Christian and had bene prisoner about thirtie yeeres and neuer practised any meanes to escape but kept himselfe quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracie vntill that nowe this Iohn Foxe vsing much thither they brake one to another their mindes concerning the restrainâ— of their libertie and imprisonment So that this Iohn Fox at length opening vnto this Vnticaro the deuise which he would faine put in practise made priuie one more to this their intent Which three debated of this matter at such times as they could compasse to meete together insomuch that at seuen weekes ende they had sufficiently concluded how the matter should be if it pleased God to farther them thereto who making fiue more priuie to this their deuise whom they thought they might safely trust determined in three nights after to accomplish their deliberate purpose Whereupon the same Iohn Fox and Peter Vnticaro and the other sixe appointed to meete all together in the prison the next day being the last day of December where this Iohn Fox certified the rest of the prisoners what their intenâ— and deuise was and how and when they minded to bring their purpose to passe who thereunto perswaded them without much a doe to further their deuise Which the same Iohn Fox seeing deliuered vnto them a sort of files which he had gathered together for this purpose by the meaues of Peter Vnticaro charging them that euery man should be readie discharged of his yrons by eight of the clocke on the next day at night On the next day at night this said Iohn Fox and his sixe other companions being all come to the house of Peter Vnticaro passing the time away in mieth for feare of suspect till the night came on so that it was time for them to put in practise their deuise sent Peter Vnticaro to the master of the roade in the name of one of the Masters of the citie with whom this keeper was acquainted and at whose request he also would come at the first who desired him to take the paines to meete him there promising him that he would bring him backe againe The keeper agreed to goe with him willing the warders not to barre the gate saying that he would not stay long but would come againe with all speede In the meane sâ—ason the other seuen had prouided them of such weapons as they could get in that house and Iohn Fox tooke him to an olde rustie sword blade without either hilt or pomell which he made to serue his turne in bending the hand ende of the sword in steed of a pomell and the other had got such spits and glaiues as they found in the house The keeper now being come vnto the house and perceiuing no light nor hearing any noyse straightway suspected the matter and returning backward Iohn Fox standing behind the corner of the house stepped foorth vnto him who perceiuing it to be Iohn Fox saide O Fox what haue I deserued of thee that thou shouldest seeke my death Thou villaine quoth Fox hast bene a bloodsucker of many a Christians blood and now thou shalt know what thou hast deserued at my handes wherewith he lift vp his bright shining sword of tenne yeeres rust and stroke him so maine a blowe as there withall his head claue a sunder so that he fell starke dead to the ground Whereupon Peter Vnticaro went in and certified the rest how the case stood with the keeper who came presently foorth and some with their spits ranne him through and the other with their glaiues hewed him in sunder cut off his head and mangled him so that no man should discerne what he was Then marched they toward the roade whereinto they entered sofâ—ly where were six warders whom one of them asked saying who was there quoth Fox his company all friendes Which when they were all within proued contrary for quoth Fox my masters here is not to euery man a man wherefore looke you play your parts Who so behaued themselues in deede that they had dispatched these sixe quickly Then Iohn Fox intending not to be barred of his enterprise and minding to worke surely in that which he went about barred the gate surely and planted a Canon against iâ— Then entred they into the Gailers lodge where they found the keyes of the fortresse prison by his bed side and there had they all better weapons In this chamber was a chest wherein was a rich treasure and all in duckats which this Peter Vnticaro two more opening stuffed themselues so full as they could betweene their shirts and their skinne which Iohn Fox would not once touch and sayde that it was his and their libertie which he sought for to the honour of his God not to make a marâ—e of the wicked treasure of the Infidels Yet did these words siâ—ke nothing into their stomakes they did it
flusses of copper called Estiui whereof 12 make a mamedine which is the value of one medine Aleppine the said mamedine is of siluer hauing the Moresco stampe on both sides and two of these make a danine which is 2 medines Aleppine The said danine is of siluer hauing the Turkesco stampe on both sides 2 and a halfe of these make a Saie which is in value as the Saie of Aleppo The said Saie is of the similitude and stampe of Aleppo being as appeares 60 estiues Also one Say and 20 estiues make a larine which is of Aleppo money 6 medines and a halfe The sayd larine is a strange piece of money not being round as all other currant money in Christianitie but is a small rod of siluer of the greatnesse of the pen of a goose feather wherewith we vse to write and in length about one eight part thereof which is wrested so that the two ends meeâ— at the iust halfe part and in the head thereof is a stampe Turkesco and these be the best currant money in all the Indias and 6 of these larines make a duckat which is 40 medines or eight Saies of Aleppo The duckat of gold is woorth there 7 larines and one danine which is of Aleppo money 48 medines and a halfe The Venetian money is worth larines 88 per 100 meticals which is 150 drams of Aleppo vt supra The roials of plate are worth 88 larines by the 100 meticals albeit among the marchants they sel by the 100 meticals yet in the mint or castle they sel by the 100 drams hauing there lesse then the worth 5 medines in each hundred drams and haue their paiment in 40 dayes made them in Saies or larines The custome of the said places aswell inward as outward are alike of all sorts of goods to say 6 by the 100 and Toafo Boabo seriuâ—n medines 6 by the bale inward outward to say 3 inward and as much outward but who so leaueth his goods in the custome house paieth nothing where otherwise at the taking thereof away he should pay 3 med by the bale and of the said goods there is no other duty to pay and this commeth to passe wheÌ„ the customers esteeme the goods too high For in such a case they may be driuen to take so much commoditie as the custome amounteth to and not to pay them in money for such is the order from the Grand Signior Hauing paid the custome it behoueth to haue a quittance or cocket sealed and firmed with the customers hand in confirmatioÌ„ of the dispatch and clearing and before departure thence to cause the sayd customer to cause search to be made to the end that at the voiages returne there be no cauillation made as it oftentimes happeneth Note that 100 meticals of Balsara weigh 17 ounces and a halfe sottile Venetian and of Aleppo drams 150 vt supra The fraight of the barkes from Ormuz to Balsara I would say from Balsara to Ormuz they pay according to the greatnesse thereof To say for cariage of 10 cares 180 larines those of 15 cares 270 larines those of 20 cares 360 larines those of 30 cares 540 larines Note that a carâ— is 4 quintals of Balsara They pay also to the pilot of the barke for his owne cariage one care and to all the rest of the mariners amongst them 3 cares fraight which is in the whole 4 cares and paying the aboue sayd prises and fraights they are at no charges of victuals with them but it is requisite that the same be declared in the charter partie with the condition that they lade not aboord one rotilo more then the fraight vnder paines that finding more in Ormuz it is forfeit and besides that to pay the fraight of that which they haue laden And in this accord it behoueth to deale warilie and in the presence of the Ermin or some other honest man whereof there are but few for they are the worst people in all Arabia And this diligence must be put in executioÌ„ to the end the barks may not be ouerladen because they are to passe many sands betwixt Balsara and Ormuz ORMVZ The weight measure and money currant in the kingdom of Ormuz SPices and drugs they weigh by the bar and of euery sort of goods the weight is different To say of some drugs 3 quintals and 3 erubi or roues and other some 4 quintals 25 rotiloes and yet both is called a barre which barre as well great as litle is 20 frasolâ— and euery frasoli is 10 manas and euery mana 23 chiansi and euery chianso 10 meticals and a halfe Note that euery quintall maketh 4 erubi or roues and euery roue 32 rotiloes euery rotilo 16 ounces and euery ounce 7 meticals so that the quintall commeth to be 128 rotiloes which is Aleppine 26 rotiloes and one third part which is 132 li. english weight And contrarywise y e quintal of Aleppo which is 494 rotiloes 8 ounces english maketh 477 rotiloes and a halfe of Ormuz which is 3 quintals 2 roues 29 rotiloes and a halfe Note that there are bars of diuers weights vt supra of which they bargaine simply according to the sort of commoditie but if they bargaine of the great barre the same is 7 quintals and 24 rotiloes which is 958 li. 9 ounces of London weight and of Aleppo 193 rotiloes and a halfe Touching the money of Ormuz they bargaine in marchandize at so many leches by the barre which â—ech is 100 Asaries and maketh larines 100 a halfe which maketh pardaos 38 larines one halfe at larines 5 by the pardao One asarie is sadines 10 and euery sadine is 100. danarie The larine is worth 5 sadines and one fourth part so that the sadine is worth of Aleppo many 1 medine and â— fourth part the larine as in Balsara worth of Aleppo mony 6 medines a half The pardao is 5 larines of Balsara There is also stamped in Ormuz a seraphine of gold which is litle and round and is worth 24 sadines which maketh 30 medines of Aleppo The Venetian mony is worth in Ormuz larines 88 per 100 meticals the roials are worth larines 86 lesse one sadine which is euery thousand meticals 382 asures but those that will not sel them vse to melt them and make them so many larines in the king of Ormuz his mint whereby they cleare â— per 100 and somewhat more and this they doe because neither Venetian money nor roials run as currant in Ormuz per aduise The measure of Ormuz is of 2 sorts the one called codo which increaseth vpon the measure of Aleppo 3 per 100 for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Aleppo to Ormuz it is found in Ormuz to be 103 codes Also these measures of Ormuz increase vpon those of Balsara and Babylon 25 and two third parts per 100 for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Balsara or Babylon there is
Ambassadours men hauing the winde faire and came within two cables length of this his moskita where hee to his great content beholding the shippe in such brauery they discharged first two volies of small shot and then all the great ordinance twise ouer there being seuen and twentie or eight and twentie pieces in the ship Which performed he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captaine of the great and spacious garden or parke to giue our men thankes with request that some other day they would shew him the like sporte when hee would haue the Sultana or Empresse a beholder thereof which few dayes after at the shippes going to the Custome-house they performed The grand Signiors salutation thus ended the master brought the ship to an anker at Rapamat neere the ambassadors house where hee likewise saluted him with all his great ordinance once ouer and where he landed the Present the deliuerie whereof for a time was staied the cause of which staie it shall neither be dishonorable for our nation or that woorthie man the ambassador to shew you At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chiefe Vizir and our ambassadors great friend toward the warres of Hungarie there was another Bassa appointed in his place a churlish and harsh natured man who vpon occasion of certaine Genouezes escaping out of the castles standing toward the Eurine Sea nowe called the blacke Sea there imprisoned apprehended and threatened to execute one of our Englishmen called Iohn Field for that hee was taken thereabouts and knowen not many dayes before to haue brought a letter to one of them vpon the solliciting of whose libertie there fell a iarre betweene the Bassa being nowe chiefe Vizir and our ambassador and in choler he gaue her maiesties ambassador such words as without sustaining some great indignitie hee could not put by Whereupon after the arriuall of the Present he made an Arz that is a bill of Complaint to the grand Signior against him the maner in exhibiting where of is thus performed The plaintifes expect the grand Signiors going abroad from his pallace either to Santa Sophia or to his church by the sea side whither with a Perma that is one of their vsuall whirries they approch within some two or three score yards where the plaintife standeth vp and holdeth his petition ouer his forehead in sight of the grand Signior for his church is open to the Sea side the rest sitting still in the boat who appointeth one of his Dwarfes to receiue them and to bring them to him A Dwarfe one of the Ambassadors fauorites so soone as he was discerned beckned him to the shore side tooke his Arz and with speed caried it to the grand Signior Now the effect of it was this that except his highnesse would redresse this so great an indignitie which the Vizir his slaue had offered him and her maiestie in his person he was purposed to detaine the Present vntill such time as he might by letters ouer-land from her maiestie bee certified whither she would put vp so great an iniurie as it was Whereupon he presently returned answere requesting the ambassador within an houre after to goe to the Douan of the Vizir vnto whom himselfe of his charge would send a gowne of cloth of gold and commaund him publikely to put it vpon him and with kind entertainment to embrace him in signe of reconciliation Whereupon our ambassador returning home tooke his horse accompanied with his meÌ„ and came to the Vizirs court where according to the grand Signiors command he with all shew of kindnesse embraced the ambassador and with curteous speeches reconciled himselfe and with his own hands put the gowne of cloth of gold vpon his backe Which done hee with his attendants returned home to the no small admiration of all Christians that heard of it especially of the French and Venetian ambassadors who neuer in the like case against the second person of the Turkish Empire durst haue attempted â—o hold an enterprise with hope of so friendly audience and with so speedie redresse This reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made the ambassador prepared himselfe for the deliuerie of the Present which vpon the 7 of October 1593. in this maner he performed The Ascension with her flags and streamers as aforesaid repaired nigh vnto the place where the ambassador should land to go vp to the Seraglio for you must vnderstand that all Christian ambassadors haue their dwelling in Pera where most Christians abide from which place except you would go 4 or 5 miles about you cannot by land go to Constantinople whereas by Sea it is litle broder then the Thames Our Ambassador likewise apparelled in a sute of cloth of siluer with an vpper gowne of cloth of gold accompanied with 7 gentlemen in costly sutes of Sattin with 30 other of his men very well apparelled and all in one liuerie of sad French russet cloth gownes at his house tooke boate at whose landing the ship discharged all her ordinance where likewise attended 2 Bassas with 40 or 50 Chauses to accompany y e ambassador to the court also horses for the ambassador his gentlemen very richly furnished with Turkish seruants attendaÌ„t to take the horses wheÌ„ they should light The ambassador thus honorably accompanied the Chauses foremost next his men on foote all going by two and two himselfe last with his Chause and Drugaman or Interpreter and 4 Ianissaries which he doeth vsually entertaine in his house to accompany him continually abroad came to the Seraglio about an English mile from the water side where first hee passed a great gate into a large court much like the space before White hall gate where he with his gentlemen alighted and left their horses From hence they passed into an other stately court being about 6 store in bredth and some 10 score yards long with many trees in it where all the court was with great pompe set in order to entertaine our ambassador Upon the right hand all the length of the court was a gallerie arched ouer and borne vp with stone pillars much like the Roiall Exchange where stood most of his guard in rankes from the one end to the other in coâ—tâ—â—aray with round head pieces on their heads of mettall and gilt ouer with a great plume of fethers somewhat like a long brush standing vp before On the left hand stood the Cappagies or porters and the Chauses All these courtiers being about the number of 2000. as I might well gesse most of them apparelled in cloth of gold siluer veluet sattin and scarlet did together with bowing their bodies laying their hands vpon their brests in curteous maner of salutation entertain the Ambassador who likewise passing between them turning himself somtime to the right hand and sometime to the left answered them with the like As he thus passed along certaine Chauses conducted him to the Douan which is the seat of Iustice where certaine
Court. If happely in one moneth euery Post be not able to goe so long a way yet doeth there notwithstanding once euery moneth arriue one Poste out of the shire Who so coÌ„meth before the new moone stayeth for the deliuery of his letters vntil the moone be changed Then likewise are dispatched other Posts backe into all the 13. shires againe Before that we doe come to Cinceo wee haue to passe through many places and some of great importance For this Countrey is so well inhabited neere the Sea side that you cannot goe one mile but you shal see some Towne borough or hostry the which are so aboundatly prouided of all things that in the Cities and townes they liue ciuily Neuerthelesse such as dwel abrode are very poore for the multitude of them euery where is so great that out of a tree you shall see many times swarme a number of children where a man would not haue thought to haue found any one at all From these places in number infinite you shall come vnto two Cities very populous and being compared with Cinceo not possibly to be discerned which is the greater of them These cities are as well walled as any Cities in all the world As you come in to either of them there standeth so great and mighty a bridge that the like thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugal nor else where I heard one of my fellowes say that hee tolde in one bridge 40. arches The occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great is for that the Countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low and ouerflowed euer as the sea water encreaseth The breadth of the bridges although it bee well proportioned vnto the length thereof yet are they equally built no higher in the middle then at either ende in such wise that you may see directly from the one ende to the other the sides are wonderfully well engraued after the maner of Rome-workes But that we did most marueile at was therewithall the hugenesse of the stones the like whereof as we came in to the Citie we did see many set vp in places dis-habited by the way to no small charges of theirs howbeit to little purpose whereas no body seeth them but such as doe come by The arches are not made after our fashion vauted with sundry stones set together but paued as it were whole stones reaching from one piller to an other in such wise that they lye both for the arches heads and galantly serue also for the high way I haue bene astonied to beholde the hugenesse of the aforesaid stones some of them are xii pases long and vpward the least 11. good pases long and an halfe The wayes ech where are galantly paued with fouresquare stone except it be where for want of stone they vse to lay bricke in this voyage wee trauailed ouer certaine hilles where the wayes were pitched and in many places no worse paued then in the plaine ground This causeth vs to thinke that in all the world there bee no better workemen for buildings then the inhabitants of China The Countrey is so well inhabited that no one foote of ground is left vntilled small store of cattell haue we seene this day we saw onely certaine oxen wherewithall the countreymen do plow their ground One oxe draweth the plough alone not onely in this shire but in other places also wherein is greater store of cattell These countreymen by arte do that in tillage which we are constrained to doe by force Here be solde the voydings of close stooles although there wanteth not the dung of beastes and the excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all China The dungfermers seek in euery streete by exchange to buy this durtie ware for herbs and wood The custome is very good for keeping the Citie cleane There is great aboundance of hennes geâ—se duckes swine and goates wethers haue they none the hennes are solde by weight and so are all other things Two pound of hennes flesh geese or ducke is worth two foi of their money that is d. ob sterling Swines flesh is sold at a penie the pound Beefe beareth the same price for the scarcitie thereof howbeit Northward from Fuquieo and farther off from the sea-coast there is beefe more plentie and solde better cheape We haue had in all the Cities we passed through great abundance of all these victuals beefe onely excepted And if this Countrey were like vnto India the inhabitants whereof eate neither henne beefe nor porke but keepe that onely for the Portugals and Moores they would be sold here for nothing But it so falling out that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world they do feed vpon all things specially on porke which the fatter it is is vnto them the lesse lothsome The highest price of these things aforesaid I haue set downe better cheape shal you sometimes buy them for the great plentie thereof in this countrey Frogs are solde at the same price that is made of hennes and are good meate amongst them as also dogs cats rats snakes and all other vncleane meates The Cities be very gallant specially neere vnto the gates the which are marueilously great and couered with iron The gatehâ—uses are built on high with towers the lower part thereof is made of bricke stone proportionally with the walls from the walls vpward the building is of timber and many stories in it one aboue the other The strength of their townes is in the mightie walles and ditches artillerie haue they none The streetes in Cinceo and in all the rest of the Cities we haue seene are very faire so large and so straight that it is wonderfull to behold Their houses are built with timber the foundations onely excepted the which are layd with stone in ech side of the streetes are pentises or continuall porches for the marchants to walke vnder the breadth of the streets is neuerthelesse such that in them 15. men may ride commodiously side by side As they ride they must needs passe vnder many high arches of triumph that crosse ouer the streetes made of timber and carued diuersly couered with tiles of fine clay vnder these arches the Mercers do vtter their smaller wares such as list to stand there are defended from raine and the heate of the Sunne The greater gentlemen haue these arches at their doores although some of them be not so mightily built as the rest I shall haue occasion to speake of a certaine order of gentlemen that are called Louteas I wil first therefore expound what this word signifieth Loutea is as much to say in our language as Sir and when any of them calleth his name he answereth Sir and as we do say that the king hath made some gentleman so say they that there is made a Loutea And for that amongst them the degrees are diuers both in name and office I will tell you onely of some principals being not able to aduertise you of all The
their bignesse as our oxen are for vs. They â—pparell themselues in the skins of such beasts as they kill sewed together with the sinewes of them All the foule which they kill they skin and make thereof one kind of garment or other to defend them from the cold They make their apparel with hoods and tailes which tailes they giue when they thinke to gratifie any friendship shewed vnto them a great signe of friendship with them The men haue them not so side as the women The men and women weare their hose close to their legges from the wast to the knee without any open before as well the one kind as the other Upon their legges they weare hose of leather with the furre side inward two or three paire on at once and especially the women In those hose they put their kniues needles and other things needfull to beare about They put a bone within their hose which reacheth from the foote to the knee whereupon they draw their said hose and so in place of garters they are holden from falling downe about their feete They dresse their skinnes very soft and souple with the haire on In cold weather or Winter they weare the furre side inward and in Summer outward Other apparell they haue none but the said skinnes Those beasts fishes and foules which they kill are their meat drinke apparell houses bedding hose shooes threed and sailes for their boates with many other necessaries whereof they stand in need and almost all their riches Their houses are tents made of Seale skins pitched vp with 4. Firre quarters foure square meeting at the top and the skins sewed together with sinewes and laid thereupon they are so pitched vp that the entrance into them is alwayes South or against the Sunne They haue other sorts of houses which we found not to be inhabited which are raised with stones and Whale bones and a skinne layd ouer them to withstand the raine or other weather the entrance of them being not much vnlike an Ouens mouth whereto I thinke they resort for a time to fish hunt and foule and so leaue them vntill the next time they come thither againe Their weapons are bowes arrowes darts and slings Their bowes are of wood of a yard long sinewed at the back with strong sinewes not glued too but fast girded and tyed on Their bow strings are likewise sinewes Their arrowes are three pieces nocked with bone and ended with bone with those two ends and the wood in the midst they passe not in length halfe a yard or little more They are fethered with two fethers the penne end being cut away and the fethers layd vpon the arrow with the broad side to the wood insomuch that they seeme when they are tyed on to haue foure fethers They haue also three sorts of heads to those arrowes one sort of stone or yron proportioned like to a heart the second sort of bone much like vnto a stopt head with a hooke on the same the third sort of bone likewise made sharpe at both sides and sharpe pointed They are not made very fast but lightly tyed to or else set in a nocke that vpon small occasion the arrowes leaue these heads behind them and they are of small force except they be very neere when they shoote Their Darts are made of two sorts the one with many forkes of bones in the fore end and likewise in the midst their proportions are not much vnlike our toasting yrons but longer these they cast out of an instrument of wood very readily The other sort is greater then the first aforesayd with a long bone made sharpe on both sides not much vnlike a Rapier which I take to bee their most hurtfull weapon They haue two sorts of boats made of leather set out on the inner side with quarters of wood artifially tyed together with thongs of the same the greater sort are not much vnlike our wherries wherein sixeteene of twenty men may sit they haue for a sayle drest the guts of such beasts as they kill very fine and thinne which they sew together the other boate is but for one man to sit and row in with one oare Their order of fishing hunting and fouling are with these said weapons but in what sort or how they vse them we haue no perfect knowledge as yet I can suppose their abode or habitation not to be here for that neither their houses or apparell are of such force to withstand the exâ—remity of cold that the Counâ—rey seemeth to be infected with all neither do I see any signe likely to performe the same Those houses or rather dennes which stand there haue no signe of footway or any thing else troden which is one of the chiefest tokens of habitation And those tents which they bring with them when they haue sufficiently hunted and fished they remoue to other places and when they haue sufficiently stored them of such victuals as the Countrey yeeldeth or bringeth forth they returne to their winter stations or habitations This coniecture do I make for the infertility which I coniecture to be in that Countrey They haue some yron whereof they make arrow heads kniues and other little instruments to worke their boates bowes arrowes and darts withall which are very vnapt to doe any thing withall but with great labour It seemeth that they haue conuersation with some other people of whom for exchange they should receiue the same They are greatly delighted with any thing that is bright or giueth a sound What knowledge they haue of God or what Idoll they adore we haue no perfect intelligence I thinke them rather Anthropophagi or deuourers of mans flesh then otherwise for that there is no flesh or fish which they find dead smell it neuer so filthily but they will eate it as they finde it without any other dressing A loathsome thing either to the beholders or hearers There is no maner of creeping beast hurtfull except some Spiders wyich as many affirme are signes of great store of gold and also certaine stinging Gnattes which bite so fiercely that the place where they bite shortly after swelleth and itcheth very sore They make signes of certaine people that weare bright plates of gold in their foreheads and other places of their bodies The Countreys on both sides the streights lye very high with rough stony mountaines and great quantitie of snow thereon There is very little plaine ground and no grasse except a little which is much like vnto mosse that groweth on soft ground such as we get Turffes in There is no wood at all To be briefe there is nothing fit or profitable for the vse of man which that Countrey with roote yeeldeth or bringeth forth Howbeit there is great quantity of Deere whose skins are like vnto Asses there heads or hornes doe farre exceede as well in length as also in breadth any in these our parts or Countreys
company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better knowne vnto them and arriued at Yermouth The 30 of August with the force of the wind and a surge of the sea the Master of the Gabriel and the Boatswain were striken both ouerboord hardly was the Boatswain recouered hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea and yet the Barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde This Master was called William Smith being but a yong man and a very sufficient mariner who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord and that the Boatswain had him by the hand and could not saue him and so immediately vpon the end of his tale his dreame came right euilly to passe and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand hauing hold on a rope with the other vntill his force fayled and the Master drowned The height being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two hundreth leagues The last of August about midnight we had two or three great and sudden flawes or stormes The first of September the storme was growen very great and continued almost the whole day and night and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much beaten with the seas euery sea almost ouertaking our poope so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out and ease the rolling of our ship And so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe company with vs and our ship being higher in the poope and a tall ship whereon the winde had more force to driue went so fast away that we lost sight of them and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea The second day of September in the morning it pleased God of his goodnesse to send vs a calme whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine and almost ready to fall away Wherefore taking the benefite of the time we slung halfe a dozen couple of our best men ouer boord who taking great paines vnder water driuing plankes and binding with ropes did well strengthen and mend the matter who returned the most part more then halfe dead out of the water and as Gods pleasure was the sea was calme vntill the worke was finished The fift of September the height of the Sunne being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe In this voyage commonly wee tooke the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne because the long day taketh away the light not onely of the Polar but also of all other fixed Starres And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes Therefore wee alwaies vsed the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary winde making our Souhter way good as neere as we could to raise our degrees to bring our selues with the latitude of Sylley wee tooke the height the tenth of September and found our selues in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes The eleuenth of September about sixe a clocke at night the winde came good Southwest we vered sheat and see our course Southeast And vpon Thursday the twelfth of September taking the height wee were in the latitude of and a halfe and reckoned our selues not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley the weather faire the winde large at Westsouthwest we kept our course Southeast The thirteenth day the height being taken wee found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees the wind Westsouthwest then being in the height of Sylley and we kept our course East to run in with the sleeue or chanel so called being our narrow seas and reckoned vs short of Sylley twelue leagues Sonday the 15 of September about foure of the clocke we began to sound with our lead and had ground at 61 fadome depth white small sandy ground and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Sylley and set our course East and by North Eastnortheast and Northeast among The sixteenth of September about eight of the clocke in the morning sounding we had 65. fadome osey sand and thought our selues thwart of S. Georges channell a little within the banks And bearing a small saile all night we made many soundings which were about fortie fadome and so shallow that we could not well tell where we were The seuenteenth of September we sounded and had â—orty fadome and were not farre off the lands â—nd finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shelles and were shotte betwene Sylley and the lands ende and being within the bay we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by East way but were faine to make another boord the wind being at Southwest and by West and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands end to beare along the channel and the weather cleered vp when we were hard aboord the shore and we made the lands end perfit and so put vp along Saint Georges chanel And the weather being very foule at sea we couered some harborough because our steerage was broken and so came to ancor in Padstow road in Cornewall But riding there a very dangerous roade we were aduised by the countrey to put to Sea againe and of the two euils to choose the lesse for there was nothing but present perill where we toade whereupon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy from whence we were againe driuen being but an open roade where our Anker came home and with force of weather put to Seas againe and about the three and twentieth of September arriued at Milford Hauen in Wales which being a very good harborough made vs happy men that we had receiued such long desired safetie About one moneth after our arriuall here by order from the Lords of the Counsell the ship came up to Bristow where the Ore was committed to keeping in the Castel there Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes arriued in good safetie who hauing neuer a man within boord very sufficient to bring home the ship after the Master was lost by good fortune when she came vpon the coast met with a ship of Bristow at sea who conducted her in safety thither Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke called the Michael in the North parts which was not a little ioyful vnto vs that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe meeting againe and wee lost in all the voyage only one man besides one that dyed at sea which was sicke before he came
we departed from Gylberts sound for England and when we came out of the harborough there came after vs 17. of the people looking which way we went The 2. of September we lost sight of the land at 12. of the clocke at noone The third day at night we lost sight of the Northstarre our pinnesse in a very great storme and lay a hull tarying for them the 4. day but could heare no more of them Thus we shaped our course the 5. day Southsoutheast and sayling vntill the 27. of the sayd moneth we came in sight of Cape Clere in Ireland The 30. day we entred into our owne chanell The 2. of October we had sight of the Isle of Wight The 3. we coasted all along the shore and the 4. and 5. The 6. of the sayd moneth of October wee came into the riuer of Thames as high as Ratliffe in safetie God be thanked The third voyage Northwestward made by M. Iohn Dauis Gentleman as chiefe Captaine Pilot generall for the discouery of a passage to the Isles of the Moluccas or the coast of China in the yeere 1587. Written by M. Iohn Ianes May. THe 19. of this present moneth about midnight wee weyed our ankers set sayle and departed from Dartmouth with two Barkes and a Clincher the one named the Elizabeth of Dartmouth the other the Sunneshine of London and the Clincher called the Helene of LondoÌ„ thus in Gods name we set forwards with the wind at Northeast a good fresh gale About 3. houres after our departure the night being somewhat thicke with darknesse we had lost the pinnesse the Captaine imagining that the men had runne away with her willeâ— the Master of the Sun-shine to stand to Seawards and see if we could descry them we bearing in with the shore for Plimmouth At length we descried her bare with her and demanded what the cause was they answered that the tiller of their helme was burst So shaping our course Westsouthwest we went forward hoping that a hard beginning would make a good ending yet some of vs were doubtfull of it falling in reckoning that â—e was a Clincher neuerthelesse we put our trust in God The 21 we met with the Red Lion of London which came from the coast of Spaine which was afrayd that we had bene men of warre but we hailed them and after a little conference we desired the Master to carie our letters for London directed to my uncle Sanderson who promised vs a safe deliuerie And after wee had heaued them a lead and a line whereunto wee had made fast our letters before they could get them into the ship they fell into the Sea and so all our labour and theirs also was lost notwithstanding they promised to certifie our departure at London and so we departed and the same day we had sight of Silley The 22. the wind was at Northeast by East with faire weather and so the 23. and 24. the like The 25. we layd our ships on the Lee for the Sunneshine who was a romaging for a leake they had 500. strokes at the pumpe in a watch the wind at Northwest The 26. and 27. wee had faire weather but this 27. the pinnesses foremast was blowen ouer-boord The 28. the Elizabeth towed the pinnesse which was so much bragged of by the owners report before we came out of England but at Sea she was like a cart drawen with oxen Sometimes we towed her because she could not saile for scant wind The 31. day our Captaine asked if the pinnesse were stanch Peerson answered that she was as sound and stanch as a cup. This made vs something glad when we sawe she would brooke the Sea and was not leake Iune THe first 6. dayes wee had faire weather after that for 5. dayes wee had fogge and raine the winde being South The 12. wee had cleare weather The Mariners in the Sunneshine and the Master could not agree the Mariners would goe on their voyage a fishing because the yeere began to waste the Master would not depart till hee had the companie of the Elizabeth whereupon the Master told our Captaine that hee was afrayd his men would shape some contrary course while he was asleepe and so he should lose vs. At length aftermuch talke and many threatnings they were content to bring vs to the land which we looked for daily The 14. day we discouered land at fiue of the clocke in the morning being very great and high mountaines the tops of the hils being couered with snow Here the wind was variable sometimes Northeast Eastnortheast and East by North but we imagined our selues to be 16. or 17. leagues off from the shore The 16. we came to an anker about 4. or 5. of the clocke after nonne the people came presently to vs after the old maner with crying Ilyaoute and shewing vs Seales skinnes The 17. we began to set vp the pinnesse that Peerson frames at Dartmouth with the boords which hee brought from London The 18. Peerson and the Carpenters of the ships began to set on the plankes The 19. as we went about an Island were found blacke Pumise stones and salt kerned on the rockes very white and glistering This day also the Master of the Sunneshine tooke of the people a very strong lusty yoong fellow The 20. about two of the clocke in the morning the Sauages came to the Island where out pinnace was built readie to bee launched and â—ore the two vpper strakes and carried them away onely for the loue of the yron in the boords While they were about this practise we manned the Elizabeths boate to goe a shore to them our men being either afrayd or amazed were so long before they came to shore that our Captaine willed them to stay and made the Gunner giue fire to a Saker and layd the piece leuell with the boate which the Sauages had turned on the one side because wee should not hurt them with our arrowes and made the boate their bulwarke against the arrowes which we shot at them Our Gunner hauing made all things readie gaue fire to the piece and fearing to hurt any of the people and regarding the owners prosite thought belike hee would saue a Sakers shot doubting wee should haue occasion to fight with men of warre and so shot off the Saker without a bullet we looking stil when the Sauages that were hurt should run away without legs at length wee could perceiue neuer a man hurt but all hauing their legges could carrie away their bodies wee had no sooner shot off the piece but the Master of the Sunne-shine manned his boate and came rowing toward the Island the very sight of whom made each of them take that hee had gotten and flee away as fast as they could to another Island about two miles off where they tooke the nayles out of the timber and left the wood on the Isle when we came on shore and saw how they had spoiled the boat
This Island is so full of birds that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them yet for the great number that there is it would not seeme that any were taken away We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them This Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees and 40 minutes Upon the eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further with a prosperous weather came to the Port called The Port of white sands that is in the Bay called The Bay of Castelâ— where we had purposed to meete stay together the 15 of the said moneth In this place theâ—efore we looked for our fellowes that is to say the other two ships till the 26 of the moneth on which day both came together So soone as our fellowes were come we set our ships in a readines taking in both water wood other necessaries And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth early in the morning we hoised saile to passe on further sayling along the Northerne coast that runneth Northeast and Southwest til two houres after Sun-set or thereabouts then we crossed along two Islands which doe stretch further foorth then the others which we called S. Williams Islands being distant about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest All the coast from the Castels to that place lieth East West Northeast Southwest hauing betweene it sundry little Islands altogether barren and full of stones without either earth or trees except certain valleyâ— only The next day being the 30 of Iuly we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe among which there is a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes where many good harboroughs seeme to be them we named S. Marthas Islands from which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous shallow wherein are fiue rockes which lie from Saint Marthas Islands about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands on the East on the West side to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues â—thwart a cape of the lower Islands which we named S. Germans Islands Southeastward from which place about three leagues there is a very dangerous shallow Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas about two leagues from the sayd Islands there lyeth a banke of sand vpon which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe and therefore seeing the danger of the coast we strucke saile and went no further that night The next day being the last of Iuly we went all along the coast that runneth East and West and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about with Islands and drie sands and in trueth is very dangerous The length from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without any signe or shew of harboroughs till we came to Cape Thiennot which treÌ„deth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage and therefore we sailed on all that night West and Westnorthwest till it was day and then the wind turned against vs wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might harbour our ships and by good hap found one fit for our purpose about seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot that we named S. Nicholas Hauen it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea Upon the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse But note by the way that this crosse must be brought Northeast then bending toward it leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water and within the hauen foure Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane outward halfe a league All this coast is full of shoulds and very dangerous albeâ—t in sight many good hauens seeme to be there yet is there nought else but shelues and sands We staied and rested our selues in the sayd hauen vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday on which day we hoysed sayle and came toward land on the South side toward Cape Rabast distaâ—t from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast and Southsouthwest but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary winde and because we could find no hauen there toward the South thence we went coasting along toward the North beyond the aboue sayd hauen about ten leagues where we found a goodly great gulfe full of Islands passages and entrances toward what wind so euer you please to bend for the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape of lande stretching somewhat further foorth than the others and about two leagues within the land there is an hill fashioned as it were an heape of corne We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay The twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay or gulfe sayling Westward and discouered a Cape of land toward the South that runneth West and by South distant from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay about fiue and twenty leagues And of the two wilde men which wee tooke in our former voyage it was tolde vs that this was part of the Southerne coaste that there was an Island on the Southerly parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo where the yeere before we had taken them to Canada and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay on the North shore extending toward Canada and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape there is aboue a hundreth fadome water Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so many Whâ—les seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape The next day after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth hauing passed the Straight we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward the South which landes are full very great and high hilles and this Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption and one Cape of the said high countreys lyeth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest the distance betweene which is about fiue and twenty leagues The Countreys lying North may plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly more then thirty leagues in length We trended the sayd landes about toward the South from the sayd day vntill Tewesday noone following the winde came West and therefore wee bended toward the North purposing to goe and see the land that we before had spâ—ed Being arriued there we found the sayd landes as it were ioyned together and low toward the Sea And the Northerly mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East and West and
other remedy began to call vnto them to take them at whole crie and voice all his men came forth and tocke the sayd Lord with the others whom they had appointed to take The Canadians seeing their Lord taken began to run away euen as sheepe before the woolfe some crossing ouer the riuer some through the woods each one seeking for his owne aduantage That done we reâ—â—red our selues and laid vp the prisoners vnder good guard and safety How the said Canadians the night following came before our ships to seeke their men crying and howling all night like Woolues of the talke and conclusion they agreed vpon the next day and of the gifts which they gaue our Captaine Chap. 19. THe night following they came before our ships the riuer being betwixt vs striking their breasts and crying and howling like woolues still calling Agouhanna thinking to speake with him which our Captaine for that time would not permit neither all the next day till noone whereupon they made signes vnto vs that we had hanged or killed him About noone there came as great a number in a cluster as euer we saw who went to hide themselues in the Forest except some who with a loud voice would call and trie to Donnacona to speake vnto them Our Captaine then commanded Donnacona to be brought vp on high to speake vnto them and bade him be merrie for after he had spoken and shewed vnto the King of France what hee had seene in Saguenay and other countreys after ten or twelue moneths he should returne againe and that the King of France would giue him great rewards whereat Donnacona was very glad and speaking to the others told it them who in token of ioy gaue out three great cryes and then Donnacona and his people had great talke together which for want of interpreters cannot be described Our Captaine bade Donnacona that hee should cause them to come to the other side of the riuer to the end they might better talke together without any feare that he should assure them which Donnacona did and there came a boate full of the chiefest of them to the ships and there anew began to talke together giuing great praise to our captaine and gaue him a present of foure and twenty chaines of Esurgny for that is the greatest and preciousest riches they haue in this world for they esteeme more of that then of any gold or siluer After they had long talked together and that their Lord sawe that there was no remedy to auoide his going into France hee commanded his people the next day to bring him some victuals to serue him by the way Our Captaine gaue Donnacona as a great present two Frying pannes of copper eight Hatchets and other small trifles as Kniues and Beades whereof hee seemed to be very glad who sent them to his wiues and children Likewise he gaue to them that came to speake with Donacona they thanked him greatly for them and then went to their lodgings How the next day being the fift of May the sayd people came againe to speake vnto their Lord and how foure women came to the shore to bring him victuals Chap. 20. VPon the fifth of May very early in the morning a great number of the sayd people came againe to speake vnto their Lord and sent a Boate which in their tongue they call Casnoni wherein were onely foure women without any man for feare their men should be retained These women brought great store of victuals as great Millet which is their corne that they liue withall flesh fish and other things after their fashion These women being come to our shippes our Captaine did very friendly entertaine them Then Donnacona prayed our Captaine to tell those women that hee should come againe after ten or twelue moneths and bring Donnacona to Canada with him this hee sayd onely to appease them which our captaine did wherefore the women as well by words as signes seemed to be very glad giuing our Captaine thanks and told him if he came againe and brought Donnacona with him they would giue him many things in signe whereof each one gaue our Captaine a chaine of Esurgny and then passed to the other side of the riuer againe where stood all the people of Stadâ—cona who taking all leaue of their Lord went home againe On Saturday following being the sixt of the moneth we departed out of the sayd Port of Santa Croix and came to harborough a little beneath the Island of Orleans about twelue leagues from the Port of the Holy Crosse and vpon Sonday we came to the Island of Filberds where wee stayed vntill the sixteenth of that moneth till the fiercenesse of the waters were past which at that time ranne too swift a course and were too dangerous to come downe along the riuer and therefore we stayed till faire weather came In the meane while many of Donnaconas subiects came from the riuer of Saguenay to him but being by Domagaia aduertised that their Lord was taken to bee caryed into France they were all amazed yet for all that they would not leane to come to our ships to speake to Donnacona who told them that after twelue moneths he should come againe and that he was very well vsed by the Captaine Gentlemen and Mariners Which when they heard they greatly thanked our Captaine and gaue their Lord three bundles of Beauers and sea Woolues skinnes with a great knife of red copper that commeth from Saguenay and other things They gaue also to our Captaine a chayne of Esurgny for which our Captaine gaue them ten or twelue Hatchets and they gaue him hearty thankes and were very well contented The next day being the sixteenth of May we hoysed sayle and came from the said island of Filberds to another about fifteene leagues from it which is about fiue leagues in length and there to the end we might take some rest the night following we stayed that day in hope the next day we might passe and auoide the dangers of the riuer of Saguenay which are great That euening we went a land and found great store of Hares of which we tooke a great many and therefore we called it The Island of Hares in the night there arose a contrary winde with such stormes and tempest that wee were constrained to returne to The Island of Filberds againe from whence wee were come because there was none other passage among the sayde Islandes and there we stayed till the one and twentieth of that moneth till faire weather and good winde came againe and then wee sayled againe and that so prosperously that wee passed to Honguedo which passage vntill that time had not bene discouered wee caused our ships to course athwart Cape Prat which is the beginning of the Port of Chaleur and because the winde was good and conuenient we sayled all day and all night without staying and the next day we came to the middle of Brions Island which
in the former voyages and attaine if it were possible vnto the knowledge of the Countrey of Saguenay whereof the people brought by Cartier as is declared made mention vnto the King that there were great riches and very good countreys And the King caused a certaine summe of money to be deliuered to furnish out the sayd voyage with fiue shippes which thing was perfourmed by the sayd Monsieur Roberual and Cartier After that they had agreed together to rigge the sayd fiue ships at Saint Malo in Britaine where the two former voyages had beene prepared and set forth And the said Monsieur Roberual sent Cartier thither for the same purpose And after that Cartier had caused the said fiue ships to bee built and furnished and set in good order Monsieur Roberual came downe to S. Malo and found the ships fallen downe to the roade with their yards acrosse full ready to depart and set saile staying for nothing else but the comming of the Generall and the payment of the furniture And because Monsieur Roberual the kings lieutenant had not as yet his artillery powder and munitions and other things necessary come downe which he had prouided for the voyage in the Countreys of Champaigne and Normandie and becanse the said things were very necessary and that hee was loth to repart without them he determined to depart from S. Malo to Roan and to prepare a ship or two at Honfleur whether he thought his things were come And that the said Cartier shoulde depart with the fiue shippes which he had furnished and should goe before Considering also that the said Catier had receiued letters from the king whereby hee did expresly charge him to depart and set sayle immediately vpon the sight and receit thereof on payne of incurring his displeasure and to lay all the fault on him And after the conclusion of these things and the said Monsieur Roberual had taken muster and view of the gentlemen souldiers and mariners which were retained and chosen for the performance of the sayd voyage hee gaue vnto Captaine Cartier full authoritie to depart and goe before and to gouerne all things as if he had bene there in person and himselfe departed to Honfleur to make his farther preparation After these things thus dipatched the winde comming faire the foresayd fiue ships set sayle together well furnished and victualled for two yeere the 23. of May 1540. And we sailed so long with contrary winds and continuall torments which fell out by reason of our late departure that wee were on the sea without sayd fiue ships full three moneths before wee could arriue at the Port and Hauen of Canada without euer hauing in all that time 30. houres of good wind to serue vs to keepe our right course so that our fiue shippes through those stormes lost company one of another all saue two that kept together to wit that wherein the Captaine was and the other wherein went the Uicount of Beaupre vntill at length at the ende of one moneth wee met all together at the Hauen of Carpont in Newfoundland But the length of time which we were in passing betweene Britayne and Newfoundland was the cause that we stood in great neede of water because of the cattell aswell Goates Hogges as other beastes which we caried for breede in the Countrey which wee were constrained to water with Sider and other drinke Now therefore because we were the space of three moneths in sayling on the sea and staying in Newfoundland wayting for Monsieur Roberual and taking in of fresh water and other things necessary wee arriued not before the Hauen of Saincte Croix in Canada where in the former voyage we had remayned eight moneths vntil the 23. day of August In which place the people of the Countrey came to our shippes making shew of ioy for our arriuall and namely he came thither which had the rule and gouernment of the Countrey of Canada named Agona which was appointed king there by Donacona when in the former voyage we carried him into France And hee came to the Captaines ship with 6. or 7. boates and with many women and children And after the sayd Agona had inquired of the Captaine where Donacona and the rest were the Captaine answered him That Donacona was dead in France and that his body rested in the earth and that the rest stayed there as great Lords and were maried and would not returne backe into their Countrey the said Agona made no shewe of anger at all these speeches and I thinke he tooke it so well because he remained Lord and Gouernour of the countrey by the death of the said Donacona After which conference the said Agona tooke a piece of tanned leather of a yellow skin edged about with Esnoguy which is their riches and the thing which they esteeme most precious as wee esteeme gold which was vpon his head in stead of a crowne and he put the same on the head of our Captaine and tooke from his wrists two bracelets of Esnoguy and put them vpon the Captaines armes colling him aboue the necke and shewing vnto him great signes of ioy which was all dissimulation as afterward it wel appeared The captaine tooke his said crowne of leather and put it againe vpon his head and gaue him and his wiues certaine small presents signifying vnto him that he had brought certaine new things which afterward he would bestow vpon him for which the sayd Agona thanked the Captaine And after that he had made him and his company eat and drinke they departed and returned to the shore with their boates After which things the sayd Captaine went with two of his boates vp the riuer beyond Canada and Port of Saincte Croix to view a Hauen and a small riuer which is about 4. leagues higher which he found better and more commodious to ride in and lay his ships then the former And therefore he returned and caused all his ships to be brought before the sayd riuer and at a lowe water he caused his Ordinance to bee planted to place his ships in more saftie which he meant to keepe and stay in the Countrey which were three which hee did the day following and the rest remayned in the roade in the middest of the riuer In which place the victuals and other furniture were discharged which they had brought from the 26. of August vntill the second of September what time they departed to returne for S. Maloâ— in which ships he sent backe Mace lolloberte his brother in lawe and Steuen Noel his Nephew skilfull and excellent pilots with letters vnto the king and to aduertise him what had bene done and found and how Monsieur de Roberual was not yet come and that hee feared that by occasion of contrary winds and tempests he was driuen backe againe into France The description of the aforesaid Riuer and Hauen THe sayd Riuer is small not past 50. pases broad and shippes
Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast are East and West and there is 15. leagues distance betweene them The Bay of Molues or Gaspay is in 48. degrees and the coast lyeth North and South and taketh a quarter of the Northeast and Southwest vnto the Bay of Heate and there are 3. Isles one great one and two smal from the Bay of Heate vntill you passe the Monts nostre Dame al the land is high and good ground al couered with trees Ognedoc is a good Bay and lyeth Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and it is a good Harbour and you must saile along the shore on the Northside by reason of the low point at the entrance therof and when you are passed the poynt bring your selfe to an ancre in 15. or 20. fathoms of water toward the South shore and here within this Hauen are two riuers one which goeth toward the Northwest and the other to the Southwest And on this coast there is great fishing for Coddes and other fish where there is more store then is in Newfoundland and better fish And here is great store of riuer foule as Malards wild Geese and others And here are all sorts of trees Rose trees Raspesses Filbird trees Apple trees Peare trees and it is hotter here in Sommer then in France The Isle of Ascension and the 7. Isles which lie on the North shore lie Southeast and Westnorthwest and are distant 24. leagues The Cape of Ognedoc and the 7. Isles are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast are distant 35. leagues The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 7. Isles are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is 25. leagues and this is the breadth of this Sea and from thence vpward it beginneth to waxe narrower and narrower The 7. Isles are in 50. degrees and ½ The 7. Isles and the poynt of Ongear lie Northeast and Southwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues and betweene them are certaine small Islands and the point of Ongear and the mountaines Nostre Dame which are on the South side of the entrance of the riuer are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is ten leagues and this is here the abredth of the Sea The poynt of Ongear and the riuer of Caen lie East and West and they are distant 12. leagues And all the coast from the Isle of Ascension hither is very good ground wherein growe all sortes of trees that are in France and some fruits The poynt of Ongear is in 49. degrees and ¼ And the riuer of Caen and the Isle of Raquelle lye Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 12. leagues The Isle of Raquelle is in 48. degrees and â…” In this riuer of Caen there is great sâ—ore of fish And here the Sea is not past 8 leagues broad The Isle of Raquelle is a very low Isle which is neere vnto the South shore hard by a high Cape which is called the Cape of Marble There is no danger there at all And betweene Raquelle and the Cape of Marble ships may passe And there is not from the Isle to the South shore aboue one league and from the Isle vnto the North shore about foure leagues The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance of Saguenay are Northeast Westsouthwest and are distant 14. leagues and there are betweene them two small Islandes neere the North shore The entrance of Saguenay is in 48. degrees and â…“ and the entrance hath not past a quarter of a league in breadth and it is dangerous toward the Southwest and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to waxe wider and wider and it seemeth to bee as it were an arme of the Sea And I thinke that the same runneth into the Sea of Cathay for it sendeth foorth there a great current and there doth runne in that place a terrible rase or tyde And here the riuer from the North shore to the South shore is not past foure leagues in breadth and it is a dangerous passage betweene both the lands because there lie bankes of rockes in the riuer The Isle of Raquelle and the Isle of Hares lye Northeast and Southwest and take ¼ of the East and the West and they are distant 18. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Liepueres or Hares lie Northnortheast Southsouthwest and are distant 5. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Raquelle are Northnorthwest and Southsouthwest and are distant three leagues The Isle of Hares is in 48 and 1 16 of a degree From the Mountaines of Nostre Dame vnto Canada and vnto Hochelaga all the land on the South coast is faire a lowe land and goodly champaigne all couered with trees vnto the brink of the riuer And the land on the North side is higher and in some places there are high mountaines And from the Isle of Hares vnto the Isle of Orleans the riuer is not past 4 or 5 leagues broad Betweene the Isle of Hares and the high land on the North side the sea is not past a league and an halfe broad and it is very deepe for it is aboue 100. fathoms deepe in the middest To the East of the Isle of Hares there are 2 or 3 small Isles and rockes And from hence to the Isle Des Coudres or of Filbeards all is nothing but Isles and rockes on the Southshore and towards the North the sea is fayre and deepe The Isle of Hares and the Isle of Filbeards lie northeast West and Southwest and they are distant 12 leagues And you must alwayes run along the high land on the north shore for on the other shore there is nothing but rocks And you must passe by the side of the Isle of Filbeards and the riuer there is not past a quarter of a league broad and you must sayle in the middest of the chanel and in the middest runneth the best passage either at an hie or a low water because the sea runneth there strongly and there are great dangers of rocks and you had neede of good ancre and table The isle of Filbeards is a small isle about one league long and halfe a league broad but they are all banks of sand The isle of Filberds stands in 47. deg and ¾ The isle of Filberds and the isle of Orleans lie northeast and southwest and they are distant 10 leagues and thou must passe by the high land on the northside about a quarter of a league because that in the midst of the riuer there is nothing but sholds and rocks And when thou shalt bee ouer against a round Cape thou must take ouer to the South shore southwest and a quarter toward the South and thou shalt sayle in 5.6 and 7 fathoms and there the riuer of Canada beginneth to bee fresh and the salt water endeth And when thou shalt be athwart the point of the isle of Orleans where
The 2 of May our Admirall and our Pinnesse departed from Dominica leauing the Iohn our Viceadmirall playing off and on about Dominica hoping to take some Spaniard outwardes bound to the Indies the same night we had sight of three smal Ilands called Los Santos leauing Guadalupe and them on our starboord The 3 we had sight of S. Christophers Iland bearing Northeast and by East off vs. On the 4 we sayled by the Virgines which are many broken Ilands lying at the East ende of S. Iohns Iland and the same day towards euening we landed vpon one of them called Blanca where we killed an incredible number of foules here we stayed but three houres from thence stood into the shore Northwest and hauing brought this Iland Southeast off vs we put towards night thorow an opening or swatch called The passage lying betwene the Virgines and the East end of S. Iohn here the Pinnesse left vs and sayled on the South side of S. Iohn The 5 and 6 the Admirall sayled along the Northside of S. Iohn so neere the shore that the Spaniards discerned vs to be men of warre and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by for so their custome is when they see any men of warre on their coasts The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. Iohn where we watered in a good riuer called Yaguana and the same night following we tooke a Frigate of tenne Tunne comming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger In this place Pedro a Mollato who knewe all our state ranne from vs to the Spaniards On the 9 we departed from Yaguana The 13 we landed on an Iland called Mona whereon were 10 or 12 houses inhabited of the Spaniards these we burned tooke from them a Pinnesse which they had drawen a ground and sunke and carried all her sayles mastes and rudders into the woods because we should not take him away we also chased the Spaniards ouer all the Iland but they hid them in caues hollow rockes and bushes so that we could not find them On the 14 we departed from Mona and the next day after wee came to an Iland called Saona about 5 leagues distant from Mona lying on the Southside of Hispaniola neere the East end betweene these two Ilands we lay off and on 4 or 5 dayes hoping to take some of the Domingo fleete doubling this Iland as a neerer way to Spaine then by Cape Tyburon or by Cape S. Anthony On Thursday being the 19 our Viceadmirall from whom we departed at Dominica â—ame to vs at Saona with whom we left a Spanish Frigate and appointed him to lie off and on other fiue daies betweene Saona and Mona to the ende aforesaid then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon Here I was enformed that our men of the Viceadmirall at their departure from Dominica brought away two young Saluages which were the thiefe Casiques sonnes of that Countrey and part of Dominica but they shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Iland where the Viceadmirall landed to take in ballâ—â— On the â—1 the Admirall came to the Cape Tyburon where we found the Iohn Euangelist our Pinnesse staying for vs here we tooke in two Spaniards almost starued on the shoreâ— who made a fire to our ships as we passed by Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing els but a desolate and meere wildernesse without any habitation of people and full of wilde Bulles and Bores and great Serpents The 22 our Pinnesse came also to an anker in Aligato Bay at cape Tyburon Here we vnderstood of M. Lane Captaine of the Pinnesse how he was set vpon with one of the kings Gallies belonging to Santo Domingo which was manned with 400 men who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 houres gaue-ouer the fight forsooke him without any great hurt done on eyther part The 26 The Iohn our Uizadmirall came to vs to cape Tyburon and the Frigat which we left with him at Saona This was the appointed place where we should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleete On Whitsunday Euen at Cape Tyburon one of our boyes ranne away from vs and at ten dayes end returned to our ships almost starued for want of food In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones and carkases of diuers men who had perished as wee thought by famine in those woods being either stragled from their company or landed there by some men of warre Iune ON the 14 of Iune we tooke a smal Spanish frigat which fell amongst vs so suddenly as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon where we road so that he could not escape vs. This Frigat came from Santo Domingo and had but 3 men in her the one was an expert Pilot the other a Mountainer and the third a Uintener who escaped all out of prison at Santo Domingo purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a towne in the West parts of Hispaniola where many fugitiue Spaniards are gathered together The 17 being Wednesday Captaine Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnesse and a Frigat to take a shippe which was there taking in fraight as we vnderstood by the old Pylot whom we had taken three dayes before The 24 the Frigat returned from Captaine Lane at Yaguana and brought vs word to cape Tyburon that Captaine Lane had taken the shippe with many passengers and Negrees in the same which proued not so rich a prize as we hoped for for that a Frenchman of warre had taken and spoyled her before we came Neuerthelesse her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds being hides ginger Cannafistula Copper-pannes and Casaui Iuly THe second of Iuly Edward Spicer whom we left in England came to vs at Cape Tyburon accompanied with a small Pinnesse whereof one M. Haâ—ps was Captaine And the same day we had sight of a fleete of 14 saile all of Santo Domingo to whom we presently gaue chase but they vpon the first sight of vs fled and separating themselues scattered here and there Wherefore we were forced to diuide our selues and so made after them vntill 12 of the clocke at night But then by reason of the darkenesse we lost sight of each other yet in the end the Admirall and the Moonelight happened to be together the same night at the fetching vp of the Uizadmirall of the Spanish fleete against whom the next morning we fought and tooke him with losse of one of our men and two hurt and of theirs 4 slaine and 6 hurt But what was become of our Uiceadmirall our Pinnesse and Prize and two Frigates in all this time we were ignorant The 3 of Iuly we spent about rifling romaging and fitting the Prize to be sailed with vs. The 6 of Iuly we saw Iamayca the which we left on our larboord keeping Cuba in sight on our starboord Upon the 8 of Iuly we saw the Iland
8 fathoms of water whereupon I commanded them to stay till breake of day which being come and seeing my Mariners told me that they knew not this land I commanded them to approch vnto it Being neere thereunto I made them cast anker sent the boat on shore to vnderstand in what Countrey we were Word was brought me that we were in Wales a prouince of England I went incontinently on land where after I had taken the ayre a sickenesse tooke nice whereof I thought I should haue dyed In the meane while I caused the ship to be brought into the bay of a small towne called Swansey where I found merchants of S. Malo which lent me money wherewith I made certaine apparel for my selfe and part of my company that was with me and because there were no victuals in the ship I bought two Oxen and salted them and a tunne of Beâ—re which I deliuered into his hands which had charge of the shipâ— praying him to cary it into France which he promised me to doe for mine owne part I purposed with my men to passe by land and after I had taken leaue of my Mariners I departed from Swansey and came that night with my company to a place called Morgan where the Lord of the place vnderstanding what I was stayed me with him for the space of 6 or 7 dayes and at my departure moâ—ued with pitie to see me goe on foot especially being so weake as I was gaue me a litle Hackny Thus I passed on my iourney first to Bristoll then to London where I went to doe my duty to Monsieur de Foix which for the present was the kings Ambassador and holpe me with mony in my necessitie From thence I passed to Caleis afterward to Paris where I was informed that the king was gone to Molins to soiourne there incontinently with all the hast I could possibly make I gate me thither with part of my coÌ„pany Thus briefly you see the discourse of all that happened in New France since the time it pleased the kings Maiesty to send his subiects thither to discouer those parts The indifferent and vnpassionate readers may easily weigh the truth of my doings and be vpright iudges of the endeuor which I there vsed For mine owne part I wil not accuse nor excuse any it sufficeth mee to haue followed the trueth of the history whereof many arâ— able to beare witnesse which were there present I will plainly say one thing That the long delay that Captaine Iohn Ribault vsed in his embarking and the 15. daies that he spent in rouing along the coast of Florida before he came to our fort Caroline were the cause of the losse that we susteined For he discouered the coast the 14 of August and spent the time in going from riuer to riuer which had bene sufficient for him to haue discharged his ships in and for me to haue embarked my selfe to returne into France I wote well that al that he did was vpon a good intent yet in mine opinion he should haue had more regard vnto his charge then to the deuises of his owne braine which sometimes hee printed in his head so deeply that it was very hard to put them out which also turned to his vtter vndoing for hee was no sooner departed from vs but a tempest tooke him which in fine wrackt him vpon the coast where all his shippes were cast away and he with much adoe escaped drowning to fall into their hands which cruelly massacred him and all his company The fourth voyage of the Frenchmen into Florida vnder the conduct of Captaine Gourgues in the yeere 1567. CAptaine Gourgues a Gentleman borne in the Countrey neere vnto Bourdeaux incited with a desire of reuenge to repaire the honour of his nation borowed of his friends and sold part of his owne goods to set forth and furnish three ships of indifferent burthen with all things necessary hauing in them an hundred and fiftie souldiers and fourescore chosen Mariners vnder Captaine Cazenoue his lieutenant and Francis Bourdelois Master ouer the Mariners He set forth the 22 of August 1567. And hauing endured contrary winds and stormes for a season at length hee arriued and went on shore in the Isle of Cuba From thence he passed to the Cape of Saint Antony at the end of the I le of Cuba about two hundred leagues distant from Florida where the captaine disclosed vnto them his intention which hitherto he had concealed from them praying and exhorting them not to leaue him being so neere the enemie so well furnished and in such a cause which they all sware vnto him and that with such courage that they would not stay the full Moone to passe the chanell of Bahama but speedily discouered Florida where the Spanyards saluted them with two Canon shot from their fort supposing that they had beene of their nation and Gourgues saluted them againe to entertaine them in this errour that hee might surâ—rise them at more aduantage yet sailing by them making as though he went to some other place vntil he had sailed out of sight of the place so that about euening hee landed 15 leagues from the fort at the mouth of the Riuer Tacatacouru which the Frenchmen called Seine because they thought it to bee like Seine in France Afterward perceiuing the shore to bee couered with Sauages with their vowes and arrowes besides the signe of peace and amitie which he made them from his ships he sent his Trumpetâ—er to assure them that they were come thither for none other ende but to renew the amitie and ancient league of the French with them The Trumpetter did â—is message so well by reason he had bene there before vnder Laudonniere that he brought backe from king Satouriona the greatest of all the other kings a kidde and other meat to refresh vs besides the offer of his friendshâ—p and amitie Afterward they retâ—red daâ—sing in signe of ioy to aduertise all the kings Satouriouaes kinsmen to repaire thither the next day to make a league of amitie with the Frenchmen Whereupon in the meane space our generall went about to sound the chanel of the riuer to bring in his ships and the better to traffike and deale with the Sauages of whom the chiefe the next day in the morning presented themselues namely the great king Satourioua Tacatacourou Halmacanir Athore Harpaha Helmacapé Helicopilé Molloâ—a and others his kinsmen and allies with their accustomed weapons Then sent they to intreate the French general to come on shore which he caused his men to do with their swords and harquebâ—sies which he made them leaue behind them in token of mutuall assurance leauing his men but their swords only after that the Sauages complaining thereof had left and likewise sent away their weapons at the request of Gourgues This done Satourioua going to meet him caused him to sit on his right hand in a seat
therefore I had alwayes a longing and desire to this my natiue countrey and to returne and serue againe in the Mines where I might haue gathered great riches and wealth I very well saw that at one time or another I should fall againe into the danger of that diuelish Inquisition and so be stript of all with losse of life also and therefore I made my choise rather to learne to weaue Grogranes and Taffaties and so compounding with a Silke-weauer I bound my selfe for three yeeres to serue him and gaue him an hundred and fiftie Pezos to teach me the science otherwise he would not haue taught mee vnder seuen yeeres prentiship and by this meanes I liued the more quiet and free from suspition Howbeit I should many times be charged by familiars of that diuelish house that I had a meaning to runne away into England and to be an heretike Lutherane againe To whom I would answere that they had no neede to suspect any such thing in mee for that they knewe all very well that it was impossible for me to escape by any maner of meanes yet notwithstanding I was called before the Inquisitor and demaunded why I did not marrie I answered that I had bound my selfe at an occupation Well said the Inquisitor I knowe thou meanest to runne away and therefore I charge thee here vpon paine of burning as an heretike relapsed that thou depart not out of this citie nor come neere to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua nor to any other port To the which I answered that I would willingly obey Yea said he see thou doe so and thy fellowes also they shall haue the like charge So I remained at my science the full time and learned the Art at the end whereof there came newes to Mexico that there were certaine Englishmen landed with a great power at the port of Acapulco vpon the South sea and that they were comming to Mexico to take the spoyle therof which wrought a maruellous great feare amongst them many of those that were rich began to shift for themselues their wiues children vpon which hurlie burlie the Uiceroy caused a generall muster to be made of all the Spaniards in Mexico and there were found to be the number of 7000 and odde housholders of Spaniards in the citie and suburbs and of singlemen vnmaried the number of 3000 and of Mestizoes which are counted to be the sonnes of Spaniards borne of Indian women twenty thousand persons and then was Paul Horsewel I Miles Philips sent for before the Uiceroy and were examined if we did know an English man named Francis Drake which was brother to Captaine Hawkins to which we answered that Captainee Hawkins had not any brother but one which was a man of the age of threescore yeeres or thereabouts and was now gouernour of Plimmouth in England And then he demanded of vs if we knewe one Francis Drake and we answered no. While these things were in doing there came newes that all the Englishmen were gone yet were there eight hundred men made out vnder the leading of seueral Captains wherof two hundred were sent to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua vpon the North Sea vnder the conduct of Don Luys Suares two hundred were sent to Guatimala in the South sea who had for their captaine Iohn Cortes two hundred more were sent to Guatulco a port of the South sea ouer whom went for captaine Don Pedro de Robles and two hundred more were sent to Acapulco the port where it was said that Captaine Drake had bene And they had for Captaine doctor Robles Alcalde de Corte with whom I Miles Philips went as interpreter hauing licence giuen by the Inquisitors When we were come to Acapulco we found that Captaine Drake was departed from thence more then a moneth before we came thither But yet our captaine Alcalde de Corte there presently embarked himselfe in a small ship of threescore tunne or thereabout hauing also in companie with him two other small barkes and not past two hundred men in all with whom I went as interpreter in his owne ship which God knoweth was but weake and ill appointed so that for certaine if we had met with Captaine Drake he might easily haue taken vs all We being imbarked kept our course and ranne Southward towards Panama keeping still as nigh the shore as we could and leauing the land vpon our left hand and hauing coasted thus for the space of eighteene or twentie dayes and being more to the South then Guatimala we met at last with other ships which came from Panama of whom we were certainely informed that he was cleane gone off the coast more then a moneth before and so we returned backe to Acapulco againe and there landed our Captaine being thereunto forced because his men were very sore sea-sicke All the while that I was at Sea with them I was a glad man for I hoped that if we met with master Drake we should all be taken so that then I should haue beene freed out of that danger and miserie wherein I liued and should returne to mine owne countrey of England againe But missing thereof when I sawe there was no remedie but that we must needes come on land againe little doeth any man know the sorow and griefe that inwardly I felt although outwardly I was constrained to make faire weather of it And so being landed y e next morow after we began our iourney towardes Mexico and past these townes of name in our way as first the towne of Tuatepec 50 leagues from Mexico from thence to Washaca 40 leagues from Mexico from thence to Tepiaca 24 leagues from Mexico and from thence to Pueblo de los Angeles where is a high hill which casteth out fire three times a day which hill is 18 leagues in maner directly West from Mexico from thence we went to Stapelapa 8 leagues from Mexico and there our captaine and most of his men tooke boat and came to Mexico againe hauing bene foorth about the space of seuen weekes or thereabouts Our captaine made report to the Uiceroy what he had done and how farre he had trauelled and that for certaine he was informed that captaine Drake was not to be heard of To which the Uiceroy replied and said Surely we shall haue him shortly come into our hands driuen a land through necessitie in some one place or other for he being now in these seas of Sur it is not possible for him to get out of them againe so that if he perish not at sea yet hunger wil force him to land And then againe I was commanded by the Uiceroy that I should not depart the citie of Mexico but alwaies be at my masters house in a readinesse at an houres warning when soeuer I should be called for that notwithstanding within one moneth after certaine Spaniards going to Mecameca 18 leagues from Mexico to send away certaine hides and Cochinilla that they had there at
him brought me to Portsmouth where they set me on land the 2. day of December last past 1590. From thence I was sent by M. Muns the lieutenant of Portsmouth with letters to the R. honorable the Earle of Suffex who commanded his secretary to take my name and examination how long I had bene â—ut of England and with whom I went which he did And on Christmas euen I took my leaue of his honor and came to Redriffeâ— The Computation of my imprisonment I suffered imprisonment in Mexico two yeeres In the Contratation house in Siuill one yeere In the Inquisition house in Triana one yeere I was in the Gallies twelue yeeres In the euerlasting prison remediles with the coat with S. Andrews crosse on my back 4. yeres And at libertie I serued as a drudge Hernando de Soria 3. yeeres which is the full complement of 23. yeeres Since my departure from England vntill this time of my returne I was siue times in great danger of death besides the many perils I was in in the Gallies First in the Port of S. Iohn de Vllua where being on shore with many other of our company which were all slaine sauing I and two other that by swimming got aboord the Iesus of Lubek Secondly when we were robbed by the wild Indians Thirdly after we came to Mexico the viceroy would haue hanged vs. Fourthly because he could not haue his mind to hang vs he would haue burnt vs. Fiftly the Generall that brought vs into Spaine would haue hanged vs at sea Thus hauing truely set downe vnto you my trauels misery and dangers endured the space of 23. yeeres I ende A relation of the Hauen of Tecuanapa a most conuenient place for building of ships situate vpon the South sea not farre from Nicaragua which was sent vnto the viceroy of Mexico or to the king of Spaine wherein are described the riuers of Ometepec Tlacamama and Tlacolula falling into the said Hauen with the townes people and mountaines adioyning to the said riuers and other things fit for the building and victualling of ships THe Port and small harbour of Tecuanapa hath in the briest time of Sommer in the chanell little lesse then one fathome at low water and at full sea one fathome and an halfes in the time of raine with the increasing of the land-water it hath three fathoms and more It lyeth toward the West and there the Bishopricks of Guaxacan and Tlarcali are separated From hence toward the point called Punta de Intla and Dordaci there is a Bay 2. leagues distant which though it be no special harbour yet vpon an extremity ships may come and ride there as in times past they haue done This Bay on the right hand toward the North maketh a lake somewhat large towards the midst of the chanell and in some parts deepe but specially on the side of Cuahintla but on either side it is but shallow As you passe betweene the sea certaine great and large woods of orenge trees and trees of other nature which grow along the sea coast which are of no great bredth al the countrey appeareth very open howbeit on the side of Cuahintla the mountaines haue many creeks and a small lake called Tulaningo and the countrey cannot be trauelled except you take the way betweene the sea and the end of this lake which may be about two leagues of sandy way And on the North side there is another small creeke And going by the sands side one quarter of a league you come to the way that leadeth vnto Quacapotla a mansion of Intla The riuer of Ometepec being the principal riuer which commeth to this halâ—en hath his head in the mountaines of Xicayan de Touer about 24. leagues froÌ„ this hauen from diuers brooks which come out of the mountaines of Cacatepec and beneath a towne called Suchistlahuaca litle more then 3. leagues all the brooks ioyne together and from that place you may passe downe to the sea with Canoâ—s and Lighters and you might come farther but for the fall of a furious streame or current which ruÌ„neth between two great rocks passing from Cocahulapa a mansion of Ometepec vnto Yanguitle a mansion of the said Ometepec These inconueniences being past which in my iudgement may be about one league the riuer is more nauigable so that you may sayle in the same about 12. leagues During the space of which 12. leagues about a league and a halfe distance from the waters side and in many other parts of the same riuer it hath great quantitie of woods which vse to grow in hot soiles fiâ— for ship-timber as Hubertrees Suchicuhitil whereof they of Nicaragua make great profit Also there be white okes and Tehegurtes in great quantitie and many other kinds of timber and in the mountaines there be firre-trees okes and cork-trees which easily may bee caried downe the riuer because they may be cut some 2 3 4 and 5. leagues from the riuer and may be brought downe to the waters side with the seruice and helpe of those that dwell in the townes thereabout At the head of these brooks where the riuer beginneth is the towne which is called Xicaian belonging to the heires of Francis de Touer y de Guillen containing about 350. Indians of rude speech and of little policie being 24. leagues from the sea little more or lesse The place it selfe is hot although the mountaines round about be cold A little from this is the towne of Aioanapa possessed by the heires of Perez Gomez hauing in it about 300. Indians of the selfe same speach and qualitie The countrey is more subiect to heate then cold yet hath it neere it cold countreys and mountaines It is distant from Xicaâ—â—â— de Toâ—er 4. leagues and from the sea 20. leagues Sire leagues downeward toward the South is the towne of Suchistlahuaca on the said riuer and the inhabitants are of the same speach and qualities The countrey is more subiect to heaâ—e then cold It is in the charge of Gonzaluo Fernandez a citizen of Mexico and hath about 150. Indians and is 15. leagues distant from the sea From this towne vnto the towne of Ometepec are 6. leagues The place is very hoat and in the same gouernment and is situate betweene certaine hils one league from the riuer â—e and his followers haue vnder them about 700. Indians which speake the Ayacastecan Amulgan and Niciecan tongâ—es and this place is from the sea nine leagues From this towne vnto Ihualapa are two great leagues it is in the gouernment of the heires of Laurence de Castro of the foresaid temperature and the people vse the said language and are of the like stature and it standeth three leagues from the riuer and from the sea ten leagues These are the best townes and of the best traffique that are vpon all this coast The Indians are rich in Cacao and victuals and in
certayne shoald whereupon the sea doth alwayes beate I aduise thee that if thou canst not passe on the West side then thou must goe betwixt the sayd little copple that is like a sayle and the shoald for the passage is good But if thou depart from the Serranilla to the Northwest and seest a lowe land with the sea and certaine white sandy bayes and on the West side seest a low land and on the Eastside a little coast lying East and West thou mayest make account it is Cape de Corrientes And if thou goe from Cape de Corrientes for Cape de Santo Antonio thou must goe Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe with the Cape The marks be a low land full of trees with certaine white sandie bayes and vpon the Cape it selfe thou shalt see two thicke groues of great trees and they be vpon the Cape it selfe To go from the Cape de Sant Antonio for Hauana in the time of the North winds thou shalt goe Northwest vntill thou be cleere of all the shoalds of the Cape and then hale thy bâ—wlines and go as neere the wind as thou canst possibly vntill thou bring thy selfe vnto 24. degrees and there sound and thou shalt find it the Tortugas and thy sounding will be white sand Thou must take heede what is said in the Chapter before for he that writ the same hath seene it and bene witnesse to this that comming from Seranilla and stirring North and by East he had sight of an Island standing in 16. degrees and it is on the shoalds of Cape de Camâ—ron And from thence if thou haue the wind large goe Northeast and by East because of the variation of the compasse and thou shalâ— make thy way Eastnortheast and thou shalâ— fall with Isla de Pinos This I I say because the currents set sometime West and so it fell out to bee true in March. Anno Domini 1582. I tell thee farther that wee came out from this aforesayd Isle stirring North and by East for the wind would not suffer vs to lye neerer the East and one euening at Sunne going downe we fell with a lâ—nd that had the â—ame markes to our iudgement with the Cape de Corrientes and because night was at hand we wrought to double Cape de Sanâ— Anâ—onio stirring West and about midnight we had land all high right aheadâ— the câ—â—st lying Southwest and then we cast and lay Northeast till day And bâ—ing day wee saw the land all ahead and we plied to wind-ward to the East and kept it a larboord till we had brought it Southwest And to be short we went hâ—re on land in the same place that we first fell wâ—th in the euening before and it was an Island called Coçumel lying on the coast of Incatan And this Island was the land which we saw first seeming by the marks to be the Cape de Corrieâ—tes Wee came to an ankeâ— about the middest of the Island rather to the Norther then the Souther part there we found a towne of Indians who gaue vs all things which we needed for our money and wee carried our Astrolabs on sâ—â—re and tooke the height in 19. degrees and one tierre A man may goe betweene this Island and the coast of â—ucaâ—an and the Cape de Cotoche at pleasure Northeast and the water wil set in thy fauour and thou must go till thou be in 24. degrees and so thou shalt haue the sounding of the Tortugas The course to be kept from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna IF thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna and beeing late thou shalt stirre Westnorthwest till thou be in the height of 24. degrees and from thence thou shalt stirre something to the West vntil thou bring thy selfe North and South with the litle Iland called Vermeja and when thou art so thou shalâ— go Southwest by this way thou shalt find Villa Rica which is in 19 degrees a halfe and the signes be these Thou shalt find a ledge of high hils lying Northeast and Southwest But if thou chance to fall with a coast that lieth North and South then thou mayest account that it is about the low ground of Almeria which hath these markes It is a land not very high and it is full of little copples And if thou haue cleare weather thou shalt see within the land certaine high hils which are called the hils of Papalo And I aduise thee that beeing so farre shotte as the poynt called Punta delgada which is the ende of all those hilles of Villa Rica thou mayest stirre thence South and by West and thou shalt goe along the coast and shalt see a lowe land and with this land thou shalt fall going for Saint Paul and being so farre shotte as Saint Paul if thou wilt goe in o the harbour thou must stirre Southwest and this is the course that thou must keepe being shotte into the Bay And thou shalt goe along the coast of the lowe land in sight thereof and keeping this course thou shalt see on the other side a blacke hill and it is called Monte de Carneros Take this for a note that it lyeth ouer the house of Buytron and as thou doest come neerer to the poynt of rockes thou must bee sure to keepe thy lead going and shalt haue foure fathomes and a halfe or fiue fathâ—mâ—s and so thâ—u mayest goe through the middest of the chanell And comming against the castle thou shalt giue it some breadth off towards the Aâ—recise or rocke and hauing doubled the castle thou shalt goe from thence and shalt bring thy selfe to an anker hard by the Herreria which is a cleane Bay and thou shalâ— ride against the hospitall I aduise thee that if thou be benighted when thou are neere to S. Paul and meetest with a Northerly wind after midnight that then thy best way is to bring thy selfe into thy coarses and lye by plying to windward and to seaward in 20. fathomes which depth thou shalt haue neere the shâ—re to the Northward and being day then goe in with the harbour as thou canst best obseruing what is abouesaid And I aduise thee if thou come from Villa Rica and findest thy selfe in 20. degrees and a halfe and seest no land and seest that the water doth alter thou shalt sound 60. fathomes water and if in this depth thou hast oaze make account thou art East and West with the riuer of Almeria This course is from the Cape of Santo Antonio to Nueua Espanna without or aseaboord the Alacranes or Scorpions Now followeth how to worke if a man come betwixt the Alacranes and the maine If thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio and wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna within the Alacranes thou must sâ—irre West and by South and by this way thou shalt bring thy selfe in 20. fathoms and
vntill hee bring himselfe Northeast and Southwest which the same point and then he must stirre away South to fetch the said pointâ— The signes of Punta de Naga THe said point or Head-land is an high point of Land and plaine vpon the toppe like a table and without it there are two litle rockie Islands and vpon the North side of the said point is another point called Punta de hidalgo anâ— vpon the top thereof are 2. picked rockes like vnto the eares of a Hare The course from the Canaries to the VVest Indies IF you set saile from any of the Islands of the Canaries for the West Indias you must stirre away 30. or 40 leagues due South to the ende you may auoid the calmes of the Island of Fierro and being so farre distant from the said Island then must you stirre away West Southwest vntill you finde your selfe in 20. degrees and then saile West and by South vntill you come to 15. degrees and ½ And from thence stirre away West and by North and so shall you make a West way by reason of the Northwesting of the Compasse which West way will bring you to the Island of Deseada The markes of the Island of Deseada THis Island Deseada lieth East Northeast and West Southwest hauing no trees vpon it and it is proportioned like a Galley and the Northeast ende thereof maketh a lowe nose like the snowe of a galley and by comming neere it and passing by the Norther ende thereof you shall perceiue white broken patches like heapes of sand with red strakes in them the Southwest end of this Island maketh like the tile of a galley And this Island standeth in 15. degrees and ½ Markes of the Island of Monserate MOnserate is an high Island and round full of trees and vpon the East side thereof you shall perceiue certain white spots like sheetes and being vpon the South side at the very point of the Island somewhat off the land it maketh like a litle Island and putting your selfe either East or West from that point in the midst thereof will appeare a great broken land Markes of the Island of Marigalanta MArigalanta is a smooth Island and full of wood or trees and as it were of the fashion of a galley vpon her decke and being on the Southeast side about halfe a league off you shall make certaine homocks of blacke stones and certain white patches but on the West side appeare faire white sandy shores or plaines Markes of the Isle of Dominica THe Island of Dominica lieth Northwest and Southeast and vpon the Northwest side it sheweth more high and if you come neere it at full sea it will shew like two Islands but by comming neerer vnto it you shall perceiue it to be but one and vpon the Southeast side you shall make or see a plaine and long point and vpon the same point appeareth a cliffe like to the cliffe of Cape Tiburon and vpon the North side a litle from the land it sheweth like a litle Island and vpon the top thereof is as it were an high steeple and vpon the Norther side you shall perceiue it like many white sheetes Markes of the Island of Guadalupe THe Island of Guadalupe lieth on the West of Deseada and vpon the Southwest part thereof appeare many hie mountaines but vpon the East side it maketh certaine tables which are called the high part of Guadalupe And this Island is cut North and South so that the Canoas of India do passe from the North to the South of it as if it were two Islands Markes of the Isle of Matalina or Martinino THe Isle of Matalina is high and full of mountaines hauing in the midst thereof 3. homocks the middlemost homocke being highest sheweth like the great bowle of an hat And vpon the North side it appeareth like three little Islands And in this Island there are warlik Indians like those of Dominica Markes of the three small Islands called Islas de Los Santos or the Islands of Saintes LOs Santos are 3. Islandes lying one close by another vpon the South side of Guadalupe For to goe with S. Iuan de Puerto rico you must stirre away Northwest vntill you fall with the Isle of Saba Markes to know the Isle of Saba SAba is a litle Island and round about it you shall see the bottome but feare not for there is no danger but that which you shall see and round about it it maketh as it were certaine heapes of white sand and by the side thereof it sheweth like a Ship vnder saile but follow that direction that I haue giuen and you shall see La virgin gorda Markes to know the Isle called La virgin gorda LA virgin gorda is an high Island and round and seeing it you shall espie all the rest of the Virgines which lye East and West one from another and are baâ—e without any trees You may goe about by them vntil you see the litle gray Island which you shal see by it selfe by the Virgines and comming neere to the sayd Island ouer that you shall by and by rayse sight of the white litle Iâ—land which seemeth like a ship vnder saile And if you will passe betweene this litle whiâ—e Iâ—land or bare rocke and the greene Island you must beware that you leaue the white Island on the larbourd side of you and come no neerer it then a Calieuer-shot and so shall you passe through 12. fadome-water and then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you enter into the Hauen of Puerto rico and if you chance to passe the sayd Island by night goe by the foresaid direction vntâ—ll the first watch be out and then take in your sayles and so driue vntill it bee neere day and then hoise sayles and stirre away Southwest seeking the sayde Port and when you come to the entring within you must stay till 10. of the clocke for the sea-turne And know that hauing the Loguilo at Southwest then shall the Harbour be off you North and South Directions from Monserate to Santa Cruz. HE that departeth from Monserate to Santa Cruz must stirre away Westnortwest and by the same course you shall seaze vpon S. Iuan de Puerto rico Markes to know the Isle of Santa Cruz. SAnta Cruz is an Island not very high all full of homocks and comming with it at full sea it will shew like the Virgines and vpon the East side there are two homocks higher then all the reâ—t And by this course you may goe to the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and hauing found it you may sayle along the South coast East and West vntill you come to Cabo Roxo Markes to know Cape Roxo CApe Roxo is a low Cape and trayling to the sea-ward hauing certaine heapes of broken ground thereon which are like a homocke and at full sea the same sheweth like a litle Island from the land by it selfe but comming neere vnto
and from those mountaines they brought it when they would hâ—uâ— it but they made no great account of it for they neither buy nor sell and amongst them is nothing but change In this countery they eate bread of rootes and Maiz and they eate certaine rootes which they call Aies and Batatas but the Batatas bee better then the other rootes and being rawe they haue a smell of Chestnuts they are to be eaten rosted These Indians doe make wine of the fruit of Date-trees which fruit is yellow in colour and is as great as a little Doues egge and being in season is good to be eaten and of it proceedeth good wine and is preserued for a long time These kinde of people do make their houses with vpper roomes and they sleepe in them as also al their habitation is in the vpper roomes and that which is belowe they leaue open and also they vse certaine mantels of cotten wooll and these they tie at the endes with ropesâ— and the one ende of of the rope they make fast to one part of the house and the other ende to the other part of the house and in these they lye which bee their beddes and these kinde of beds bee vsed in all India and there is not in any part of India any chambers that the people do vse to lodge in aloft fâ—om the ground nor they make any hie roomes but only in this part of India in al other places they make their houses without any loftes or chambers and they couer their houses with the leaues of date trees and of grasse And from this fresh water-sea vnto Paria the coast lyeth West Northwest and is so ful of sholds that the ships cannot come neer to the land There are froÌ„ this riuer to Paria 250 leagues In this fresh water sea the tydes do ebbe flow as much as they do in Britayne and it standeth in 6 degrees and a halfe Paria standeth on the other side of the Equinoctial toward the North in seuen degrees In Paria the sea floweth but little and from Paria towards the West the sea doth not flow From the entry of the gulfe of Paria vnto the Cape that lyeth towards the West are 35 leagues and froÌ„ thence the coast turneth towardes the Northeast other 35 leagues from thence the coast turneth toward the West Before this gulfe standeth the Island of Trinidad and towards the West doeth appeare the gulfe of Paria like to halfe a round circle after the fashion of a Diameter and at the end of this circle is the entery in of Paria at this entery there is betweene the land and the Island 8 leagues and on the other side there is but litle space betweene the Iland and the land but it is deepe and hath a good entry this Iland of Trinidad hath in length 25 leagues and as many in bredth and standeth in eight degrees and is inhabited of many people and as yet not vnder subiection Here the Indians do vse to shoote with bowes and arrowes which are of a fathome in length made of reeds which grow in that Countrey and at the ende of them is artificially ioyned a piece of wood very strong vnto the which piece of wood at the end of it they put a bone of a fish in place of an arrow head these kinde of bones bee harder then Diamonds and euery one of them be three or foure fingers long they are taken out of a fish that hath three of these bones one vpon the backe another vnder euery wing but that which groweth vpon the backe is the strongest and the greatest In this Island the people saith that there groweth golde and in this Island and in Paria growe reedes so great that they make staues of them and cary of them into Spaine Likewise there bee Popiniayes very great and gentle and some of them haue their foreheads yellow and this sort do quickly learne to speak and speak much There be likewise in the gulfe of Paria pearles although not many but very good and great CERTAINE VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS AND Traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasil together with a Ruttier for all that coast and two intercepted letters which reueale many secrets of the state of that Countery the rest of our Voyages to Brasil which haue bene either intended or performed to the Riuer of Plate the streight of Magellan the South sea or farther that way being reserued for the geuerall heades next insuing A briefe relatioÌ„ of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plimmouth father to Sir Iohn Haukins knight late Treasurer of her Maiesties Nauie in the yeere 1530 and 1532. OLde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth a man for his wisedome valure experience and skill in sea causes much esteemed and beloued of K. Henry the 8 and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time not contented with the short voyages commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe armed out a tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes called the Paule of Plimmouth wherwith he made three long and famous voyages vnto the coast of Brasil a thing in those dayes very rare especially to our Nation In the course of which voyages he touched at the riuer of Sestos vpon the coast of Guinea where hee traffiqued with the Negros and tooke of them Elephants teeth and other commodities which that place yeeldeth and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil he vsed there such discretion and behaued himself so wisely with those sauage people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them Insomuch that in his second voyage one of the sauage kings of the countrey of Brasil was contented to take ship with him and to be transporâ—ed hither into England whereunto M. Haukins agreed leauing behinde in the Countâ—ry as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth This Brasilian king being arriued was brought vp to London and presented to K. Henry the 8. lying as then at White-hall at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle maruaile and not without cause for in his cheekes were holes made according to their sauage maner and therein small bones were planted standing an inch out from the said holes which in his owne Countrey was reputed for a great brauerie He had also another hole in his nether lip wherein was set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease All his apparel behauiour and gesture were very strange to the beholders Hauing remained here the space almost of a whole yeere and the king with his sight fully satisfied M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment purposed to conuey him againe into his countrey but it fell out in the way that by change of aire and alteration of diet the said Sauage king did
in the time of the Northeast windes thou shalt seeke to fall with the land in foureteene degrees And if thou see a lowe land thou mayest make accompt it is the land called Ciemana and then thou shalt see Mangues And also thou shalt come along this coast to the South and when thou seest an ende of the low land then thou shalt finde an high land along the sea like the other that I haue made mention of before that is all sandie along the sea coast And thou must vnderstand that where the high land beginneth there is a little riuer called Rio das Contas but enter not into it it hath for a marke to be knowen by as it were a white mouth And from thence to the Islands thou hast nine leagues And at the ende of this high land to the Southward of it thou shalt find a great bay within the land then thou shalt looke to the Westsouthwest and shalt see another high land which lieth as it were in the middest of the bay and thou shalt there see certaine white houses which are the Ingenios or houses wherein they make sugar of Lucas Giraldo From thence thou shalt see the Isles being so farre shotte as Rio de Contas And thou shalt see within the land a round hill which is like Monte de laude and it hath another copple on the South side The course to sayle to Porto Seguro that is to say The safe hauen lying on the foresayd coast of Brasil the markes to know the same by IF thou goe for Porto Seguro and goest in the time of the Southeast windes which is from March forwards I aduise thee that thou fall not in more degrees then sixteen and a halfe because of the sholdes called Os baixos dos Abrolhos which are very dangerous and stretch very farre into the sea And also going West from them that thou keepe thy lead going and be often sounding And if thou chance to see the land and an high hill and long withall much like to The pike it is the hill that is called Monte Pasqual And from thence thou must goe to the North and when thou hast brought it Southwest of thee then thou mayest beare with the land but with great care to looke about thee Marke when thou seest the land and commest to see a red cliffe then looke to the Southward and thou shalt see a great smooth coast along the sea and then on the North side thou shalt deserue Porto Seguro And going along the coast thou shalt see the towne of Porto Seguro standing vpon the toppe of an hill which hill is a white rocke and on the North side of the sayd rocke there is a very hie land I aduise thee that when thou art East and West with the sayd land I meane with this rocke that then thou looke to the Northward and thou shalt see certaine rocks lying two leagues off into the sea whereon the sea doth breake and to the Southward of them thou mayest come to an ankor against the towne and hast a good place to ride in thirteen fadomes in sight of the towne And if it be thy chance to arriue in the time of the Northeast winds and commest in the height of fifteene degrees and two third parts and seest not certaine hilles then thou must goe along the coast being in 16 degrees and vnder the first hie land that thou shalt descrie thou shalt see certaine sandie bayes along the sea coast And if thou haue sight of a riuer in this height put not thy selfe into it neither beare with the land for it hath many sholdes And off them lie certaine sunken grounds called Os Baixos de Santo Antonio And from hence to the Southward lyeth Porto Seguro I aduise thee that going along the coast to the Southward and seeing such sholdes and the sea to breake vpon them as the other which I last spake of thou shalt runne along them a sea boord of them and when thou art at the end of them then the towne will beare West of thee and then thou mayest goe to thine ankoring place as is abouesayd giuing these sholds a good birth The course to the hauen named Baia do Spirito Santo that is to say The bay of the holy Ghost lying on the sayd coast of Brasil and the markes thereof THou shalt vnderstand that the ship that goeth for Spirito Santo when it hath doubled the sholdes called Os Baixos dos Abrolhos and hath brought it selfe in 20 or 19 degrees and a halfe then it may hall with the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a halfe and in twentie And the sayd shippe must goe in this height because on this coast there are no Monçoins If thou chance to come in the height of 19 degrees ½ and seest lowe land to the Northwest off thee then thou art on the North side of Spirito Santo and thou mayest make accompt that it is the land lying ouer Criquare and ouer the riuer called Rio dolce that is the riuer of sweete or fresh water If thou come along the land thou shalt find certaine high hilles but trust not the first that thou seest only For besides the rest thou shalt see a round hie hill which is at the capes end which is called la Sierra de mestre Aluaro Take heede that going for this land thou looke to the North and thou shalt see a riuer called Rio dos Reyes Magos that is The riuer of the three kings And comming to the Southward thou shalt see presently the mouth of the bay to open At the end of this hill on the South side thou hast a point of a rocke which is called A punta do Tubaron And on the South side of the bay it hath two or three blacke hie hilles and in the middest of the bay thou shalt goe in westward I aduise thee that in going in thou take heede of a sholde which lieth in the mouth of the bay thou must leaue it to the Southward of thee and then plie to double a certaine Island which lieth within and thou must leaue it to the Northward of thee and when it beareth on the North or Northeast thou mayest come to an ankor for all is cleane ground And if thou chance to come by this course and fallest in 20 degrees and seest many hilles and one among the rest very high and craggie it is called A Sierra de Guariparim that is the hill of Guaraparim and seest another hill on the North side which is called A Sierra de Pero Cam both these lie on the South side of Spirito Santo And from these hils thou shalt see a little hill named Guaipel And when thou seest these hilles thou shalt see three little Islands together lying to the Southward And then from these thou shalt see another rockie bare and round Island and to the land off this Island
master Walker master Shawe master Ieffries the master the masters mate and the pilot to whom I shewed that I was desirous to goe backe to seeke our admirall whereunto the master pilot and masters mate answered directly that wee could not fetch the ile where wee left them and to meete them in going backe it was very vnlikely and to vs dangerous many wayes aswell for falling into the laps of the Spaniards as to be put on a lee shoare whereupon all the rest aduised me to stand off into the sea whereunto I assented remembring withal that time spent consumed victuall and howe long wee had beaten vp and downe in the same bay before to get in with calmes and contrary windes Thus wee concluded that M. Walker should set downe each mans opinion and wee set to ouâ— handes and from hencefoorth hee to keepe a Register of all our proceeding as M. Maddox did abord the Admirall The first day of February wee went East by south and East southeast with a stoute gale and went the same course the 3.4 and 5. dayes following The 5. day about 10. a clocke in the forenoone M. Walker died who had bene weake and sicke of the bloodie flixe 6. dayes wee tooke a view of his things and prised them and heaued him ouer bord and shot a peece for his knell The 14. day I called into my cabbin the two marchants the Master and the Pilot shewing them our wants of victuals and other necessaries whereupon they and I concluded that it was best for vs to returne to our countrey with as litle losse of time and expense of victuals as might be being without hope of reliefe vpon this coast and yet to keepe the coast of Brasil to friend for feare of extremitie The 17. day in the morning hauing much raiue wee saued aboue two tunne of water of which we were very glad The 18. day I obserued the variation of the compasse which varied one point and a halfe to the Southwards by our ordinary compasse of London The second day of March the Master Pilot I agreed to fetch the yle of Fernando Loronha From the 3. day to the 10. day we went West and by South and ran in for the shoare The 10. day we saw the land which was sandie hilles with woods on it The 11. day seeking to goe a shoare wee sawe foure men which weaued to vs with a white shirt and we weaued to them with a flagge of truce At length one of them swamme to our boatâ— side and there lay in the Sea talking with vs almost an houre in the ende being partly perswaded by Pinto who talked with them in the Indian-tongue and partly entised with such trifles as I shewed him hee came into our Skiffe and called to his companions on shoare who came abord swimming wee deliuered them certaine barricos to fetch vs them full of fresh water after there came downe 40. Indians boyes women and men and with them a French boy but the former Indians deceiued vs of our barricos Whereupon Pinto and Russell swamme a shoare to seeke water but found none The same day wee sailed to a place where boats might land I went a land in my Skiffe and found the Indians and Frenchmen which were with mee the day before and they brought our three barricos full of fresh water for whâ—â—â— I rewarded them with some trifles In the meane time our boat went ashoare and one men with some of the Indians brought vs twentie barricos more of fresh water and I my selfe went to shoare and brought 23. hennes of India The 12. day betimes in the morning wee manned our boat and Skiffe and â—ooke some trifling things to shoare and barricos at our first arriuall the rude Indians stocked together wading to the Skiffe wherein I was begging and wondering about vs First I caused them to fetch 27. barricos of water whom I rewarded with small bells c. In the meane time they brought hens to me wading to the Skiffe for I kept my selfe alwayes afleat and for their hens I gaue them a knife and a smal looking glasse All this while M. Blackcoller our Pilot Thomas Russel Mâ—rkâ— Thawgâ—â—s were still on shoare and would not tarry abord In the ende fearing some treacherie because all the Indians were slipped on shoare from mee I called our men away and suddenly they layed handes on our men ashoare and with their bowes shot thicke at vs in the boats and waded into the water to vs laying hands on our Skiffe yet God of his mercie deliuered vs from their hands with the losse of fiue men slaine and others hurt Thus we got abord with 40. hens ducks turkies and parrats and three hogsheads of water and I caried a Frenchman abord with mee named Iaques Humfrey who was by chance in the boat with me when this fray began The 17. day we tooke three sharks in the morning From that day to the first of April wee went our course sometime with raine and sometime with variable windes so til the 4. of April which day we saw 4. birds with long tailes which houered about the ship and in the afternoone we saw and tooke vp many weedes which draue thickâ— in the sea which we iudged to be driuen with the East windes from the yles of Cape verde From this day till the 11. day we went our course sometime Northeast sometime Northwest according to the winds vpon this 11. day George Coxe one of our Carpenters hauing the night before broken vp the hold and stolâ—e wine and drunken himselfe drunke being taken in the roome lept ouerbord out of the beake head and so drowned himselfe The 12. day wee spied our foremast to be perished in the hownes and durst not beare our foretop saile vpon it but went hence with our sailes next hand North all day and night From hence to the 20. day we went Northeast and by North. This day I obserued the variation of the compasse and I noted that the South point of the compasse caried more then halfe a point to the Westwards The 25. day of May wee went betweene the East northeast and the Northeast with a small gale till fiue a clocke in the afternoone then had we sight of land which rose ragged to the Northwards like broken land we bring about fiue leagues off that yle bare Northeast by North of vs and the Northermost part bare North by East of vs with a rocke a sea bord we then sounded and had fiftie and fiue fadome grey sand and maze great store in it so wee stood in Northeast till eight a clocke and then be helde it againe being within foure leagues of it bearing as before but wee coulde not make it for some thought it to bee the foreland of Fontenay some iudged it the yle of Vssanâ—â— then we sounded againe in 55. fadome browne sand and little maze in it at eight a clocke at night we
Master Robert Withrington Captaine of the Admirall Master Christopher Lister Captaine of The barke Clifford Iohn Anthonie Master of the Admirall Thomas Hood Pilot for the Streights William Anthonie Master of the barke Clifford Dauid Collins Tristram Gennings Master William Withrington Master Beumond Withrington Master Wasnes Master Wilkes Master Norton Master Harris Thomas Anthonie Nicholas Porter The master Gunner And Alexander Gundie his mate Iohn Sarracol This company being all assembled together the Master of the Admiral declared that the cause of our assembly was to determine after good aduice what course or way were best and most likely to all mens iudgements to be taken First for the good preferment of my Lords voyage then the health of our men and lastly the safegard of our shippes and further shewed his minde to vs all in these wordes as neere as I could cary them away MY masters my Lords determination touching this our voyage is not vnknowen vnto you all hauing appointed it to be made and by the grace of God to be performed by vs for the South sea But for as much as wee doe all see the time of the yeere to bee farre spent as also the windes to hang contrary the weather drawes on colder and colder the nights longer and longer our bread so consumed that we haue not left aboue two moneths bisket our drinke in a maner all spent so that we haue nothing but water which in so cold a countrey as the Streights if we should get in and bee forced there to winter would no doubt be a great weakening to our men and a hazard of the ouerthrow of the voyage These things considered both our Captaine Master Hood and I doe rather thinke it good for the wealth of our voyage the health of our men and safetie of our ships to goe roome with the coast of Brasill where by Gods grace wee shall well victuall our selues both with wine which is our greatest want and other necessaries Besides it is giuen vs here to vnderstand by the Portugals which we haue taken that there is no doubt but that by Gods helpe and our endeuour wee shall bee able to take the towne of Baya at our pleasure which if wee doe put in practise and doe not performe it being somewhat aduised by them they offer to loose their liues And hauing by this meanes victualled our selues wee may there spend vpon the coast some three or foure moneths except in the meane time wee may happen vpon some good thing to content my Lord and to purchase our owne credits otherwise wee may take the Spring of the yeere and so proceede according to my lords directions And assure your selues by the assistance of God wee will not returne without such benefite by this voyage as may redound to my lords profite and the honour of our countrey Nowe if there bee any of you that can giue better course and aduise then this which I haue deliuered let him speake and wee will not onely heare him but thanke him for his counsell and followe it To this speech of M. Anthony M. Lister our captaine answered in this sort M. Withrington M. Anthony both you know that the last words that my lord had with vs in such a chamber were that in any case we should follow our voyage only for the South sea except by the way we might perchance meete with such a purchase as that wee might returne with 6000 pounds and therefore I see no safetie howe wee may dare offer to goe backe againe being so neere the Streights as we are for my part I neither dare nor wil consent vnto it except we be further forced then yet wee are Mâ— accompt is this that he that dieth for this yeere is excused for the next and I rather choose death then to returne in disgrace with my lord Hereunto both the captaine and master of the Admirall replied that they were all of that mind yet notwithstanding that in going roome the voyage was in better possibilitie to bee performed then in wintring either in the Streights or at Port S. Iulian all things considered And so agreeing and concluding all in one they were determined presently to beare vp The next day being the 8 of February there fell out many and diuers speeches on each part concerning the altering of our course some would continue for the Streights and other some would not Whereupon a viewe was taken in both ships of victuals and reasonable store was found for both companies and the winde withall comming to the North we determined to take out of the prizes the best necessaries that were in them and so cast them off and to plie for the Streights All this time wee held on our course and the 15 day wee found our selues in the height of 44 degrees but then the winde came to the South with much raine wind cold and other vntemperate weather continuing in that sort fiue or sixe dayes in which time we hulled backe againe into the height of 42 degrees Sunday being the 20 of February our Admirall being something to the leeward of vs and the storme somewhat ceased put aboord his flag in the mizen shrowds as a token that hee would speake with vs and thereupon wee bare roome with him and hauing halled one another captaine Withrington shewed the disposition of all his company which was rather to goe roome with the coast of Brasil then to lie after that sort in the sea with foule weather and contrary winds Our captaine on the other side shewed the contrary disposition of his men and company willing notwithstanding to proceede but in the ende both the shippes fell asunder and our captaine sayd Seeing then there is no remedie I must be content though against my will The 21 day the weather grew faire and the wind good at the South for the Streights yet our Admirall bare roome still we supposing hee would haue taken the benefit of the time whereupon our whole company began to thinke of the inconueniences that would arise by deuiding our selues and losing our Admirall being very willing to continue their course and yet not without the company of the Admiral And then wee began to cast about after him and at the last bare with him and he tolde vs that vpon a second viewe of the victuals hee found their store so slender and their want so great that there was no remedy for them but to seeke some meanes to be relieued which was the onely cause that hee bare Northward This speech made vs of the barke to enter into a new consultation and we found many of our men weake and all our calieuers not seruiceable and the Smiths that should mend them to be in the Admiral We considered also that by breaking of company eche ship should be the more weakened wee continued in this consultation til the foure and twentieth day and in all that time found master captaine Lister most desirous to accomplish and to fulfill
cast off another and filled our owne ships with the necessaries of them The 8 day wee put off to sea but yet with much adoe came againe to our ankoring place because of the weather The 10 day the admirall sent for vs to come aboord him and being come hee opened a Carde before all the company and tolde vs that my lords voyage for the South sea was ouerthrowen for want of able men and victuals and that therefore hee thought it best to plie for some of the Islands of the West India or the Açores to see if they could meete with some good purchase that might satisfie my lord These wordes were taken heauily of all the company and no man would answere him but kept silence for very griefe to see my lords hope thus deceiueâ— and his great expenses and costs cast away The common sort seeing no other remedie were contented to returne as well as he The 16 day wee espied a sayle whereupon our pinnesse and Dalamor gaue her chase and put her ashore vpon the Island where the men forsooke her and ran away with such things as they could conueniently carte our pinnesse boorded her and found little in her they tooke out of her nine chests of sugar and one hogge and 35 pieces of pewter and so left her vpon the sands From this time forward we began to plie Northwards and the first of Iuly fell with the land againe where we fished and found reasonable good store I tooke the latitude that day and found our selues in 10 degrees and 22 minutes The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck and wee came so neere it that Dalamor as he told vs espied some of the ships that were in the harbour yet notwithstanding we all fell to leeward of the riuer could not after that by any meanes recouer the height of it againe but we ceased not on all parts to endeuour the best we could oftentimes lost company for a day or two one of another but there was no remedie but patience for to Fernambuck we could not come hauing so much ouershot it to the Northward and the wind keeping at the South and Southwest The 20 day I tooke the Sunne in 5 degrees 50 minuts which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck and the further wee went the more vnto wardly did the rest of our ships worke either to come into hauen or to keepe company one with another And â—ruely I suppose that by reason of the froward course of the Admirall he meant of purpose to lose vs for I know not how the neerer we endeuoured to be to him the further off would he beare from vs and wee seeing that kept on our owne course and lookt to our selues as well as we could The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation for our best course some would goe for the West India some directly North for England and in conclusion the greater part was bent to plie for our owne countrey considering our necessities of victuals and fresh water and yet if any place were offered vs in the way not to omit it to seeke to fill water The 26 day in the morning we espied a lowe Island but we lost it againe and could descrie it no more This day we found our selues in 3 degrees and 42 minutes The 27 day we searched what water we had left vs and found but nine buts onely so that our captaine allowed but a pinte of water for a man a day to preserue it as much as might be wherâ—with euâ—ry man was content and we were then in number fiftie men and boyes The first of August we found our selues 5 degrees to the Northward of the line all which moneth we continued our course homâ—ward withoâ—t touching any where toward the end whereof a sorrowfull accident fell out in our hulke which being deuided from vs in a calme fell a fire by some great negligence and perished by that meanes in the seas wee being not able any wayes to helpe the ship or to saue the men The 4 day of September we had brought our selues into the height of 41 degrees 20 minutes somwhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores and thus bulting vp and downe with contrary winds the 29 of the same moneth we reachâ—d the coast of England and so made an end of the voyage A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal borne in the citie of Eluas continued vnto the yere 1587. Wherein among diuers rare things not hitherto deliuered by any other writer certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truâ—ly reported whâ—ch was intercepted with the author thereof at the riuer of Plate by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586. FRancis Drâ—ke an Englishman being on the sea and hauing knowledge of the small strength of the towne of Nombre de Dios came into the harborough on a night with foure pinnesses and landed an hundreth and fifty men and leauing one halfe of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there hee with the rest entred the towne without doing any harme till hee came at the market place and there his company discharging their calieuers and sounding their trumpets which made a great noyse in the towne were answered by their fellowes in the force who discharged and sounded in like maner This attempt put the townesmen in such extreme feare that leauing their houses they fled into the mountaines and there be thought themselues what the matter should be in the towne remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarme But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion ioyned foureteene or fifteene of them together with their pieces to see who was in the towne and getting to a corner of the market-place they discouered the Englishmen and perceiuing that they were but a few discharged thâ—ir pieces at them and their fortune was such that they slew the trumpetter and shot the captaine whose name was Francis Drake into the legge who feeling himselfe hurt retired toward the Fort where he had left the rest of his men but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet and being not answered againe and hearing the calieuers discharged in the towne thought that their fellowes in the towne had bene slaine and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses Now Francis Drake whom his men carried because of his hurt when he came to the fort where he left his men and saw them fled he and the rest of his company were in so great feare that leauing their furniture behinde them and putting off their hose they swamme waded all to their Pinnesses and departed forth of the harbour so that if the Spaniards had followed them they might haue slaine them all Thus Captaine Drake did no more harme at Nombre
had good store of gold pearles and emraldes but the Spaniards haue destroyed most of those Indians from off the earth and in many of those Ilands there is nothing of any value wherefore I haue small cause to intreate any further of them But Hispaniola is an Iland of great bignesse and hath bene very full of people and abounded with mines of golde and with pearles but now all is wasted away It was at the Spaniards first coming thither as full of inhabitants as any place of that bignesse in the whole world yet now there are none left for they were men of so hard a heart that they murthered themselues rather then they would serue the Spaniards for being men vnder so small ciuill gouernement as they were neuer was there any people knowen of so resolute and desperate mindes for oftentimes a great number of them being together ouer night they should be found all dead before the morning such extreme hate did this brutish people beare against the Spaniards that they chose rather to die the death then to indure their insolencies It happened on a time that a Spaniard calling certaine Indians to worke in the mines which labour of all others did most grieue them they rather then they would goe offered to lay violent hands on themselues which the Spaniard perceiuing sayd vnto them seeing you will hang your selues rather then goe and worke I likewise will hang my selfe and will beare your company because I will make you worke in an other world but the Indians hearing this replied we will willingly worke with you here to the intent you may not goe with vs into another world so vnwilling were they of the Spaniards companie So that of all the inhabitantes of this Iland there were none that escaped death satte onely these fewe which came to passe by the meanes of this one Spaniarde otherwise they would haue hanged themselues also Some of these people are yet liuing but very few This Iland of Hispaniola is for the most part called The I le of Sant Domingo because the chiefe citie thereof is so called which was the first citie in all the West Indies that was inhabited There are in this citie aboue eight hundred sixe-houses of good building inhabited by Gentlemen of great wealth This Iland is vnhealthfull for it raineth here the most part of the yeere The riches that now this Iland affordeth are sugar for here are many Ingenios or sugar-houses and great store of hides by reason of the abundance of cattell there are copper mines also which is the cause that they haue such store of copper-money for their gold mines be all exhausted and the golde which they haue commeth from other places This Iland being as is beforesaide destitute of the first inhabitants and the Spaniardes lacking men to worke in their Ingenios and to looke vnto their cattell they were forced to bring Negros thither out of Guinea where they haue so increased that the Iland is nowe as full of them as it was of the naturall inhabitantes so that the Spaniardes carrie Negros from this Iland to the maine lande and there sell them The chiefest victuall that they haue in this Iland is a kinde of roote called Iuca which being eaten as it commeth new out of the ground is present death but first they boyle it and after presse it and the liquor that is strained therefrom is deadly poyson howbeit this roote being pressed so dry that there remaineth no moisture in it they mingle and temper the same with water and so make cakes therof which are very sauory good to eat this is all the bread which they haue in those Ilands There go from hence yerely into Spaine 7 or 8 ships at the least full fraighted with sugar hides Neere vnto Hispaniola lyeth another greater Iland called Cuba it is like vnto Hispaniola although there is not so much sugar The principall towne of this Ilande is called Hauana which hath an excellent harborough belonging thereunto The townesmen are very rich by reason of the fleetes that come from Nueua Espanna and Tierra firma which touch there for the safeguarde of which fleetes and of the towne it selfe there is a castle built neere the said harborough kept with Spanish souldiers neither is there any castle or souldiers in all the Ilands but onely here There is also another Iland inhabited with Spaniards called Boriquen or Sant Iuan de Puerto rico It is but little yet euery way as plentifull as the other two are and therfore I omit to speake thereof But now to prosecute my discourse of the port-townes vpon the maine lande Eastwarde and Southward from Margarita there are no townes inhabited by Spaniardes or Portugals till you come to Fernambuck vpon the coast of Brasill notwithstanding that betweene the sayd Iland and Fernambuck runneth the mightie riuer of Marannon whereof both because of the greatnesse and the riches contayned therein I must needes make some relation in regarde I haue promised to speake of euery place that is of any value in all the Indies This riuer is one of the greatest in the world and was first found when as the Spaniardes sought out the other coast but none can passe vp this riuer because of the greatnesse of the current which commeth downe as also there are many shelues of sand lying in the mouth thereof wherby it was long before the riches in and about this riuer were knowen vntill such time as the kingdome of Peru was conquered at which time a Captaine called Gonsalo Pizarro passing thorough the countrey of Peru came at length into a lande which they named La Canela because there groweth great store of Smamome but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the East Indies The sayd Captaine proceeding farther into the countrey came at length to a mightie riuer where he sawe the countrey people rowing in their Canoas and bringing golde to buy and sell with the Spaniards Captaine Pizarro seeing this was desirous to finde out the ende of this riuer but he could not trauell by lande because of the high mountaines wherefore he made a small Barke or Pinnesse to goe and discouer from whence the saide Indians brought their golde and sent in the saide Pinnesse a Captaine vnder him called Orellana who with fiftie men went downe the riuer but could not returne to their Generall Pizarro because of the great current which was very strong against them forcing them to passe along the riuer and to enter into the Sea and so they sayled on forwarde to the foresaide Ile of Margarita but as they passed downe this riuer they found it well inhabited with Indians which were possessed of great store of golde These men with their Pinnesse were passing downe this riuer eight monethes for the riuer lyeth very crooked which maketh a long way by water neither durst the Spaniardes euer lande because
they sawe the countrey so full of people but they tooke many Canoas wherein they had great store of victuals and some golde Now this Orellana comming vnto Margarita with these good newes and riches determined not to returne vnto his Captaine Pizarro which sent him but tooke his way from thence to the king of Spaine and presented him with the golde that he brought out of the riuer whereupon the king sent him with a fleete of shippes and siâ—e hundred men to inhabite the sayd riuer but because of the great current and sholdes that are therein hee left the most part of his men and shippes and with those that remained he went vnto certaine Ilandes hard by the riuer and built him Pinnesses but the countrey being very vnhealthfull himselfe and many of his men dyed and the residue went euery man which way pleased him best The same of this riuer was straightway spread through Spaine and Portugal insomuch that a Gentleman of Portugall called Lewis de Melo asked license of Don Iuan the third then king of Portugall to goe and conquere the sayd riuer for from the mouth of this riuer to the mouth of the riuer of Plate is that part of America which the kings of Portugall according to the partition made betweene them and the kings of Spaine doe holde so that the king of Portugall hauing this riuer in his part gaue it to the saide Lewis de Melo to conquere who taking tenne ships and eight hundred men among which many were gentlemen and comming to the mouth of this riuer lost all the said ships sauing two in one of the which two was Lewis de Melo himselfe also the most part of the men that were in the ships cast away were saued and got to the shore and so went by lande to the Iland of Margarita from whence they were dispersed throughout all the Indies Thus these two fleetes of ships being so vnfortunately cast away neuer durst any Captaine afterward attempt by sea to conquer the sayde riuer Howbeit from the kingdome of Nueua Granada before mentioned there haue gone two or three Captaines by land to discouer it for a rumour went ouer all the countrey of the great riches contained in this riuer whereupon the Spaniards named it El Dorado that is to say The golden riuer It is thought that God will not haue this riuer to be knowen for that one Captaine by lande had most of his people slaine by those of the countrey and others for want of victuals returned So that none of all these came to any plaine discouery till a few yeeres past a Captaine of the countrey of Nauarre called Pedro de Orzua who went from Peru almost the same way that Gonsalo Pizarro had before discouered and was accompanied with about some seuen hundred Spaniards it being a great maruell how he could get so many amongst whom were many Gentlemen and old souldiers of Peru who caused diuers mutinies and insurrections as hereafter I will more at large declare which mutinous souldiers were the cause of their captaines death Howbeit with all these men captaine Pedro de Orzua came vnto head of the said riuer but you must vnderstand that this riuer is nourished not onely with the waters and freshets that come from the mountaines of Peru but also by all the riuers betweene the Equinoctiall and sixteene degrees of Southerly latitude which fall thereinto and cause it to be so great Nowe at the head of this riuer the sayde Captaine Pedro de Orzua made fifteene Pinnesses with many Canoas wherein he carried aboue two thousand Indians to helpe him with many horses and other prouision as meaning to inhabite there for it was not possible for him to carry all his prouision by lande because the mountaines be very great there being also betweene them many small riuers which fall into this great riuer aboue twentie leagues out of the land So this captaine hauing all his things in good order went downe the riuer with his whole company and at length came from among the mountaines to a plaine countrey where the Indians dwelt and there he held a councell determining in the same place to build a towne and to fortifie it very strongly to the end he might leaue all his stuffe there and such men as were not souldiers And so they began to build the said towne and wrought vpon it all the winter where because it raineth much and withall is very hot sicknes and want of victuals began to preuaile amongst them wherupon the souldiers fell a murmuring among themselues For comming out of Peru which is one of the frutfullest richest countries of the world they were more inclined to haue their fill of bread and meat then to apply their bodies to labour which was the cause that albeit the countrey in which they now were was exceeding fruitfull and that they saw with their eyes most euident apparances of golde also that vp into the countrey it seemed to be much better yet for all this they murmured would needes returne for Peru from whence they came In the company of these men there was a souldier of Biskay called Lopez de Agira a very little man of bodie lame of one of his legs but very valiant and of good experience in the warres This man hauing bene one of the principall mutiners in Peru could not here giue ouer his old wont but asked his fellow-souldiers what they went to seeke for in those wild deserts whither they were brought For said he if you seeke riches there are enough in Peru and there is bread wine flesh and faire women also so that it were better to conquer that and to take it out of the handes of the Spaniardes and that it were no hard enterprize because all the souldiers and poore men of Peru would turne vnto them and that that were a better course then to goe and conquere the sauage people in those mountaines so that â—nce hauing the gouernment of Peru the king of Spaine should be inforced to agree with them â—â—â— sayd he we shall not lacke them that will succour vs to haue the riches of Peru. By â—â—â— perswasions he brought many souldiers to be of his minde and conspired also with a young â—â—â— man of Siuill called Don Fernando de Gusman who was in loue with a young woman â—â—â— the captaine Pedro de Orzua had and therefore did the sooner agree vnto the wicked intent of Agira to murther the captaine Who on a night being asleepe in his bed the said conspirators and their faction entered into his bed-chamber and there stabbed him with their daggers which being done they slew also all the Captaines that were his friends and therewithall made a great out-cry saying God saue the king God saue the king whereupon all the campe was in an vprore Then Lopez de Agira made vnto the souldiers a long oration and got them all to consent vnto him some by force and
with another of 80 leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sayled 150 leagues before they could knowe whither it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that contiâ—ent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellanâ— for they coasted it to eighteene â—egrâ—es and could not find the ende thereof The gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of golde hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the countrey and also for that the Indians were very stoue men and fought continually agaiâ—st them they could neuer leaue from whence that gold come nor yet what store was in the land These Indiâ—ns vse to goe to sea in great Canoas that will carrie 100 men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small pinnesse and two faleâ—ns a fewe may ouercome 100 of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whome on the sudden certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the ships boat and slewe all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too wary in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their pinnesse and burnt the towne and in this towne they found the small graines of gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the ende of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the wind continuing still in one place might bee an occâ—sion of longer tarying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-bourd and to lye nine moneths bearing it vp and downe in the sea before they could get into any harborow of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernement and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Streights of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needs runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as hogges hennes excellent almonds potatos sugar-canes with diuers other sortes fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of gold which the Indians will giue you in truck for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of gold brought home notwithstanding 40000 pezos with them besides great store of cloues and ginger and some sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the ende that the Spaniards supposing them to bee those Isles from whence Salomon fetched gold to adorne the temple at Ierusalem might bee the more desirous to goe and inhabite the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Isilands Captaine Drake entered the South sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the ende that such Englishmen and of other nations as passed the Streights of Magellan to goe to the Malâ—cos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people The admirable and prosperous Voyage of the worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire into the South sea and from thence round about the circumference of the wâ—ole earth begun in the yeere of our Lord 1586 and finishâ—d 1588. Written by Master Francis Pretty lately of Ey in Suffolke a Gentleman employed in the same action WEe departed out of Plimmouth on Thursâ—ay the 21. of Iuly 1586. with 3. sayles to wit The Desire a ship of 120. tunnes The Content of 60 tuns and the Hugh gallant a barke of 40. tunnes in which small Fleete were 123. persons of all sortes with all kinde of furniture and victuals sufficient for the space of two yeeres at the charges of the worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Tâ—â—mley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire beeing our Generall On Tuesday the 26. of the same moneth we were 45. leagues from Cape Finis terrae where wee mette with 5. sayles of Biskaynes comming from the Grande Bay in Newfound-land as we supposed which our Admirall shot at and fought with them 3. houres but wee tooke none of them by reason the night grew on The first of August wee came in sight of Forteuentura one of the Isles of the Canaries about ten of the clocke in the morning On Sunday being the 7. of August we were gotten as high as Rio del oro on the coast of Barbarie On Munday the 19. we fell with cape Blanco but the winde blew so much at the North that we could not get vp where the Canters doe vse to ride and fish therefore wee lay off 6. houres West Southwest because of the sand which lieth off the cape Southwest and by South The 15. day of the same moneth we were in the height of cape Verde by estimation 50. leagues off the same The 18. Sierra leona did beare East off vs beeing 45. leagues from vs and the same day the winde shifted to the Northwest so that by the 20. day of the sayd moneth we were in 6. degrees ½ to the Northward from the Equinoctiall line The 23. we put roome for Sierra leona and the 25. day wee fell with the poynt on the South side of Sierra leona which Master Brewer knew very well and went in before with the Content which was Uice-admirall and we had no lesse then 5. fathoms water when we had least and had for 14. leagues in Southwest all the way running into the harbour of Sierra leona 16 14. 12. 10 and 8. fathoms of water The 26. of the said moneth â—e put into the harborough and in going in we had by the Southermost point when we had least 5. fathoms water faire by the rocke as it lieth at the said point and after we came 2 or 3. cables length within the said rocke we neuer had lesse then 10.
The ninth day wee departed from Pengwin Ilande and ranne South Southwest to King Philips citie which the Spaniards had built which Towne or citie had foure Fortes and euery Fort had in it one cast peeâ—e which pâ—â—â—es were buryed in the ground the cariages were standing in their places vnburied wee digged for them and had thâ—m all They had contriâ—ed their Citie veâ—y well and seated it in the best place of the Stâ—eights for wood and water they hâ—d builded vp their Churches by themselues they had Lawes very seuere among themselues for they had â—recâ—ed a Gibeâ— whereon they had done execution vpon some of their company It seemed vnto vs that thâ—ir whole liuing for a greaâ— space was altogethâ—r vpon muskles and lympits for there was not any thing else to bee had except some Deere which came out of the mâ—untaines downe to the fresh riuers to drinke These Spaniards which were there were only come to forâ—â—fie the Streights to the ende that no other nation should haue passage through into the Sâ—uâ—h sea sauing onely their owne but as it appeared it was not Gods will so to haue it For during the time that they were there which was two yeeres at the least they could neuer haue any thing to growe or in any wise prosper And on the other side the Indians oftentimes preyed vpon them vntill their victuals grewe so short their store being spent which they had brought with them out of Spaine and hauing no meanes to renew the same that they dyed like dogges in their houses and in their clothes wherein we found them still at our comming vntill that in the ende the towne being wonderfully taynted with the smell and the sauour of the dead people the rest which remayned aliue were driuen to burie such things as they had therein their towne either for prouision or for furniture and so to forsake the towne and to goe along the sea-side and seeke their victuals to preserue them from steruing taking nothing with them but euery man his harquebuze and his furniture that was able to cary it for some were not able to cary them for weakenesse and so liued for the space of a yeere and morâ— with rootes leaues and sometimes a foule which they might kill with their peece To conclude they were determined to haue trauailed towards the riâ—â—r of Plate only bâ—ing left aliue 23. persons wâ—â—reof two were wâ—men which were the râ—mâ—inder of 4. hundred In this place we watered and woodded wâ—ll and quietly Our Generall named this towne Port famine it standeth in 53. degrees by obseruation to the Southward The 14. day we departed from this place and ran South southwest and from thence southwest vnto cape Froward 5. leagues West Southwest which Cape is the Southermost part of all the streights and standeth in the latitude of 54. degrees Frâ—m which cape we ran Wâ—st and by north 5. leagues and put into a bay or Coue on the south side which we called Muskle-Coâ—e because there were great store of them we ridde therein 6. dayes the wind being still Westerly The 21. day of Ianuarie we departed from Muskle-â—oue and went Northwest and by West 10. leagues to a very faire sandie Baye on the North side which our Generall called Elizabeth Baye and as wee ridde there that night one of our men dyed which went in the Hugh Gallant whose name was Grey a Carpenter by his occupation and was buryed there in that Baye The 22. wâ—e departed from Elizabeth Bay in the afternoone and went about 2. leagues from that place where there was a fresh water riuer where our Generall went vp with the ship-boate about three myles which riuer hath very good and pleasant ground about it and it is lowe and champion soyle and so we saw none other ground els in all the Streights but that was craggie rocks and monstrous high hilles and mountaines In this riuer are great store of Sauages which wee sawe and had conference with them They were men-â—aterâ— and fedde altogâ—ther vpon rawe flesh and other filthie foode which people had preyed vpon some of the Spaniardes before spoken of For they had gotten kniues and peeces of Rapiers to make darces of They vsed all the meanes they could possibly to haue allured vs vp farther into the riuer of purpose to haue betrayed vs which being espyed by our Generall hee caused vs to shoote at them with our harquebuzes whereby we killed many of them So wee sayled from this riuer to the Chaneâ—l of Saint â—erome which is 2. leagues off From the riuer of Saint Ierome about three or foure leagues wee ranne West vnto a Cape which is on the North side and from that Cape vnto the mouth of the Streights the course lyeth Northwest and by West and Northwest Betweene which place and the mouth of the Streights to the Southward we lay in Harborough vntill the three and twentieth of Februarie by reason of contrary windes and most vile and filthie fowle weather with such rayne and vehement stormie windes which came downe from the mountaines and high hilles that they hazarded the best cables and anchors that we had for to holde which if they had fayled wee had bene in great danger to haue bene cast away or at the least famished For during this tâ—me which was a full moneth we fedde almost altogether vpon muskles and limpits and birds or such as we could get on shore seeking euery day for them as the fowles of the ayre doe where they can finde foode in continuall raynie weather There is at euery myle or two myles ende an Harborough on both sides of the land And there we betweene the riuer of Saint Ierome and the mouth of the Streights going into the South sea about 34. leagues by estimation So that the length of thâ— whole Sreights is about 90. leagues And the said mouâ—h of the Streights standeth in the same hâ—â—ght that the entrance standeth in when we passe out of the North sea which is about 52. degrees and â…” to the Southward of the line The 24. day of February wee entred into the South sea and on the South side of the going out of the Streights is a faire high Cape with a lowe poynt adioyning vnto it and on the North side are 4. or 5. Ilands which lye 6. leagues off the mayne and much broken and sunken ground about them by noone the same day wee had brought these Ilands East of vs 5. leagues off the winde being Southerly The first of March a storme tooke vs at North which night the ships lost the company of the Hugh Gallant beeing in 49. ½ and 45. leagues from the land This storme continued 3. or 4. dayes and for that time we in the Hugh Gallant being separated from the other 2. ships looked euery houre to sinke our barke was so leake and our selues so diluered and weakened with freeing it of water that
the other ship was laden with wheate-meale and boxes of marmalade One of these ships which had the chiefe marchandise in it was worth twentie thousand pounds if it had bene in England or in any other place of Christendome where wee might haue solde it Wee filled all our ships with as much as wee could bestow of these goods the rest wee burnt aud the ships also and set the men and women that were not killed on shoare The 20 day in the morning wee came into the road of Paita and being at an anker our Generall landed with sixtie or seuentie men skinnished with them of the towne and draue them all to flight to the top of the hill which is ouer the towne except a few slaues and some other which were of the meaner sort who were commanded by the gouernours to stay below in the towne at a place which is in building for a fort hauing with them a bloodie ensigne being in number about one hundred men Nowe as wee were rowing betweene the ships and the shoare our gunner shot off a great peece out of one of the barkes and the shot fel among them and draue them to flie from the fort as fast as they might runne who got them vp vpon an hill and from thence shot among vs with their small shot After wee were landed and had taken the towne wee ran vpon them and chased them so fiercely vp the hilles for the space of an houre that wee draue them in the ende away perforce and being got vp the hilles wee found where they had layd all their stuffe which they had brought out of the towne and had hidden it there vpon the mountaines We also found the quantitie of 25 pounds weight in siluer in pieces of eight rials and abundance of houshold stuffe and storehouses full of all kinde of wares but our Generall would not suffer any man â—o carrie much cloth or apparell away because they should not cloy themselues with burthens for hee knew not whether our enemies were prouided with furniture according to the number of their men for they were fiue men to one of vs and wee had an English mile and an halfe to our ships Thus wee came dowâ—e in safetie to the towne which was very well builded and maruellous cleane kept in euery streete with a towne-house or Guild hall in the middest and had to the number of two hundred houses at the least in it Wee set it on fire to the ground and goods to the value of fiue or sixe thousand pounds there was also a barke riding in the roade which wee set on fire and departed directing our course to the Iland of Puna The 25 day of May wee arriued at the Iland of Puna where is a very good harbour where wee found a great shippe of the burthen of 250 tunnes riding at an anker with all her â—urniture which was readie to bee haled on ground for there is a speciall good place for that purpose Wee sunke it and went on shoare where the lord of the Iland dwelt which was by the waters side who had a sumptuous house maruellous well contriued with very many singular good roomes and chambers in it and out of euery chamber was framed a gallerie with a stately prospect into the sea on the one side and into the Iland on the other side with a maruellous great hall below and a very great storehouse at the one ende of the hall which was filled with botijas of pitch and bash to make cables withall for the most part of the cables in the South sea are made vpon that Iland This great Casique doth make all the Indians vpon the Iland to worke and to drudge for him and hee himselfe is an Indian borne but is married to a maruellous faire woman which is a Spaniard by reason of his pleasant habitation and of his great wealth This Spanish woman his wife is honoured as a Queene in the Iland and neuer goeth on the ground vpon her feete but holdeth it too base a thing for her But when her pleasure is to take the ayre or to goe abroad shee is alwayes carried in a shadowe like vnto an horse-litter vpon foure mens shoulders with a veile or canopie ouer her for the sunne or the winde hauing her gentlewomen still attending about her with a great troope of the best men of the Iland with her But both shee and the lorde of the Iland with all the Indians in the towne were newly fled out of the Iland before wee could get to an anker by reason wee were becalmed before wee could get in and were gone ouer vnto the maine lande hauing carried away with them to the summe of 100000 crownes which wee knew by a captaine of the Iland an Indian which was left there with some other vpon the Iland vnder him whom wee had taken at sea as wee were comming into the road being in a balsa or canoa for a spie to see what wee were The 27 our General himselfe with certaine shot and some targettiers went ouer into the maine vnto the place where this foresayde Indian captaine which wee had taken had tolde vs that the Casique which was the lord of all the Iland was gone vnto and had caried all his treasure with him but at our comming to the place which wee went to lande at wee found newly arriued there foure or fiue great balsas which were laden with plantans bags of meale and many other kinds of victuals Our Generall maruelled what they were and what they meant asking the Indian guide and commanding him to speake the trueth vpon his life being then bound fast hee answered being very much abashed as well as our companie were that hee neither knewe from whence they should come nor who they should bee for there was neuer a man in any one of the balsas and because hee had told our Generall before that it was an easie matter to take the sayd Casique and all his treasure and that there were but three or foure houses standing in a deseâ—t place and no resistance and that if hee found it not so hee should hang him Againe being demaunded to speake vpon his life what hee thought these Balsas should bee hee answered that hee coulde not say from whence they should come except it were to bring 60 souldiers which hee did heare were to go to a place called Guaiaquil which was about 6 leagues from the saide yland where two or three of the kings shippes were on the stocks in building where are continually an hundred souldiers in garisons who had heard of vs and had sent for sixtie more for feare of burning of the shippes and towne Our Generall uot any whit discouraged either at the sight of the balsas vnlooked for or for hearing of the threescore souldiers not vntill then spoken of with a braue courage animating his companie in the exployte went presently forward being in the
Item the yland of S. Mary in 37. degr 15. min. Item the bay of Valpares in 33. degr 40. min. Item the bay of Quintero in 33. degr 20. min. Item Coquimbo in 29. degr 30. min. Item Morro moreno in 23. degr 20. min. Item Arica standeth in 18. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Pisca standeth in 13. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Lima standeth in 11. degr 50. min. Item Santos standeth in 9. degr 20. min. Item the bay of Cherrepe in 6. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Paita in 5. degr 4. min. Item the yland of Puna in 2. degr 50. min. Item Cape Sant Francisco to the North of the Equinoctiall in 1. degr A note of the height of certaine places to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall line on the coast of New Spaine INprimis Panama standeth in the latitude of 9. degrees Item the yland called Isla de Canoas in 9. degr 10. min. Item Cape Blanco in 10. degr 10. min. Item Rio Lexo in 12. degr 40. min. Item Aguatulco in 15. degr 50. min. Item Acapulco in 17. degr 20. min. Item Sant Iago in 18. degr 50. min. Item Cape de los Corrientes in 20. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Xalisco in 21. degr 30. min. Item the ylands of the Maries in 21. degr 20. min. Item the yland of Saint Andrew in 22. degr Item the ylands of Ciametlan in 23. degr 40. min. Item that the Cape of Santa Clara on the point of California is in 23. degrees A note of the heights of certaine places beginning from the ylands of the Ladrones and passing by the Philippinas the Malucos Iaua minor Iaua maior the Cape of Bona Sperança and the yle of Santa Helena INprim one of the ylands of the Landrones called Guana standeth in 13. degr 50. min. Item Cape De Spirito Santo on the yle of Luçon standeth in 13. degr Item the yland of Capul in 12. degr 30. min. Item that the yland of Seboyon standeth in 12. degr Item that the Easterly end of the yland of Pannay is in 11. degr Item that the opening betweene the South head of Pannay and the South head of Isla de los Negros is in 10. degr 10. min. Item that the South-head of Isla de los Negros is in 9. degr 10. min. Item that the North-head of the yland Mindanao is in 7. degr 50. min. Item the South-head of Mindanao called Cape Cannel is in 6. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of Batochina is in 10. min. Item that 12. small ylands stand in 3. degr Item the latitude of two other ylands is in 4. degr 10. min. Item the Westerly head of Iaua minor is toward the South in 8. degr 30. min. Item the Easterly head of Iaua maior is toward the South in 8. degr 20. min. Item Malaca standeth to the Northward in 2. degr Item Cape Falso on the promontory of Africa standeth in 34. degr 20. min. Item the Cape of Bona a Sperança standeth in 34. degr 40. min. Item the yland of Santa Helena standeth in 15. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of S. Augustine standeth Southward in 8. degr 40. min. Soundings on the coast of Barbarie from Rio del Oro vnto Cape Blanco INprimis about 3. leagues off Rio del Oro you shall haue very faire shoulding fine white sand 18. fathoms and so alongst vnto Cape Blanco two or three leagues off the shore you shall haue 18. and 20. fathoms And when you come within one league of the Cape you shall haue twelue or thirteene fathoms browne sand very faire shoulding And if you will hall in with Cape Blanco beware you come not within seuen or eight fathoms of the Cape for there lyeth a sand off the Cape Also about 7. or eight leagues off the Cape lyeth a long should next hand Southwest and by South off the Cape Soundings on the coast of Guiny ITem Going vnto Sierra Leona hauing the cape Eastnortheast off you 7 leagues off you shall haue 22 fadome browne sand And halling in you shall finde very faire shoalding You may be bold to borrow on the Southermost shore but take heed of a rocke that lieth in the faire way a good birth off the shore but there is no feare of it for it lieth aboue the water and is distant two miles off the South shore Item You may be bolde to borrow hard by rocke for on the North side going in there lieth one long sand which runneth Southeast and Northwest and lieth distant from the South shore 2 leagues And you shall anker in 14 or 15 fadoms hard by the shore Also going vnto the island called Illha Verde the which iland lieth 10 leagues to the Southward of Sierra Leona the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and you shall haue betweene them 9 or 10 fadome And if you will anker at the sayd iland you shall haue 5 or 6 fadome hard by the shore Also you must haue especiall care of a great current that setteth alongst the coast of Guiny to the Eastward Item And if you be bound vnto the Southwards you must go Westsouthwest off for feare oâ— the shoald that is called Madera Bomba the which shoald is to the Southwards of the iland Soundings on the coast of Brasil ITtem Unto the Northwards of Cape Frio the cape bearing southwest off you about 17 or 1â— leagues off you shall haue 45 fadoms streamy ground and running Southwest you shall find 32 fadoms blacke sand and then running Westsouthwest into a deepe bay which lieth tenne leagues to the Northwards of the cape you shall haue 22 fadoms oaze that depth you shall hauâ— all alongst except you be farre into the bay and then you shall haue 16 fadoms all oazie Item To the Northwards of Cape Frio about 6 or 7 leagues you shall haue many small islands Item To the Northwards of the cape 6 leagues you shall haue two small islands one mile distant the one from the other and they are distant from the maine fiue leagues And betweene those ilands and the cape you shall haue very many islands hard aboord the maine Item The cape bearing West of you two leagues off you shall haue 55 fadoms oaze Also you shall know when you are shot about the cape vnto the Southwards by deeping of the water Also if you will go for S. Sebastian from the cape you must go West and South and Westâ—southwest among And the distance from the cape vnto S. Sebastian is 50 leagues And being shot into the bay any thing nere the shore you shall haue 24 fadoms all oazie And halling in for S. Sebastian you shall know it by two little islands which be round anâ— those ilands lie from the iland of S. Sebastian next hand East and by South and are distant the one from the other about foure leagues Also off the Southermost end of S. Sebastian there lieth one iland about 6 leagues off which iland is
The castle of Nangoia was enuironed with a double wall of square and beautifull stone with broad and deepe ditches like vnto Miacó The innermost wall being lesse then the other two was 100 fathom square within the compasse whereof wer so many houses built both for the lordes and their followers and also for marchants shoppes and victualers houses distinguished with broad and direct streetes that it seemed a faire towne But that which was much more admirable all the way from Miacó to Nangoia at the ende of euery dayes iourney all the lords and gouernours at the commandement of Quabacondono built each one within his iurisdiction new and stately palaces from the ground so that for 20 dayes together he lodged euery night with all his traine in one of those palaces And because these things were done at the very same time when the expedition into the kingdome of Coray was in hand all Iapan was so grieuously oppressed Quabacondono in the meane while being at no charges as it was most intollerable Yet is it incredible how ready euery one is to do him seruice which appeareth by these magnificent stately buildings reared vp in so short a space which in Europe would haue required a long time and huge expences In the meane season it was commonly giuen out that this enterprize of Quabacondono would haue most vnfortunate successe as being a matter wrought by constraint and that it would be an occasion of manifold dissentioâ—s in Iapan for no man there was but miâ—liked of this warre yea all the lordes were in great hope that some one man at length would step foorth and restore their libertie howbeit there is none as yet found which dare put his had to that businesse Wherefore they were all though to their great griefe and lamentation violently constrained to prosecute the enterprize But Quabacondono being voyde of all anxiety to the ende hee might encourage his followers boasted that hee would make great alterations of kingdomes and would bestow vpon them the kingdoms of Coray and China and vnto the lord Protasius hee hath promised 3 kingdomes but he with all the other lords giuing him great thankes had much rather retaine a smal portion of their estate in Iapan then to hunt after all those kingdomes which he promiseth And whereas Quabacondono had by proclamation published that he would personally be present at Nangoia the 3 moone of this yeere troups and armies of men began to resort from all the quarters of Iapan to these parts Now were our afflictions renewed For so long as Quabacondono remained at Miacó we might stay in these parts of Ximo without any danger but after he began to come this way it seemed impossible for our state to continue whole and sound and we were put into no small perplexitie For the Christian lordes aduised vs that sithence Quabacondono was come so neere all our companie that liued in the Colledge in the house of Probation and in the Seminary should depart to some other place And the Christians from Miacó writ dayly vnto vs that wee shoulde pull downe our houses and Churches at Omura Arima and Cansaco and that the fathers of Europe should return vnto Nangasaque in the secular habite of Portugals but that the Iaponian Fryers should retire themselues vnto seueral houses of Christians that so they might al remaine safe and out of danger But this remedy as it was too grieuous and subiect to may difficulties so did it afford vs but small comfort In brief the Father visitor talking of this matter with Eucunocamindono the lord Protasius and Omurandono before their expedition toward the kingdom of Coray found them as before in the same fortitude of minde being constant in their first opinion neither would they giue any other counsel or direction then that the fathers should keepe themselues secret and should only forsake their houses at Arima and Omura wherein the Toni or great lordes would haue some of their kinsemen remaine It was also thought conuenient that the number of the Seminary should bee diminished and that of 90 there should onely remaine 50 in our scholes namely such as studied the Latine tongue With the Father Visitour there came vnto Nangasaque certaine Fathers and Friers which were said to be of Fungo and Firando For the sayde Father vnder the name of a Legate might retaine them with him more openly About this time Quabacondono that hee might with some pastime recreate his Nobles which accompanied him and also might declare with how great confidence and securitie of minde hee tooke vpon him this expedition for China and likewise to obscure the most renowmed fame of a certaine hunting and hawking performed of olde by that mightie Prince Ioritono who was Emperour ouer all Iapan hee determined to ordaine as it were another royall court of diuers kindes of fowle Whereupon beeing accompanied with many great lordes and others hee departed to the kingdome of Oiaren where his game had so good successe that hee caught aboue 30000. fowles of all sortes amongst which were many falcons Howbeit for Quabacondono his greate recreation and for the more solemnitie of the game there were also added many dead fowles which the Iaponians with certaine poulders or compositions know how to preserue sweete in their feathers a long time This game beeing ended Quabacondono returned with great pompe vnto Miacó before whom went great multitudes which carried those thousandes of fowles vpon guilded canes Next after these followed many horsemen sumptuously attired carying a great number of Falcons and other birdes After them were lead many horses by the reines most richly trapped Next of all were brought Coscis or Littiers very stately adorned after which was carryed Quabacondono himselfe in a Littier of another fashion like vnto those which in India are called Palanchins which was made in China with most curious and singular workemanship and was presented vnto him by the Father Visitour and seemeth exceedingly to content him for that in all actions of solemnitie hee vseth the same Last of all followed a great troope of Princes and Nobles brauely mounted on horsebacke and gorgeously attired thereby the more to delight Quabacondono who in triumphant sort beeing welcomed by the way with the shoute and applause of infinite swarmes of people entred the citie of Miacó Now when the time of sayling towardes China approched Quabacondono determined first to proclayme his nephew Inangondono his successour and gouernour of all Iapan to the ende hee might supply his owne roome in the time of this warre And therefore he commanded the Dairi to transferre vnto his sayd nephew the dignitie belonging to himselfe calling him by the name of Taicusama that is to say Great lord Which dignitie was in such sort translated that albeit he assigned vnto his nephew large reuenues together with that princely title yet himselfe remained the very same that he was before The day of the sayd translation being appointed hee summoned all the
The description of the isle of Bermuda The sauing of the carpenters tooles was their preseruation A bark straÌ„gely built furnished Hogs in Bermuda Good harbors in y e East part of Bermuda An excellent fishing for pearles in Bermuda The people nere Cape Briton vse traffike of rich furres This M. Beniamin Wood was in the end of the yeere 1596. sent forth with two ships anâ— certaine pinnesses vpon a voyage for the South seas and for China at the charges of this honourable gentleman Sir Robert Dudley A description of Cape Blanco in Africa The isle of Trinidad dâ—scrâ—edâ— Punta de Curiapan Paracoa of Parico They inskonce themselues A treasonable practize of the Spaniards They march from one side of the yland to the other Captaine Harper intelligence of Guiana His two Carauels sent to range the Indiâ—s Seawano called perhaps in sir Walter Raleghs discouery Ciawani Sir Walter Ralegh speaketh of Saima and Wikeri in his discouery This Indians name was Balthasar who afterward gaue our men the flip as their greatest need A riuer â—aâ—led Cabota The riuer of Amana and the kingdome of Tiuitiuas are both mentioned by sir Walter Ralegh A people sprinkled with poulder of gold Captaine Popham arriual They depart from the yle of Trinidad A prize taken North of the yle of Granata The yles of Santa Cruz and Infierno Cape Roxo Then disemboque by the yle of Zacheo The sholds called Abreojosâ— that is Open thine â—â—es or Looke out Bermuda Flores and Cueruo A fight of 〈◊〉 dayes with a Spanish Armada of 600. tunnes They arriue at S. Iues in Cornwall in May 1595. * It is befoâ—â— in this voyage called Caluorie The name of the â—uâ—r Oreâ—oque 〈◊〉 sceme to be deriâ—ed â—rom this word The ylâ— of Puerto Santo taâ—en and the chiefe towne in it burnt They water vpon the grand Caâ—â—riâ— Domâ—â—â—â—â— An exceâ—lenâ— holesome doâ—â—ath â—ound iâ— Dominica The yles caâ—led Testigos Certaine Spâ—niards and Negros taken in the yle of Coche wher they â—â—sh for â—earls Two â—â—ieâ—oatâ— of Mâ—ddlebuâ—gâ— fortwarne the Spâ—niards of our comming The towne 〈◊〉 Cumana ransomed Three Carauels taâ—â—â— A fort nere thâ— Caracos taken Al ouâ— actions betrayed by dangerous spies out of England The Citie of S. Iago de Leon taken the 29. of May. Certain villâ—ges about Sanâ— Iago fireâ—â— The citie of â— Iago burned A fort and câ—rtain Iâ—diâ—ns â—aâ—â—â— by the waters side burnt Three Spanish shipâ—â—urnâ— A baricado â—oon The towne of Caâ—os taken â—urnt The bay of Laguna Hispaâ—ioâ—a Iamaica The death of captaine Iones Cape de Corâ—iâ—ntes The Bankâ— of Newfoundland Domiâ—iâ—â— The death of sâ—r Iohn Hawkins The fight at S. Iuan de Puerto rico Monâ— The Islâ— oâ— Curazâ—o Aruba Moâ—jâ—â— Câ—pe de la Vela Rio de la Haâ—hâ— taken A shold of sand A fresh riuer La Rancheâ—ia taken Tâ—pâ—â— taken â—â—llâ—â—ca burnt Cape â—e Aguja Santa Martha taken Nombre de Dios taken An Indian towne fired The 〈◊〉 Escudo The death of sir Francis Drake Puerto Bello The Grand Câ—ymanâ— The I le of Pinos The fight betweene the English and the Spanish fleetes One of the Spanish greaâ— ships burnâ— Cape Sanâ— Antonio The Crownâ—â— The cape oâ— Florida The Generals first newes his best newes is in part lying newes Don Bernaldino doth lie impudently The successe of the kings fiuâ— Frigateâ— The certaine cause whereof sir Francis Drake died A paâ—â—e of Spanish liers The Spanish Uiceadmirall a man of valour The number of Spanish ships after the fight * The translation of the Spanish word Lanchas is here mistaken This lie was made in the Generalâ— own forge The torn 〈◊〉 of the Spanish ships doe condemne Don Bernaldino of lying The order of the English Nauie The Spaniarâ— cannot bragge of his gaine Spanish brage are of no value with the English Don Bernaldino his rare gift in coyning a new and strange name The schoolemeÌ„ of modesty doe vse this kind of reprehension when they doe thinke the author to erre The difference twixt Quebraran and Baskeruill The Generall maketh great bragâ— in taking a distressed ship which is supposed not to strike one blow The 15 noble Captaines coÌ„trary to the Generals lâ—ing occupation wil proue out three The first discouery of the Generals printed letter The first discouery of the Spanish fleete The incounter betwixt the English and the Spanish ships The Spanish Uiceadmirall can witnesse what successe they had in this fight The English Admirall carried his Cresset light notwithstanding the enemie was vpon his broad side The remainder of the Spanish fleete were but thirteene sayles The Fort of Masagant A Flieboat taken The Isle of Mayo A most contagious filthy place The towne oâ— Praya vpon the Isle of S. Iago taken A description of the town of S. Iago taken by sir Francis Drake 1585. The towne of S. Iago taken vp Sir Anthony Sherley Isla del Fuego Dominica Two excellent hote bathes Margarita Santa Marâ—â—â— taken The Isle and chiefe towne of Iamaica taken Puerto de Cauallos taken Guatimala Sonsonate and Sacatocaluca Their returne Margarita Sixe English men redeemed Truxillo assailed Puerto de Cauallos taken They passe aboue 30 leaguâ—â— vp Rio dolce Cabo de Cotoche Cabo desconoscido * On Easter ceâ—â—â— 1597. The towne of Campeche takâ— A new stratagem * To the valâ—â— of 5000 pound Sebo an Indian towne taken Cape Cantin A great wood before you come at Cape Cantin The bay of Cadiz San Pedro. San Sebastian Los Puercos The Diamant The Canaries The Isle Deseada in the West Indies standeth in 15 degrees of latitude Markes to know Dominica by Guadalupe Monserate Santa Cruz. S. Iuan de Puerto rico Cape Roxo Mona Saona Las Sierras de Yguey Los Buffaderoâ— or The Spoutes Santo Domingo Calle de las Damas Punta de Nizaâ— Hocoa Puerto Hermoso Beata and the marks therofâ— Alto velo and the markes thereof * Frailes The Isle of Baque Cape de Tiburon Cuba S. Iago de Cuba Sierras de Tarquino The nine fathoms Cape de Cruz in 19. deg and better Los Iardines The Isle de Pinos Cape de Corrientes Cape de Sant Anton in 22. degrees The Testigosâ— Frailes Puerto de Iuan Griego Curacao Aruba Monjes three litle Islands Coquebacoa Baia honda Portete Cape de la vela Cape del Aguja Rio de Palominos Morro hermoso Rio grande Isla de Arenas Samba or Zambâ— El Buio del Gato Punta de la canoa Cartagena The land marks of Cartagena The poynt of Ycacos A shoald A shoald halfe a league to the sea The Isle of Cares Sal Medina Cabeza de Cariua Rio de Francisco The Isles de Catiua Punta de Samblas Sierras de Santa Cruz Sierras de las minas viejas Puerto de velo alto Nombre de Dios. Sierra de Capira A ledge of rocks Iâ—les de los Bastimentos The course to goe back from Nombre de Dios to Cartagena 〈◊〉 de Baru Iâ—la fuerteâ— A ledge of rocks Islas