seuen of the clocke Northnorthwest 42 leagues to the ende to fall with Shotland then the wind veared to the West so that we could lie but North and by West continuing in the same course 40 leagues whereby we could not fetch Shotland then we sayled North 16 leagues by estimation after that North and by West Northnorthwest then Southeast with diuers other courses trauersing and tracing the seas â—y reason of sundry and manifolde contrary windes vntill the 14 day of Iuly and then the sunne entring into Leo we discouered land Eastward of vs vnto the which we sayled that night as much as we might and after wee went on shore with our Pinnesse found little houses to the number of 30 where we knew that it was inhabited but the people were fled away as we iudged for feare of vs. The land was all full of little Islands and that innumerable which were called as we learned afterwards AEgeland and Halgeland which lieth from Orfordnesse North and by East being in the latitude of 66 degrees The distance betweene Orfordnesse and AEgeland 250 leagues Then we sailed from thence 12 leagues Northwest and found many other Islandes and there came to anker the 19 day and manned our Pinnesse and went on shore to the Islands and found people mowing and making of hay which came to the shore and welcomed vs. In which place were an innumerable sort of Islands which were called the Isles of Rost being vnder the dominion of the king of Denmarke which place was in latitude 66 degrees and 30 minutes The winde being contrary we remayned there three dayes there was an innumerable sort of foules of diuers kindes of which we tooke very many The 22 day the winde comming fayre we departed from Rost sailing Northnortheast keeping the sea vntill the 27 day and then we drew neere vnto the land which was still East of vs then went foorth our Pinnesse to seeke harborow found many good harbours of the which we entred into one with our shippes which was called Stanfew and the land being Islands were called Lewfoot or Lofoot which were plentifully inhabited and very gentle people being also vnder the king of Denmarke but we could not learne how farre it was from the maine land and we remained there vntil the 30 day being in latitude 68 degrees and from the foresaid Rost about 30 leagues Northnortheast The 30 day of Iuly about noone we weyed our ankers and went into the Seas and sayled along these Islands Northnortheast keeping the land still in sight â—ntill the second day of August then hailing in close aboord the land to the entent to knowe what land it was there came a skiffe of the Island aboord of vs of whom we asked many questions who shewed vnto vs that the Island was called Seynam which is the latitude of seuenty degrees and from Stanfew thirtie leagues being also vnder the king of Denmarke and that there was no merchandise there but onely dryed fish and traine oyle Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke inquired of him if we might haue a pilot to bring vs vnto Finmarke he said that if we could beare in we should haue a good harbour and on the next day a pilot to bring vs to Finmarke vnto the wardhouse which is the strongest holde in Finmarke and most resorted to by report But when wee would haue entred into an harbour the land being very high on euâ—ry side there came such flawes of winde and terrible whirle winds that we were not able to beare in but by violence were constrained to take the sea agayne our Pinnesse being vnshipt we sailed North and by East the wind increasing so sort that we were not able to beare any saile but tooke them in and lay a drift to the end to let the storme ouer passe And that night by violence of winde and thickenesse of mists we were not able to keepe together within sight and then about midnight we lost our pinnesse which was a discomfort vnto vs. Assoone as it was day and the fogge ouerpast we looked about and at the last we descried one of our shippes to Leeward of vs then we spred an bullocke of our fore-saile and bare roome with her which was the Confidence but the Edward we could not see Then the flaw something abating we and the Confidence hoysed vp our sailes the fourth day sayling Northeast and by North to the end to fall with the Wardhouse as we did consult to doe before in case we should part company Thus running Northeast and by North and Northeast fiftie leagues then we sounded and had 160 fadomes whereby we thought to be farre from land and perceiued that the land lay not as the Globe made mention Wherfore we changed our course the sixt day and sailed Southeast and by South eight and fortie leagues thinking thereby to find the Wardhouse The eight day much winde rising at the Westnorthwest we not knowing how the coast lay strook our sayles and lay a drift where we sounded and found 160 fadomes as afore The ninth day the wind â—earing to the South Southeast we sailed Northeast 25 leagues The tenth day we sounded and could get no ground neither yet could see any land wherat we wondered then the wind comming at the Northeast we ran Southeast about 48 leagues The 11 day the wind being at South we sounded and found 40 fadoms aud faire sand The 12 day the winde being at South and by East we lay with our saile East and East and by North 30 leagues The 14 day early in the morning we descried land which land we bare with all hoising out our boat to discouer what land it might be but the boat could not come to land the water was so shoale where was very much ice also but there was no similitude of habitation and this land lyeth from Seynam East and by North 160 leagues being in latitude 72 degrees Then we plyed to the Northward the 15,16 and 17 day The 18 day the winde comming at the Northeast and the Confidence being troubled with bilge water and stocked we thought it good to seeke harbâ—ur for her redresse then we bare roome the 18 day Southsoutheast about 70 leagues The 21 day we sounded and found 10 fadome after that we sounded againe and found but 7 fadome so shoalder and shoalder water and yet could see no land where we maruâ—iled greatly to auoide this danger we bare roomer into the sea all that night Northwest and by West The next day we sounded and had 20. fadoms then shaped our course and ran West Southwest vntill the 23. day then we descried Low land vnto which we bare as nigh as we could and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable Then wee plyed Westward along by that lande which lyeth West Southwest and East Northeast and much winde blowing at the West we haled into the sea North and by East 30. leagues Then the
his men to fill our baricoes with water and to help our men to beare wood into their boat and then he put on his best silke coate and his coller of pearles and came aboord againe brought his present with him and thus hauing more respect vnto his present then to his person because I perceiued him to be vainglorious I bade him welcome and gaue him a dish of figs and then he declared vnto me that his father was a gentleman and that he was able to shew me pleasure and not Gabriel who was but a priests sonne After their departure from vs we weied and plyed all the ebbe to the windewards the winde being Northerly towards night it waxed very stormie so that of force we were constrained to go roome with Cape S. Iohn againe in which storme wee lost out skiffe at our sterne that wee bought at Wardhouse and there we rode vntil the fourth of Iuly The latitude of Cape S. Iohn is 66 degrees 50 minutes And it is to be noted that the land of Cape S. Iohn is of height from the full sea marke as I iudge 10 fadomes being cleane without any trees growing also without stones or rockes and consists onely of blacke earth which is so rotten that if any of it fall into the sea it will swimme as though it were a piece of wood In which place about three leagues from the shore you shall not haue aboue 9 fadom water and clay ground Iulie SAturday at a Northnorthwest sunne the wind came at Eastnortheast then we weied and plied to the Northwards and as we were two leagues shot past the Cape we saw a house standing in a valley which is dainty to be seene in those parts and by and by I saw three men on the top of the hil Then I iudged them as it afterwards proued that they were men which came from some other place to set traps to take vermin for their furres which trappes we did perceiue very thicke alongst the shore as we went Sunday at an East sunne we were thwart off the creeke where the Russes lay and there came to an anker and perceiuing the most part of the Lodias to be gone we thought it not good to tary any longer there but weyed and spent all the ebbe plying to the windewards Munday at a South sunne it was high water All alongst the coast it floweth little onely a South moone makes a full sea and as we were a weying we espied the Russe Lodias which we first lost They came out of a creeke amongst the sandy hilles which hilles beginne 15 leagues Northnortheast from Cape S. Iohn Plying this ebbe to an end we came to an anker 6 leagues Northnortheast froÌ„ the place where we saw the Russes come out and there the Russes harboured themselues within a soonke banke but there was not water enough for vs. At a North sunne we weyed and plied to the Northwards the land lying Northnortheast and Southsouthwest vntil a South sunne and then we werein the latitude of 68 degrees a halfe â— and in this latitude ende those sandy hilles and the land beginneth to lie North and by West South and by East and Northnorthwest and to the Westwards and there the water beginneth to ware deepe At a Northwest sunne we came to an anker within halfe a league of the shore where wee had good plenty of fish both Haddocks and Cods riding in 10 fadom water Wednesday we weyed and plyed neerer the headland which is called Caninoz the wind being at East and by North. Thursday the wind being scant we turned to windwards the ebbe to get about Caninoz the latitude this day at noone was 68 degreee 40 minutes Friday we turned to the windward of the ebbe but to no purpose and as we rode at an anker we saw the similitude of a storme rising at Northnorthwest could not tell where to get rode nor succor for that winde and harborough we knew none that land which we rode vnder with that winde was a lee shorâ— And as I was musing what was best to be done I saw a saile come out of a creeke vnder the foresayd Caninoz which was my friend Gabriel who forsooke his harborough and company and came as neere vs as he might and pointed vs to the Eastwards then we weyed and followed him and went East and by South the wind being at Westnorthwest and very mistie Saturday we went Eastsoutheast followed Gabriel and he brought vs into an harborough called Morgiouets which is 30 leagues from Caninoz we had vpon the barre going in two fadome and a fourth part and after we were past in ouer the barre it waxed deâ—per for we had 5 fadoms 4 and a half and 3 fadom c. Our barke being mored I sent some of our men to shoare to prouide wood where they had plenty of drift wood but none growing and in this place we found plenty of young foule as Gulles Seapies and others whereof the Russes would eate none whereof we were nothing sory for there came the more to our part Sunday our men cut wood on shoare and brought it aboord and wee balasted our shippe with stones This morning Gabriel saw a smoke on y e way who rowed vnto it with his skiffe which smoke was two leagues from the place where we road and at a Northwest sunne he came aboord again and brought with him a Samoed which was but a young man his apparell was then strange vnto vs and he presented me with three young wild geese and one young barnacle Munday I sent a man to the maine in Gabriels boat and he brought vs aboord 8 barricoes of fresh water the latitude of the said Morgiouets is sixtie eight degrres and a terce It floweth there at a Southsouthwest moone full sea and hyeth two fadome and a halfe water At a Westnorthwest sunne we departed from this place and went East 25 leagues and then saw an Island North and by West of vs eight leagues which Island is called Dolgoieue and from the Eastermost part of this Island there lyeth a sand East and by South 7 leagues long Wednesday at a North and by East sunne Swetinoz was South of vs 5 leagues This day at afternoone we went in ouer the dangerous barre of Pechora and had vpon the barre but one fadome water Thursday we road still Friday I went on shoare and obserued the variation of the Compasse which was three degrees and a halfe from the North to the West the latitude this day was sixtie nine degrees ten minutes From two or three leagues to the Eastward of Swetinoz vntill the entering of the riuer Pechora it is all sandy hilles and towards Pechora the sandie hilles are very low It higheth on the barre of Pechora foure foote water it floweth there at a Southwest moone a full sea Munday at a North by East sunne we weyed and came out
in taste much like vnto whey but somewhat sweeter and more pleasant They cut the branches euery euening because they are feared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne They haue also great beanes as bigge as chestnuts and very hard with a shell in the stead of a huske Many things more nught be saide of the maners of the people and of the wonders and monstrous things that are engendred in Africke But it shall suffice to haue saide thus much of such things as our men partly sawe and partly brought with them And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines I described the same to haue holes by the side as in deede it hath as it is brought hither yet was I afterward enfourmed that those holes were made to put stringes or twigges through the fruite thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne They grow not past a foote and a halfe or two foote from the ground and are as red as blood when they are gathered The graines themselues are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi At their câ—mming home the keeles of their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with certaine shelles of two inches length and more as thicke as they could stand and of such bignesse that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them They certainely affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea becommeth those foules which we call Barnacles The like shelles haue bene seene in ships returning froÌ„ Iseland but these shels were not past halfe an inch in length Of the other that came from Guinea I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke and in maner couered with the said shels which in my iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling Their ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas whereof mention is made in the Decades These creepe betweene the plankes which they eate through in many places Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage this is worthy to be noted that wheras they sailed thither in seuen weekes they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes The cause whereof they say to be this That about the coast of Cabo Verde the winde is euer at the East by reason whereof they were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the maine Ocean to finde the winde at the West to bring them home There died of our men at this last voyage about twentie and foure whereof many died at their returne into the clime of the colde regions as betweene the Islands of Azores and England They brought with them certaine blacke slaues whereof some were tall and strong men and could wel agree with our meates and drinkes The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend them Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide colde then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate forasmuch as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies as colde constraineth and preserueth the same This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature that throughout all Africke vnder the AEquinoctial line and neere about the same on both sides the regions are extreeme hote and the people very blacke Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are very temperate and the people neither blacke nor with curlde and short wooll on their heads as they of Africke haue but of the colour of an Oliue with long and blacke heare on their heads the cause of which variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me That is that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne so that they had it North from them at noone the 14. day of March. And to haue said thus much of these voyages it may suffice The first voyage made by Master VVilliam Towrson Marchant of London to the coast of Guinea with two Ships in the yeere 1555. VPon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of Wight out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes the one called the Hart the other the Hinde both of London and the Masters of them were Iohn Ralph and William Carter for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de Sestos in Guinea and to other hauens thereabout It fell out by the varietie of windes that it was the foureteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth and being there arriued wee continued in that roade sixe dayes and the 20. of October we warpt out of the hauen and set saile directing our course towards the Southwest and the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master This day we ranne about 40. leagues also The second day we ranne 36. leagues The third day we had sight of Porto Santo which is a small Island lying in the sea about three leagues long and a league a halfe broad is possessed by Portugals It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hilles neere together The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley which makes it to beare that forme The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks This Island lyeth in thirty and three degrees The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle of Madera which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo towards the south-Southwest that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull and is inhabited by Portugals it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and high By three of the clocke this day at afternoone we were thwart of Porto Santo and we set our course Southwest to leaue the Isle of Madera to the Eastward as we did Porto Santo These two Islands were the first land that we saw since wee left the coast of England About three of the clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera within three leagues of the West ende of it and by meanes of the high hilles there we were becalmed We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues The fourth day wee lay becalmed vnder the Isle of Madera vntill one of the clocke at afternoone and then the winde comming into the East wee went our course and ranne that day fifteene leagues The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif otherwiseâ— called the Pike because it is a very high Island with a pike vpon the top like a loafe of suger The same night we raised the Isle of Palma which is a high land also and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif The 7. day we
diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer some what neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said That here is the land of Saguenay which is rich and wealthy in precious stones And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found wriâ—ten these two lines following in the said Carde enclining toward the Southwest Here in this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues which they call in their language Canodeta Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you it is made after the maner of a sea Chart which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael and Iohn which at this present are in Canada If at their returne which will be God willing about Magdalene tyde they haue learned any new thing worthy the writing I will not faile to aduertise you thereof Your louing Friend IAQVES NOEL Here followeth the course from Belle Isle Carpont and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roberual 1542. BElles Isles are in 51 degrees and â…“ Belles Isles and Carpont are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and they are ten leagues distant Carpont is in 52 degrees Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are Northeast and Southwest and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay is 7 leagues The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and a halfe and on the Northside therof there is a rocke halfe a league from the Isle ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke And when thou commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the starreboord side and also on the larboord side there are two or three small Isles and when thou commest out on the Northeast side ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there is a shold which lieth on thy starboord side and saile thou by the North coast and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South because there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea And when thou art come athwart the hauen of Butes run along the North shore about one league or an halfe off for the coast is without all danger Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay and the Isles of Blanc Sablon which are within the Grand Bay neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast West and Southwest the distance is 30 leagues The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer against the Bay des Chasteaux and from theuce forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from land to land And the land on the South shore is all low land along the sea coast The North shore is reasonable high land Blanc Sablon is in 51 degrees â— The Isles of Blanc Sablon the Isles de la Damoiselle are Northeast Westsouthwest and take a little of the Westsouthwest and they are distant 36 leagues these Iles are in 50. deg ¾ And there is a good hauen you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the Northeast and within the distance of a pike an half because of a rocke which lieth on your larrebord side you may ancre in 10 fathome water ouer against a litle nooke and from the great headland vnto the place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables And if thou wouldest go out by the West side thou must saile neere the Isle by the starrebord giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the comming forth and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side by reason of a suncken flatte which lieth on the starrebord and thou shalt saile so on to the Southsouthwest vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth which is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles and thou shalt leaue it on the larrebord and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues because that Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast Southsouthwest Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours and on this coast there are faulcons haukes and certaine foules which seeme to be seasants The Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot are Northeast Westsouthwest take a little of the Northeast and southwest they are distant 18. leagues Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and ¼ And there the sea is broadest And it may be to the end of Newfoundland which is at the entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues which is the greatest bredth of this sea And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot Cape Tienot hath in y e sea 5 or 6 leagues distant froÌ„ it a sunkeÌ„ Iâ—land dangerous for ships The Cape Tienot and the midst of the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest they are 22. leagues distant the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49 deg ½ The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeastâ— the Northwest end is in 50. degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfeâ— and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad and from the Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is not aboue seuen leagues broad but vnto the firme land on the South side are about 15. leagues Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention toward the Southeast are Northeast and Southwest and are distant 30. leagues The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of Ascension are East and West and take a little of the Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 34. leagues The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle and a goodly champion land without any hilles standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster all couered with trees vnto the Sea shore and there are al sorts of trees as there be in France and there be wild beasts as beares Luserns Porkespicks And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues The Northwest end of the Isle the Cape des Monts nostre Dame which is on the maine land towards the South are Northeast and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues The Cape is in 49. degrees which is a very high land The Cape and end of the
the South parts of y e Ilands called De los Ladrones that is The Ilands of rouers or Islas de las Velas vnder 13. degrees and ½ in latitude Septentrionall and 164. degrees in longitude Orientall vpon the sixed Meridionall line which lyeth right with the Iland of Terçera From thence we helde our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues till we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo that is The point of the holy Ghost lying in the Iland Tandaya the first Iland of those that are called Philippinas Luçones or Manillas which is a countrey with fewe hilles with some mines of brimstone in the middle thereof From the point aforesayde wee sailed West for the space of eighteene leagues to the point or entrie of the chanell which runneth in betweene that Iland and the Iland of Luçon This point or entrie lieth scarce vnder 12. degrees All the coast that stretcheth from the entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo del Spirito santo is not very faire Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a hauen of indisserent greatnesse called Baya de Lobâ—s that is The Bay of woolues hauing a small Iland in the mouth thereof and within the chanell about halfe a league from the ende of the sayd Iland lyeth an Iland or cliffe when you passe by the point in the middle of the chanell â—hâ—n you haue fiue and twentie fathom deepe with browne sand there we found so great a streame running Westward that it made the water to cast a skum as if it had beene a sande whereby it put vs in feare but casting out our lead wee found fiue and twentie fathom deepe From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North and North and by East about tenne leagues lyeth the Iland of Catanduanes about a league distant from the lande of Luçon on the furthest point Eastward and from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West and Southwest lyeth the Iland Capuli about sixe leagues from thence stretching Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast being fiue leagues long and foure leagues broad and as wee past by it it lay Northward from vs vnder twelue degrees and ¾ and somewhat high lande Foure leagues â—rom the aforesayd Iland of Capuli Northwestward lie the three Ilands of the hauen of Bollon in the Iland of Luçones stretching North and South about foure leagues distant from the firme lande halfe a league whereof the furthest Southward lieth vnder thirteene degrees In this chanell it is twentie fathom deepe with white sand and a great streame running Southeast we passed through the middle of the chanell From this chanell wee helde our course south-Southwest and south-Southwest and by West for the space of twentie leagues vntill wee came to the West ende of the Iland of Tycao which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues This point or hooke lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¾ In the middle betweene this Iland and the Iland Capuli there lie three Ilands called the Faranias and we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all the Ilands at the depth of of 22. fathom with white sand From the aforesayd West point of the Iland Tycao to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sayle about the length of a league or a league and an halfe we put into that chanell holding our course South and South and by West about three leagues vntill we were out of the chanell at sixteene fathom deepe with halfe white and reddish sande in the chanell and at the mouth thereof whereof the middle lyeth vnder 12. degrees and â—â— and there the streames runne Northward The Iland of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and Southeast and is lowe lande whereof the Northwest point is about three leagues from the coast of Luçon but you cannot passe betweene them with any shippe but with small foists and barkes of the countrey This shallowe channell lieth vnder twelue degrees and running thorow the aforesaid chanell betweene the Ilands Tycao and Buryas as I sayd before we sayled Southward about two leagues from the Iland of Masbate which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long being in brâ—dth 4. leagues and lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¼ in the middle thereof and is somewhat high land From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas wee helde our course Westnorthwest for thirteene leagues leauing the Iland Masbate on the Southside and the Iland Buryas on the North side at the ende of thirteene leagues wee came by an Iland called Banton which is in forme like a hat vnder twelue degrees and â—â— when we had sayled the aforesayd thirteene leagues and eight leagues more on the South side wee left the Iland called Rebuiam which stretcheth Northwest and Northwest and by North and Southeast and Southeast and by South for the space of eight leagues being high and crooked lande whereof the North point lyeth vnder tweluâ— degrees and 2 3. and there you finde 35. fathom deepe with white sand From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine leagues there beginne and followe three Ilandes one of them being called Bantonsilla which is a small Iland in forme of a sugar loafe the second Crymara being somewhat great in length reaching East and West about two leagues the third Itaa or the I le of Goates hauing certaine houels By all these Ilands aforesayd you may passe with all â—ortes of shippes whereof the foremost lyeth Southward vnder twelue degrees and â—â— From the Iland of Bantonsilla or small Banton wee helde our course Northwest for the space of foure leagues to the chanell betweene the Ilands called de Vereies and the Iland Marinduque the Vercies lying on the South side vnder twelue degâ—ees and 3 4. which are two small Ilands like two Frigats and the Iland Marinduque on the North side vnder twelue degrees and 4 5. which is a great Iland stretching West northwest and Eastâ—outheast hauing in length 12 in bredth 7. leagues On the North side with the Iland Luçon it maketh a long and small chanell running somewhat crooked which is altogether full of shallowes and sandes whereby no shippes can passe through it The furthest point Westward of the same Iland lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and 1 4. It is high lande on the East side hauing the forme of a mine of brimstone or fierie hill and on the West side the land runneth downâ—ward at the point thereof being round like a loafe of bread in the chanell betweene it and the Vereies there are 18. fathom deepe with small blacke sand From the aforesayd chanell of Vereies and Marinduque wee helde our course Westnorthwest twelue leagues to the lande of Mindora to the point or hooke called Dumaryn lying full vnder thirteene degrees Fiue leagues forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left an Iland called â—sla del maestro del Campo that is The Iland of the Colonell lying vnder twelue degrees and 3 4. which is a small and flat Iland In this
course we had 45. fathom deep with white sand By this point or end of the Iland Marinduque beginneth the Iland of Myndoro which hath in length East and West fiue and twentie leagues and in bredth twelue leagues whereof the furthest point Southward lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and the furthest point Northward vnder thirteene degrees and 2 3. and the furthest point Westward vnder thirteene degrees This Iland with the Iland of Luçon maketh a chanell of fiue leagues broad and tenor twelue fathom deepe with muddie ground of diuers colours with white sande Fiue leagues forward from Marinâ—uque lyeth the riuer of the towne of Anagacu which is so shallowe that no shippes may enter into it From thence two leagues further lie the Ilands called Bacco which are three Ilands lying in a triangle two of them being distant from the land about three hundred cubits and between them and the land you may passe with small shippes And from the landâ— to the other Iland are about two hundred cubites where it is altogether shallowes and sandes so that where the shippes may passe outward about 150. cubites from the landeâ— you leaue both the Ilands on the South side running betweene the third Iland and the riuer called Rio del Bacco somewhat more from the middle of the chanell towardes the Iland which is about a league distant from the other the chanell is â—enne fathom deepe with mud and shelles vpon the ground the riuer of Bacco is so shallowe that no ships may enter into it From this Iland with the same course two leagues forward you passe by the point called El Capo de Rescalco where wee cast out our lead and found that a man may passe close by the lande and there you shall finde great strong streames and halfe a league forward with the same course lyeth the towne of Mindoro which hath a good hauen for shippes of three hundred tunnes Three leagues Northward from the same hauen lyeth the Iland called Cafaa stretching East and West being hilly ground From the sayde towne of Myndoro wee hâ—lde our course Westnorthwest eight leagues till wee came to the poynt or hooke of the sandes called Tulen lying vpon the Iland of Luçon which sande or banke reacheth into the Sea halfe a league from the coast you must keepe about an hundred cubites from it where you finde eight faâ—hom water muddie and shellie ground you runne along by those sandes North and North and by West for the space of two leagues till you come to the riuer called Rio de Anasebo all the rest of the coast called De los Limbones to the mouth or entrie of the Bay called Manilla which are foure leagues is sayled with the same course The Limbones which are Ilands so called are high in forme like a paire of Organs with good hauens for small shippes running along by the Limbones and two leagues beyond them on the South side wee leaue the Ilands of Fortan and foure Ilands more but the three Ilands of Lubao which are very low lie vnder 13. degrees and 1 3. and the Limbones lie in the mouth or entrie of the Bay of Manilla vnder 14 degrees and 1 4. From thence we ranne Northwest for the space of sixe leagues to the hauen of Cabite keeping along by the land lying on the West side where it is shallowe and is called Los Baixos del Rio de Cannas The shallowes of the riuer of Reedes all along this Bay in the same course there is from ten to foure fathom deepe Being by the point or hooke of Cabite then wee kept but an hundred paces from itâ— running Southwest southsouthwest and South vntill wee discouered the whole mouth or entrie of the Bay where wâ— might anker at foure fathom about two hundred cubites from the lande and then the towne of Manilla was two leagues Northward from vs. Chap. 2. The course and voyage of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen or roade of Manilla to the hauen of Macao in China with all the courses and situations of the places SAyling out of the hauen of Cabite lying in the Bay of Manilla wee helde our course Westwarde for the space of eighteene leagues to the point called El Cabo de Sambaâ—les and when wee were eight leagues in our way wee left the two Ilands Maribillas on the South â—ide and sailed about a league from them the point of Samballes aforesayde lyeth vnder foureteene degrees and 2 3. being low land at the end of the same coast of Luçon on the West side From the hooke or point aforesayde wee ranne North and North and by West for the space of fiue and twentie leagues about a league from the coast of Luçon to the point called Cabo de Bullinao all this coast and Cape is high and hilly ground which Cape lyeth vnder sixteene degrees and 2 3. From this Cape de Bullinao we helde our course North and North and by East for 45. leagues to the point called El Cabo de Bojador which is the furthest lande Northwarde from the Iland Luçon lying vnder 19. degrees The Cape de Bullinao being past the lande maketh a great crecke or bough and from this creeke the coast runneth North to the point of Bojador being a land full of cliâ—fes and rockes that reach into the Sea and the land of the hooke or point is high and hilly ground From the point of Bojador wee helde our course Westnorthwest an hundred and twentie leagues vnâ—ill we came to the Iland called A Ilha Branca or the white Iland lying in the beginning of the coast and Bay of the riuer Canton vnder two and twentie degrees hauing foure and twentie fathom browne muddie ground From the Iland Ilha Branca wee helde the aforesayde course of Westnorthwest for the space of sixteene leagues to the Iland of Macao lying in the mouth of the riueâ— of Canton and it maketh the riuer to haue two mouthes or entries and it is a small Iland about three leagues great Chap. 3. The Nauigation or course of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen of Macao to Newe Spaine with the situation and stretchings of the same with other notable and memorable things concerning the same voyage VVHen we had prepared our selues and had taken our leaues of our friends in Macao we set saile vpon the foure and twentieth of Iuly holding our course Southeast Southeast and by East being in the wane of the Moone for when the Moone increaseth it is hard holding the course betweene the Ilands because as then the water and streames run very strong to the Northwest wee trauailed through many narrowe chanels by night hauing the depth of eight or ten fathom with soft muddie ground vntill wee were about the Iland Ilha Branca yet we saw it not but by the height we knew that we were past it Being beyond it we ranne Eastsoutheast an hundred and fiftie leagues to get aboue the sands called Os
vntill hee bring himselfe Northeast and Southwest which the same point and then he must stirre away South to fetch the said pointâ— The signes of Punta de Naga THe said point or Head-land is an high point of Land and plaine vpon the toppe like a table and without it there are two litle rockie Islands and vpon the North side of the said point is another point called Punta de hidalgo anâ— vpon the top thereof are 2. picked rockes like vnto the eares of a Hare The course from the Canaries to the VVest Indies IF you set saile from any of the Islands of the Canaries for the West Indias you must stirre away 30. or 40 leagues due South to the ende you may auoid the calmes of the Island of Fierro and being so farre distant from the said Island then must you stirre away West Southwest vntill you finde your selfe in 20. degrees and then saile West and by South vntill you come to 15. degrees and ½ And from thence stirre away West and by North and so shall you make a West way by reason of the Northwesting of the Compasse which West way will bring you to the Island of Deseada The markes of the Island of Deseada THis Island Deseada lieth East Northeast and West Southwest hauing no trees vpon it and it is proportioned like a Galley and the Northeast ende thereof maketh a lowe nose like the snowe of a galley and by comming neere it and passing by the Norther ende thereof you shall perceiue white broken patches like heapes of sand with red strakes in them the south-Southwest end of this Island maketh like the tile of a galley And this Island standeth in 15. degrees and ½ Markes of the Island of Monserate MOnserate is an high Island and round full of trees and vpon the East side thereof you shall perceiue certain white spots like sheetes and being vpon the South side at the very point of the Island somewhat off the land it maketh like a litle Island and putting your selfe either East or West from that point in the midst thereof will appeare a great broken land Markes of the Island of Marigalanta MArigalanta is a smooth Island and full of wood or trees and as it were of the fashion of a galley vpon her decke and being on the Southeast side about halfe a league off you shall make certaine homocks of blacke stones and certain white patches but on the West side appeare faire white sandy shores or plaines Markes of the Isle of Dominica THe Island of Dominica lieth Northwest and Southeast and vpon the Northwest side it sheweth more high and if you come neere it at full sea it will shew like two Islands but by comming neerer vnto it you shall perceiue it to be but one and vpon the Southeast side you shall make or see a plaine and long point and vpon the same point appeareth a cliffe like to the cliffe of Cape Tiburon and vpon the North side a litle from the land it sheweth like a litle Island and vpon the top thereof is as it were an high steeple and vpon the Norther side you shall perceiue it like many white sheetes Markes of the Island of Guadalupe THe Island of Guadalupe lieth on the West of Deseada and vpon the Southwest part thereof appeare many hie mountaines but vpon the East side it maketh certaine tables which are called the high part of Guadalupe And this Island is cut North and South so that the Canoas of India do passe from the North to the South of it as if it were two Islands Markes of the Isle of Matalina or Martinino THe Isle of Matalina is high and full of mountaines hauing in the midst thereof 3. homocks the middlemost homocke being highest sheweth like the great bowle of an hat And vpon the North side it appeareth like three little Islands And in this Island there are warlik Indians like those of Dominica Markes of the three small Islands called Islas de Los Santos or the Islands of Saintes LOs Santos are 3. Islandes lying one close by another vpon the South side of Guadalupe For to goe with S. Iuan de Puerto rico you must stirre away Northwest vntill you fall with the Isle of Saba Markes to know the Isle of Saba SAba is a litle Island and round about it you shall see the bottome but feare not for there is no danger but that which you shall see and round about it it maketh as it were certaine heapes of white sand and by the side thereof it sheweth like a Ship vnder saile but follow that direction that I haue giuen and you shall see La virgin gorda Markes to know the Isle called La virgin gorda LA virgin gorda is an high Island and round and seeing it you shall espie all the rest of the Virgines which lye East and West one from another and are baâ—e without any trees You may goe about by them vntil you see the litle gray Island which you shal see by it selfe by the Virgines and comming neere to the sayd Island ouer that you shall by and by rayse sight of the white litle Iâ—land which seemeth like a ship vnder saile And if you will passe betweene this litle whiâ—e Iâ—land or bare rocke and the greene Island you must beware that you leaue the white Island on the larbourd side of you and come no neerer it then a Calieuer-shot and so shall you passe through 12. fadome-water and then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you enter into the Hauen of Puerto rico and if you chance to passe the sayd Island by night goe by the foresaid direction vntâ—ll the first watch be out and then take in your sayles and so driue vntill it bee neere day and then hoise sayles and stirre away Southwest seeking the sayde Port and when you come to the entring within you must stay till 10. of the clocke for the sea-turne And know that hauing the Loguilo at Southwest then shall the Harbour be off you North and South Directions from Monserate to Santa Cruz. HE that departeth from Monserate to Santa Cruz must stirre away Westnortwest and by the same course you shall seaze vpon S. Iuan de Puerto rico Markes to know the Isle of Santa Cruz. SAnta Cruz is an Island not very high all full of homocks and comming with it at full sea it will shew like the Virgines and vpon the East side there are two homocks higher then all the reâ—t And by this course you may goe to the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and hauing found it you may sayle along the South coast East and West vntill you come to Cabo Roxo Markes to know Cape Roxo CApe Roxo is a low Cape and trayling to the sea-ward hauing certaine heapes of broken ground thereon which are like a homocke and at full sea the same sheweth like a litle Island from the land by it selfe but comming neere vnto
which I haue mentioned or not you shall see certaine hils at West Southwest which are called Las sierras de Tarquiaâ— and â—orthwith also you shall see the oazy place that I speake of which goeth to the mouth of the â—iuer where standeth a towne called S. Luis de Tampice and from thence to Panuco you haue 9. leagues by land The markes of Isla de lobos or The Isle of seales ISla de lobos is a small Island nothing so big as the caâ—de doth shew it and in it is a litle grâ—uâ— or wood of palme trees and all the rest of the Island is without trees and râ—â—nd about it are â—undry Playas or strandes and it is inclosed round about with aâ—raçifes or shoalds and chiefly toward the maine lande And from thence to Cape Roxo or The red Cape are 3. leagues And if you will come to anker at this Island to water for that there is water in it you may ride on all the South side close by the poynt that stretcheth to the Westward and you may passe by the East side of it and ride in 22. fathom and vntill you come to 15. fathoms all is cleane ground Markes of the riuer of Tuspa IF you fall with the riuer of Tuspa you must beware the sholdes which run 5. or 6. leagues into the sea and vpon this â—iuer of Tuspa within the lande there are high hilles which lie Northeast and Southwest and haue their ending vpon the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer you shall perceiue a white cliffe which will shew vnto you like the castle of S. Iuan de Vllua Markes of the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul IF you chance to fall with the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul take heede for the sayd bay is a deepe bay and the hilles of Tuspa haue their ending vpon this bay And in the mouth of this riuer of Sâ— Peter and S. Paul are two homockes of white sand the Westermost being bigger thâ—n that on the Northeast And by and by you shall perceiue the water to change white which commeth out of the riuer and sounding you shall finde sande mixed with clay vpon your lead and looke vpon the West side and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines of S. Paul which are two and that on the North side is higher then the other Markes of Almeria IF you should chance to fall or come vpon the plaines of Almeria it is a lande â—ull oâ— many homocks some with tuftes of trees on them and some baâ—e with white sand and in 60. faâ—homs you shall haue clay or oaze and in 30. fathom to the landward sand And from thence to Punta de hidalgo oâ— Punta delgada the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest Soundings of Villa rica IF you fall with Villa rica in 30. fathoms you shall finde clay or oaze and in some places stones and neere the lande you shall haue sand and vpon the port of S. Iuan de Vllua you shall haue in some places clay or oaze and in some places herring bones and in other places mase and and vpon the rocks called Cabeças anegadas you shall haue small blacke sande at 17. fathom two leagues from land And if you see a coast that lieth Northeast and Southwest and another Northwest and Southeast you shall be vpon S. Paul and if you should be vpon Cabeças anegadas you shall finde in 30. fathoms great sand blacke and in 28. fathoms you shall haue the sand white like the shauings of free stone and from S. Paul to the barre of Vera Cruz it is clay or oaze and from thence to S. Iuan de Vllua you haue many deeps which at one sounding bring you clay and at another sand and at another clay and mase together and herring bones and in some 35. or 40. fathom you shal finde rockie ground and in some places sand and in some other places herring bones and we call this Comedera de pescado or The foode of fishes The course from Cabo de Corrientes and Cabo de S. Anton vpon the West end of Cuba towards Nueua Espanna within the Isles called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you saile from Cape de Corrientes towarde Nueua Espanna on the inside of The Alacranes you must stir West and when you thinke you haue sailed 35. or 40. leag you shall sound vpon the pracel and you shall come vpon many bristlings of watersâ— which if it were faire weather would seeme a skull oâ— fish And before you come out of the bristlings if you sound you shal haue depth as I haue sayd If you goe from Cape de S. Anton by the inside of The Alacranes you must stir away West and by South and you shall finde sounding in the same order as I haue sayd you shall haue white sand and neere the land you shall finde it like the shauings and peckings of free stone and white sand like houre-glasse-sand and sometimes periwinkles or small shelles Also if you sound in deepe water and on the sudden â—inde rockes then knowe that you are vpon The Alacranes and then stir away Westsouthwest vntill you finde cleane ground and til you bring your selfe into 18. or 20. fathoms And if you goe deeping your water then stir away West and by these depths you shall go sounding and then taking your heigth by sunne or starre you must beware that you passe not 21. degrees â—â— or 21. degrees and ½ at the most and in this heigth and at 18. or 20. fathoms you shall follow your way and if you deepen water edge to the Northwestward and if you alter more your depth edge to the Southwestward vntill you haue gotten so farre ahead as Cape Sisal and discouered the coast of Campeche which coast lyeth North and South and you shall take vp on your lead white sande like houreglasseâ— sand and sometime periwinkles or small shelles and by and by you shall goe increasing depth vntil you lose it and so shal you passe between the Triangle and the Sandy Iland The course betweene the Triangle and the Sandy Island to S. Iuan de Vllua VVHen you haue lost your depth stirre away Southwest to fetch the Sierras or hils of S. Martin and to knowe the hils of S. Martin there are 2. hils stretching Northeast and Southwest and the Southwest is greater then that on the Northeast but the Northermost hill is higher and maketh on the top a flat point and very high and without it it hath an Island which is called Roca partida or The clouen rock and if it be cleare on the Southwest side an high lande like a top-saile will appeare and then shall you bee North and South with The Pan or Loafe of Nisapa Note that these Sierras or Hilles of Sant Martin are all blacke and full of trees and make no shewe as Villa rica doth And marke
in the time of the Northeast windes thou shalt seeke to fall with the land in foureteene degrees And if thou see a lowe land thou mayest make accompt it is the land called Ciemana and then thou shalt see Mangues And also thou shalt come along this coast to the South and when thou seest an ende of the low land then thou shalt finde an high land along the sea like the other that I haue made mention of before that is all sandie along the sea coast And thou must vnderstand that where the high land beginneth there is a little riuer called Rio das Contas but enter not into it it hath for a marke to be knowen by as it were a white mouth And from thence to the Islands thou hast nine leagues And at the ende of this high land to the Southward of it thou shalt find a great bay within the land then thou shalt looke to the Westsouthwest and shalt see another high land which lieth as it were in the middest of the bay and thou shalt there see certaine white houses which are the Ingenios or houses wherein they make sugar of Lucas Giraldo From thence thou shalt see the Isles being so farre shotte as Rio de Contas And thou shalt see within the land a round hill which is like Monte de laude and it hath another copple on the South side The course to sayle to Porto Seguro that is to say The safe hauen lying on the foresayd coast of Brasil the markes to know the same by IF thou goe for Porto Seguro and goest in the time of the Southeast windes which is from March forwards I aduise thee that thou fall not in more degrees then sixteen and a halfe because of the sholdes called Os baixos dos Abrolhos which are very dangerous and stretch very farre into the sea And also going West from them that thou keepe thy lead going and be often sounding And if thou chance to see the land and an high hill and long withall much like to The pike it is the hill that is called Monte Pasqual And from thence thou must goe to the North and when thou hast brought it Southwest of thee then thou mayest beare with the land but with great care to looke about thee Marke when thou seest the land and commest to see a red cliffe then looke to the Southward and thou shalt see a great smooth coast along the sea and then on the North side thou shalt deserue Porto Seguro And going along the coast thou shalt see the towne of Porto Seguro standing vpon the toppe of an hill which hill is a white rocke and on the North side of the sayd rocke there is a very hie land I aduise thee that when thou art East and West with the sayd land I meane with this rocke that then thou looke to the Northward and thou shalt see certaine rocks lying two leagues off into the sea whereon the sea doth breake and to the Southward of them thou mayest come to an ankor against the towne and hast a good place to ride in thirteen fadomes in sight of the towne And if it be thy chance to arriue in the time of the Northeast winds and commest in the height of fifteene degrees and two third parts and seest not certaine hilles then thou must goe along the coast being in 16 degrees and vnder the first hie land that thou shalt descrie thou shalt see certaine sandie bayes along the sea coast And if thou haue sight of a riuer in this height put not thy selfe into it neither beare with the land for it hath many sholdes And off them lie certaine sunken grounds called Os Baixos de Santo Antonio And from hence to the Southward lyeth Porto Seguro I aduise thee that going along the coast to the Southward and seeing such sholdes and the sea to breake vpon them as the other which I last spake of thou shalt runne along them a sea boord of them and when thou art at the end of them then the towne will beare West of thee and then thou mayest goe to thine ankoring place as is abouesayd giuing these sholds a good birth The course to the hauen named Baia do Spirito Santo that is to say The bay of the holy Ghost lying on the sayd coast of Brasil and the markes thereof THou shalt vnderstand that the ship that goeth for Spirito Santo when it hath doubled the sholdes called Os Baixos dos Abrolhos and hath brought it selfe in 20 or 19 degrees and a halfe then it may hall with the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a halfe and in twentie And the sayd shippe must goe in this height because on this coast there are no Monçoins If thou chance to come in the height of 19 degrees ½ and seest lowe land to the Northwest off thee then thou art on the North side of Spirito Santo and thou mayest make accompt that it is the land lying ouer Criquare and ouer the riuer called Rio dolce that is the riuer of sweete or fresh water If thou come along the land thou shalt find certaine high hilles but trust not the first that thou seest only For besides the rest thou shalt see a round hie hill which is at the capes end which is called la Sierra de mestre Aluaro Take heede that going for this land thou looke to the North and thou shalt see a riuer called Rio dos Reyes Magos that is The riuer of the three kings And comming to the Southward thou shalt see presently the mouth of the bay to open At the end of this hill on the South side thou hast a point of a rocke which is called A punta do Tubaron And on the South side of the bay it hath two or three blacke hie hilles and in the middest of the bay thou shalt goe in westward I aduise thee that in going in thou take heede of a sholde which lieth in the mouth of the bay thou must leaue it to the Southward of thee and then plie to double a certaine Island which lieth within and thou must leaue it to the Northward of thee and when it beareth on the North or Northeast thou mayest come to an ankor for all is cleane ground And if thou chance to come by this course and fallest in 20 degrees and seest many hilles and one among the rest very high and craggie it is called A Sierra de Guariparim that is the hill of Guaraparim and seest another hill on the North side which is called A Sierra de Pero Cam both these lie on the South side of Spirito Santo And from these hils thou shalt see a little hill named Guaipel And when thou seest these hilles thou shalt see three little Islands together lying to the Southward And then from these thou shalt see another rockie bare and round Island and to the land off this Island
Cape S. Francisco the course is North by East South and by West and the distance is 40 leagues Item Frâ—m Cape S. Francisco vnto the cape that is called Cape Blanco which cape is on the coast of New Spaine the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 160 leagues and you shall haue a great current that setteth out of the bay of Panama and the sayd current setteth South out Item From Cape Blanco vnto the Port de Veles the course is Northeast and Southwest and the distance 8 leagues Item From the Port de Veles vnto the port of S. Iohn the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 17 leagues Item From the port of S. Iohn vnto Rio Lexo the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 40 leagues Item From Râ—o Lexo vnto the gulfe of Fonsecco the course is Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast and they are distant 14 leagues Item In the mouth of Rio Lexo there lieth one iland and you must goe in on the Northwest part of that iland on the which iland you may be bolde for to borrow on and you must goe from that iland Southeast vp Item That in the gulfe of Fonsecco you shall haue lying ten ilands whereof three be peopled with Indians whereon you may haue water wood and salt Item On the West side of the gulfe of Fonsecco there is one towne of Indians which is called Mapal in which towne there is great store of beeues Item From the râ—uer Lexo vnto the bay of Sonsonate the course is East and West and the distance is 60 leagues Item From the bay of Sonsonate vnto the port of Aguaâ—â—lco the course is Northwest and by West Southeast aâ—d by East and the distance 160 leagues Item From the bay of Coppeleto vnto the port of Aguaâ—ulco it is 2 leagues the course is West and by North East and by South Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Angeles the course is East and West and they â—re distant 12 leagues Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Acapulco the course is West by North East and by South and the dâ—stance is 78 leagues Item From the port of Acapulco vnto the port of S. Iago the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 80 leagues Item From the port of S. Iago vnto the port of Natiuidad the course is East and West and the distance is 7 leagues Item From the port of Natiuidad vnto port of the ilands of Chiametla the course is East and West and the distance is 10 leagues Item From the ilands of Chiametla vnto Cape de los Corrientes the course is Northwest and by West Southeast and by East and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the Cape de los Corrientes vnto the bay of Xalisco the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 18 lâ—agues Item From the bay of Xalisco vnto the port of Chiametlan the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 30 lâ—agues Item From the Caâ—e de los Corrientes vnto tâ—e ilands called Las â—â—es Marias the course is Northwest and Southeaâ—â—â—nd tâ—e distance is 20 leagues Item From the Câ—pe de los Câ—rrientes vnto the cape of Santa Clara on the point of California the course is Weâ—tâ—orthwest and Eastsoutheast and the distance is 108 leagues A note from the coast of America vnto the Westwards ITem From the cape of Santa Clâ—ra vnto the ilands of The Ladrones the course is West and by South East and by Nâ—â—th and the distance betweene thâ—m is 1850 leagues Item That the â—ouâ—â—eâ—most iland of the Ladrones standeth in the latitude of 12 degrees and 10 minuts and from theâ—ce vnto the Northâ—rmost iland the course is Nâ—rthnortheast Sâ—uthsouthwest and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 200 leagues and the said Norâ—hermost iland standeth in 21 degrees 10 minuts Item From one of the ilands of the Ladrones which standeth in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts which iland is called Guâ—ihaâ—me vnto the Cape de Spirito santo which cape is vpon one of the ilands of the Philippinas the course is West and to the Southwards and the distance is 320 leagues Item From the cape of Spirito santo vnto the mouth of the entrance of the Streights of the Philippinas the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 15 leagues Item From the mouth of the Streights vnto the iland of Capul the course is Southwest and by West 6 leagues Item From the iland of Capul vnto the North head of the iland called Masbat the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues Item From the North head of the iland called Masbat vnto the iland called Seboion the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues A note of our course kept from the iland Seboion vnto the Southwards ITem From the iland of Seboion vnto the East end of the iland called Pannay the course is Southeast and by South Northwest and by West and the distance is 22 leagues Item That off the Easter end of the iland of Pannay there lie certâ—ine small ilands vnto the number of 12 or more and you shall haue shoald water among them Item From the Easter end of Pannay vnto a bay that iâ— called The bay of Lago grande on the same iland the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the diâ—â—ance is 18 leagues Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto the iland that is called Ysla de los Negros is the distance of 6 leagues Southeast and Northwest Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto three small ilands that stand in the latitude of 10 degrees the course is South and by West 12 leagues Furthermore from those three ilands vnto the Westermost end of Ysla de los Negros the course is Southwest and Northeast 10 leagues where we were cleere of the ilands of the Philippinas Item From the South end of Ysla de los Negros vnto the North head of the iland called Mindanao the course is South and North and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the North end of Mindanao vnto the South head of the sayd iland which is called Cape Cannal the course is South and by West North and by East and the distance is 26 leagues Item From the cape of Cannal betweene the South and the Westsouthwest about 10 or 12 leagues off you shall haue great store of small ilands about the number of 24 or more Item From the cape of Cannal vnto the cape of Batochina the course is Souâ—hsouthwest and Northnortheast and the distance is 100 leagues and betweene them setteth a great current vnto the Eastward Item
From the cape of Batochina vnto the West head of Iaua minor the course is Southwest aâ—d by South Northeast and by North and the distance betweene them is 220 leagues Item From the West end of Iaua minor vnto the East end of Iaua maior the course is West and by North and East by South and the distance betweene them is 18 leagues in the which course there lieth one iland betweene them which iland is in length 14 leagues Item From the East end of Iaua maior vnto the cape of Buena Esperança the course is West and by South and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 1800 leagues Item That Cape Falso standeth 30 leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Buena Esperança off the sayd Cape Falso you shal haue shoalding 20 leagues off in 80 or 90 fadoms the course is from Caâ—e Falso vnto the cape of Buena Esperança Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast A note of the distance and course from the cape of Buena Esperanza vnto the Northwards ITem From the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the iland of Santa Helena the course is Northwest and Northwest aâ—d by West and the distance betweene thâ—m is 600 leagues Item From the iland of Santa Helena vnto the iland of Flores the course betweene them is Northnorthwest and Northwest and by North and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 1200 leagues Item From the iland of Flores vnto the lands end of England the course is betweene the Eastnortheast and the Northeast and by East and the distance betweene them is foure hundred and fifty leagues A note of the variation of our Compasse IN primis The variation of our compasse on the coast of New Spaine iâ— the South sea in tâ—e latitude of 12 degrees was one point to the Eastwards Item the variation of our compasse betweene â—he cape of California and the ilands of the Philippinas was one point and an halfe vnto the Eastward that was that the North did stand North and by East and halfe a point vnto the East Item The variation of our compasse betweene the ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança was two points and an halfe at the most to the Westward that was that the Northnortheast was our North. A note of our time spent in sailing betweene certeine places out of England 1586. IN primis We were sailing betweene England and the coast of Guinea from the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 26 day of August vnto the hauen called Sierra leona where we watered and stayed vntill the 6 day of September Item Wee departed from the coast of Guinea for the coast of Brasil the 10 day of September and wee had sight of the coast of Brasil the 26 day of October being sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Frio and from thence wee were sailing vnto the iland of S. Sebastian vntill the 31 and last day of October where we watered and set vp our pinnesse and we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland in tenne fadoms and stayed there vntill the 23 day of Nouember Item The 23 day of Nouember we departed from the iland of Sant Sebastian keeping our course South and by West vnto the port that is called Port Desire where we arriued the 17 day of December in which port we graued our shippe and we stayed there vntill the 28 day of December where we ankered in 5 fadoms Item The eight and twentieth day of December wee departed from the Port of Desire toward the Streight of Magellan where wee arriued the third day of Ianuary and wee remained in the Streights vntill the foure and twentieth day of February where we watered in many places on the South side hauing the winde all that while betweene the Westsouthwest and the Northwest Item We departed out of the Streights the 24 day of February toward the iland of Mocha which island we had sight of the 14 day of March. Item The 14 day of March at night we ankered in the bay of Marroccos where we rode in 9 fadoms water Item The 15 day of March we ankered in the iland of Saint Marie on the North part of the island in eight fadoms water blacke sand wheâ—e we stayed foure dayes Item The 19 day of March we departed frâ—â— the island of Saint Marie and the same day we ankered in the bay of Conception where we stayed vntill the next day and there we rode in ten fadoms water shiâ—gie stones Item The 20 day of March we departed from the bay of Conception and the thirtieth day of March we arriued in the bay of Quintero where wâ— watered and there the first day of April we had twelue of our men slaine being on land for water and we stayed there sixe dayes and we ankered in 7 fadoms water white sand Item We departed from the bay of Quintero the 5 day of April and we arriued at the bay of Arica the 24 day of April and we ankered in 7 fadoms water Item The 27 day of April we departed from the bay of Arica and the third day of May we arriued in the bay of Pisca and we ankered in 4 fadoms water in oaze Item The 5 day of May we departed from the bay of Pisca and the 12 day we ankered in the bay of Cherrepe where we ankered in 7 fadoms water in white sand Item The 18 day of May we departed from the bay of Cherrepe and the 20 day of May we arriued in the bay of Payta where we ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 20 day of May we departed from the bay of Paita and the 26 day of May we ankered at the iland of Puna and we ankered in 5 fadoms Item From the iland of Puna we departed the fourth day of Iune vnto Rio dolce in the main where we watâ—red and we ankered in 10 fadoms water browne sand Item The 12 day of Iune we departed from the place where we watered being bound for the coast of New Spaine and the 29 day of Iuly wee arriued in the port of Aguatulco where wee watered and ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 3 day of August we departed from the port of Aguatulco and the 26 day of August we arriued at the port of S. Iago where wee watered and stayed there vntill the second day of September and ankered in 6 fadoms Item The 2 of Septâ—mber we departed from the port of S. Iago and the 3 day of September we put into a port one league vnto the Westwards of Natiuidad where we ankered in 8 fadoms water Item The 4 day of September wee departed from the port of Natiuidad and the 7 day of September we put into the bay of Xalisco where we ankered in 9 fadoms water and the 10 day of September we departed from the bay of Xalisco and the 12 day of September we ankered
weather The castle and we waied in the Christopher and went roome with her The 12 day the Tyger came roome with vs and she and the Christopher finding themselues to stand in great need of victuals would haue gone with the Portugals ships to haue fetched some of them forth but our master and company would in no case consent to goe with them for feare of hanging when we came home and the other two ships being fully minded to haue gone and fearing that their owne company would accuse them durst not go to them After this by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnesse which could receiue no victuals from the other shippes but from vs onely we tooke out all our men and put twelue Frenchmen into her and gaue them victuals to bring them to Shamma The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arriued at Shamma and the Christopher within two leagues off them but could not fetch the winde by reason of the scantnesse of the winde which hath bene so scant that in fifteene dayes we haue plied to the windewards but twelue leagues which before we did in one day and a night The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse and went to the towne of Shamma to speake with the captaine and he tolde me that there was no golde there to be had nor so much as a hen to be bought and all by reason of the accord which he had made with the Portugals and I seeing that departed peaceably from him The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnesse and tooke one marchant of our ship and another of the Tyger and sent her to Hanta to attempt if she could doe any thing there That night they could do nothing but were promised to haue golde the next day The next day which was the 22 being come we sent our pinnesse to Hanta againe but there neither the captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with vs but intised vs from place to place and all to no purpose This day we put away our pinnesse with fiue and twenty Frenchmen in her and gaue them such victuals as we could spare putting fifteene of them to the ransome of sixe crownes a man The 23 of Iune our pinnesse came to vs from Hanta and tolde vs that the Negros had dealt very ill with them and would not traffike with them to any purpose The 24 we tooke our boat and pinnesse and manned them well and went to the towne of Shamma and because the Captaine thereof was become subiect to the Portugals we burned the towne and our men seeking the spoile of such trifles as were there found a Portugals chest wherein was some of his apparell and his weights and one letter sent to him from the castle whereby we gathered that the Portugall had bene there of a long time The 25 day about three of the clocke at afternoone we set saile and put into the sea for our returne to England The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore againe and made our reckoning to be â—ighteene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we set off When we came to make the land we found our selues to be eighteene leagues to the leeward of the place where we set off which came to passe by reason of the extreame currant that runneth to the Eastward when we perceiued our selues so abused we agreed to cast about againe and to lie as neere the winde as we could to fetch the line The seuenth of Iuly we had sight of the I le of S. Thome and thought to haue sought the road to haue ancred there but the next morning the winde came about and we kept our course The ninth the winde varying we kept about againe and fell with the Iland of S. Thome and seeking the road were becalmed neere the Iland and with the currant were put neere the shore but could haue no ground to ancre so that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse and the other ships their skifs to towe from the Iland which did litle good but in the end the winde put vs three leagues off the shore The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast about whereby we iudged them to haue agreed together to goe seeke some ships in the road and to leaue vs our men were not willing to goe after them for feare of running in with the Iland againe and of putting our selues into the same danger that we were in the night before but we shot off a piece and put out two lights and they answered vs with lights againe whereupon we kept our course and thought that they had followed vs but in the morning we could not see them so that they left vs willingly and we determined to follow them no more But the eleuenth day we altered our opinion and course and consented to cast about againe for the Iland to seeke our ships and about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we met with them The 13 we fell againe with the Iland of S. Thome and the same night we found our selues directly vnder the line This Iland is a very high Iland and being vpon the West side of it you shall see a very high pike which is very small and streight as it were the steeple of a church which pike lieth directly vnder the line and at the same South end of the Iland to the Westward thereof lieth a small Iland about a mile from the great Iland The third of August we departed froÌ„ the I le of S. Thome met the winde at the south-Southwest The 12 day we were in the height of Cape verde The 22 day we fell with one of the Iles of Cape verde called The I le of Salt and being informed by a Scotish man that we tooke among the Frenchmen vpon the coast that there were fresh victuals to be had we came to an ancre there The 23 day in the morning we maâ—ned our skiffe and went a shore and found no houses but we saw foure men which kept themselues alwayes farre from vs as for cattell we could finde none but great store of goats and they were so wilde that we could not take aboue three or foure of them but there we had good store of fish and vpon a small Iland which lay by the same we had great store of sea-birds At night the Christopher brake her cable and lost an ancre so that she could tary no longer so we all wayed and set saile Upon the same Iland we left the Scotish man which was the occasion of our going aland at that place but how he was left we could not tell but as we iudged the people of the Iland found him sleeping and so caried him away for at night I went my selfe to the Iland to seeke him but could heare nothing of him The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord vs tolde vs that his men were so weake and the
and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576. THe 7. of Iune being Thursday the two Barks viz. the Gabriel and the Michael our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe and bare down to Detford and there we ancred the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boultspriâ— and forâ—mâ—st aboard of a ship that rode at Detford else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich The 8. day being Friday about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford and set saile all three of vs and bare downe by the Court where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could Her Maiestie beholding the same commended it and bade vs farewell with shaking her hand at vs out of the window Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings and thanked vs for it and also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs and declared to the company that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient and diligent to their Captaine and gouernours in all things and wished vs happie successe The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend by the castle or blockehouse we obserued the latitude which was 51. degrees 33. minâ— And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone I had sight oâ— Faire yle being from vs 6. leagues North and by East and when I brought it Northwest and by North it did rise at the Southermost ende with a litle hommocke and swâ—mpe in the middes The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale I cast about to the Westward the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me and the land of Faire yle West Southwest from me I sailed directly to the North head of that said land scunding as I ranne in hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms and gray redde shels and within halfe a mile of that Island there are 36. fathoms for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde and I found by my sounding hard rockes and foule ground and deepe water within two cables length of the shoare 28. fathome and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast the flood setteth Southeast and the ebbe Northwest The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head I did obserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest froÌ„ me 6. leagues and Swinborne head East southeast from me I found my eleuation to be 37. degr and my declination 22. degr 46. min. So that my latitude was 59. degr 46. min. At that present being neere to Swinborne head hauing a leake which did trouble vs as also to take in fresh water I plyed roome with a sound which is called S. Tronions and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water and faire sande You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17.15.12.10.9.8 and 7. fathoms and the sound lyeth in North northwest and there we roade to a West sunne stopped our leake and hauing refreshed our selues with water at a North northwest sunne I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay And running off toward Fowlay I sounded hauing fiftie fathome and streâ—mâ—e ground and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande hauing fiftie fathome at the South head and streamie ground like broken otmell and one shell being redde and white like mackerell The 27. day at a South sunne I did abserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees 59. min. truly obserued the winde at South Southwest I sailed West and by North. From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone the wind at South a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues and at the ende of this watch I sounded hauing 60. fathome with little stones and shels the Island from vs 8. leagues East The first of Iuly from 4. to 8. a clocke wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues and at that present we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to the Westwards this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6. leagues From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues At that present I found our Compasse to be varied 11. deg and one 4. part to the Westwards which is one point The 11 day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16. leagues and rising like pinacles of steeples and all couered with snowe I found my selfe in 61. degr of latitude Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150â— fathoms we hoised out our boate and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land but the land lying full of yce they could not get on land and so they came aboord againe We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues The 18. day at a Southeast sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg So I obserued it till I found it at the highest and then it was eleuated 52. deg I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce seeming a firme lande and we cast Westward to be cleare of it The 26. we had sight of a land of yce the latitude was 62. degrees and two minutes The 28. day in the morning was very foggie but at the clearing vp of the fogge wee had sight of lande which I supposed to be Labrador with great store of yce about the land I ranne in towards it and sownded but could get no ground at 100. Fathom and the yce being so thicke I could not get to the shoare and so lay off and came cleare of the yce Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare and sought a harborowe all the sownd was full of yce and our boate rowing a shoare could get no ground at a 100. fathom within a Cables length of
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whâ—nce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâ—dable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
order to our chyrurgion to dresse the wounded men one of which was wounded vnto death That done we had then time to view our prize which we found of great defence and a notable strong ship almost two hundred tun in burden very well appointed and in all things fitted for a man of warre They had also foureteene or fifteene men more which were then absent from the ship otherwise we should haue had the hoter fight The same day we got our sailes to the yard and our top masts on end and rigged the shippe what we could The 26 day we got some oile aboord and there we taried vntill the second of August fitting our selues for the sea and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs. During our â—â—ode there we diuided our men and appointed to ech ship their company my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the prize wherein when we were shipped and the company there arose great enmity against vs by the other shippe which afterward was quieted The second day of August hauing taken in water and wood we put to sea from that harborow in company of the Hopewell with puâ—pose to go directly to Parlican which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland where we eâ—pected another prize But when we came to sea we found our sailes so olâ—e our ropes so rotten and our prouision of bread and drinke so short as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August and sent them aboord the Hopewell to certifie them the cause of our resolution for England wherat they were generally offended thinking and saying that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them To conclude they sent vs word that they would keepe vs company for England But I had giuen William Crafton commission before to go for the Islands of the Açores and there to spend his victuals for a man of warre The next day being the fift of August hauing a faire winde we put off from the coast of Newfoundland and kept our course directly for England the Hopewell keeping vs company vntill midâ—ay whenas hauâ—ng lost vs in a fogge she shot off two pieces of ordinance and we answered her with three afterwarde wâ— spake not with her supposing that she went for the Islands The 27 of August drawing neere the coast of England we sounded and found ground at seuenty fadoms Some of the mariners thinking we were in Bristow channell and other in Silly channell so that through variety of iudgements â—nd euill marinership we were fame to dance the hay foure dayes together sometimes running to the Northeast sometimes to the Southeast then againe to the East and Eastnortheast Thus did we spend faire winds and lose our time vntill the last of August And then it pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of Bristoll from whence we sâ—ayed our course and aftâ—r diuers dangers the third of September we mâ—t with the Tramontane of the Queene off of Dartmouth to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of The fift of Septeâ—â—er I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight and within few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London where she was made prize as beloâ—ging to the enemies of this land Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we trauelled THe Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists The ground of it is very rocky and vpon it there is great store of firce trees and in some places red and abouâ— the shore it hath great abundance of cod-fish We were on land in it in foure seuerall places 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon 2 At Cape Rase 3 At the harborow of Lano which lieth foure leagues to the West beyond Cape Laurence 4 At S. Marie port The Island of Menego for the soile is much like Newfoundland but the fish about it as also thorowout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton is much larger and better then that of the Newfoundland This Island is scant two leagues long and very narrow In the midst of it a great way within the wood is a great poole Here we were thrise on shore once at the East side and twise at the West The three Islands of birds are sandy red but with the multitude of birds vpon them they looke white The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in a paued street The greatest â—f the Islands is about a mile in compasse The second is little lesse The third is a very little one like a small rocke At the second of these three lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses which when our boat came nere them presently made into the sea and swam after the boat Brions Island wee found to be very good and sandy ground It hath in it store of firre trees It is somewhat more then a league long and about three leagues in compasse Here we were on land once and went from the one side of it to the other The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island hauing also abundance of firre trees It seemeth to be in length about twelue or thirteene leagues at least We were there in harborow but not on shore which we much desired and hoped to haue bene but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons mentioned before preuented vs. The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd but somewhat lesse We were not on shore vpon it but rode before it at anker The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland but rather better Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower then the hils as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land as the West We went on shore vpon it in fiue places 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away 2 At Cibo 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo and the New port 4 At the New port And 5 at Port Ingles or the English port Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island Isle Blanche and of Ramea they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood great store of wild corne like barley sâ—rawberries gooseberries mulberies white roses and store of wilde peason Also about the sayd Islands the sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer through the labour of man plenty of all kinde of our graine of roots of hempe and other necessary commodities Charles Leigh CERTAINE VOYAGES CONTAINING THE Discouerie of the Gulfe of Sainct Laurence to the West of Newfoundland and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places with a
Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast are East and West and there is 15. leagues distance betweene them The Bay of Molues or Gaspay is in 48. degrees and the coast lyeth North and South and taketh a quarter of the Northeast and south-Southwest vnto the Bay of Heate and there are 3. Isles one great one and two smal from the Bay of Heate vntill you passe the Monts nostre Dame al the land is high and good ground al couered with trees Ognedoc is a good Bay and lyeth Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and it is a good Harbour and you must saile along the shore on the Northside by reason of the low point at the entrance therof and when you are passed the poynt bring your selfe to an ancre in 15. or 20. fathoms of water toward the South shore and here within this Hauen are two riuers one which goeth toward the Northwest and the other to the Southwest And on this coast there is great fishing for Coddes and other fish where there is more store then is in Newfoundland and better fish And here is great store of riuer foule as Malards wild Geese and others And here are all sorts of trees Rose trees Raspesses Filbird trees Apple trees Peare trees and it is hotter here in Sommer then in France The Isle of Ascension and the 7. Isles which lie on the North shore lie Southeast and Westnorthwest and are distant 24. leagues The Cape of Ognedoc and the 7. Isles are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast are distant 35. leagues The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 7. Isles are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is 25. leagues and this is the breadth of this Sea and from thence vpward it beginneth to waxe narrower and narrower The 7. Isles are in 50. degrees and ½ The 7. Isles and the poynt of Ongear lie Northeast and Southwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues and betweene them are certaine small Islands and the point of Ongear and the mountaines Nostre Dame which are on the South side of the entrance of the riuer are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is ten leagues and this is here the abredth of the Sea The poynt of Ongear and the riuer of Caen lie East and West and they are distant 12. leagues And all the coast from the Isle of Ascension hither is very good ground wherein growe all sortes of trees that are in France and some fruits The poynt of Ongear is in 49. degrees and ¼ And the riuer of Caen and the Isle of Raquelle lye Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 12. leagues The Isle of Raquelle is in 48. degrees and â…” In this riuer of Caen there is great sâ—ore of fish And here the Sea is not past 8 leagues broad The Isle of Raquelle is a very low Isle which is neere vnto the South shore hard by a high Cape which is called the Cape of Marble There is no danger there at all And betweene Raquelle and the Cape of Marble ships may passe And there is not from the Isle to the South shore aboue one league and from the Isle vnto the North shore about foure leagues The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance of Saguenay are Northeast Westsouthwest and are distant 14. leagues and there are betweene them two small Islandes neere the North shore The entrance of Saguenay is in 48. degrees and â…“ and the entrance hath not past a quarter of a league in breadth and it is dangerous toward the Southwest and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to waxe wider and wider and it seemeth to bee as it were an arme of the Sea And I thinke that the same runneth into the Sea of Cathay for it sendeth foorth there a great current and there doth runne in that place a terrible rase or tyde And here the riuer from the North shore to the South shore is not past foure leagues in breadth and it is a dangerous passage betweene both the lands because there lie bankes of rockes in the riuer The Isle of Raquelle and the Isle of Hares lye Northeast and Southwest and take ¼ of the East and the West and they are distant 18. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Liepueres or Hares lie Northnortheast Southsouthwest and are distant 5. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Raquelle are Northnorthwest and Southsouthwest and are distant three leagues The Isle of Hares is in 48 and 1 16 of a degree From the Mountaines of Nostre Dame vnto Canada and vnto Hochelaga all the land on the South coast is faire a lowe land and goodly champaigne all couered with trees vnto the brink of the riuer And the land on the North side is higher and in some places there are high mountaines And from the Isle of Hares vnto the Isle of Orleans the riuer is not past 4 or 5 leagues broad Betweene the Isle of Hares and the high land on the North side the sea is not past a league and an halfe broad and it is very deepe for it is aboue 100. fathoms deepe in the middest To the East of the Isle of Hares there are 2 or 3 small Isles and rockes And from hence to the Isle Des Coudres or of Filbeards all is nothing but Isles and rockes on the Southshore and towards the North the sea is fayre and deepe The Isle of Hares and the Isle of Filbeards lie northeast West and Southwest and they are distant 12 leagues And you must alwayes run along the high land on the north shore for on the other shore there is nothing but rocks And you must passe by the side of the Isle of Filbeards and the riuer there is not past a quarter of a league broad and you must sayle in the middest of the chanel and in the middest runneth the best passage either at an hie or a low water because the sea runneth there strongly and there are great dangers of rocks and you had neede of good ancre and table The isle of Filbeards is a small isle about one league long and halfe a league broad but they are all banks of sand The isle of Filberds stands in 47. deg and ¾ The isle of Filberds and the isle of Orleans lie northeast and southwest and they are distant 10 leagues and thou must passe by the high land on the northside about a quarter of a league because that in the midst of the riuer there is nothing but sholds and rocks And when thou shalt bee ouer against a round Cape thou must take ouer to the South shore southwest and a quarter toward the South and thou shalt sayle in 5.6 and 7 fathoms and there the riuer of Canada beginneth to bee fresh and the salt water endeth And when thou shalt be athwart the point of the isle of Orleans where
the riuer beginneth to be fresh thou shalt sayle in the midst of the riuer and thou shalt leaue the isle on the starreboord which is on the right hand and here the riuer is not past a quarter of a league broad and hath 20 and 30 fathoms water And towards the South shore there is a ledge of Isles all couered with trees and they end ouer against the point of the Isle of Orleans And the poynt of the isle of Orleans toward the Northeast is in 47 degrees and one terce of a degree And the Isle of Orleans is a fayre Isle all couered with trees euen vnto the riuers side and it is about 5 leagues long and a league and an halfe broade And on the North shore there is another Riuer which falleth into the mayne Riuer at the ende of the Island and Shippes may very well passe there From the middest of the Isle vnto Canada the Riuer runneth West and from the place of Canada vnto France-Roy the riuer turneth West Southwest and from the West ende of the Isle to Canada is but one league and vnto France-Roy 4 leagues And when thou art come to the end of the Isle thou shalt see a great Riuer which falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke and maketh a terrible noyse The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees and one sixt part of a degree The extension of all these lands vpon iust occasion is called New France For it is as good and as temperate as France and in the same latitude And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter is because the fresh Riuer is naturally more colde then the Sea and it is also broad and deepe and in some places it is halfe a league and aboue in breadth And also because the land is not tylled nor full of people and is all full of Woods which is the cause of colde because there is not store of fire nor cattel And the sunne hath his Meridian as high as the Meridian at Rochel and it is noone here when the Sunne is at South Southwest at Rochel And here the north starre by the compasse standeth Northnortheast And when at Rochel it is noone it is but halfe an houre pass nine at France-Roy From the sayde place vnto the Ocean sea and the coast of New France is not aboue 50 leagues distance And from the entrance of Norumbega vnto Florida are 300 leagues and from this place of France-Roy to Hochelaga are about 80 leagues and vnto y e Isle of Rasus 30 leagues And I doubt not but Norumbega entreth into the riuer of Canada and vnto the Sea of Saguenay And from the Fort of France-Roy vntil a man come foorth of the Grande Bay is not aboue 230 leagues And the course is Northeast and West Southwest not aboue 5 degrees and ⅓ difference and reckon 16 leagues and an halfe to a degree By the nature of the climate the lands toward Hochelaga are still better and better and more fruitfull And this land is fitte for Figges and Peares And I thinke that golde and siluer will be found here according as the people of the countrey say These landes lye ouer against Tartarie and I doubt not but that they stretch toward Asia according to the roundnesse of the world And therefore it were good to haue a small Shippe of 70 tunnes to discouer the coast of New France on the backe side of Florida for I haue bene at a Bay as farre as 42 degrees betweene Norumbega and Florida and I haue not searched the ende thereof and I knowe not whether it passe through And in all these Countreys there are okes and bortz ashes elmes arables trees of life pines prussetrees ceders great wallnut trees and wilde nuts hasel-trees wilde peare trees wilde grapes and there haue bene found redde plummes And very faire corne groweth there and peason grow of their owne accord gooseberries and strawberries And there are goodly Forrests wherein men may hunt And there are great store of stagges deere porkepicks and the Sauages say there bee Unicornes Fowle there are in abundance as bustards wilde geese cranes turtle doues rauens crowes and many other birds All things which are sowen there are not past 2. or 3. dayes in comming vp out of the ground I haue tolde in one eare of corne an hundred and twenty graines like the corne of France And ye neede not to sowe your Wheate vntill March and it will be ripe in the middest of August The waters are better and perfecter then in France And if the Countrey were tilled and replenished with people it would be as hotte as Rochel And the reason why it snoweth there oftener then in France is because it raineth there but seldome for the raine is conuerted into snowes All things aboue mentioned are true Iohn Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur Roberual There is a pardon to be seene fo◠the pardoning of Monsieur de Sain◠terre Lieutenant of the sayd Monsieur de Roberual◠giuen in Canada in the presence of the sayde Iohn Alphonse The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche knight Lord of Roberual to the Countries of Canada Saguenai and Hochelaga with three tall Ships and two hundred persons both men women and children begun in April 1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer and all the next winter SIr Iohn Francis de la Roche knight lord of Roberual appoynted by the king as his Lieutenant general in the countreis of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga furnished 3. tall Ships chiefly at the kings cost And hauing in his fleete 200. persons aswel men as women accompanied with diuers gentlemen of qualitie as namely with Monsieur Saine-terre his lieutenāt l'Espiney his Ensigne captain Guine-court Monsieu◠Noire fontaine Dieu lamont Frote la Brosse Francis de Mire la Salle and Roieze and Iohn Alfonse of Xanctoigne an excellent pilot set sayle from Rochel the 16. of April 1542. The same day about noone we came athwart of Chefe de boys where we were enforced to stay the night following On Munday the seuenteenth of the sayde Moneth wee departed from Chefe deboys The winde serued vs notably for a time but within fewe dayes it came quite contrary which hindered our iourney for a long space For wee were suddenly enforced to turne backe and to seeke Harborough in Belle Isle on the coast of Bretaigne where wee stayed so long and had such contrary weather by the way that wee could not reach Newfound lande vntill the seuenth of Iune The eight of this Moneth wee entred into the Rode of Saint Iohn where wee founde seuenteene Shippes of fishers While wee made somewhat long abode heere Iaques Cartier and his company returning from Canada whither hee was sent with fiue sayles the yeere before arriued in the very same Harbour Who after hee had done his duetie to our Generall tolde him that hee had brought certaine
as well there as in all places else both on the sand and on the greene soile on the hils as in the plaines as well on euery little shrubbe as also climing towardes the tops of high Cedars that I thinke in all the world the like abundance is not to be found and my selfe hauing seene those parts of Europe that most abound find such difference as were incredible to be written We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those hilles next adioyning being but of meane higth and from thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North and to the South finding no ende any of both wayes This lande lay stretching it selfe to the West which after wee found to bee but an Island of twentie miles long and not aboue sixe miles broade Under the banke or hill whereon we stoode we behelde the vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees and hauing discharged our harquebuz-shot such a flocke of Cranes the most pat white arose vnder vs with such a cry redoubled by many ecchoes as if an armie of men had showted all together This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere Conies Hares and Fowle euen in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance The woodes are not such as you finde in Bohâ—mia Moscouia or Hercynia barren and fruitles but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world farre bettering the Ceders of the Açores of the Indies or Lybanus Pynes Cypres Sassaphras the Lentisâ— or the tree that beareth the Masticke the tree that beareth the rine of blacke Sinaâ—â—n of which Master Winter brought from the streights of Magellan and many other of excellent smell and qualitie We remained by the side of this Island â—wo whole dayes before we saw any people of the Countrey the third day we espied one small boate rowing towardes vs hauing in it three persons this boat came to the Island side foure harquebuz-shot from our shippes and there two of the people remaining the third came along the shore side towards vs and wee being then all within boord he walked vp and downe vpon the point of the land next vnto vs then the Master and the Pilot of the Admirall Simon Ferdinando and the Captaine Philip Amadas my selfe and others rowed to the land whose comming this fellow attended neuer making any shewe of feare or doubt And after he had spoken of many things not vnderstood by vs we brought him with his owne good liking aboord the ships and gaue him a shirt a hat some other things and made him taste of our wine and our meat which he liked very wel and after hauing viewed both barks he departed and went to his owne boate againe which hee had left in a little Coue or Creâ—ke adioyning assoone as hee was two bow shoot into the water he fell to fishing and in lesse then halfe an houre he had laden his boate as deepe as it could swimme with which hee came againe to the point of the lande and there he deuided his fish into two parts pointing one part to the shipâ— and the other to the pinnesse which after he had as much as he might requited the former benefites receaued departed out of our sight The next day there came vnto vs diuers boates and in one of them the Kings brother accompanied with fortie or fiftie men very handsome and goodly people and in their behauiour as mannerly and ciuill as any of Europe His name was Granganimco and the king is called Wingina the countrey Wingandacoa and now by her Maiestie Virginia The maner of his comming was in this sort hee left his boares altogether as the first man did a little from the shippes by the shore and came along to the place ouer against the ships followed with fortie men When he came to the place his seruants spread a long matte vpon the ground on which he sate downe and at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did the like the rest of his men stood round about him somewhat a farre off when we came to the shore to him with our weapons hee neuer mooued from his place nor any of the other foure nor neuer mistrusted any harme to be offred from vs but sitting still he beckoned vs to come and sit by him which we performed and being set hee made all signes of ioy and welcome striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours to shewe wee were all one smiling and making shewe the best he could of all loue and familiaritie After hee had made a long speech vnto vs wee presented him with diuers things which hee receiued very ioyfully and thankefully None of the company durst speake one worde all the time onely the foure which were at the other ende spake one in the others eare very softly The King is greatly obeyed and his brothers and children reuerenced the King himselfe in person was at our being there sore wounded in a fight which hee had with the King of the next countrey called Wingina and was shot in two places through the body and once cleane through the thigh but yet he recouered by reason whereof and for that hee lay at the chiefe towne of the country being sixe dayes iourney off we saw him not at all After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked wee likewise gaue somewhat to the other that sat with him on the matte but preâ—ently he arose and tooke all from them and put it into his owne basket making signes and tokens that all things ought to bee deliuâ—red vnto him and the rest were but his seruants and followers A day or two aftâ—r this we fell to trading with them exchanging some things that we had for Chamoys Buffe and Deere skinnes when we shewed him all our packet of merchandize of all things that he sawe a bright tinne dish most pleased him which hee presently tooke vp and clapt it before his breast and after made a hole in the brimme thereof and hung it about his necke making signes that it would defende him against his enemies arrowes for those people maintaine a deadly and terrible warre with the people and King adioyning We exchanged our tinne dish for twentie skinnes woorth twentie Crownes or twentie Nobles and a copper kettle for fiftie skins woorth fifty Crownes They offered vs good exchange for our hatchets and axes and for kniues and would haue giuâ—n any thing for swordes but wee would not depart with any After two or three dayes the Kings brother came aboord the shippes and dranke wine and eat of our meat and of our bread and liked exceedingly thereof and after a few dayes ouerpassed he brought his wife with him to the ships his daughter and two or three children his wife was very well fauoured of meane stature and very bashfull shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather with the surre side next to her body and before her
The 2 of May our Admirall and our Pinnesse departed from Dominica leauing the Iohn our Viceadmirall playing off and on about Dominica hoping to take some Spaniard outwardes bound to the Indies the same night we had sight of three smal Ilands called Los Santos leauing Guadalupe and them on our starboord The 3 we had sight of S. Christophers Iland bearing Northeast and by East off vs. On the 4 we sayled by the Virgines which are many broken Ilands lying at the East ende of S. Iohns Iland and the same day towards euening we landed vpon one of them called Blanca where we killed an incredible number of foules here we stayed but three houres from thence stood into the shore Northwest and hauing brought this Iland Southeast off vs we put towards night thorow an opening or swatch called The passage lying betwene the Virgines and the East end of S. Iohn here the Pinnesse left vs and sayled on the South side of S. Iohn The 5 and 6 the Admirall sayled along the Northside of S. Iohn so neere the shore that the Spaniards discerned vs to be men of warre and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by for so their custome is when they see any men of warre on their coasts The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. Iohn where we watered in a good riuer called Yaguana and the same night following we tooke a Frigate of tenne Tunne comming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger In this place Pedro a Mollato who knewe all our state ranne from vs to the Spaniards On the 9 we departed from Yaguana The 13 we landed on an Iland called Mona whereon were 10 or 12 houses inhabited of the Spaniards these we burned tooke from them a Pinnesse which they had drawen a ground and sunke and carried all her sayles mastes and rudders into the woods because we should not take him away we also chased the Spaniards ouer all the Iland but they hid them in caues hollow rockes and bushes so that we could not find them On the 14 we departed from Mona and the next day after wee came to an Iland called Saona about 5 leagues distant from Mona lying on the Southside of Hispaniola neere the East end betweene these two Ilands we lay off and on 4 or 5 dayes hoping to take some of the Domingo fleete doubling this Iland as a neerer way to Spaine then by Cape Tyburon or by Cape S. Anthony On Thursday being the 19 our Viceadmirall from whom we departed at Dominica â—ame to vs at Saona with whom we left a Spanish Frigate and appointed him to lie off and on other fiue daies betweene Saona and Mona to the ende aforesaid then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon Here I was enformed that our men of the Viceadmirall at their departure from Dominica brought away two young Saluages which were the thiefe Casiques sonnes of that Countrey and part of Dominica but they shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Iland where the Viceadmirall landed to take in ballâ—â— On the â—1 the Admirall came to the Cape Tyburon where we found the Iohn Euangelist our Pinnesse staying for vs here we tooke in two Spaniards almost starued on the shoreâ— who made a fire to our ships as we passed by Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing els but a desolate and meere wildernesse without any habitation of people and full of wilde Bulles and Bores and great Serpents The 22 our Pinnesse came also to an anker in Aligato Bay at cape Tyburon Here we vnderstood of M. Lane Captaine of the Pinnesse how he was set vpon with one of the kings Gallies belonging to Santo Domingo which was manned with 400 men who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 houres gaue-ouer the fight forsooke him without any great hurt done on eyther part The 26 The Iohn our Uizadmirall came to vs to cape Tyburon and the Frigat which we left with him at Saona This was the appointed place where we should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleete On Whitsunday Euen at Cape Tyburon one of our boyes ranne away from vs and at ten dayes end returned to our ships almost starued for want of food In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones and carkases of diuers men who had perished as wee thought by famine in those woods being either stragled from their company or landed there by some men of warre Iune ON the 14 of Iune we tooke a smal Spanish frigat which fell amongst vs so suddenly as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon where we road so that he could not escape vs. This Frigat came from Santo Domingo and had but 3 men in her the one was an expert Pilot the other a Mountainer and the third a Uintener who escaped all out of prison at Santo Domingo purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a towne in the West parts of Hispaniola where many fugitiue Spaniards are gathered together The 17 being Wednesday Captaine Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnesse and a Frigat to take a shippe which was there taking in fraight as we vnderstood by the old Pylot whom we had taken three dayes before The 24 the Frigat returned from Captaine Lane at Yaguana and brought vs word to cape Tyburon that Captaine Lane had taken the shippe with many passengers and Negrees in the same which proued not so rich a prize as we hoped for for that a Frenchman of warre had taken and spoyled her before we came Neuerthelesse her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds being hides ginger Cannafistula Copper-pannes and Casaui Iuly THe second of Iuly Edward Spicer whom we left in England came to vs at Cape Tyburon accompanied with a small Pinnesse whereof one M. Haâ—ps was Captaine And the same day we had sight of a fleete of 14 saile all of Santo Domingo to whom we presently gaue chase but they vpon the first sight of vs fled and separating themselues scattered here and there Wherefore we were forced to diuide our selues and so made after them vntill 12 of the clocke at night But then by reason of the darkenesse we lost sight of each other yet in the end the Admirall and the Moonelight happened to be together the same night at the fetching vp of the Uizadmirall of the Spanish fleete against whom the next morning we fought and tooke him with losse of one of our men and two hurt and of theirs 4 slaine and 6 hurt But what was become of our Uiceadmirall our Pinnesse and Prize and two Frigates in all this time we were ignorant The 3 of Iuly we spent about rifling romaging and fitting the Prize to be sailed with vs. The 6 of Iuly we saw Iamayca the which we left on our larboord keeping Cuba in sight on our starboord Upon the 8 of Iuly we saw the Iland
we had planted in the place where the Vice-roy betrayed M. Hawkins our general as hath bene declared The sending of those souldiers to euery of those Porâ—s and the strengthening of them was done by commandement from the king of Spaine who wrote also by them to the general of his fleete giuing him in charge so to doe as also directing him what course he should keepe in his comming home into Spaine charging him in any hand not to come nigh to the yles of Açores but to keepe his course more to the Northward aduertising him withal what number and power of French ships of warre and other Don Antonio had at that time at Terçera the yles aforesaid which the general of the fleete wel considering and what great store of riches he had to bring home with him into Spaine did in all very duetifully obserue and obey for in trueth he had in his said fleete 37. saile of ships and in euery of them there was as good as 30. pipes of siluer one with another besides great store of gold Cochinilla sugars hides and Cana Fistula with other Apothecary drugs This our general who was called Don Pedro de Guzman did prouidently take order for for their most strength and defence if neede should be to the vttermost of his power and commanded vpon paine of death that neither passenger nor souldier should come aboord without his sword and harquebush with shot and powder to the end that they might be the better able to encounter the fleete of Don Antonio if they should hap to meete with them or any of them and euer as the weather was faire the said general would himself go aboord from one ship to another to see that euery man had his ful prouision according to the commandement giuen Yet to speake truely what I thinke two good tall ships of warre would haue made a foule spoile amongst them For in all this fleete there were not any that were strong and warlike appointed sauing only the Admiral and Uice-admiral And againe ouer and besides the weakenesse and the ill furnishing of the râ—st they were all so deeply laden that they had not bene able if they had bene charged to haue held out any long fight Wel thus we set saile had a very ill passage home the weather was so contrary We kept our course in maner Northeast and brought our selues to the height of 42. degrees of latitude to be sure not to meete with Don Antonio his fleete and were vpon our voyage from the 4. of Iune vntill the 10. of September and neuer saw land till we fell with the Arenas Gordas hard by S. Lucar And there was an order taken that none should goe on shoare vntill he had licence as for me I was knowen by one in the ship who told the Master that I was an EnglishmaÌ„ which as God would it was my good hap to heare for if I had not heard it it had cost me my life Notwithstanding I would not take any knowledge of it and seemed to be mery pleasant that we were all come so wel in safety Presently after licence came that we should go on shoare and I pressed to be gone with the first howbeit the Master came vnto me said Sirra you must goe with me to Siuil by water I knew his meaning wellinough that he meant there to offer me vp as a sacrifice to the Holy house For the ignorant zeale of a number of these superstitious Spaniards is such that they thinke that they haue done God good seruice when they haue brought a Lutheran herelike to the fire to be burnt for so do they account of vs. Wel I perceiuing all this tooke vpon me not to suspect any thing but was still â—ocund mery howbeit I knew it stood me vpon to shift for my selfe And so wayting my time when the Master was in his cabbin asleepe I conueyed my selfe secretly downe by the shrowds into the ship boate and made no stay but cut the rope wherewithal she was moared and so by the cable haled on shore where I leapt on land let the boate goe whither it would Thus by the helpe of God I escaped that day then neuer stayed at S. Lucar but went all night by the way which I had seene other take toward Siuil so that the next morning I came to Siuil and sought me out a workemaster that I might fall to my science which was weauing of taffataes and being intertained I set my selfe close to my worke and durst not for my life once to stirre abroad for feare of being knowen and being thus at my worke within 4. dayes after I heard one of my fellowes say that he heard there was great inquiry made for an Englishman that came home in the fleete what an heretique Lutheran quoth I was it I would to God I might knowe him surely I would present him to the Holy house And thus I kâ—pt still within doores at my worke and fained my selfe not well at ease that I would labour as I might to get me new clothes And continuing thus for the space of 3. moneths I called for my wages and bought me all things new different from the apparell that I did weare at sea and yet durst not be ouerbold to walke abroad and after vnderstanding that there were certaine English ships at S. Lucar bound for England I tooke a boat and went aboord one of them and desired the Master that I might haue passage with him to goe into England and told him secretly that I was one of those which Captaine Hawkins did set on shore in the Indies he very courteously prayed me to haue him excused for he durst not meddle with me prayed me therefore to returne from whence I came Which when I perceiued with a sorowful heart God knoweth I tooke my leaue of him not without watry cheekes And then I went to S. Mary port which is 3. leagues from S. Lucar where I put my selfe to be a souldier to goe in the king of Spaines Gallies which were bound for Maiorca and comming thither in the end of the Christmas holidayes I found there two English ships the one of London and the other of the West countrey which were ready fraighted and stayed but for a faire wind To the Master of the one which was of the West countrey went I and told him that I had bene 2. yeeres in Spaine to learne the language and that I was now desirous to goe home and see my friends for that I lacked maintenance and so hauing agreed with him for my passage I tooke shipping And thus through the prouidence of Almighty God after 16. yeeres absenceâ— hauing sustained many and sundry great troubles and miseries as by this discourse appeareth I came home to this my natiue countrey of England in the yeere 1582. in the moneth of February in the ship called the Landret and arriued at Poole The trauailes of Iob Hortop which
de Dios standing in toward the shore but toward night we stood to the offin vntill the next day The 27 we came into the mouth of Nombre de Dios and by one of the clocke tooke the towne the people being all fled except some 100 Spaniards which kept the Fort and played vpon vs hauing in the fort some 3 or 4 small pieces of ordinance and one of them brake in discharging at vs. They gaue vs also a boley of small shot but seeing our resolution in running vpon them they all fled and tooke the woods The towne was bigge hauing large streetes houses very hie all built of timber but one Church very faire and large wrought all of timber liâ—ewise Nothing was left in the towne of value there was a shew in their shops of great store of marchandises that had bâ—ne there There was a mill aboue the towne and vpon the coppe of another hill in the woods stood a little watch-house where we tooke twentie sowes of siluer two barres of gold some money in coyne besides other pillage The towne was situated in a waterie soile and subiect much to raine very vnhealthy as any place in the Indies hauing great store of Drenges plantans cassauy-roots such other fruits buâ— very dangerous to be eaten for breeding of diseasâ—s To the Eastwarde of the towne within the bay runnâ—th out a fresh riuer of excellent good water with houses and all about it gardens halfe a league froâ— hence due East into the countrey was an Indian towne whither as we marched a litâ—le beforâ— our comming away with an hundred men they had broken downe a bridge to hinder our passage where they lay in ambush with some twentie or thâ—rtie small shot and bowes and arrowes set vpon vs and killed Lieutenant Iones hurt three or foure and so fled into the woods ranne before vs and fired their owne towne and then fled farther into the woods our men firâ—d diverse other houses in pursuing them and so returned againe our Generall with Sir Thomas being in the Riuers mouth with thirtie or fortie men filling water about some myle from vs. The road of Nombre de Dios is a faire road but on each side as you come to ride before the towne lyeth a ledge of rockes but there is no danger because they are in sight You may ride betweene them in three or foure fadome water and without if you will in eight or ten fadomes where neither Castle nor Fort can annoy you The name of Nombre de Dios was greater then their strength For they had no Castle nor Fort but onely the little fort aforesaid standing on the top of an hill although they might haue made it stronger if they would The 29 sit Thomas Baskeruil with 750 armed men besides Chirurgians and prouand boyes went for Panama The last of December the Generall burned halfe the towne and the first of Ianuarie burnt the rest with all the Frigats Barks Galiots which were in the harbour and on the beach on shore hauing houses built ouer them to keepe the pitch from melting The second of Ianuary sir Thomas returned with his souldiers both weary and hungry hauing marched more then halfe the way to the South sea The Spaniards played diuers times vpon vs both outward and homeward in the woods the way being cut out of the woods rockes both very narrow and full of myre and water The march was so sore as neuer English man marched before Hauing marched some ten leagues in a maruellous straite way vpon the top of an hill through which we must needes passe the Spaniards had set vp a Fort and kept it with some 80 or 90 men who played vpon vs as we came vp before wee were aware of them and so killed some twentie or more of vs amongst whom was Captaine Marchant quarter-master Generall and Ensigne Sampson Maurice Williams one of her Maiesties guard besides diuerse were hurt as M. Captaine Nicholas Baskeruil a valiant gentleman with diuers others Then sir Thomas had perfect knowledge that they must passe two such Forts more if he got that besides Panama to be very strong the enemie knowing of our comming long before Also our souldiers had no victuals left nor any meanes to get more which considerations caused sir Thomas to returne and giue ouer his attempt As he marched thitherward he tooke an Indian and sent him to Nombre de Dios with letters of his returne and proceeding The 5 we set saile at 12 of the clocke and stood to the Westward The 10 day we saw an Iland lying Westward some 30 leagues called Escudo where wee came to anker on the Southside in 12 fadoms water faire sand and good ankorage If you come into the Easterne poâ—nt giue it a birth because of a ledge of rockes that lyeth out there from the end of the Island comming to anker we sawe a roader who seeing vs set sayle but that nigâ—â— with our Pinnesses we tooke him he had nothing in him but a little maiz The men being â—â—â—mined by the Generall confessed him to be an Aduisor sent from Nombre de Dios to all the ports along the coast Westward This Iland lyeth 9 or 10 leagues from the maine is not past two leagues long full of wood and hath great store of fresh water in euery part of the Iland and that very good It is a sickly climat also and giuen to much raine here we washed our ships and set vp the rest of our Pinnesses The 15 day captaine Plat died of sicknesse and then sir Francis Drake began to keepe his cabin and to complaine of a scowring or fluxe The 23 we set saile and stood vp again for Puerto Bello which is but 3 leagues to the Westwards of Nombre de Dios. The 28 at 4 of the clocke in the morning our Generall sir Francis Drake departed this life hauing bene extremely sicke of a fluâ—e which began the night before to stop on him He vsed some speeches at or a little before his dâ—ath rising and apparelling himselfe but being brought to bed againe within one houre died He made his brother Thomas Drake and captaine Ionas Bodenham eâ—ecutors and M. Thomas Drakes sonne his heire to all his lands except one manor which he gaue to captaine Bodenham The same day we ankored at Puerto Bello being the best harbour we found at along the maine both for great ships and small There standeth a saker shot off the shore at the Eastâ—rne point a little Iland and there is betwiâ—t the maine that 5 or 6 fadomes but the best comming in is the open mouth betwiâ—t that Iland another Iland that lyeth to the westward with a range of rocks In Puerto Bello were but 8 or 10 houses besides a great new house which they were in builâ—ing for the Gouernour that should haue bene for that place there was also a very strong Fort all to the waters side
from the fury of the enemies shot And so with ensigne displayed taking with vs our sixe dead men wee retired with more safetie to the hauen where we tooke a frigat which rode ready fraught with the kings tribute in siluer and other good commodities which were presently to bee transported to S. Iuan de Vllua and brought the same and our Periago or Canoa to my ship which lay in two fadome water sixe leagues from the town being not able to come any neerer for the sholds vpoÌ„ that coast Ouer against the place where our ship rode stoode a towne of 300 or 400 Indians called Sebo which we likewise tooke where wee found Champeche-wood good to dye withal with waxe and hony This done we left this coast and turned vp to Cape de Cotoche againe and ankored euery day at noone because of the brizes and in turning vp I lost my barke called the Aduenture which was taken by 2 frigats of warre which were manned out from Campeche wherein Captaine Hen and thirteen of my men were taken and afterward executed as since we vnderstand by some Spanish prisoners that were taken in those parts After we had stayed fiue weekes on this coast wee shaped our course for Hauana where finding nothing we disemboqued and came along by the Isle of Bermuda and crossed ouer to The banke neere Cape Race in 22 fadomes and from thence sayling for England we fel with Sillie about the first of Iuly and within two dayes after arriued at Plimmouth where we found the Right honorable the Erle of Essex setting forth with a great fleet for the Isles of the Açores An excellent ruttier for the Islands of the VVest Indies and for Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna IF a man depart from the barre of S. Lucar in Summer time hee must steere Southwest vntil hee hath sight of Punta de Naga which is in the Isle of Tenerif The markes to know it be these An high point sâ—oping to the sea at the Easter point it hath two down falles like particions and they shew to be separated from the maine of the Island stand in 28 degrees a halfe And if thou wilt haue sight of the Grand Canaria and findest thy selfe with Punta de Naga thou shalt then steere Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Canaria which standeth in 28 degrees And thou must come to ankor on the Southeast side of the Island But I aduise thee if it be in winter time that thou keepe another course and that as followeth The course that a man must keepe departing in winter for the Indies from Sant Lucar DEparting from Sant Lucar in winter thou shalt goe West and by South keeping along the coast because if thou goe farre from the coast thou shalt meete with the wind off the sea vntill thou be as high shot as Cape Cantin which is a low flat cape with the sea And thou shalt see a great wood before thou come at this cape called Casa del Cauallero And from thence thou shalt steere thy olde course that is Southwest and by South for the Isles of Alegrança and Lancerota and when thou art North and South with Alegrança thou shalt steere thence Southwest and so thou shalt see the Canaria which is a round high land and standeth in twentie eight degrees What thou must doe if a contrary wind take thee fiftie leagues off the shore VVHen thou art fifty leagues shot on thy way into the sea Southwest off and there thou chance to meete with a contrary winde off the sea and if it force thee to put roome then thou shalt steere Northeast and by East and shalt hall with sight of Cabos del Plata which shew when thou art a seaboord so farre as thou mayest descrie them to be like two points of white sand and if it be cleere thou shalt see within the land certain high hilles lying Northwest and by West called las Sierras de Zahara and being three leagues from land thou shalt haue thirtie fadomes water and sand And from thence to the bay of Cadiz thou shalt goe along Northwest by the coast and if thou be in thirtie or forty â—adomes thou shalt haue â—aze but if thou bee in lesse then thirtie fadomes thou shalt haue other sounding which if it chance then thou art against S. Pedro. And if it bee by day thou shalt see the Ermitage of Sant Sebastian which seemeth to be a shippe under sayle And thou shalt goe into the bay taking heede of the Puercos giue them a good birth off And if thou chance to bee benighted when thou fallest with the bay and wouldest goe into the bay thou shalt carie thy lead in thy hand and be sounding and finding thy selfe in rockie ground thou shalt steere North because of shunning the Puercos and yet giue them not too great a birth because of The Diamant and so thou mayest goe in sounding when thou thinkest good And being benighted and then not East and West with the bay and if thou doest not goe into it then make the largest boord thou caust keeping off till day If thou be at the Canaries and wouldest sayle to Nueua Espanna thou shalt sayle foure and twenty houres South because of the calmes of Fierro And from thence thou shalt goe Westsouthwest vntill thou finde thy selfe in twenty degrees And then thou must goe West and by South which is the course for the Isle Deseada And from Deseada thou shalt goe West and by North because of the variation of the compasse And falling with Deseada thou shalt finde it to rise low with the sea and it standeth in 15 degrees And the eastermost part is the sharpest and smaller then the West point And if thou are going for Tierra firma thou shalt goe West and by South vntill thou come to Dominica and there on the Northwest side is a riuer where thou mayest water The marks to know it bee a certaine high land full of hilles And seeing it when thou art farre off to the seaward it maketh in the middest a partition so that a man would thinke it deuided the Island in two parts And this Island standeth in 14 degrees and a halfe I aduise thee that if thou wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna and so doest passe betweene Guadalupe and Monserate to the Westward that being thus open off the entrance betwixt them thou shalt go Westnorthwest and so shalt haue sight of Santa Cruz which standeth in seuenteene degrees and a halfe And the markes to know it be these It is an Island not uery high and lyeth East and West and at the East end it is lower then at the West end And going forward on thy course thou shalt runne Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe to haue sight of the Isle of San Iuan de Puerto rico which is an Island lying East and West and standeth in eighteene
when the Indians had well eaten and drunke they departed thence and going somewhat farre from them one of the Indians cryed to them and sayde Magallanes Esta he minha Terra that is Magallanes this is my countrey and because the Englishmen followed them it seemed the Indians fledde vpward into the land and beeing somewhat farre off they turned backe againe and with their arrowes slewe two of the English shippers one being an Englishman the other a Netherlander the rest came backe againe and saued themselues in the boate wherewith they presently put off from the shore Here they stayed till the seuenteenth of August vpon the which day they set saile running along by the coast about a league and a halfe from the land for there it is all faire and good ground at twentie and fiue and twentie fathome deepe and were about foure or fiue dayes before they came to the mouth or entrie of the Streight but because the wind was contrary they stayed till the 24 of August before they entred The entrie or mouth of the Streight is about a league broad on both sides being bare and flatte land on the North side they sawe Indians making great fires but on the Southside they saw no people stirring The foure and twentieth day aforesayd they beganne to enter into the Streight with an Eastnortheast wind This Streight may bee about an hundred and tenne leagues long and in bredth a league About the entry of the Streight and halfe way into it it tunneth right foorth without any windings or turnings and from thence about eight or tenne leagues towards the ende it hath some boutes and windings among the which there is one so great a hooke or headland that it seemed to runne into the other land and there it is lesse then a league broad from one land to the other and from thence forward it runneth straight out againe And although you finde some crookings yet they are nothing to speake of The issue of the Streight lieth Westward and about eight or tenne leagues before you come to the ende then the Streight beguineth to bee broader and it is all high land to the ende thereof after you are eight leagues within the Streight for the first eight leagues after you enter is low flat land as I sayd before and in the entrie of the Streight you find the streame to runne from the South sea to the North sea And after they began to saile in with the Eastnortheast wind being entred they passed along without any let or hinderance either of wind or weather and because the high land on both sides lay couered with snow and that all the Streight is faire and cleare they helde their course a harquebuse-shot in length from off the North side hauing nine and tenne fathome depth with good ground as I said before where if neede require a man may anker the hilles on both sides being full of trees some of the hilles and trees reaching downe to the sea side in some places hauing plaine and euen land and there they sawe not any greâ—t riuers but some small riuers that issued out of the riffes and breaches of the land and in the countrey where the great Cape or crooking is on the South side they saw certaine Indian fishermen in their Canoas or skiffs being such as they saw first on the North side but more people they saw not on the South side Being out of the Streight on the other side vpon the sixt of September of the aforesaid yeere they held their course Northwest for the space of three dayes and the third day they had a Northeast wind that by force draue them Westsouthwest which course they held for the space of ten or twelue dayes with few sailes vp and because the wind began to be very great they toâ—ke in all their sailes and lay driuâ—ng till the last of September The 24 day of the same moneth hauing lost the sight of one of their shippes which was about an hundred tunne then againe they hoised saile because the winde came better holding their course Northeast for the space of seuen dayes and at the ende of the sayde seuen dayes they had the sight of certayne Islands which they made towards for to anker by them but the weather would not permit them and being there the wind fell Northwest whereupon they sailed Westsouthwest The next day they lost the sight of another ship of their company for it was very foule weather so that in the ende the Admirals shippe was left alone for the ship of Nuno da Silua was left in the Bay where they wintered before they entred into the Streights and with this foule weather they ranne till they were vnder seuen and fiftie degrees where they entred into a hauen of an Island and ankered about the length of the shot of a great piece from the land at twentie fathome deepe where they stayed three or foure dayes and the wind comming Southward they weyed anker holding their course Northward for the space of two daies and then they espied a small vnhabited Island where being arriued they stroke sailes and hoised out their boate and there they tooke many birds and Seales The next day they set saile againe holding their course Northnortheast and North to another Island lying fiue or sixe leagues from the firme land on the Northside of the Streight where they ankered about a quarter of a league from the land in twelue fathome water This Island is small and lowe land and full of Indians the Island being altogether possessed and inhabited by them where they hoysed out their boate wherein the Admirall and twelue Englishmen entred going to fetch fresh water and to seeke for victuals and being landed vpon the Island the Indians in exchange of other things brought two Spanish sheepe and a little Maiz or rootes whereof they make bread and because it was late they returned againe vnto their ship without doing any other thing for that day The next day the said Captaine with the aforesaid twelue men being harquebusiers rowed to land againe and set two of their company on shore with their vessels to fetch fresh water and by the place where they should fill their water there lay certaine Indians secretly hidden that fell vpon the two Englishmen and tooke them which they in the boat perceiuing went out to helpe them but they were so assailed with stones arrowes that all or the most part of them were hurt the Captaine himselfe being wounded with an arrow on the face and with another arrow in the head whereby they were constrained to tuâ—ne backe againe without once hurting any of the Indians and yet they came so neere the boate that they tooke foure of their oares from them This done they set saile againe running along the coast with a South winde sailing so for the space of sixe dayes passing by the hauen called Sant Iago and put into another hauen and
Item the yland of S. Mary in 37. degr 15. min. Item the bay of Valpares in 33. degr 40. min. Item the bay of Quintero in 33. degr 20. min. Item Coquimbo in 29. degr 30. min. Item Morro moreno in 23. degr 20. min. Item Arica standeth in 18. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Pisca standeth in 13. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Lima standeth in 11. degr 50. min. Item Santos standeth in 9. degr 20. min. Item the bay of Cherrepe in 6. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Paita in 5. degr 4. min. Item the yland of Puna in 2. degr 50. min. Item Cape Sant Francisco to the North of the Equinoctiall in 1. degr A note of the height of certaine places to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall line on the coast of New Spaine INprimis Panama standeth in the latitude of 9. degrees Item the yland called Isla de Canoas in 9. degr 10. min. Item Cape Blanco in 10. degr 10. min. Item Rio Lexo in 12. degr 40. min. Item Aguatulco in 15. degr 50. min. Item Acapulco in 17. degr 20. min. Item Sant Iago in 18. degr 50. min. Item Cape de los Corrientes in 20. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Xalisco in 21. degr 30. min. Item the ylands of the Maries in 21. degr 20. min. Item the yland of Saint Andrew in 22. degr Item the ylands of Ciametlan in 23. degr 40. min. Item that the Cape of Santa Clara on the point of California is in 23. degrees A note of the heights of certaine places beginning from the ylands of the Ladrones and passing by the Philippinas the Malucos Iaua minor Iaua maior the Cape of Bona Sperança and the yle of Santa Helena INprim one of the ylands of the Landrones called Guana standeth in 13. degr 50. min. Item Cape De Spirito Santo on the yle of Luçon standeth in 13. degr Item the yland of Capul in 12. degr 30. min. Item that the yland of Seboyon standeth in 12. degr Item that the Easterly end of the yland of Pannay is in 11. degr Item that the opening betweene the South head of Pannay and the South head of Isla de los Negros is in 10. degr 10. min. Item that the South-head of Isla de los Negros is in 9. degr 10. min. Item that the North-head of the yland Mindanao is in 7. degr 50. min. Item the South-head of Mindanao called Cape Cannel is in 6. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of Batochina is in 10. min. Item that 12. small ylands stand in 3. degr Item the latitude of two other ylands is in 4. degr 10. min. Item the Westerly head of Iaua minor is toward the South in 8. degr 30. min. Item the Easterly head of Iaua maior is toward the South in 8. degr 20. min. Item Malaca standeth to the Northward in 2. degr Item Cape Falso on the promontory of Africa standeth in 34. degr 20. min. Item the Cape of Bona a Sperança standeth in 34. degr 40. min. Item the yland of Santa Helena standeth in 15. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of S. Augustine standeth Southward in 8. degr 40. min. Soundings on the coast of Barbarie from Rio del Oro vnto Cape Blanco INprimis about 3. leagues off Rio del Oro you shall haue very faire shoulding fine white sand 18. fathoms and so alongst vnto Cape Blanco two or three leagues off the shore you shall haue 18. and 20. fathoms And when you come within one league of the Cape you shall haue twelue or thirteene fathoms browne sand very faire shoulding And if you will hall in with Cape Blanco beware you come not within seuen or eight fathoms of the Cape for there lyeth a sand off the Cape Also about 7. or eight leagues off the Cape lyeth a long should next hand Southwest and by South off the Cape Soundings on the coast of Guiny ITem Going vnto Sierra Leona hauing the cape Eastnortheast off you 7 leagues off you shall haue 22 fadome browne sand And halling in you shall finde very faire shoalding You may be bold to borrow on the Southermost shore but take heed of a rocke that lieth in the faire way a good birth off the shore but there is no feare of it for it lieth aboue the water and is distant two miles off the South shore Item You may be bolde to borrow hard by rocke for on the North side going in there lieth one long sand which runneth Southeast and Northwest and lieth distant from the South shore 2 leagues And you shall anker in 14 or 15 fadoms hard by the shore Also going vnto the island called Illha Verde the which iland lieth 10 leagues to the Southward of Sierra Leona the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and you shall haue betweene them 9 or 10 fadome And if you will anker at the sayd iland you shall haue 5 or 6 fadome hard by the shore Also you must haue especiall care of a great current that setteth alongst the coast of Guiny to the Eastward Item And if you be bound vnto the Southwards you must go Westsouthwest off for feare oâ— the shoald that is called Madera Bomba the which shoald is to the Southwards of the iland Soundings on the coast of Brasil ITtem Unto the Northwards of Cape Frio the cape bearing southwest off you about 17 or 1â— leagues off you shall haue 45 fadoms streamy ground and running Southwest you shall find 32 fadoms blacke sand and then running Westsouthwest into a deepe bay which lieth tenne leagues to the Northwards of the cape you shall haue 22 fadoms oaze that depth you shall hauâ— all alongst except you be farre into the bay and then you shall haue 16 fadoms all oazie Item To the Northwards of Cape Frio about 6 or 7 leagues you shall haue many small islands Item To the Northwards of the cape 6 leagues you shall haue two small islands one mile distant the one from the other and they are distant from the maine fiue leagues And betweene those ilands and the cape you shall haue very many islands hard aboord the maine Item The cape bearing West of you two leagues off you shall haue 55 fadoms oaze Also you shall know when you are shot about the cape vnto the Southwards by deeping of the water Also if you will go for S. Sebastian from the cape you must go West and South and Westâ—southwest among And the distance from the cape vnto S. Sebastian is 50 leagues And being shot into the bay any thing nere the shore you shall haue 24 fadoms all oazie And halling in for S. Sebastian you shall know it by two little islands which be round anâ— those ilands lie from the iland of S. Sebastian next hand East and by South and are distant the one from the other about foure leagues Also off the Southermost end of S. Sebastian there lieth one iland about 6 leagues off which iland is
called the Alcatrarza and there he foure little ilands about it Also you may know it by the trending of the land vnto the Southwards Item If you will go in at the Northermost end of S. Sebastian you must take heed of a sand that lieth on the Northeast part of the iland but you may be bolde to borrow on the iland for thâ— sand lieth off the maine side Also you mâ—y anker on the Northermost part of the iland in tennâ— fadoms and the maine is distant from you where you shall ride two leagues off Item If you will come in at the Southermost end of the iland of S. Sebastian your course from the Alcatrarza is Southwest Northeast and their distance is 6 leagues the one from the other Item Unto the Southwards of the riuer Plate being in the latitude of 45 degrees and 60 leagues off the maine you shall haue shoalding in 60 fadoms or 65 fadoms oazie sand and then halling in for the shore Westsouthwest â—6 leagues you shall haue 50 fadoms oaze and you shall haue faire shoalding all along Item In the latitude of 47 â…“ you shall see about one mile in length not passing one league oâ— the shore a ledge of broken ground but no danger Also you shall haue very faire shoalding all along the coast and the land lying South and North vntill you come vnto port Desire which standeth in 48 degrees Item If you will go into port Desire on the North side there lieth one ledge of rocks about league distant from the shore Also on the North side at the mouth of the harborow there lieâ— couple of rocks which are at halfe flood vnder water but be bolde to borrow on the Southermost shore for there is no danger and you shall haue no lesse then 6 fadâ—ms water at a low water the harborow lying East and West Also you may know the harborow by one litle iland that lieth Southeast off the mouth of the harborow and it is distant 4 leagues Furthâ—rmore you may know the harborow by an high rocke that â—tandeth on the South side and this rocke is very much like a watch tower Also if you be any thing in you may anker in 5 fadoms at a low water Item It floweth there South and North and higheth at spring â—ides 3 fadoms and an halfe water and in the offing the flood setteth to the Northward Item In the latitude of 48 degrees 50 minuts you shall haue 44 fadoms blacke sand about 5 leagues off and about 3 leagues off you shall haue 25 fadoms and great shingle stones Item in the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall haue sounding in 38 fadoms oazie sand Item In the latitude of 51 degrees 10 minuts you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the shore in 44 fadoms small blacke stones Soundings within the entrance of the Streights ITem About 2 leagues from the Northermost shore you shall haue 38 fadoms blacke sand and all along you shall haue deepe watâ—r not lesse then 18 or 20 fadoms in the faire way Soundings on the coast of Chili in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 36 degrees you shall haue soundings in 12 fadoms 2 miles from the sand browne sand Item In the latitude of 35 degrees you shall haue soundings one league off from the land in 10 fadoms wâ—ite sand Soundings on the coast of New Spaine in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 14 degrees to the North of the line you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the land in 30 fadoms browne sand Item From the latitude of 14 degrees vnto the latitude of 15 degrees you shall haue faire shoalding 3 leagues from the land Soundings on the coast of Africa vnto the Eastward of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues ITem To the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues in the latitude of 34 degrees and 10 minuts 8 leagues from the land you shall haue 65 fadome and browne sand A note of the lying of the land vnto the Southward of Port Desire IN primis Seales bay standeth vnto the Southwards of Port Desire 12 leagues Southsouthwest Furthermore vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 3 leagues you shall haue very low land Also more vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 7 leagues in the heighth of 48 degrees 40 minuts you shall see a râ—cke 5 leagues off the shore the land lying Southwest and by South Item In the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall see a small flat Iland about a league and an halfe off the shore the land lying Sâ—utâ—west and by South Furtheâ—more from the latitude of 49 degrees vnto the lâ—tâ—tude of 50 degrees the land lieth Souâ—h and by West and is high land Item From the latâ—tude of 50 degrees vnto the latitude of 50 degrees 40 minuts the land lieth Southwest and by South Furthermore frâ—m the latitude of 50 dâ—grees 40 minuts vnto the latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts the land lieth South and by West North and by East Item In the sayd latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts there goeth in an harborow which is to be knowen by a long beache that lieth on the South side of the harborow Moreouer the sayd harborow standeth 12 leagues vnto the Northwards of Cape Ioy. Furthermore from the latitude of 52 degrees 17 mâ—nuts vnto the latitude of 52 dâ—grees 40 minuts in which heigâ—h standeth Cape Ioy the land lieth Southsoutheast and Northnorthwest Item Comming from the Northwards yâ—u shall see before you come â—o Cape Ioy a very long beach about the length of 8 leagues being 5 leagues short of the cape vnto the Northwards Also vnto the Southwards of the cape you shall see another beach about a league long adioyning hard vnder the cape about which beach is the entrance of the Streights of Magellan the which Straights me in breadth sixâ— leagues ouer from the cape vnto the South shore lying South and by East Item From Cape Ioy being the entrance of the streight of Magellan vnto the first narrow passage of the sayd streight the course is West and by North and East and by South and are distant 18 leagues the land being in breadth from the one side to the other one league Item From the first narrow vnto the second narrow passage the course is West by Southâ— and East and by North and the distance is 12 leagues and in breadth the one side is from the other about two leagues ouer Item From the second narrow vnto the islands that be called Elizabeth Bartholomew and Penguin ilands the distance is 5 leagues and the course is Southwest and Northeast the ilandâ— being distant a league and an halfe the one from the other Item From the sayd ilands vnto Port Famine is 16 leagues the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast Moreouer from Port Famine vnto Cape Froward the course is South and by West and North and by East and they are distant 8 leagues asunder Item From Cape Froward
in your said Bailiwicke Witnesse Geofry Fitz-Peter Earle of Esser at Kinefard the 5. day of April The same forme of writing was sent to the sherife of Sudsex to the Maior and communaltie of the Citie of Winchester to the Baily of Southampton the Baily Lenne the Baily of Kent the sherife of Norfolke and Suffolke the sherife of Dorset and Sommerset the Barons of the Cinque-ports the sherife of Southampton-shire the sherife of Hertford and Essex the sherife of Cornewal and Deuon Literae regis Henrici tertij ad Haquinum Regem Norwegiae de pacis foedere intercursu mercandisandi Anno 1. Henrici 3. HEnricus Dei gratia c. Haquino eadem gratia Regi Norwegiae salutem Immensas nobilitati vestrae referimus gratiarum actiones de his quae per literas vestras prudentem virum Abbatem de Lisa nobis significastis volentes desiderantes foedus pacis dilectionis libenter nobiscum inire nobiscum confoederari Bene autem placet place bit nobis quod terre nostre cōmunes sint Mercatores homines qui sunt de potestate vestra libere sine impedimento terram nostram adire possint homines Mercatores nostri similiter terrā vestram Dum tamen literas vestras patentes super hoc nobis destinetis nos vobis nostras transmittemus Interim autem bene volumus concedimus quod Mercatores tam de terra vestra quà m nostra eant veniant recedant per terras nostras Et si quid vestrae sederit voluntati quod facere valeamus id securè nobis significetis Detinuimus autem adhuc Abbatem praedictum vt de naui vestra rebus in ea contentis pro posse nostro restitutionem fieri faceremus per quem de statu nostro Regni nostri vos certificare curabimus quà m citius c. Teste me ipso apud Lamhithe decimo die Octobris Eodem modo scribitur S. Duci Norwegiae ibidem eodem die The letters of King Henry the third vnto Haquinus King of Norway concerning a treatie of peace and mutuall traffique of marchandize c HEnry by the grace of God c. vnto Haquinus by the same grace King of Norway sendeth greeting Wee render vnto your highnesse vnspeakeable thanks for those things which by your letters and by your discreete subiect the Abbat of Lisa you haue signified vnto vs and also for that you are right willing and desirous to begin and to conclude betweene vs both a league of peace and amitie And wee for our part both nowe are and hereafter shal be well contented that both our lands be common to the ende that the Marchants and people of your dominions may freely and without impediment resort vnto our land and our people and Marchants may likewise haue recourse vnto your territories Prouided that for the confirmation of this matter your send vnto vs your letters patents and wee will send ours also vnto you Howbeit in the meane while wee doe will and freely graunt that the Marchants both of our and your lands may goe come and returne to and from both our Dominions And if there be ought in your minde whereby we might stand you in any stead you may boldly signifie the same vnto vs. Wee haue as yet deteined the foresaid Abbat that wee might to our abilitie cause restitution to be made for your ship and for the things therein contained by whome wee will certifie you of our owne estate and of the estate of our kingdome so soone c. Witnesse our selfe at Lamhith the tenth of October Another letter in the same forme and to the same effect was there and then sent vnto S. Duke of Norway Mandatum pro Coga Regis Norwegiae Anno 13. Henrici 3. MAndatum est omnibus Balliuis portuum in quos ventura est Coga de Norwegia in qua venerint in Angliam milites Regis Norwegiae Mercatores Saxoniae quod cum praedictam Cogam in portus suos venire contigerit saluò permittant ipsam Cogam in portubus suis morari quamdiu necesse habuerit libere sine impedimento inde receder◠quando voluerint Teste Rege The same in English A Mandate for the King of Norway his Ship called the Cog. WEe will and commaund all bailifes of Portes at the which the Cog of Norway wherein certaine of the king of Norwaie his souldiers and certaine Marchants of Saxonie are comming for England shall touch that when the foresaid Cog shall chance to arriue at any of their Hauens they doe permit the said Cog safely to remaine in their said Hauens so long as neede shall require and without impediment also freely to depart thence whensoeuer the gouernours of the sayd ship shall thinke it expedient Witnesse the King Carta pro Mercatoribus de Colonia anno 20. Henrici 3. Confirmata per Regem Edwardum primum S. Iulij Anno Regni 18. prout extat in rotulo cartarum de Anno 18. Regis Edwardi primi REx Archiepiscopis c. salutem Sciatis nos quietos clamasse pro nobis haeredibus nostris dilectos nostros Ciues de Colonia mercandisam suam de illis duobus solidis quos solebant dare de Gildhalla sua London de omnibus alijs consuetudinibus demandis quae pertinent ad nos in London per totam terram nostram quod liberè possunt ire ad ferias per totam terram nostram emere vendere in villa London alibi salua libertate Ciuitatis nostrae London Quare volumus firmiter praecipimus pro nobis c haeredibus nostris quod praedicti ciues de Colonia praenominatas libertates liberas consuetudines habeant per totam terram nostram Angliae sicut praedictum est His testibus venerabili patre Waltero Caerleolensi Episcopo Willielmo de Ferarijs Gilberto Basset Waltero de Bello campo Hugone Disspenser Waltero Marescallo Galfrido Dispenser Bartholomaeo Pech Bartholomaeo de Saukeuill alijs Data per manum venerabilis patris Radulphi Cicistrensis Episcopi Cancellarij nostri apud Dauintre Octauo die Nouembris Anno Regni nostri vicesimo The same in English A Charter graunted for the behalfe of the Marchants of Colen in the twentieth yeere of Henry the third confirmed by King Edward the first as it is extant in the roule of Charters in the eighteenth yeere of King Edward the first THe King vnto Archbishops c. greeting Be it knowen vnto you that wee haue quite claimed and for vs and our heires released our welbeloued the Citizens of Colen and their marchandize from the payment of those two shillings which they were wont to pay out of their Gildhall at London and from all other customes and demaunds which perteine vnto vs either in London or in any other place of our Dominions and that they may safely resort vnto Fayers throughout our whole
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
worke that euer I saw the eyes and mouthes of sundrie of them were bloodie they had the shape of men women and children very grosly wrought that which they had made for other parts was also sprinckled with blood Some of their idols were an olde sticke with two or three notches made with a knife in it I saw much of the footing of the sayd Samoeds and of the sleds that they ride in There was one of their sleds broken and lay by the heape of idols there I saw a deers skinne which the foules had spoyled and before certaine of their idols blocks were made as high as their mouthes being all bloody I thought that to be the table wheron they offered their sacrifice I saw also the instruments whereupon they had roasted flesh and as farre as I could perceiue they make their fire directly vnder the spit Loshak being there present tolde me that these Samoeds were not so hurtful as they of Ob are and that they haue no houses as indeede I saw none but onely tents made of Deers skins which they vnderproppe with stakes and poles their boates are made of Deers skins and when they come on shoare they cary their boates with them vpon their backes for their cariages they haue no other beastes to serue them but Deere only As for bread and corne they haue none except the Russes bring it to them their knowledge is very baâ—e for they know no letter Tuesday we turned for the harborough where Loshaks barke lay whereas before we road vnder an Island And there he came aboord of vs and said vnto me if God sende winde and weather to serue I will goe to the Ob with you because the Morses were scant at these Islands of Vaigats but if he could not get to the riuer of Ob then he sayd hee would goe to the riuer of Naramzay where the people were not altogether so sauage as the Samoyds of the Ob are hee shewed me that they will shoot at all men to the vttermost of their power that cannot speake their speech Wednesday we saw a terrible heape of ice approch neere vnto vs and therefore wee thought good with al speed possible to depart from thence and so I returned to the Westwards againe to the Island where we were the 31 of Iuly Thursday I went a shoare and tooke the latitude which was 70 degrees 25 minutes and the variation of the compasse was 8 degrees from the North to the West Loshak and the two small Lodias of Pechora departed from this Island while I was on shoare taking the latitude and went to the Southwards I maruailed why he departed so suddenly and went ouer the shoales amongst the Islands where it was impossible for vs to follow them But after I perceiued them to be weatherwise Friday we road still the winde being at Northnortheast with a cruell storme The ice came in so abundantly about vs at both ends of the Island that we road vnder that it was a feareful sight to behold the storme continued with snow raine and hayle plenty Saturday we road still also the storme being somewhat abated but it was altogether misty that we were not able to see a cables length about vs the winde being at Northeast and by East Sunday at foure of the clocke in the morning we departed from this Island the winde being at Southeast and as we were cleere a sea boord the small Islandes and shoales it came so thick with mistes that we could not see a base shotte from vs. Then we tooke in all our sailes to make little way At a Southeast sunne it waxed cleere and then we set our sayles and lay close by the wind to the Southwards alongst the Islands of Vaigats At a West sunne we tooke in our sayle againe because of the great mist and raine Wee sounded at this place and had fiue and twenty fadomes water and soft blacke oze being three leagues from the shoare the winde being at South and by East but still misty Munday at an East sunne we sounded and â—ad 40 fadomes and oze still misty at noone wee sounded againe and had 36 fadome still misty Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sunne we let fall our anker in three and twenty fadome the mist still continuing Wednesday at three of the clocke in the morning the mist brake vp the wind being at Northeast by East and then we saw part of the Islands of Vaigats which we bare withall and went Eastsoutheast close by the winde at a West sunne we were at an anker vnder the Southwest part of the said Vaigats and then I sent our skiffe to shoare with three men in her to see if they might speake with any of the Samoeds but could not all that day was rainie but not windie Thursday the wind came Westerly so that we were faine to seeke vs another place to ride in because the wind came a seaboord land and although it were misty yet wee followed the shoare by our lead and as we brought land in the winde of vs we let fall our anker At a West sunne the mist brake vp so that we might see about vs and then we might perceiue that we were entred into a sound This afternoone we tooke in two or three skiffes lading of stones to balast our shippe withall It hyeth here foure foot water and floweth by fits vncertaine to be iudged Friday we road still in the sound the wind at Southwest with very much raine and at the end of the raine it waxed againe mistie Saturday there was much winde at West and much raine and then againe mistie Sunday was very mistie and much winde Munday very mistie the winde at Westnorthwest Tuesday was also mistie except at noone then the sunne brake out through the mist so that we had the latitude in 70 degrees 10 minutes the afternoone was misty againe the wind being at Westnorthwest Wednesday at three of the clocke afternoone the mist brake vp the wind came at Eastnortheast and then we weyed and went South by East vntil seuen of the clocke eight leagues thinking to haue had sight of the sandie hilles that are to the Eastwards of the riuer Pechora At a Northwest sunne we took in our maine saile because the wind increased went with a foresaile Westnorthwest the wind being at Eastnortheast at night there grewe so terrible a storme that we saw not the like although we had indured many stormes since we came out of England It was wonderfull that our barke was able to brooke such monstrous terrible seas without the great helpe of God who neuer fayleth them at neede that put their sure trust in him Thursday at a Southsouthwest sunne thanks be to God the storme was at the highest then the winde began to slake and came Northerly withall then I reckoned the Westermost point of the riuer Pechora to be South of vs 15 leagues At a
being Northerly so that we could not come neere to it The 6. day about 2. in the afternoone the wind at North northwest we halde East southeast with a faire and gentle gale this day we met with ice About 6. in the afternoone it became calme we with saile and oares laide it to the Northeast part hoping that way to cleare vs of it for that way we did see the head part of it as we thought Which done about 12. of the clocke at night we gate cleere of it We did thinke it to be ice of the bay of Saint Nicholas but it was not as we found afterwards The seuenth day we met with more yce at the East part of the other yce we halde along a weather the yce to finde some ende thereof by East northeast This day there appeared more land North from vs being perfect land the ice was betweene vs and it so that we could not come neerer to it The same morning at sixe of the clocke wee put into the ice to finde some way through it wee continued in it all the same day and all the night following the winde by the North Northwest Wee were constrained to goe many pointes of our compasse but we went most an Easterly course The eight day the winde at North northwest we continued our course and at fiue in the morning we sounded and had 90. fadoms red oze This day at foure in the afternoone we sounded againe and had 84. fadoms oze as before At sixe in the after noone we cleared our selues of the ice and hald along Southeast by South we sounded againe at 10. a clocke at night and had 43. fathom sandy oze The 9. day at 2. in the morning we sounded againe and had 45. fadoms then there appeared a shadow of land to vs East Northeast and so we ran with it the space of 2. houres and then perceiuing that it was but fogge we hald along Southeast This day at 2. in the afternoone wee sounded and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes At tenne a clocke at night wee sounded againe and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze The tenth day the wind being at North northwest we haled East and by North which course we set because at ten of the clocke afore noone wee did see land and then wee sounded hauing 35. fadoms blacke oze All this day there was a great fogge so that wee durst not beare with the land to make it and so we kept an outwardly course This day at 6. in the afternoone we espied land wherewith we halled and then it grew calme we sounded and had 120. fadoms blacke oze and then we sent our boat a land to sound and proue the land The same night we came with our ship within and Island where we rode all the same night The same night wee went into a bay to ride neere the land for wood and water The 11. day the wind came to the East southeast this day about a league from vs to the Eastwards we saw a very faire sound or riuer that past very farre into the countrey with 2. or 3. branches with an Island in the midst The 12. of Iuly the wind was East Southeast This day about 11. a clocke in the morning there came a great white beare down to the water side and tooke the water of his own accord we chased him with our boate but for all that we could doe he gote to land and escaped from vs where we named the bay Bearebay This day at 7. in the after noone we set saile for we had good hope that the winde would come Westerly and with saile and oares we gate the sea All the night it was calme with fogge The 13. day in the morning the wind was very variable with fog and as it cleared vp wee met with great store of ice which at the first shewed like land This ice did vs much trouble and the more because of the fog which continued vntill the 14. day 12. of the clocke The 14. day in the morning we were so imbayed with ice y t we were constrained to come out as we went in which was by great good fortune or rather by the goodnesse of God otherwise it had bene impossible and at 12. of the clock we were cleere of it the wind being at South and South by West The same day we found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees 26. minutes we lay along the coast Northwest thinking it to be an Island but finding no end in rowing so long we supposed it to be the maine of Noua Zembla About 2. in the afternoone we laide it to the Southward to double the ice which wee could not doe vpon that boorde so that we cast about againe and lay West along vnder the ice About seuen in the afternoone we gote about the greatest part thereof About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice Southeast of vs and thus we were ridde of this trouble at this time The 15. day about 3. in the morning the wind was at South southwest wee cast about and lay to the Eastwards the winde did Wester so that wee lay South southwest with a flawne sheete and so we ranne all the same day About 8. in the after noone we sounded and had 23. fadoms small grey sand This night at twelue of the clocke we sounded againe and had 29. fadoms sand as afore The 16. day vnto 3. in the morning we hald along East Southeast where we found 18. fadoms red sand then we hald along Northeast In these soundings wee had many ouerfals This day at 10. of the clocke we met with more ice which was very great so that we coulde not tell which way to get cleere of it Then the winde came to the South Southeast so that we lay to the Northwards We thought that way to cleare our selues of it but that way we had more ice About 6. in the afternoone the wind came to the East Then we lay to the Southwards that wee had 30. fadoms blacke oze This day we found the pole to bee eleuated 69. deg 40. minutes and this night at 12. a clocke we had 41. fadoms red sand The 17. day at 3. in the morning we had 12. fadoms At 9. we had 8. and 7. all this day we ran South and South by West at the depth aforesaid red sand being but shallow water At eight in the afternoone the winde with a showre and thunder came to the Southwest and then wee ranne East Northeast At 12. at night it came to the South and by East and all this was in the bay of Pechora The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bare with the heaâ—land oâ— the bay where wee founde two Islands There are also ouerfals of water 〈◊〉 â—â—des We went between the maine and the Island next to the head where we had abouâ— 2. fadoms and a halfe We found
the pole eleuated 69. deg 13 minutes This day we had sight of Vaigatz the land of the maine of Pechora did trend Southeast we hald East southeast and had 10. fadoms oze all the same day vntill 4. in the after noone then being calme we ankered in 10. fadoms all the same night The 19. day at two in the morning we set saile and ran South and South southwest all the same day at 8.7 and 6. fadoms this was off the South part of Vaigatz this part of the land lieth North and South This day at 4. in the afternoone we found shallow water sometime 4. fadoms sometime 3. and 2. and a halfe and one fadome and a halfe there we ankered and sent our boate away to sound and all to leeward we had 4. foote and 3. foote and 2. foot there was not water for the boate betweene Vaigatz the other side finding no more water there was no other way but to goe backe as we came in hauing the wind Northwest so at twelue at niâ—ht we set saile The 20. day we plied to the Northwards and got deepe water againe 6. and 7. fadoms The 21. day the winde by the Northwest we hald along the coast North and North northwest we had 8. and 9. and 10. fadoms The 22. day the winde came to the Southwest wee bare along the coast of Vaygatz as wee found it to lie North and by West and Northnorthwest and North. The winde blewe very much with great fogge we lacking water and wood bare within an Island where wee founde great store of wood and water there were three or foure goodly founds Under two points there was a crosse set vp and a man buried at the foote of it Upon the said crosse Master Pet did graue his name with the date of our Lorde and likewise vpon a stone at the foote of the crosse and so did I also to the end that if the William did chaunce to come thither they might haue knowledge that wee had beene there At eight in the afternoone the winde came to the North northwest we set saile and turned out of the Bay The same night the winde came to the West so that wee lay North along the land The 23. day at fiue in the morning the wind came to the Southwest a Sea boord we sawe a great number of faire Islands to the number of sixe a sea boord of these Islands there are many great ouerfals as great streames or tides we halde Northeast and East northeast as the lande did trend At eight aforenoone the winde came to the Southeast with very much wind raine and fogge and very great store of ice a sea boorde so we lay to the Southwest to attaine to one of the Islands to harbour vs if the weather did so extremely continue and to take in our boate thinking it meete so to doe and not to towe her in such weather About twelue of the clocke it became very calme vpon the sudden and came vp to the West Northwest and Northwest by West and then we tooke in our boate and this done there came downe so much winde as we were not able to steere afore it with corse and bonnets of each we hald South with the land for so the land did trend This day all the afternoone we sailed vnder a great land of ice we sailed betweene the land and it being not able to crosse it About twelue at night we found the ice to stretch into the land that we could not get cleare to the Eastward so we laide it to the shore and there we founde it cleare hard aboord the shore and we found also a very faire Island which makes a very good harbour and within are 12. fadoms This Island is to y e Eastwards of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues This land of the maine doth trend Southeast and Southeast by East It is a very faire coast and euen and plaine and not full of mountaines nor rocks you haue but shallow water of 6. or 7. fadoms about a league from the shore all this morning we halled East southeast This day we found the pole to be eleuated 69. degrees 14. minutes About 12. a clocke we were constrained to put into the ice to seeke some way to get to the Northwards of it hoping to haue some cleare passage that way but there was nothing but whole ice About nine in the afternoone we had sight of the William and when wee sawe her there was a great land of ice betweene her and vs so that we could not come one to the other but as we came neere to her we sounded our trumpet and shot off two muskets and she put out her flag vpon her foretopmaste in token that she did see vs all this time wee did shorten our sailes and went with our foresaile maine top saile seeking the best way through the broken ice she making away the best that she could to follow vs we put out our flagge to answere her again with the like thus wee continued all the afternoone till about 12. a clocke at night and then we moared our ship to a piece of ice to tarie for the William The 25. day about fiue in the morning the William came to vs being both glad of our meeting The William had her sterne post broken that the rudber did hang clean besides the sterne so that she could in no wise port her helme with all hands she did lighten her sterne and trimme her head and when we had brought her forward all that we could wee brought a table vnder her sterne and without captaine did wind vp her sterne and so we made it as wel as the place would giue vs leane and in the ende wee brought her to steere againe Wee acknowledge this our meeting to be a great benefite of God for our mutuall comfort and so gaue his maiestie thanks for it All the night after we tooke our rest being made fast vpon a piece of ice the winde was at West Northwest but wee were so inclosed with ice that we coulde not tell which way to passe Windes wee haue had at will but ice and fogge too much against our willes if it had pleased the Lord God otherwise The 26. day the wind was at West Northwest we set saile to the Northwardes to seeke if we could finde any way cleare to passe to the Eastward but the further we went that way the more and thicker was the ice so that wee coulde goe no further So about foure in the afternoone we were constrained to moare vpon another piece of ice I thinke we sailed in all a league this day here we had 15. fadoms oze and this oze is all the chanell ouer All the same day after foure of the clocke and all the night we tarried there being without all good hope but rather in despaire This day Master Iugman did see land East Northeast from vs as he did thinke whether it were
and his gentlemen for to ride which were very richly furnished and by the way there meâ— with vs other chauses to accompany vs to the Court. When we came there wee passed thorow two gates at the second gate there stood very many men with horses attending on their masters When we came within that gate we were within a very faire Court yard in compasse twise so bigge as Pauls Church-yard On the right hand of the sayd Court was a faire gallerie like an Alley and within it were placed railes and such other prouision On the left side was the like halfe the Court ouer it was diuided into two parts the innermost fairer then the other The other part of that side is the place where the Councell doe vsually sit and at the inner end of that is a faire place to sit in much like vnto that place in Pauls Church-yard where the Maior and his brethren vse to sit thither was our Ambassadour brought and set in that place Within that sayde place is another like open roome where hee did eate Assoone as wee came in wee were placed in the innermost alley of the second roome on the left side of the Court which was spread with carpets on the ground fourescore or fourescore and tenne foot long with an hundred and fiftie seuerall dishes set thereon that is to say Mutton boiled and rosted Rice diuersly dressed Fritters of the finest fashion and dishes daintily dight with pritty pappe with infinite others I know not how to expresse them We had also rosted Hennes with sundry sorts of fowles to me vnknowen The gentlemen and we sate downe on the ground for it is their maner so to feede There were also Greekes and others set to furnish out the roome Our drinke was made with Rose water and Sugar and spices brewed together Those that did serue vs with it had a great bagge tied ouer their showlders with a broad belt like an arming belt full of plates of copper and gilt with part of the sayd bagge vnder his arme and the mouth in his hand then he had a deuise to let it out when he would into cuppes when we called for drinke The Ambassadour when hee had eaten passed by vs with the chauses aforesayd and sate him downe in an inner roome This place where he sate was against the gate where we came in and hard by the Councell chamber end somewhat on the left side of the Court this was at the East end of the Court for we came in at the West All this time our presents stood by vs vntill we had dined and diner once ended this was their order of taking vp the dishes Certaine were called in like those of the Blacke gard in the Court of England the Turks call them Moglans These came in like rude and rauening Mastifs without order or fashion and made cleaâ—e riddance for he whose hungry eye one dish could not fill turned two one into the other and thus euen on the sudden was made a cleane riddance of all Then came certaine chauses and brought our gentlemen to sit with the Ambassadour Immediatly came officers appointed Ianisers to beare froÌ„ vs our presents who caried them on the right side of the Court and set them hard by the doore of the Priuy chamber as we call it there all things stoode for the space of an houre Thus the Ambassadour and his gentlemen sate still and to the Southward of them was a doore whereas the great Turke himselfe went in and out at and on the South side of that doore sate on a bench all his chiefe lordes and gentlemen and on the North side of the West gate stood his gard in number as I gesse them a thousand men These men haue on their heads round cappes of mettall like sculles but sharpe in the toppe in this they haue a bunch of Ostridge feathers as bigge as a brush with the corner or edge forward at the lower end of these feathers was there a smaller feather like those that are commonly worn here Some of his gard had smal staues most of them were weaponed with bowes and arrowes Here they waitedâ— during our abode at the Court to gard their Lord. After the Ambassadour with his gentlemen had sitten an houre and more there came three or foure chauses and brought them into the great Turkes presence At the Priuy chamber doore two noble men tooke the Ambassadour by ech arme one and put their fingers within his sleeues and so brought him to the great Turke where he sumptuously sate alone He kissed his hand and stood by vntill all the gentlemen were brought before him in like maner one by one and ledde backewards againe his face towards the Turke for they might neither tarry nor turne their backs and in like maner returned the Ambassadour The salutation that the Noble men didâ— was taking them by the hands All this time they trode on cloth of golde most of the Noble men that sate on the South side of the Priuy chamber sate likewise on cloth of golde Many officers or Ianisaries there were with staues who kept very good order for no Turke whatsoeuer might goe any further then they willed him At our Ambassadours entring they followed that bare his presents to say twelue fine broad clothes two pieces of fine holland tenne piâ—ces of plate double gilt one case of candle sticks the case whereof was very large and three foot high and more two very great cannes or pots and one lesser one basin and ewer two poppiniayes of siluer the one with two heads they were to drinke in two bottles with chaines three faire mastifs in coats of redde cloth three spaniels two bloodhounds one common hunting hound two greyhounds two little dogges in coats of silke one clocke valued at fiue hundred pounds sterling ouer it was a forrest with trees of siluer among the which were deere chased with dogs and men on horsebacke following men drawing of water others carrying mine oare on barrowes on the toppe of the clocke stood a castle and on the castle a mill All these were of siluer And the clocke was round beset with iewels All the time that we stayed at the Councell chamber doore they were telling or weighing of money to send into Persia for his Souldiours pay There were carried out an hundred and three and thirty bags and in euery bagge as it was tolde vs one thousand ducats which amounteth to three hundred and thirty thousand * and in sterling Englâ—sh money to fourescore and nineteene thousand pounds The Captaine of the guard in the meane time went to the great Turke and returned againe then they of the Court made obeisance to him bowing downe their heads and their hands on their breasts and he in like order resaluted them he was in cloth of siluer he went and came with two or three with him and no more Then wee went out at the first gate and there we were commanded to stay vntill
103. li. of 16. ounces to the li. There is another waight called Pois Gerrin which is 150. li. of Marseils waight by which are sold all things to eate but spice is sold by the former waight From Alexandria to Cairo is three daies iourney but you must take a Ianissarie with you to go vp thither by water it is 8. dayes iourney Roials of Spaine are currant mony there and are the best money you can cary And 4. roials are woorth 13. Medins and 2. Medins are 3. Aspers Pistolets and crownes of France and Dollâ—rs will goe but of all Roials are best Rice is not permitted to goe out of the land but is kept for a victuall But with a present to the Bye and Ermine some may passe All sortes of spices be garbled after the bargaine is made and they be Moores which you deale withall which be good people and not ill disposed And after you be searched haue leaue to passe you must presently depart out of the port and if you doe not they will search you againe And you must depart in the day for in the night the castles will not suffer you to depart The duetie to the Consul is 2. in the hundred for his aide and meate and drinke and all And the port of Alexandria is good when one is within it with good ankers and cables Siluer is better currant then gold in Alexandria but both are good Commonly the Carauans come thither in October from Mecca to Cairo and from thence to Alexandria where the merchants be that buy the spices and therfore the spices are brought most to Alexandria where each Christian nation remaineth at the Consuls houses Yet oftentimes the christians go vp to Cairo to buy drugs other commodities there as they see cause And the commodities there vendible are all sorts of kersies but the most part blewes and of clothes all colours except mingled colours and blacks Pepper is vsually sold for 24. ducats the quintal Ginger for 14. ducats You must take canuas to make bags to put your commoditie in from Alexandria for there is none There is also fine flaxe and good store of Buffe hides A letter of the English ambassador to M. Edward Barton MAster Barton I send you 3. commandements in Turkish with a copy thereof in English to the ende our ships might not come in danger of breach of league if they should shoote at the gallies of those of Algier Tunis and Tripolis in the West which after you haue shewed the Bassas receiue againe into your hands and see them registred and then deliuer one of them to our friend M. Tipton the like you are to do with the priuilege which you cary with you and see them iointly registred in the Cadies booke deliuering the copy of the said priuilege sealed by the Cadi also to the sayd our friend M. Tipton taking a note of his hand for the receipt thereof and for deliuerie at all times to vs or our assignes And require them in her maiesties and the grand Signors name that they will haue our ships passing too and fro vnder licence and safeconduct for recommended in friendly maner Touching your proceedings in Tripolis with Romadan as I haue not receiued any aduise thereof since your departure so must I leaue you to God and my former directioÌ„ The ship patronised of Hassan Rayes which you wrote to be ours prooued to be a Catalonian As for ours by report of that Hassan and other Iewes in his ship it was affirmed to be sold to the Malâ—eses which with the rest you are to receiue there And hauing ended these affaires and registred our priuilege and these three commandements in Tripolis Tunis and Alger I pray you make speedy returne and for that which may be recouered make ouer the same either to Richard Rowed for Patrasso in Morea or otherwise hither to Iohn Bate in the surest maner you may if the registring of that your priuilege and these commandements will not suffer you in person to returne with the same From my Mansion Rapamat in Pera this 24. of Iune 1584. The commaundement obtained of the Grand Signior by her Maiesties ambassador M. Will. Hareborne for the quiet passing of her subiects to and froÌ„ his dominions sent in An. 1584. to the Viceroyes of Algier Tunis Tripolis in Barbary To our Beglerbeg of Algier WE certifie thee by this our commandement that the right honorable Will. Hareborne ambassador to the Queenes maiestie of England hath signified vnto vs that the ships of that countrey in their comming and returning to and from our Empire on the one part of the Seas haue the Spaniards Florentines Sicilians and Malteses on the other part our countreis committed to your charge which aboue said Christians will not quietly suffer their egresse and regresse into and out of our dominions but doe take and make the men captiues and forfeit the shippes and goods as the last yeere the Malteses did one which they tooke at Gerbi and to that end do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction whereupon they are constrained to stand to their defence at any such time as they might meet with them Wherefore considering by this means they must stand vpon their guard when they shall see any gallie afarre off whereby if meeting with any of your gallies and not knowing them in their defence they do shoot at them and yet after when they doe certainly know them do not shoote any more but require to passe peaceably on their voiage which you would deny saying the peace is brokeÌ„ because you haue shot at vs and so make prize of them contrary to our priuileges and against reason for the preuenting of which inconuenience the said ambassador hath required this our commaundement We therefore command thee that vpon sight hereof thou doe not permit any such matter in any sort whatsoeuer but suffer the sayd Englishmen to passe in peace according to the tenour of our commandement giuen without any disturbance or let by any means vpon the way although that meeting with thy gallies and not knowing them afarre off they taking them for enemies should shoot at them yet shall you not suffer them to hurt them therfore but quietly to passe Wherefore looke thou that they may haue right according to our priuilege giuen them finding any that absenteth himself wil not obey this our commandement presently certify vs to our porch that we may giue order for his punishment and with reuerence giue faithfull credite to this our commandement which hauing read thou shalt againe returne it vnto them that present it From our palace in Constantinople tâ—e 1. of Iune 1584. A letter of the honorable M. Wil. Hareborne her maiesties ambass with the grand signior to M. Tipton appointing him Consul of the English in Algier Tunis Tripolis of Barbarie MAster Tipton I haue receiued among others yours of the 10. of Nouember 1584. by Soliman Sorda certifying the
from the other Malabars These haue their hâ—ads very full of haire and bound vp with a string and there doth appeare a bush without the â—and wherewith it is bound The men be tall and strong and good archers with a long bow and a long arrow which is their best weapon yet there be some caliuers among them but they handle them badly Heere groweth the pepper and it springeth vp by a tree or a pole and is like our iuy berry but something longer like the wheat eare and at the first the bunches are greene and as they ware ripe they cut them off and dry them The lâ—afe is much lesser then the iuy leafe and thinner All the inhabitants here haue very little houses couered with the leaues of the coco-trees The men be of a reasonable stature the women litle all blacke with a cloth bound about their middle hanging downe to their hammes all the rest of their bodies be naked they haue horrible great eares with many rings set with pearles and stones in them The king goeth incached as they do all he doth not remaine in a place aboue fiue or sixe dayes he hath many houses but they be but litle his guard is but small he remooueth from one house to another according to their order All the pepper of Calicut and course cinamom groweth here in this countrey The best cinamom doth come from Ceylon and is pilled from fine yoong trees Here are very many palmer or coco trees which is their chiefe food for it is their meat and drinke and yeeldeth many other necessary things as I haue declared before The Naires which be vnder the king of Samoâ—in which be Malabars haue alwayes wars with the Portugals The king hath alwayes peace with them but his people goe to the sea to robbe steale Their chiefe captaine is called Cogi Alli he hath three castles vnder him When the Portugals complaine to the king he sayth he doth not send them out but he consenteth that they go They range all the coast from Ceylon to Goa and go by foure or fiue parowes or boats together and haue in euery one of them fifty or threescore men and boord presently They do much harme on that coast and take euery yere many foists and boats of the Portugals Many of these people be Moores This kings countrey beginneth twelue leagues from Cochin and reachâ—th neere vnto Goa I remained in Cochin vntill the second of Nouember which was eight monethâ— for that there was no passage that went away in all that time if I had come two dayes sooner I had found a passage presently From Cochin I went to Goa where I remained three dayes From Cochin to Goa is an hundred leagues From Goa I went to Chaul which is threescore leagues where I remained three and twenty dayes and there making my prouision of things necessary for the shippe from thence I departed to Ormus where I stayed for a passage to Balsara fifty dayes From Goa to Ormus is foure hundred leagues Here I thought good before I make an end of this my booke to declare some things which India and the countrey farther Eastward do bring forth The pepper groweth in many parts of India especially about Cochin and much of it doeth grow in the fields among the bushes without any labour and when it is ripe they go and gather it The shrubbe is like vnto our iuy tree and if it did not run about some tree or pole it would fall downe and rot When they first gather it it is greâ—ne and then they lay it in the Sun and it becommeth blacke The ginger groweth like vnto our garlike and the root is the ginger it is to be found in many parts of India The cloues doe come from the Iles of the Moluccoes which be diuers Ilands their tree is like to our bay tree The nutmegs and maces grow together and come from the I le of Banda the tree is like to our walnut tree but somewhat lesser The white sandol is wood very sweet in great request among the Indians for they grinde it with a litle water and anoynt their bodies therewith it commeth from the Iâ—le of Timor Camphora is a precious thing among the Indians and is solde dearer then golde I thinke none of it commeth for Christendome That which is compounded commeth from China but that which groweth in canes and is the best commeth from the great Isle of Borneo Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina The beniamin commeth out of the countreys of Siam and Iangomes The long pepper groweth in Bengala in Pegu and in the Ilands of the Iauas The muske commeth out of Tartarie and is made after this order by report of the marchants which bring it to Pegu to sell In Tartarie there is a little beast like vnto a yong roe which they take in snares and beat him to death with the blood after that they cut out the bones and beat the flesh with the blood very small and fill the skin with it and hereof commeth the muske Of the amber they holde diuers opinions but most men say it commeth out of the sea and that they finde it vpon the shores side The rubies saphires and spinelles are found in Pegu. The diamants are found in diuers places as in Bisnagar in Agra in Delli and in the Ilands of the Iauas The best pearles come from the Iland of Baharim in the Persian sea the woorser from the Piscaria neere the Isle of Ceylon and from Aynam a great Iland on the Southermost coast of China Spodium and many other kindes of drugs come from Cambaia Now to returne to my voyage from Ormus I went to Balsara or Basora and from Basora to Babylon and we passed the most part of the way by the strength of men by halling the boat vp the riuer with a long cord From Babylon I came by land to Mosul which standeth nere to Niniue which is all ruinated and destroyed it standeth fast by the riuer of Tigris From Mosul I went to Merdin which is in the countrey of the Armenians but now there dwell in that place a people which they call Cordies or Curdi From Merdin I went to Orfa which is a very faire towne and it hath a goodly fountaine ful of fish where the Moores hold many great ceremonies and opinions concerning Abraham for they say he did once dwell there From thence I went to Bi r so passed the riuer of Euphrates From Bi r I went to Aleppo where I stayed certaine moneths for company and then I went to Tripolis where finding English shipping I came with a prosperous voyage to London where by Gods assistance I safely arriued the 29 of April 1591 hauing bene eight yeeres out of my natiue countrey The report of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten concerning M. Newberies and M.
articles which I haue receiued but also will giue some particular notes which I haue noted in the affaires which you haue committed vnto mee with the best helpe and counsell I can Thus the liuing God keepe your worships all Bristoll this 11 of December 1561. Your worships to comand to his power Iohn Lok The relation of one VVilliam Rutter to M. Antony Hickman his master touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562 by Sir William Gerard Sir William Chester M. Thomas Lodge the sayd Antony Hickman and Edward Castelin which voyage is also written in verse by Robert Baker WOrshipfull sir my duty remembred this shal be to declare vnto you the discourse of this our voyage since our departure out of England from Dartmouth at which time I gaue you to vnderstand of our departure which was the 25 of February 1562. Thâ—n hauing a prosperous winde we departed from thence and sailed on our voyage vntill we arriued at Cauo verde the 20 of March making no abode there but sailed along the coast to our first appointed port Rio de sestos at which port we arriued the third of Aprill in the morning hauing the sight of a Frenchman who assoone as he perceiued vs set saile and made to the sea in the meane time we came to an anker in the rode and after that he had espied our flag perceiuing vs to be Englishmen he bare with the shore hailed our ships with his ordinance at which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the riuer in traffike and had vnderstanding of the Negros that he had bene there three dayes before our comming so we concluded together that if he sent his pinnesse to traffike we would not suffer him vntill we had taken further order with their captaine marchants In the afternoone the pinnesse came into the riuer whose men we willed to make no traffike vntill we had talked further with their captaine whom we willed that night to come aboord our admirall which was done At which sayd time M. Button and Iohn Munt went aboord the Minion where the Frenchmen were there concluded that they should tary by vs eight dayes and suffer vs quietly to traffike wherewith they were not well pleased Wherevpon the next morning they departed from vs sailing alongst the coast to the Eastward towards Potis which he did to hinder our traffike that way wherefore the marchants of the Minion we concluded forasmuch as at that present we vnderstood that there were no sailes past alongst that we should go before to the end we might not be hindred of our traffike by the Frenchmen which thing we did and at our comming thither we found the Frenchman in traffike to the West of Potis by whom we passed arriued at Rio de Potis the 12 of April where we remained in traffike vntill the 15 of the sayd moneth and then departed from thence along the coast toward Sant Andre where we appointed by agreement to tary for the Minion and the 17 at night we came to the riuer of S. Andre in which very day the Minion came vnto vs telling vs that they met at cauo das Palmas a great ship and a caruell of the king of Portugals bound to the Mina who gaue chase vnto them and shot freely at them and the Minion in her defence returned her the like but God be praised the Minion had no hurt for that time In the end we concluded to hasten towards cauo de tres puntas to haue put them from the castle if by any meanes wee might and when wee were come to the Cape we lay a hull one night and two dayes and doubting they had bene past the Minion went neere the shore and sent her merchants to a place called Anta where before-tune we had traffâ—ke and the next morning very early being the 21 of the sayd moneth we againe had sight of the ship and the carauell a good way to sea-boord of vs. Then we presently set saile and bare with the formost of them hoping to haue got betweene the castle and them but we came short of our purpose which was no small griefe vnto vs all and when they had gotten the castle to friend they shot at vs freely and we at them and the castle at vs but we profited litle In the afternoone we set saile came to the town of Don Iuan called Equi where the 22 in the morning we went a shore to traffike but the Negros would not vntill they had newes from Don Luis for at that time Don Iuan was dead and the 23 came Don Luis his sonne and Pacheco minding to traffike with vs at which said day came two galies rowing along the shore from the castle minding to keepe vs from our traffike The 24 we set saile and chased the galies to the castle againe The Negros being glad of that required vs to goe to Mowre which is some 3 leagues behind and thither would they come for that they stood in feare of the Portugals and there we remained for the marchants that came out of the countrey which were come with their gold but Anthonio don Luis his sonne and Pacheco were aboord the Minion And the 25 in the morning came the two galies from the castle againe vnto vs the weather being very calme they shot at vs and hit vs 3 times and shortly after the wind came from the shore at which instant we discried the ship the carauell comming towards vs then we weighed and set saile and bare as neere vnto them as we could but it was night or euer wee met with them and the night being very darke we lost them The next day plying to the shore at night we agreed to go with Cormantin but the next morning being the 28 we were but a litle distant from the great ship and the 2 galies hauing no wind at all and the carauell hard aboord the shore Then being calme came the 2 galies rowing to the sterne of the Minion and fought with her the most part of the forenoone and in the fight a mischance hapned in the Minions steward-roome by means of a barrell of pouder that tooke fire where with were hurt the master gunner the steward and most part of the gunners which the galies perceiuing began to be more fierce vpon them and with one shot cut halfe her foremast in twaine that without present remedie shee was not able to beare saile and presently vpon this the great ship sent her boat to the galies who suddenly departed from vs. And after their departure we went aboord the Minion to counsell what were best to be done at which time they were sore discomftted Whereupon we deuised what was best to be done and because wee knew that the Negros neither would nor durst traffike so long as the galies were on the coast it was therefore agreed that
we thought it best to stay there no longer but immediatly set sayle towards an Island called Fuego 12 leagues from the said Island of S. Iago At which Island of Fuego we came to an anker the 11 day of this moneth against a white chappell in the West end of the sayd Island within halfe a league of a litle towne and within a league or thereabout of the vttermost point of the said Island In this Island is a maruelleilous high hill which doth burne continually and the inhabitants reported that about three yeeres past the whole Island was like to be burned with the abundance of fire that came out of it About a league from the said chappel to the Westward is a goodly spring of fresh water where we had as much as we would Wheate they haue none growing here but a certaine seede that they call Mill and certaine peason like Guinie peason which Mill maketh good breade but they haue here good store of rother beasts and goates Their marchandize is cotton which groweth there The inhabitants are Portugals which haue coÌ„mandement from the king to trafike neither with Englishmen nor Frenchmen for victuall or any other thing except they be forced so to doe There lieth off this Island another called Ilha Braua which is not passing two leagues ouer it hath good store of goates and many trees but there are not passing three or foure persons dwelling in it The 25 day of February we departed towardes the Islands of Azores and on the 23 day of March we had sight of one of them-called Flores and then wee might see another Island to the Northward of it called Cueruo lying two leagues or there abouts off the other The 27 we came to an anker in Cueruo ouer against a village of about twelue simple houses but in the night by a gale of winde which caused vs to drawe our anker after vs we hoysed sayle and went to the aforesayd Island of Flores where we sawe strange streames of water running downe from the high cliffes by reason of the great abundance of raine that had suddenly fallen The 29 day we came againe to Cueruo and cast anker but a storme arose and continued seuen or eight houres together so that we let slip a cable and anker and after the storme was alayed we came againe thinking to haue recouered the same but the Portugals had either taken it or spoiled it the cable was new and neuer wet before and both the cable and anker were better worth then 40 li. So that we accompt our selues much beholding to the honest Portugales The 18 day of April we tooke in water at the Island of Flores and hauing ankered our cable was fretted in sunder with a rocke and so burst where wee lost that cable and anker also and so departed to our coast Then wee set sayle to an Islande named Faial about the which lie three other Islands the one called Pico the other Saint George and the other Graciosa which we had sight of on the eight and twentieth day The 29 we came to an anker in the Southwest side of Faial in a faire bay and 22 fadom water against a litle towne where we had both fresh water and fresh victuall In this Island by the report of the inhabitantsâ— there groweth certaine greene woad which by their speeches is farre better then the woad of S. Michael or of Tercera The 8 day of May we came to Tercera where we met with a Portugall ship and being destitute of a cable and anker our Generall caused vs to keepe her companie to see if she could conueniently spare vs any The next morning we might see bearing with vs a great shippe and two Caranels which we iudged to be of the king of Portugals Armada and so they were whereupon we prepared our selues for our defence The said ship was one of the kings Galliasses about the burden of foure hundred tunnes with about three hundred men in her the shippe being well appointed with brasse pieces both great and small and some of them so bigge that their shot was as great as a mans head the other two Carauels were also very warlike and well appointed both with men and munition As soone as they were within shotte of vs they waued vs amaine with their swords we keeping our course the greatest shippe shot at vs freely and the carauell also and we prepared our selues and made all things cleare for our safegard as neere as we could Then the great shippe shot at vs all her broad side and her foure greatest pieces that lay in her sterne and therewith hurt some of our men and we did the best we could with our shot to require it At last two other Carauels came off the shoare and two other pinnesses full of men and deliuered them aboord the great shippe and so went backe againe with two men in a piece of them The ship and the Carauell gaue vs the first day three fights and when the night was come they left off shooting yet notwithstanding kept hard by vs all the night In the meane time we had as much as wee could doe all the night to mende our ropes and to strengthen our bulwarkes putting our trust in God and resoluing our selues rather to die in our defence then to bee taken by such wretches The next day being the 10 of May in the morning there were come to aide the said Portugals foure great Armadas or Carauels more which made seuen of which 4 three of them were at the least 100 tunnes a piece the other not so bigge but all well appointed and full of men All these together came bearing with vs being in our Admirall and one of the great Carauels came to lay vs aboorde as we iudged for they had prepared their false nettings and all things for that purpose so that the Gallias came vp in our larboord side and the Carauell in our starboord side Our Captaine and Master perceiuing their pretence caused our gunners to make all our ordinance readie with crossebarres chaineshotte and baileshot so the ship and Carauell came vp and as soone as they were right in our sides they shotte at vs as much ordinance as they could thinking to haue layde vs presently aboord whereupon we gaue them such a heate with both our sides that they were both glad to fall asterne of vs so paused the space of two or three houres being a very small gale of winde Then came vp the other fiue aâ—d shot all at vs and so fell all asterne of vs then went to counsell together Then our small barke named the George came to vs and wee conferred together a great space And as the Portugall shippes and Carauels were comming to vs againe our barke minding to fall asterne of vs and so to come vp againe fell quickly vpon the lee and by reason of the litle winde it was so long before she could
for warres although he be but meane may notwithstanding haue yealow hats The Tutans and Chians when they goe abroad haue besides all this before them ledde three or foure horses with their guard in armour Furthermore the Louteas yea and all the people of China are wont to eate their meâ—â—e sitting on stooles at high tables as we doe and that very cleanely although they vse neither table-clothes nor napkins Whatsoeuer is set downe vpon the boord is first carued before that it be brought in they feede with two sticks refraining from touching their meate with their hands euen as we do with forkes for the which respect they lesse do neede any table clothes Ne is the nation only ciuill at meate but also in conuersation and in courtesie they seeme to exceede all other Likewise in their dealings after their maner they are so ready that they farre passe all other Gentiles and Moores the greater states are so vaine that they line their clothes with the best silke that may be found The Louteas are an idle generation without all maner of exercises and pastimes except it be eating and drinking Sometimes they walke abroad in the fields to make the souldiers shoot at pricks with their bowes but their eating passeth they will stand eating euen when the other do draw to shoot The pricke is a great blanket spread on certaine long poles he that striketh it hath of the best man there standing a piece of crimson Taffata the which is knit about his head in this sort the winners be honoured and the Louteas with their bellies full returne home againe The inhabitants of China be very great Idolaters all generally doe worship the heauens and as wee are wont to say God knoweth it so say they at euery word Tien Tautee that is to say The heauens doe know it Some doe worship the Sonne and some the Moone as they thinke good for none are bound more to one then to another In their temples the which they do call Meani they haue a great altar in the same place as we haue true it is that one may goe round about it There set they vp the image of a certaine Loutea of that countrey whom they haue in great reuerence for certaine notable things he did At the right hand standeth the diuel much more vgly painted then we doe vse to set him out whereunto great homage is done by such as come into the temple to aske counsell or to draw lottes this opinion they haue of him that he is malicious and able to do euil If you aske them what they do thinke of the soules departed they will answere that they be immortall and that as soone as any one departeth out of this life he becommeth a diuel if hee haue liued well in this world if otherwise that the same diuel changeth him into a bufle oxe or dogge Wherefore to this diuel they doe much honour to him doe they sacrifice praying him that he will make them like vnto himselfe and not like other beastes They haue moreouer another sort of temples wherein both vpon the altars and also on the walls do stand many idols well proportioned but bareheaded these beare name Omithofon accompted of them spirits but such as in heauen do neither good nor euill thought to be such men and women as haue chastly liued in this world in abstinence from fish and flesh fed onely with rise and salates Of that diuel they make some accompt for these spirits they care litle or nothing at all Againe they holde opinion that if a man do well in this life the heauens will giue him many temporall blessings but if he doe euil then shall he haue infirmities diseases troubles and penurie and all this without any knowledge of God Finally this people knoweth no other thing then to liue and die yet because they be reasonable creatures all seemed good vnto them we speake in our language though it were not very sufficient our maner of praying especially pleased them and truely they are well ynough disposed to receiue the knowledge of the trueth Our Lord grant for his mercy all things so to be disposed that it may sometime be brought to passe that so great a nation as this is perish not for want of helpe Our maner of praying so well liked them that in prison importunately they besought vs to write for them somewhat as coÌ„cerning heauen the which we did to their contentation w t such reasons as we knew howbeit not very cunningly As they do their idolatry they laugh at themselues If at any time this countrey might be ioyned in league with the kingdome of Portugale in such wise that free accesse were had to deale with the people there they might all be soone conuerted The greatest fault we do finde in them is Sodomie a vice very common in the meaner sort and nothing strange amongst the best This sinne were it left of them in all other things so well disposed they be that a good interpreter in a short space might do there great good If as I said the countrey were ioyned in league with vs. Furthermore the Louteas with all the people of China are wont to solemnize the dayes of the new and full Moones in visiting one an other and making great banquets for to that end as I earst said do tend all their pastimes and spending their dayes in pleasure They are wont also to solemnize ech one his birth day whereunto their kindred and friends do resort of custome with presents of iewels or money receiuing againe for their reward good cheare They keepe in like maner a generall feast with great banquets that day their king was borne But their most principall and greatest feast of all and best cheare is the first day of their new yeere namely the first day of the new Moone of February so that their first moneth is March and they reckon the times accordingly respect being had vnto the reigne of their princes as when any deed is written they date it thâ—s Made such a day of such a moone and such a yeere of the reigne of such a king And their ancient writings beare date of the yeeres of this or that king Now will I speake of the maner which the Chineans doe obserue in doing of iusticeâ— that it may be knowen how farre these Gentiles do herein exceed many Christians that be more bounden then they to deale iustly and in trueth Because the Chinish king maketh his abode continually in the City Pachin his kingdome so great the shires so many as to fore it hath bene said in it therefore the gouernours and rulers much like vnto our Shiriffes be appointed so suddenly and speedily discharged againe that they haue no time to grow naught Furthermore to keepe the state in more securitie the Louteas that gouerne one shire are chosen out of some other shire distant farre off where they must leaue their wiues children and goods carying nothing
in litters of Cedar artificially wrought and richly dressed In the second place marcheth a great company of footemen sumptuously apparelled Then afarre off commeth one of these Bonzii master of the ceremonies for that superstition brauely clad in silkes and gold in a large and high litter excellently well wrought accompanied with 30 other Bonzii or thereabout wearing hats linnen albes and fine blacke vpper garments Then attired in ashe colour for this colour also is mourning with a long torch of Pineaple he sheweth the dead body the way vnto the fire lest it either stumble or ignorantly go out of the way Well neere 200 Bonzii folow him singing the name of that deuill the which the partie deceassed chiefly did worship in his life time and there withall a very great bason is beaten euen to the place of fire in stead of a vell Then follow two great paper baskets hanged open at staues endes full of paper roses diuersly coloured such as beare them doe march but slowly shaking euer now and then their staues that the aforesayd flowers may fall downe by litle and litle as it were drops of raine and be whirled about with wind This shower say they is an argument that the soule of the dead man is gone to paradise After al this eight beardles Bonzii orderly two and two drag after them on the ground long speares the points backward with flags of one cubite a piece wherein the name also of that idole is written Then there be caried 10 lanterns trimmed with the former inscription ouercast with a fine vaile and candles burning in them Besides this two yoong men clothed in ashe colour beare pineaple torches not lighted of three foote length the which torches serue to kindle the fire wherein the dead corpes is to bee burnt In the same colour follow many other that weare on the crownes of their heads faire litle three square blacke lethren caps tied fast vnder their chinnes for that is honorable amongst them with papers on their heads wherein the name of the deuill I spake of is written And to make it the more solemne after commeth a man with a table one cubite long one foot broad courred with a very fine white vaile in both sides whereof is written in golden letters the aforesayd name At the length by foure men is brought foorth the corps sitting in a gorgeous litter clothed in white hanging downe his head and holding his hands together like one that prayed to the rest of his apparell may you adde an vpper gowne of paper written full of that booke the which his God is sayd to haue made when he liued in the world by whose helpe and merites commonly they doe thinke to be saued The dead man his children come next after him most gallantly set foorth the yongest wherof carieth likewise a pineaple torch to kindle the fire Last of all foloweth a great number of people in such caps as I erst spake of When they are al come to y e place appointed for the obsequie al the Bonzii w t the whole multitude for the space of one houre beating pannes and basons with great clamours call vpon the name of that deuill the which being ended the Obsequie is done in this maner In the midst of a great quadrangle railed about hanged with course linnen and agreeably vnto the foure partes of the world made with foure gates to goe in and out at is digged a hole in the hole is laied good store of wood whereon is raised gallantly a waued roofe before that stand two tables furnished with diuers kindes of meates especially drie Figs Pomegranates and Tartes good store but neither Fish nor Flesh vpon one of them standeth also a chafer with coales and in it sweete wood to make perfumes When all this is readie the corde wherewith the litter was caried is throwen by a long rope into the fire as many as are present striue to take the rope in their handes vsing their aforesayd clamours which done they goe in procession as it were round about the quadrangle thrise Then setting the litter on the wood built vp ready for the fire that Bonzius who then is master of the ceremonies saieth a verse that no bodie there vnderstandeth whirling thrise about ouer his head a torch lighted to signifie thereby that the soule of the dead man had neither any beginning nâ— shall haue at any time an ende and throweth away the torch Two of the dead man his children or of his neere kinne take it vp againe and standing one at the East side of the litter the other at the West doe for honour and reuerence reach it to each other thrise ouer the dead corps and so cast it into the pile of wood by and by they throw in oyle sweete wood and other perfumes accordingly as they haue plentie and so with a great flame bring the corpes to ashes his children in the meane while putting sweete wood into the chafer at the table with odours doe solemnly and religiously worship their father as a Saint which being done the Bonzii are paied each one in his degree The master of the ceremonies hath for his part fiue duckats sometimes tenne sometimes twentie the rest haue teene Iulâ—es a piece or els a certaine number of other presents called Caxae The meate that was ordained as soone as the dead corps friends and all the Bonzii are gone is left for such as serued at the obsequie for the poore and impotent lazars The next day returne to the place of obsequie the dead man his children his kinred and friends who gathering vp his ashes bones and teeth doe put them in a gilded pot and so carie them home to bee set vp in the same pot couered with cloth in the middest of their houses Many Bonzii returne likewise to these priuate funerals and so doe they againe the seuenth day then cary they out the ashes to bee buried in a place appointed laying thereupon a foure square stone wherein is written in great letters drawen all the length of the stone the name of that deuil the which the dead man worshipped in his life time Euery day afterward his children resort vnto the graue with roses and warme water that the dead corps thirst not Nor the seuenth day onely but the seuenth moneth and yeere within their owne houses they renue this obsequie to no small commodities and gaine of the Bonzii great rich men doe spend in these their funerals 3000 duckats or thereabout the meaner sort two or three hundred Such as for pouertie be not able to go to that charges are in the night time darke long without all pompe and ceremonies buried in a dunghill They haue another kinde of buriall especially neere the Sea side for them that bee not yet dead These fellowes are such as hauing religiously with much deuotion worshipped Amida now desirous to see him doe slay themselues And first they goe certaine dayes begging almes the which they thrust
degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall From which Cape of Comori vnto the aforesayd Ilands we ranne in sixe dayes with a very large wind though the weather were foule with extreme raine and gustes of windes These Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due obseruation of the South starre And we fell to the Southward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Polo which lie hard vpon the great Iland of Sumatra the first of Iune and at the Northeast side of them we lay two or three dayes becalmed hoping to haue had a Pilote from Sumatra within two leagues whereof wee lay off and on Now the Winter comming vpon vs with much contagious weather we directed our course from hence with the Ilands of Pulo Pinaou where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth an Iland at which Ilands wee arriued about the beginning of Iune where we came to an anker in a very good harborough betweene three Ilands at which time our men were very sicke and many fallen Here we determined to stay vntill the Winter were ouerpast This place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the Northward and some fiue leagues from the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued vntill the end of August Our refreshing in this place was very smal onely of oisters growing on rocks great wilks and some few fish which we tooke with our hookes Here we landed our sicke men on these vninhabited Ilands for their health neuerthelesse 26 of them died in his place whereof Iohn Hall our master was one and M. Rainold Golding another a marchant of great honestie and much discretion In these Ilands are abundance of trees of white wood so right and tall hat a man may make mastes of them being an hundred foote long The winter passed and hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to Sea wee had left vs but 33 men and one boy of which not past 22 were found for labour and helpe and of them not past a third part sailers thence we made sailâ— to seeke some place of refreshing and went ouer to the maine of Malacca The next day we came to an anker in a Baie in six fadomes water some two leagues from the shore Then master Iames Lancaster our captaine and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant and other of the companie manning the boat went on shore to see what inhabitants might be found And comming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people which were departed thence not long before for we sawe their fire still burning but people we sawe none nor any other liuing creature saue a certaine kind of foule called oxe birds which are a gray kind of Sea-foule like a Snite in colour but not in beake Of these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot being very tame and spending the day in search returned toward night aboord The next day about two of the clocke in the afternoone we espied a Canoa which came neere vnto vs but would not come aboord vs hauing in it some sixteen naked Indians with whom neuertheles going afterward on land we had friendly conference and promise of victuals The next day in the morning we espied three ships being all of burthen 60 or 70 tunnes one of which wee made to strike with our very boate and vnderstanding that they were of the towne of Martabam which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great citie of Pegu and the goods belonging to certaine Portugal Iesuites and a Biscuit baker a Portugal we tooke that ship did not force the other two because they were laden for marchants of Pegu but hauing this one at our command we came together to an anker The night folowing all the men except twelue which we tooke into our ship being most of them borne in Pegu fled away in their boate leauing their ship and goods with vs. The next day we weighed our anker and went to the Leeward of an Iland hard by and tooke in her lading being pepper which shee and the other two had laden at Pera which is a place on the maine 30 leagues to the South Besides the aforesaid three ships we tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper and perceiuing her to bee laden with marchants goods of Pegu onely wee dismissed her without touching any thing Thus hauing staied here 10 daies and discharged her goods into the Edward which was about the beginning of September our sicke men being somewhat refreshed and lustie with such reliefe as we had found in this ship we weighed anker determining to runne into the streights of Malacca to the Ilands called Pulo Sambilam which are some fiue and fortie leagues Northward of the citie of Malacca to which Ilands the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome for the Malucos China and Iapan And when wee were there arriued we lay too and agayne for such shipping as should come that way Thus hauing spent some fiue dayes vpon a Sunday we espied a saile which was a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan a towne on the maine of India ouer-against the Northeast part of the I le of Zeilan and that night we tooke her being of 250 tunnes she was laden with Rice for Malacca Captaine Lancaster commanded their captaine and master aboord our shippe and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and seuen more to keepe this prize who being aboord the same came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water for in that chanell three or foure leagues from the shore you shall finde good ankorage Being thus at an anker and keeping out a light for the Edward another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of foure hundred tunnes came and ankered hard by vs. The Edward being put to Leeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes was not able the next morning to fetch her vp vntil we which were in the prize with our boate went to helpe to man our shippe Then comming aboord we went toward the shippe of Sant Thome but our ship was so foule that shee escaped vs. After we had taken out of our Portugall prize what we thought good we turned her and all her men away except a Pilot and foure Moores We continued here vntill the sixt of October at which time we met with the ship of the captaine of Malacca of seuen hundred tunnes which came from Goa we shot at her many shot and at last shooting her maine-yard through she came to an anker and yeelded We commaunded her Captaine Master Pilot and Purser to come aboord vs. But the Captaine accompanied with one souldier onely came and after certaine conference with him he made excuse to fetch the Master and Purser which he sayd would not come vnlesse he went for them but being gotten from vs in the edge of the euening â—he with all the people which were to the number of about
shew very white and we went eastnortheast The 4 in the morning we were thwart a great high hill and vp into the lande were more high ragged hilles and those 3 reckoned to be but little short of Monte Redondo Then I reckoned that we were 20 leagues Southeast-ward from the Mina and at 11 of the clocke I sawe two hilles within the land these hils I take to be 7 leagues from the first hils And to sea-ward of these hilles is a bay and at the east end of the bay another hill and from the hils the landes lie verie low We went Eastnortheast and East and by North 22 leagues ann then East along the shore The 6 we were short of Villa longa and there we met with a Portugall Carauell The 7 a faire temperate day and all this day we road before Villa longa The 8 at noone we set saile from Villa longa and ten leagues from thence we ankered againe and stayed all that night in ten fadom water The 9 we set saile and all alongst the shore were very thicke woodes and in the afternoone we were thwart a riuer to the Eastward of the riuer a litle way off was a great high bush-tree as though it had no leaues and at night we ankered with faire and temperate weather The 10 we set sayle and went East and East and by South 14 leagues along the shoare which was so full of thicke woods that in my iudgement a man should haue much to doe to passe through them and towards night we ankered in 7 fadome with faire weather The 11 we sayled East and by South and three leagues from the shore we had but 5 fadome water and all the wood vpon the land was as euen as if it had beene cut with a paire of gardeners sheeres and in running of two leagues we descerned a high tuft of trees vpon the brow of a land which shewed like a Porpose head and when wee came at it it was but part of the lande and a league further we saw a head-land very low and full of trees and a great way from the land we had very shallow water then we lay South into the sea because of the sands for to get into the deepe water and when we found it deepe we ankered in fiue fadom thwart the riuer of Iaya in the riuers mouth The 12 in the morning we road still in the riuers mouth This day we sent the pinnesse and the boat on land with the marchants but they came not againe vntill the next morning The shallowest part of this riuer is toward the West where there is but 4 fadom and a halfe and it is very broad The next morning came the boate aboord and they also said it was Rio de Iaya Here the currant setteth Westward and the Eastermost land is higher then the Westermost Thursday the 13â— we set saile and lay South Southeast along the shore where the trees are wonderfull euen and the East shore is higher then the West shore and when wee had sayled 18 leagues we had sight of a great riuer then we ankered in three fadom and a halfe and the currant went Westward This riuer is the riuer of Benin and two leagues from the maine it is very shallowe The 15 we sent the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with the marchants and after that we set saile because we road in shallow water and went Southsoutheast and the starbord tacke aboord vntill we came to fiue fathom water where we road with the currant to the Westward then came our boat out of the harbour and went aboord the pinnesse The West part of the land was high browed much like the head of a Gurnard and the Eastermost land was lower and had on it three tufts of treeslike stackes of wheate or corne and the next day in the morning we sawe but two of those trees by reason that we went more to the Eastward And here we road still from the 14 of Februarie vntill the 14 of Aprill with the winde at Southwest The 16 of Februarie we rode still in 5 fadomeâ— and the currant ranne still to the Westward the winde at Southwest and the boat and pinnesse came to vs againe out of the riuer and told vs that there was but ten foote water vpon the barre All that night was drowsie and yet reasonable temperate The 17 a close day the winde at Southwest Our marchants wayed their goods and put them aboord the pinnesse to goe into the riuer and there came a great currant out of the riuer and set to the Westward The 18 the marchants went with the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with their commodities This day was close and drowsie with thunder raine and lightning The 24 a close morning and temperate and in the afternoone the boat came to vs out of the riuer from our marchants Twesday the 4 of March a close soultry hot morning the currant went to the Westward and much troubled water came out of the riuer The 16 our pinnesse came a boord and Anthonie Ingram in her she brought in her 94 bags of pepper and 28 Elephants teeth and the Master of her and all his company were sicke This was a temperate day and the winde at Southwest The 17. 18. and 19 were faire temperate weather and the winde at Southwest This day the pinnesse went into the riuer againe and caried the Purser and the Surgion The 25 of the said moneth 1589 we sent the boate into the riuer The 30 our pinnesse came from Benin and brought sorowfull newes that Thomas Hemsted was dead and our Captaine also and she brought with her 159 Cerons or sackes of pepper and Elephants teeth Note that in all the time of our abiding here in the mouth of the riuer of Benin and in all the coast hereabout it is faire temperate weather when the winde is at Southwest And when the winde is at Northeast and Northerly then it raineth with lighning and thunder and is very intemperate weather The 13 of Aprill 1589 we set saile home wards in the name of Iesus In the morning we sayled with the winde at Southwest and lay West and by North but it prooued calme all that night and the currant Southeast The 14 the riuer of Benin was Northeast 7 leagues from the shore and there was litle winde and towards night calme The 17 a faire temperate day the winde variable and we had of latitude foure degrees and 20 minutes The 25 a faire temperate day the winde variable and here we had three degrees 29 minuts of latitude The 8 of May we had sight of the shore which was part of Cauo de Monte but we did not thinke we had beene so farre but it came so to passe by reason of the currant In this place M. Towâ—son was in like maner deceiued with the currant The 9 we had sight of Cauo
day at night themselues lying a hull in waight for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest of the Island of Flores The 15 we had leaue to depart with a fly-boat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome which was taken by â—he Queenes ships whereof my Lord Admirall gaue me great charge not to leaue her vntill she were harbored in England The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Coruo bare off vs East and by South sixe leagues off The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the West Indies but she could tell vs no newes The next day we had sight of another sayle this day also one of our company named M. Wood died The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland whereof Master Iuie was Maister The second of October we met with a ship of New-castle which came from Newfound-land and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish The 6 we had sight of Sillie and with raine and winde we were forced to put into S. Maries sound where we staied all night and 4 dayes after The 11 we set saile againe and comming out had three fadom vpon the barre at a high water then we lay out Southeast through Crow-sand and shortly after we had sight of the lands end and at ten of the clocke we were thwart of the Lysart The 13 we were put into Dartmouth and there we stayd vntill the 12 of December From thence we put out with the winde at West and the 18 of December God be praised we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper 150 Elephants teeth and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth Kersies Bayes Linnen cloth Yron vnwrought Bracelets of Copper Corall Hawks belles Horsetailes Hats and such like This voyage was more comfortable vnto vs then the first because we had good store of fresh water and that very sweet for as yet we haue very good water in the shippe which we brought out of the riuer of Benin the first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day being the 7 of Iune 1592. to be seen aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld In this voiage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the equinoctiall line and there we found it more temperate then where we rode And vnder the line wee did kill great store of small Dolphines and many other good fishes and so did we all the way which was a very great refreshing vnto vs and the fish neuer forsooke vs vntil we were to the Northwards of the Ilands of Azores and then we could see no more fish but God be thanked wee met with good company of our countrey ships which were great comfort vnto vs being fiue moneths before at Sea without any companie By me Iames Welsh master of the Richard of Arundell in both these voyages to the riuer of Benin An Aduertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spaine from Angola by one Baltazar Almeida de Sousa touching the â—tate of the foresayd countrey written the 21 of May 1591. THe 26 of Iuly I certified your maiestie by Iohn Frere de Bendanha your maiesties pay-master and commissioner with the gouernour Paulo Dias which is lately deceased of all things that happened the 28 of December in the yere last past 1590. Now I thought it conuenient to aduertise your maiestie what hath fallen out since that time which is as foloweth The gouernour Luis Serrano encamped himselfe eight leagues from Cabasa where the Negro king dwelleth with 350 Portugal souldiers afterward being there encamped it hapned that the king of Matamba sent a strong and mightie army in warlike maner with strange inuentions for the sayd purpose So the king of Angola gaue this other king battell and the gouernour sent 114 souldiers Portugals to helpe the said king of Angola in which battell it was the will of God that our army was ouerthrowen and all slaine as well our Portugals as the Moores which tooke part with them So with this ouerthrow it happened that this realme the second time hath rebelled against your maiestie Hereupon the Gouernour assembling the rest of his Portugall souldiers to the number of 250 altogether went to Amasanguano which is now his place of abode Moreouer besides the manifold losses which haue be fallen the Portugals in this realme your maiestie hath sustained other great misfortunes both in your lands and goods And because I cannot personally come to certifie your maiestie thereof I thought it good to write some part of the same whereby your maiestie may vnderstand the estate of this countrey This realme for the most part thereof hath twise bene wonne and twise lost for want of good gouernment For here haue bene many gouernours which haue pretended to do iustice but haue pitifully neglected the same and practised the cleane contrary and this I know to be most true But the onely way to recouer this realme and to augment your maiesties lands goods and treasure must be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here which must bring authoritie froÌ„ your maiestie and by taking streight order that euery captaine which doeth conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts Likewise your maiestie must send hither 2000 good souldiers with munition and sufficient store of prouision for them And by this means your highnesse shall know what yeerely reuenue Angola will yeeld vnto your coffers and what profit will grow thereof Otherwise your maiestie shall reape but litle benefit here If with my presence I may doe your maiestie any seruice in giuing information of the state of this realme as one which haue had experience thereof and haue seene the order of it vpon the vnderstanding of your maiesties pleasure herein I will doe my best indeuour And the cause wherefore I haue not done this heretofore hath bene by reason that the Gouernours of this realme would suffer none of the captaines which haue conquered this countrey to informe your maiestie of that which is needfull for your seruice and the augmenting of this conquest Our lord preserue your catholique person with increase of many kingdomes and the augmentation of your crowne Written in the conquest of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591. Your maiesties most loiall subiect Baltazar Almeida de Soâ—za A true discourse written as is thought by Colonel Antonie VVinkfield emploied in the voiage to Spaine and Portugall 1589. sent to his particular friend by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as hauing bene seduced by particular report haue entred into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise and Actors of the same ALthough the desire of aduancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many perswasions you vsed to hold me at
and two with dogge-fish which two last we let driue in the sea making none account of them The other foure we sent for England the 30 of August At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with vs some other small men of warre as Maister Iohn Dauis with his shippe Pinnesse and Boate Captaine Markesburie with his ship whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh the Barke of Lime which was also consorted with vs before The last of August in the morning we came in sight of Tercera being about some nine or ten leagues from shoare where we espied comming towards vs a small boat vnder saile which seemed somewhat-strange vnto vs being so farre from land and no shippe in sight to which they might belong but comming neere they put vs out of doubt shewing they were English men eight in number that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera and finding opportunitie to escape at that time with that small boat committed themselues to the sea vnder Gods prouidence hauing no other yard for their maine saile but two pipe staues tyed together by the endes and no more prouision of victuals then they could bring in their pockets and bosomes Hauing taken them all into the Victorie they gaue vs certaine intelligence that the Carackes were departed from thence about a weeke before Thus beeing without any further hope of those Caraks we resolued to returne for Fayall with intent to surprize the towne but vntill the ninth of September we had either the winde so contrary or the weather so calme that in all that time we made scarce nine or ten leagues way lingring vp and downe not farre from Pico The tenth of September being Wednesday in the afternoone wee came againe to Fayal roade Whereupon immediatly my Lord sent Captaine Lister with one of Graciola whom Captaine Munson had before taken and some others towards Fayal whom certaine of the Inhabitants met in a boat and came with Captaine Lister to my Lord to whom hee gaue this choice either to suffer him quietly to enter into the platforme there without resistance where he and his companie would remaine a space without offering any iniurie to them that they the Inhabitants might come vnto him and compound for the ransome of the Towne or else to stand to the hazard of warre With these words they returned to the towne but the keepers of the platforme answered that it was against their oath and allegeance to king Philip to giue ouer without fight Whereupon my Lord commanded the boates of euery ship to be presently manned and soone after landed his men on the sandie shoare vnder the side of an hill about halfe a league to the Northwards from the platforme vpon the toppe of which hill certaine horsemen and footmen shewed themselues and other two companies also appeared with ensignes displayed the one before the towne vpon the shore by the sea side which marched towards our landing place as though they would encounter vs the other in a valley to the Southwards of the platforme as if they would haue come to helpe the Townesmen during which time they in the platforme also played vpon vs with great Ordinance Notwithstanding my L. hauing set his men in order marched along the sea shore vpon the sands betwixt the sea the towne towards the platforme for the space of a mile or more then the shore growing rockie permitting no further progresse without much difficultie he entred into the towne passed through the street without resistance vnto the platforme for those companies before mentioned at my Lo. approching were soone dispersed and suddenly vanished Likewise they of the platforme being all fled at my Lordes comming thither left him and his company to scale the walles to enter and take possession without resistance In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter the foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte till such time as we saw the Red-Crosse of England flourishing vpon the Forefront thereof This Fayal is the principall towne in all that is land is situate directly ouer against the high and mighty mountaine Pico lying towards the West Northwest from that mountaine being deuided therefrom by a narrow Sea which at that place is by estimation about some two or three leagues in bredth betweene the Isles of Fayal and Pico The towne conteyned some three hundred housholds their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime and stone and double couered with hollow tyles much like our roofe-tyles but that they are lesse at the one end then at the other Euery house almost had a cisterne or well in a garden on the backe side in which gardens grew vines with ripe clusters of grapes making pleasant shadowes and Tabacco nowe commonly knowen and vsed in England wherewith their women there dye their faces reddish to make them seeme fresh and young Pepper Indian and common figge-trees bearing both white and red figges Peach trees not growing very tall Orenges Limons Quinces Potato-roots c. Sweete wood Ceder I thinke is there very common euen for building and fixing My Lord hauing possessed himselfe of the towne and platforme and being carefull of the preseruation of the towne gaue commandement that no mariner or souldier should enter into any house to make any spoyle thereof But especially he was carefull that the Churches and houses of religion there should be kept inuiolate which was accordingly performed through his appointment of guarders and keepers for those places but the rest of the towne eyther for want of the former inhibition or for desire of spoyle prey was rifled ransacked by the souldiers mariners who scarcely left any house vnsearched out of which they tooke such things as liked them as chestes of sweete wood chaires cloth couerlets hangings bedding apparell and further ranged into the countrey where some of them also were hurt by the inhabitants The Friery there conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers among whom we could not finde any one able to speake true Latine was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Tercera of the same order about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixe The tables in the hall had seates for the one side onely and were alwayes couered as readie at all times for dinner or supper From Wednesday in the afternoone at which time we entred the towne til Saturday night we continued there vntill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for the ransome of the towne two thousand duckats most part whereof was Church-place We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron peeces of Ordinance whereof three and twentie as I remember or more were readie mounted vpon their carriages betweene Barricados vpon a platforme towardes the sea-side all which Ordinance wee tooke and set the platforme on fire and so departed My Lord hauing muited to dinner in the Victorie on the Sunday following so many of the Inhabitants as would willingly come saue onely Diego Gomes the Gouernour who
enter we plied our great ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted for otherwise we did them litle harme and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle being close by her we fired a mat on her beak-head which more and more kindled and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit and from the mat vp to the wood of the bow-sprit and thence to the top-saile yard which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger and to make shew of parle But they that had the charge before encouraged them making shew that it might easily be put out and that it was nothing Whereupon againe they stood stifly to their defence A none the fire grew so strong that I saw it beyond all helpe although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then we desired to be off from her but had litle hope to obtaine our desire neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well In deed I made litle other reckoning for the ship my selfe and diuers hurt men then to haue ended there with the Carack but most of our people might haue saued themselues in boats And when my care was most by Gods prouidence onely by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile and the ropes about the spritsaile-yard of the Carack whereby we were fast intangled we fell apart with burning of some of our sailes which we had then on boord The Exchange also being farther from the fire afterward was more easily cleared and fell off from abaft And as soone as God had put vs out of danger the fire got into the fore-castle where I thinke was store of Beniamin and such other like combustible matter for it flamed and ran ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner The Portugals lept ouer-boord in great numbers Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat with leaue to vse his owne discretion in sauing of them So he brought me aboord two gentlemen the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira which as appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of Huighen de Linschoten was gouernour of Moçambique and Cesala in the yeere 1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of importance in the East Indies And the shippe wherein he was comming home was cast away a litle to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza and from thence he trauelled ouer-land to Moçambique and came as a passenger in this Carack The other was called Bras Carrero and was captaine of a Carack which was cast away neere Moçambique and came likewise in this ship for a passenger Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat onely these two we clothed and brought into England The rest which were taken vp by the other ship boats we set all on shore in the I le of Flores except some two or three Negros whereof one was borne in Moçambique and another in the East Indies This fight was open off the Sound betweene Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward The people which we saued told vs that the cause why they would not yeeld was because this Carack was for the king end that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey for that yeere in her and that the captaine of her was in fauour with the king and at his returne into the Indies should hane been Uiceroy there And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor without and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise moreouer she had the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique and the company of her together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a litle to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza Yet through sicknesse which they caught at Angola where they watered they say they had not now aboue 150 white men but Negros a great many They likewise affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her but we found them to differ in most of their talke All this day and all the night she burned but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels blew her abroad so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the water Some of them say that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios and some that she was lesse but she was much vndermasted and vndersoiled yet she went well for a ship that was so foule The shot which wee made at her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts which we had and sixe or 7 shot at about one with another some 49 shotâ— the time we lay aboord might be two houres The shot which we discharged aboord the Carack might be some twentie Sâ—cars And thus much may suffice concerning our daungerous conflict with that vnfortunate Carack The last of Iune after long trauersing of the seas we had sight of another mightie Carack which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the great S. Philip the Admirall of Spaine but the next day being the first of Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack which after some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld but they standing stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same Wherefore seeing no good could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take in the boording But by reason that wee which were the chiefe Captaines were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict and because of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions our valiant and resolute determinations were crossed and to conclude a long discourse in few wordes the Carack escaped our hands After this attending about Coruo Flores for some West Indian purchase and being disappointed of our expectation and victuals growing short we returned for England where I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape Sprat without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie 1593 THe Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men the owner whereof was the worshipfull M. Richard Staper being bound for Liuorno Zante and Patras in Morea being laden with marchandize to the value of 11 or 12 thousand pounds sterling set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of August 1593 and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great quantitie of wheate and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of Wight the 6. day of October the winde being faire and the 16 of the same moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent where on the next morning we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs to which we gaue chase with very much winde the sayle being a Spaniard which wee found in fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue
North hauing alwaies the desert land on the Starborde and on the Larbord the maine sea continuing his course vntill hee perceiued that the coast bowed directly towards the East or else the Sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre where he was compelled to stay vntil he had a westerne winde or somewhat vpon the North and sayled thence directly East alongst the coast so farre as hee was able in foure dayes where he was againe inforced to tary vntill hee had a North winde because the coast there bowed directly towards the South or at least opened he knew not howe farre into the land so that he sayled thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauell in the space of fiue dayes where hee discouered a mighty riuer which opened farre into the land and in the entrie of this riuer he turned backe againe Whereby it appeareth that he went the very same way that we now doe yerely trade by S. Nicholas into Moscouia which way no man in our age knew for certaintie to be by sea vntil it was since discouered by our English men in the time of King Edward the sixt but thought before that time that Groneland had ioyned to Normoria Byarmia c. and therefore was accompted a new discouery being nothing so indeede as by this discourse of Ochther it appeareth Neuerthelesse if any man should haue taken this voyage in hand by the encouragement of this onely author he should haue bene thought but simple considering that this Nauigation was written so many yeres past in so barbarous a tongue by one onely obscure author and yet we in these our dayes finde by our owne experiences his former reports to be true How much more then ought we to beleeue this passage to Cataia to bee being verified by the opinions of all the best both Antique and Moderne Geographers and plainely set out in the best and most allowed Mappes Charts Globes Cosmographical tables discourses of this our age and by the rest not denied but left as a matter doubtfull To prooue by reason a passage to be on the Northside of America to goe to Cataia c. Chap. 3. FIrst all seas are maintained by the abundance of water so that the neerer the end any Riuer Bay or Hauen is the shallower it waxeth although by some accidentall barre it is sometime found otherwise But the farther you sayle West from Island towards the place where this fret is thought to be the more deepe are the seas which giueth vs good hope of continuance of the same Sea with Mar del Sur by some fret that lyeth betweene America Groneland and Cataia 2 Also if that America were not an Island but a part of y e continent adioyning to Asia either the people which inhabite Mangia Anian Quinzay c. being borderers vpon it would before this time haue made some road into it hoping to haue found some like cōmodities to their owne◠3 Or els the Scythians and Tartarians which often times heretofore haue sought farre and neere for new seats driuen thereunto through the necessitie of their cold and miserable countreys would in all this time haue found the way to America and entred the same had the passages bene neuer so straite or difficult the countrey being so temperate pleasant and fruitfull in comparison of their owne But there was neuer any such people found there by any of the Spaniards Portugals or Frenchmen who first discouered the Inland of that countrey which Spaniards or Frenchmen must then of necessitie haue seene some one ciuil man in America considering how full of ciuill people Asia is But they neuer saw so much as one token or signe that euer any man of the knowen part of the world had bene there 4 Furthermore it is to be thought that if by reason of mountaines or other craggy places the people neither of Cataia or Tartarie could enter the countrey of America or they of America haue entred Asia if it were so ioyned yet some one sauage or wandring beast would in so many yeres haue passed into it but there hath not any time bene found any of the beasts proper to Cataia or Tartarie c. in America nor of those proper to America in Tartarie Cataia c. or any part of Asia Which thing proueth America not onely to be one Island and in no part adioyning to Asia But also that the people of those Countreys haue not had any traffique with each other 5 Moreouer at the least some one of those painefull trauellers which of purpose haue passed the confines of both countreys with intent only to discouer would as it is most likely haue gone from the one to the other if there had bene any piece of land or Isthmos to haue ioyned them together or els haue declared some cause to the contrary 6 But neither Paulus Venetus who liued and dwelt a long time in Cataia euer came into America and yet was at the sea coastes of Mangia ouer against it where he was embarked and perfourmed a great Nauigation along those seas Neither yet Verarzanus or Franciscus Vasques de Coronado who trauelled the North part of America by land euer found entry from thence by land to Cataia or any part of Asia 7 Also it appeareth to be an Island insomuch as the Sea runneth by nature circularly from the East to the West following the diurnal motion of Primum Mobile which carieth with it all inferiour bodies moueable aswel celestiall as elemental which motion of the waters is most euidently seene in the Sea which lieth on the Southside of Afrike where the current that runneth from the East to the West is so strong by reason of such motiō that the Portugals in their voyages Eastward to Calicut in passing by Cap. de buona Sperança are inforced to make diuers courses the current there being so swift as it striketh from thence all along Westward vpon the fret of Magellan being distant from thence neere the fourth part of the longitude of the earth and not hauing free passage and entrance thorow the fret towards the West by reason of the narrownesse of the sayd Straite of Magellan it runneth to salue this wrong Nature not yeelding to accidentall restraints all along the Easterne coastes of America Northwards so far as Cape Fredo being the farthest knowne place of the same continent towards the North which is about 4800 leagues reckoning there withal the trending of the land 8 So that this current being continually maintained with such force as Iaques Cartier affirmeth it to be who met with the same being at Baccalaos as he sayled along the coastes of America then either it must of necessitie haue way to passe from Cape Fredo thorow this fret Westward towards Cataia being knowen to come so farre onely to salue his former wrongs by the authority before named or els it must needes strike ouer vpon the coast of
of a Nauigable sea by the Northeast to goe round about the world For that he iudged by the eye onely seeing we in this our cleare aire doe account twentie miles a kâ—n at Sea His second reason is that there was an Unicornes horne found vpon the coast of Tartaria which could not come said he thither by any other meanes then with the tides through some fret in the Northeast of Mare Glaciale there being no Unicorne in any part of Asia sauing in India and Cataia which reason in my simple iudgement forceth as litle First it is doubtfull whether those barbarous Tartarians do know an Unicornes horne yea or no and if it were one yet it is not credible that the Sea could haue driuen it so farre being of such nature that it will not swimme Also the tides running too and fro would haue driuen it as farre backe with the ebbe as it brought it forward with the flood There is also a beast called Asinus Indicus whose horne most like it was which hath but one horne like an Unicorne in his forehead whereof there is great plenty in all the North parts therunto adioyning as in Lappia Noruegia Finmarke c. as Iacobus Zieglerus writeth in his historie of Scondia And as Albertus saieth there is a fish which hath buâ— one horne in his forehead like to an Unicorne and therefore it seemeth very doubtfull both from whence it came and whether it were an Unicornes horne yea or no. His third and last reason was that there came a continuall streame or current through Mare Glaciale of such swiftnesse as a Colmax told him that if you cast any thing therein it would presently be carried out of sight towards the West Whereunto I answered that there doth the like from Maeotis Palus by Pontus Euxinus Sinus Bosphorus and along the coast of Graecia c. As it is affirmed by Contarenus and diuers others that haue had experience of the same and yet that Sea lieth not open to any maine Sea that way but is maintained by fresshets as by Tanais Danubius c. In like maner is this current in Mare Glaciale increased and maintained by the Dwina the riuer Ob c. Now as I haue here briefly recited the reasons alleaged to prooue a passage to Cataia by the Northeast with my seuerall answeres thereunto so will I leaue it to your iudgement to hope or dispaire of either at your pleasure How that the passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffique then the other by the East if there were any such Cap. 9. FIrst by the Northeast if your windes doe not giue you a maruelous speedie luckie passage you are in danger being so neere the Pole to be benighted almost the one halfe of the yeere and what danger that were to liue so long comfortlesse voide of light if the â—old killed you not each man of reason or vnderstanding may iudge 2 Also Mangia Quinzai and the Moluccae are neerer vnto vs by the Northwest then by the Northeast more then two fiue parts which is almost by the halfe 3 Also we may haue by the West a yerely returne it being at all times nauigable whereas you haue but 4. moneths in the whole yeere to goe by the Northeast the passage being at such eleuation as it is formerly expressed for it cannot be any neerer the South 4 Furthermore it cannot be finished without diuers winâ—rings by the way hauing no hauens in any temperate climate to harbour in there for it is as much as we can well saile from hence to S. Nicholas in the trade of Moscouia and returne in the nauigable season of the yeere from S. Nicholas to Cerimissi Tartari which stande at 80 degrees of the Septentrionall latitude it is at the least 400 leagues which amounteth scarce to the third part of the way to the end of your voyage by the Northeast 5 And yet after you haue doubled this Cape if then there might be found a nauigable Sea to carie you Southeast according to your desire yet can you not winter conueniently vntil you come to 60 degrees and to take vp one degree running Southeast you must saile 24 leagues and three foure parts which amounteth to 495 leagues 6 Furthermore you may by the Northwest saile thither with all Easterly windes and returne with any Westerly windes whereas you must haue by the Northeast sundry windes and those proper according to the lying of the coast and Capes you shal be inforced to double which windes are not alwaies to be had when they are looked for wherby your iourney should be greatly prolonged and hardly endured so neere the Pole As we are taught by sir Hugh Willoughbie who was frozen to death farre neerer the South 7 Moreouer it is very doubtfull whether we should long inioy that trade by the Northeast if there were any such passage that way the commodities thereof once knowen to the Moscouite what priuilege so euer hee hath granted seeing pollicy with the masse of excessiue gaine to the inriching so greatly of himselfe and all his dominions would perswade him to presume the same hauing so great opportunitie to vtter the commodities of those countries by the Narue But by the Northwest we may safely trade without danger or annoyance of any prince liuing Christian or Heathen it being out of all their trades 8 Also the Queenes Maiesties dominions are neerer the Northwest passage then any other great princes that might passe that way and both in their going and returne they must of necessitie succour themselues and their ships vpon some part of the same if any tempestuous weather should happen Further no princes nauie of the world is able to incounter the Queenes Maiesties nauie as it is at this present and yet it should be greatly increased by the traffike insuing vpon this discouerie for it is the long voyages that increase and maintaine great shipping Now it seemeth necessarie to declare what commodities would growe thereby if all these things were as we haue heretofore presupposed and thought them to be which next adioyning are briefly declared What commodities would ensue this passage once discouered Cap. 10. FIrst it were the onely way for our princes to possesse the wealth of all the East parts as they terme them of the world which is infinite aâ— appeareth by the experience of Alexander the great in the time of his conquest of India and other the East parts of the world alleaged by Quintus Curtius which would be a great aduancement to our countrey a wonderfull inriching to our prince and an vnspeakable commoditie to all the inhabitants of Europe 2 For through the shortnesse of the voyage we should be able to sell all maner of merchandize brought from thence farre better cheape then eitâ—er the Portugall or Spaniard doth or may do And further we should share with the Portugall in the East the Spaniard in the West by trading to
diuerse stormes and flawes and by nine of the clocke at night the storme was growen so great continued such vntill the morning that it put our ships at sea in no small perill for hauing mountaines of fleeting yce on euery side we went roomer for one and loofed for another some scraped vs and some happily escaped vs that the least of a M. were as dangerous to strike as any rocke and able to haue split asunder the strongest ship of the world We had a scope of cleare without yce as God would wherein we turned being otherwise compassed on euery side about but so much was the winde and so litle was our sea roome that being able to beare onely our forecourse we cast so oft about that we made fourteene bordes in eight glasses running being but foure houres but God being our best Steresman by the industry of Charles Iackman and Andrew Dyer theÌ„ masters mates both very expert Mariners Richard Cox y e maister Gunner with other very carefull sailers then within bord and also by the helpe of the cleare nights which are without darkenesse we did happily auoide those present dangers whereat since wee haue more maruelled then in the present danger feared for that euery man within borde both better and worse had ynough to doe with his hands to hale ropes and with his eyes to looke out for danger But the next morning being the 20 of Iuly as God would the storme ceased and the Generall espying the ships with his new Captiue and whole company came happily abord and reported what had passed a shoare whereupon altogither vpon our knees we gaue God humble and hartie thankes for that it had pleased him from so speedy peril to send vs such speedy deliuerance and so from this Northerne shore we stroke ouer towards the Southerland The one and twentieth of Iuly we discouered a bay which ranne into the land that seemed a likely harborow for our ships wherefore our Generall rowed thither with his boats to make proofe thereof and with his goldfiners to search for Ore hauing neuer assayed any thing on the South shore as yet and the first small Iland which we landed vpon Here all the sands and clifts did so glister and had so bright a marquesite that it seemed all to be gold but vpon tryall made it prooued no better then black-lead and verified the prouerbe All is not gold that glistereth Upon the two and twentieth of Iuly we bare into the sayde sound and came to ancker a reasonable bredth off the shore where thinking our selues in good securitie we were greatly endangered with a peece of drift yce which the Ebbe brought foorth of the sounds and came thwart vs ere we were aware But the gentlemen and souldiers within bord taking great paines at this pinch at the Capstone ouercame the most danger thereof and yet for all that might be done it stroke on our sterne such a blow that we feared least it had striken away our rudder and being forced to cut our Cable in the hawse we were faine to set our fore saile to runne further vp within and if our stirrage had not bene stronger then in the present time we feared we had runne the shâ—p vpon the rockes hauing a very narrow Channell to turne in but as God would all came well to passe And this was named Iackmans sound after the name of the Masters mate who had first liking vnto the place Upon a small Iland within this sound called Smithes Iland because he first set vp his forge there was found a Mine of siluer but was not wonne out of the rockes without great labour Here our goldfiners made say of such Ore as they found vpon the Northerland and found foure sortes thereof to holde gold in good quantitie Upon another small Iland here was also found a great dead fish which as it should seeme had bene embayed with yce and was in proportion round like to a Porpose being about twelue foote long and in bignesse answerable hauing a horne of two yardes long growing out of the snoute or nostrels This horne is wreathed and straite like in fashion to a Taper made of waxe and may truely be thought to be the sea Unicorne This horne is to be seene and reserued as a Iewell by the Queenes Maiesties commandement in her Wardrope of Robes Tuesday the three and twentieth of Iuly our Generall with his best company of gentlâ—men souldiers and saylers to the number of seuentie persons in all marched with ensigne displayde vpon the continent of the Southerland the supposed continent of America where commanding a Trumpet to sound a call for euery man to repaire to the ensigne he declared to the whole company how much the cause imported for the seruice of her Maiestiâ— our counâ—râ—y our credits and the safetie of our owne liues and therefore required euery man to be conformable to order and to be directed by those he should assigne And he appointed for leaders Captaine Fenton Captaine Yorke and his Lieutenant George Beste which done we cast our selues into a ring and altogither vpon our knees gaue God humble thanks for that it had pleased him of his great goodnesse to preserue vs from such imminent dangers beseeching likewise the assistance of his holy spirite so to deliuer vs in safetie into our Countrey whereby the light and truth of these secrets being knowen it might redound to the more honour of his holy name and consequently to the aduancement of our common wealth And so in as good sort as the place suffered we marched towards the tops of the mountaines which were no lesse painfull in climbing then dangerous in descending by reason of their steepnesse yce And hauing passed about fiue miles by such vnwieldie wayes we returned vnto our ships without sight of any people or likelihood of habitation Here diuerse of the Gentlemen desired our Generall to suffer them to the number of twentie or thirtie persons to march vp thirtie or fortie leagues in the countrey to the end they might discouer the Inland and doe some acceptable seruice for their countrey But he not contented with the matter he sought for and well considering the short time he had in hand and the greedie desire our countrey hath to a present sauour and returne of gaine bent his whole indeuour only to find a Mine to fraight his ships and to leaue the rest by Gods helpe hereafter to be well accomplished And therefore the twentie sixe of Iuly he departed ouer to the Northland with the two barkes leauing the Ayde ryding in Iackmans sound and ment after hee had found conuenient harborow and fraight there for his ships to discouer further for the passage The Barkes came the same night to ancker in a sound vpon the Northerland where the tydes did runne so swift and the place was so subiect to indrafts of yce that by reason thereof they were greatly endangered hauing
company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better knowne vnto them and arriued at Yermouth The 30 of August with the force of the wind and a surge of the sea the Master of the Gabriel and the Boatswain were striken both ouerboord hardly was the Boatswain recouered hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea and yet the Barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde This Master was called William Smith being but a yong man and a very sufficient mariner who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord and that the Boatswain had him by the hand and could not saue him and so immediately vpon the end of his tale his dreame came right euilly to passe and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand hauing hold on a rope with the other vntill his force fayled and the Master drowned The height being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two hundreth leagues The last of August about midnight we had two or three great and sudden flawes or stormes The first of September the storme was growen very great and continued almost the whole day and night and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much beaten with the seas euery sea almost ouertaking our poope so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out and ease the rolling of our ship And so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe company with vs and our ship being higher in the poope and a tall ship whereon the winde had more force to driue went so fast away that we lost sight of them and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea The second day of September in the morning it pleased God of his goodnesse to send vs a calme whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine and almost ready to fall away Wherefore taking the benefite of the time we slung halfe a dozen couple of our best men ouer boord who taking great paines vnder water driuing plankes and binding with ropes did well strengthen and mend the matter who returned the most part more then halfe dead out of the water and as Gods pleasure was the sea was calme vntill the worke was finished The fift of September the height of the Sunne being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe In this voyage commonly wee tooke the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne because the long day taketh away the light not onely of the Polar but also of all other fixed Starres And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes Therefore wee alwaies vsed the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary winde making our Souhter way good as neere as we could to raise our degrees to bring our selues with the latitude of Sylley wee tooke the height the tenth of September and found our selues in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes The eleuenth of September about sixe a clocke at night the winde came good Southwest we vered sheat and see our course Southeast And vpon Thursday the twelfth of September taking the height wee were in the latitude of and a halfe and reckoned our selues not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley the weather faire the winde large at Westsouthwest we kept our course Southeast The thirteenth day the height being taken wee found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees the wind Westsouthwest then being in the height of Sylley and we kept our course East to run in with the sleeue or chanel so called being our narrow seas and reckoned vs short of Sylley twelue leagues Sonday the 15 of September about foure of the clocke we began to sound with our lead and had ground at 61 fadome depth white small sandy ground and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Sylley and set our course East and by North Eastnortheast and Northeast among The sixteenth of September about eight of the clocke in the morning sounding we had 65. fadome osey sand and thought our selues thwart of S. Georges channell a little within the banks And bearing a small saile all night we made many soundings which were about fortie fadome and so shallow that we could not well tell where we were The seuenteenth of September we sounded and had â—orty fadome and were not farre off the lands â—nd finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shelles and were shotte betwene Sylley and the lands ende and being within the bay we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by East way but were faine to make another boord the wind being at Southwest and by West and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands end to beare along the channel and the weather cleered vp when we were hard aboord the shore and we made the lands end perfit and so put vp along Saint Georges chanel And the weather being very foule at sea we couered some harborough because our steerage was broken and so came to ancor in Padstow road in Cornewall But riding there a very dangerous roade we were aduised by the countrey to put to Sea againe and of the two euils to choose the lesse for there was nothing but present perill where we toade whereupon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy from whence we were againe driuen being but an open roade where our Anker came home and with force of weather put to Seas againe and about the three and twentieth of September arriued at Milford Hauen in Wales which being a very good harborough made vs happy men that we had receiued such long desired safetie About one moneth after our arriuall here by order from the Lords of the Counsell the ship came up to Bristow where the Ore was committed to keeping in the Castel there Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes arriued in good safetie who hauing neuer a man within boord very sufficient to bring home the ship after the Master was lost by good fortune when she came vpon the coast met with a ship of Bristow at sea who conducted her in safety thither Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke called the Michael in the North parts which was not a little ioyful vnto vs that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe meeting againe and wee lost in all the voyage only one man besides one that dyed at sea which was sicke before he came
Arambec corruptly called Norumbega with the Paâ—entsâ— letters and aduertisements thereunto belonging The voyage of the two ships whereof the one was called the Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 day of May in the 19 yere of king Henry the eight and in the yere of our Lord God 1527. for the discouerie of the North partes MAster Robert Thorne of Bristoll a notable member and ornament of his country as wel for his learning as great charity to the poore in a letter of his to king Henry the 8 and a large discourse to doctor Leigh his Ambassadour to Charles the Emperour which both are to be seene almost in the beginning of the first volume of this my work exhorted the aforesaid king with very waighty and substantial reasons to set forth a discouery euen to the North Pole And that it may be knowne that this his motion tooke present effect I thought it good herewithall to put downe the testimonies of two of our Chroniclers M. Hall and M. Grafton who both write in this sort This same moneth say they king Henry the 8 sent 2 faire ships wel manned victualled hauing in them diuers cunning men to seek strange regions so they set forth out of the Thames the 20 day of May in the 19 yeere of his raigne which was the yere of our Lord. 1527. And whereas master Hal and master Grafton say that in those ships there were diuers cunning men I haue made great enquirie of such as by their yeeres and delight in Nauigation might giue me any light to know who those cunning men should be which were the directers in the aforesaid voyage And it hath bene tolde me by sir Martine Frobisher and M. Richard Allen a knight of the Sepulchre that a Canon of Saint Paul in London which was a great Mathematician and a man indued with wealth did much aduance the action and went therein himselfe in person but what his name was I cannot learne of any And further they told me that one of the ships was called The Dominus vobiscum which is a name likely to be giuen by a religious man of those dayes and that sayling very farre Northwestward one of the ships was cast away as it enâ—â—ed into a dangerous gulph about the great opening betweene the North parts of Newfoundland and the countrey lately called by her Maiestie Meta Incognita Whereupon the other ship shaping her course towards Cape Briton and the coastes of Arambec and oftentimes putting their men on land to search the state of those vnknowen regions returned home about the beginning of October of the yere aforesayd And thus much by reason of the great negligence of the writers of those times who should haue vsed more care in preseruing of the memories of the worthy actes of our nation is all that hitherto I can learne or finde out of this voyage The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536 and in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8. ONe master Hore of London a man of goodly stature and of great courage and giuen to the studie of Cosmographie in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8 and in the yere of our Lord 1536 encouraged diuers Gentlemen and others being assisted by the kings fauour and good countenance to accompany him in a voyage of discouerie vpon the Northwest parts of America wherein his perswasions tooke such effect that within short space many gentlemen of the Iâ—â—â—es of court and of the Chancerie and diuers others of good worship desirous to see the strange things of the world very willingly entred into the action with him some of whose names were as followeth M. Weekes a gentleman of the West countrey of fiue hundred markes by the yeere liuing M. Tucke a gentleman of Kent M. Tuckfield M. Thomas Buts the sonne of Sir William Buts knight of Norfolke which was lately liuing and from whose mouth I wrote most of this relation M. Hardie M. Biron M. Carter M. Wright M. Rastall Serieant Rastals brother M. Ridley and diuers other which all were in the Admyrall called the Trinitie a ship of seuen score â—unnes wherein M. Hore himselfe was imbaâ—ked In the other ship whose name was the Minion went a very learned and vertuous gentleman one M. Armigâ—l Wade Afterwaâ—des Clerke of the Counsailes of king Henry the 8 and king Edward the sixth father to the worshipfull M. William Wade now Clerke of the priuie Counsell M. Oliuer Dawbeney marchant of London M. Ioy afterward gentleman of the Kings Chappel with diuers other of good account The whole number that went in the two tall ships aforesaid to wit the Trinitie and the Minion were about sixe score persons whereof thirty were gentlemen which all we mustered in warlike maner at Graues-end and after the receiuing of the Sacrament they embarked themselues in the ende of April 1536. From the time of their setting out from Grauesend they were very long at sea to witte aboue two moneths and neuer touched any land vntill they came to part of the West Indies about Cape Briton shaping their course thence Northeastwardes vntill they came to the Island of Penguin which is very full of rockes and stones whereon they went and found it full of great soules white and gray as big as geese and they saw infinite numbers of their egges They draue a great number of the foules into their boates vpon their sayles and tooke vp many of their egges the foules they flead and their skinnes were very like hony combes full of holes being flead off they dressed and eate them and found them to be very good and nourishing meat They saw also store of beares both blacke and white of whome they killed some and tooke them for no bad foode M. Oliuer Dawbeny which as it is before mentioned was in this voyage and in the Minion told M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple these things following to wit That after their arriuall in Newfoundland and hauing bene there certaine dayes at ancre and not hauing yet seene any of the naturall people of the countrey the same Dawbeney walking one day on the hatches spied a boate with Sauages of those parts rowing downe the Bay toward them to gaze vpon the ship and our people and taking vewe of their comming aloofe hee called to such as were vnder the hatches and willed them to come vp if they would see the natural people of the countrey that they had so long and so much desired to see whereupon they came vp and tooke viewe of the Sauages rowing toward them and their ship and vpon the viewe they manned out a ship-boat to meet them and to take them But they spying our ship-boat making towards them returned with maine force and fled into an Island that lay vp in the Bay or riuer there and our men pursued them into the Island and the Sauages fledde and escaped but our men found a
the continent of the hither part of America betweene the degrees of 30. and â—0 of septentrionall latitude Within which degrees by computation Astronomicall and Cosmographicall are doubtlesse to bee found all things that be necessarie profitableâ— or delectâ—ble for mans life The clymate milde and temperate neyther too hote nor too colde so that vnder the cope of heauen there is not any where to be found a more conuenient place to plant and inhabite in which many notable Gentlemen both of our owne nation and strangers who haue bene trauailers can testifie and that those Countries are at this day inhabited with Sauages who haue no knowledge of God Is it not therefore I say to be lamented that these poore Pagans so long liuing in ignorance and idolatry and in sort thirsting after Christianitie as may appeare by the relation of such as haue trauailed in thâ—se partes that our hearts are so hardened that fewe or none can be found which will put to their helping hands and apply themselues to the relieuing of the miserable and wretched estate of these sillie soules Whose Countrey doeth as it were with armes aduanced aboue the climates both of Spaine and France stretch out it selfe towards Engâ—and only In maner praying our ayde and helpe as it is not onely set forth in Mercators generall Mappe but it is also found to be true by the discouerie of our nation and other strangers who haue oftentimes trauailed vpon the same coasts Christopher Columbus of famous memorie the first instrument to manifest the great glory and mercy of Almightie God in planting the Christian faith in those so long vnknowen regions hauing in purpose to acquiant as he did that renoumed Prince the Queenes Maiesties grandfather King Henry the seuenth with his intended voyage for the Westerne discoueries was not onely derided and mocked generally euen here in England â—ut afterward became a laughing stocke to the Spaniards themselues who at this day of all other people are most bounden to lande and prayse God who first stirred vp the man to that enterprise And while he was attending there to acâ—uaint the King of Castile that then was with his intended purpose by how many wayes and meanes was he derided Some scorned the pildnesse of his garments some toâ—ke occasion to iest at his sample and silly lookes others asked if this were he that lowâ—s â—o lowe which did take vpon him to bring men into a Countrey that aboundeth with Golde Pearle and Precious stonesâ— If hee were any such man sayd they he would carry another maner of countenance with him and looke somewhat loftier Thus some iudged him by his garments and others by his looke and countenance but none entred into the consideration of the inward man In the ende what successe his Uoyage had who list to reade the Decades the Historie of the West Indies the conquest of Hernando Cortes about Mexico and those of Francisco Pizarâ—o in Peru about Casamalcha and Cusco may know more particularly All which their discoueries trauailes and conquests are extant to be had in the English tongue This deuise was then accounted a fantasticall imagination and a drowsie dreame But the sequele thereof hath since awaked out of dreames thousands of soules to knowe their Creator being thereof before that time altogether ignorant And hath since made sufficient proofe neither to be fantasticke nor vainely imagined Withall how mightily it hath inlarged the dominions of the Crowne of Spaine and greatly inriched the subiects of the same let all men consider Besides it is well knowen that sithence the time of Columbus his first dicouerie through the planting possessing and inhabiting those partes there hath bene transported and brought home into Europe greater store of Golde Siluer Pearle and Precious stones then heretofore hath bene in all ages since the creation of the worlde I doe therefore heartily wish that seeing it hath pleased almightie God of his infinite mercy at the length to awake some of our worthy Countrey men out of that drowsie dreame wherein we haue so long slumbered That wee may now not suffer that to quaile for want of maintenance which by these valiant Gentlemen our Countreymen is so nobly begun enterprised For which purpose I haue taken vpon me to write this simple short Treatise hoping that it shall be able to perswade such as hâ—â—e bene and yet doe continue detractors and hinderers of this iourney by reason perhaps that they haue not deliberately and aduisedly entred into the iudgâ—ment of the matter that yeâ— now vpon better consideration they will become fauourable furtherers of the same And that such as are already well affected thereunto will continue their good disposition And withall I most humbly pray all such as are no â—igards of their purses in buying of costly and rich apparel and liberall Contributors in setting forth of games pastunes feastings and banquets whereof the charge being past there is no hope of publique profite or commoditie that hence forth they will bestowe and employ their liberality heretofore that way expended to the furtherance of these so commendable purposed proceedings And to this ende haue I taken pen in hand as in conscience thereunto mooued desiring much rather that of the great multitude which this Realme doeth nourish farre better able to handle this matter then I my selfe am it would haue pleased some one of them to haue vndertaken the same But seeing they are silent and that it falleth to my lotte to put pen to the paper I will endeuour my selfe and doe stand in good hope though my skill and knowledge â—ee simple yet through the assistance of almightie God to prooue that the Uoyage lately enterprised for trade traffique and planting in America is an action tending to the lawfull enlargement of her Maiesties Dominions commodious to the whole Realme in generall profitable to the aduenturers in particular beneficiall to the Sauages and a matter to be atteined without any great danger or difficultie And lastly which is most of all A thing likewise tending to the honour and glory of Almightie God And for that the lawfulnesse to plant in those Countreyes in some mens iudgements seemeth very doubtfull I will beginne the proofe of the lawfulnesse of trade traffique and planting The second Chapter sheweth that it is lawfull and necessarie to trade and traffique with the Sauages And to plant in their Countries And diuideth planting into two sorts ANd first for traffique I say that the Christians may lawfully trauell into those Countries and abide there whom the Sauages may not iustly impugne and forbidde in respect of the mutuall societie and fellowshippe betweene man and man prescrided by the Law of Nations For from the first beginning of the creation of the world and from the renewing of the same after Noes flood all men haue agreed that no violence should be offered to Ambassadours That the Sea with his Hauens should be common That such as should fortune to
but in very deede they are all firme land and if you come on the South and Southwest side you shall see a hill diuided into 2. parts which I called The three hillockes which is right within the hauen And for another better marke of the sayd harbour you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice distant from the sayd hauen 6. leagues at the least and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie Northeast and Southwest a quarter to the North and South And on the sayd Isle there is good pebble stone to drie fish vpon But to the West thereof there is a very faire countrey and there is a banke of sand which runneth the length of a cable hauing not past one fathom water vpon it From the sayde Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West and you shall see as it were a great forrest running Eastwaâ—d and the Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt and is great and red toward the Sea And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part and there is good shingle to drie fish on And you must coast the shore with boates and not with ships by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast For I haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two fathoms water neere a league and an halfe from shore and I iudged by reason of the highnesse of the land that there had bene aboue thirtie fathoms water which was nothing so and I haue sounded comming neere the shore in more or lesse depth The coast stretcheth three leagues to the West from Lisle Blanch or the white Isle vnto the entrance of a riuer where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses or Sea oxen accounting small and great where at full sea you may come on shoare with boates and within are two or three fathoms water From thence the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West ¼ to the Northwest vnto the Isle Hupp which is twentie leagues in circuit and is like the edge of a knife vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse there are Morses vpon it but they bee hard to be taken From thence the coast trendeth to the Northwest and Northnorthwest which is all that I haue seene to wit the two sides and one ende of the Isle And if I had had as good lucke as my Masters when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe I would haue aduenturâ—d to haue sayled South-southeast to haue discouered the Easterne shoare of the sayd Isle In your returne to the East as you come from the hauen of Cape du Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds And three good leagues from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of ground where there is an hauen toward the Southeast and as you enter into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side a dented Cape all of redde land And you cannot enter into the said hauen but with the flood because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the sayd hauen The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest but when the wind is very great it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood But ordinarily it sloweth fiue foote and an halfe The markes to enter into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your comming in on the starreboord and the poynt of â—he hauen towarde the West hath a thick Island which you shall see on the other side and it hath a little round Buttresse which lyeth on the East side of the Island There are also two other buttresses more easie to bee seene then hidden these are not to the East but to the West and they haue markes on â—hem Here you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this barre And the sounding is stone and rough ground At your entring in when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the Cape then you are vpon the barre and bee not afrayd to passe vp the chanell And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre when you haue brought an Island euen which lyeth to the westward without with the thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West you shall bee past the barre and the chanell runneth due North. And for your anchoring in the sayd hauen see that you carefully seeke the middest of the sayd Thicke landâ— which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen for you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand where the passage is but narrow And you must anker surely for there goeth a great tyde for the Sea runneth there as swiftly and more then in There is good ground and ankorage here and you shall ride in three fathom water And within the sayde hauen there is nothing to hurt you for you are free from all winds And if by chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen you may seeke an entrance which is right ouer against the small Island named before which is called The Isle of Cormorants and you may enter in theâ—e as at the other hauen at a full sea And you must passe vp on the West side and you shall finde on the Barre at a full sea foureteene foote water and great depth when you are entred in for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that place and the entrie theâ—eof lyeth Southeast and Northwest Right ouer against you on the other side you may passe with boates at a full sea And all these entrances make all but one hauen which is good within I sayâ— his because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one and the other passage And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in the middest It is but two bankes of sande whereof one is like to that of S. Malo which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the Isle But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut and separated with streames and riuers To anker in the sayd harbour you must not ride farthâ—r then fiue or sixe cables length from the sayd hauen A letter sent to the right Honorable Sir VVilliam Cecill Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. From M. Thomas Iames of Bristoll concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea dated the 14 of September 1591. RIght Honourable my humble duetie to your good Lordship done I thought good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by two smal shippes of Saint Malo the one 8 daies past being prised neare Silley by a ship of which I am part owner called the Pleasure sent by this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard for her Maiesties seruice Which prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd
should continue or prosecute the same The voyage of the Grace of Bristol of M. Rice Iones a Barke of thirty fiue sunnes vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of Newefoundland as farre as the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec for the barbes or â—ynnes of Whales and traine Oyle made by Siluester Wyet Shipmaster of Bristoll WEe departed with the aforesaid Barke manned with twelue men for the place aforesaid from Bristoll the 4 of Aprill 1594. and fell with Cape d'Espere on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteneth of May in the height of 47. We went thence for Cape Raz being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues the very same day The 20. day we were thwart of Cape Raz Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marie which is distant from Cape Raz 19 leagues and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia almost at the entrie thereof From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing by the broken Islands of the Martyers and when we were thwart of the said Isles of the Martyers our course to the Isles of S. Pedro was West and by North. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a faire harbour which we went into with our barke and found there 2 ships of Sibiburo fishing for Cod where we stayed 2 dayes and tooke in balest for our ship There are as faire and tall firre trees growing therein as in any other part of Newfoundland Then wee departed thence and as we came out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship vpon the lee and in 2 houres space we tooke with our hookes 3 or 4 hundred great Cods for our prouision of our ship Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the gulffe of S. Laurence betwene Cape Briton and the said Isle and set our course West North West and fel with Cape de Rey which wee found to be distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues From Cape de Rey to Cape de Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13 leagues From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran Northeast and by East some 18 or 19 leagues In this bay of Saint George we found the wrackes of 2 great Biskaine ships which had bene cast away three yeres before where we had some seuen or eight hundred Whale finnes and some yron bolts and chaines of their mayne shrouds fore shroudes al their traine was beaten out with the weather but the caske remained still Some part of the commodities were spoiled by tumbling downe of the clifts of the hils which couered part of the caske and the greater part of those Whale finnes which we vnderstood to be there by foure Spaniards which escaped were brought to S. Iohn de Luz Here we found the houses of the Sauages made of fiâ—re trees bound together â—â— the top and set round like a Doue-house and couered with the barkes of firre trees wee found also some part of their victuals which were Deeres flesh roasted vpon wooden spits at the fire a dish made of a ryne of a tree sowed together with the smowes of the Deere wherein was oâ—e of the Deere There were also foules called Cormorants which they had pulckt and made ready to haue dressed and there we found a wooden spoone of their making And we discerned the tracks of the feete of some fortie or fiftie men women and children When we had dispatched our businesse in this bay of S. George and stayed there ten dayes wee departed for the Northren point of the said bay which is nine or ten leagues broade Then being enformed that the Whales which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay and yet escape the fisher for a time are woont vsually to shoot themselues on shore on the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec which lieth in the very mouth of the great riuer that runneth vp to Canada we shaped our course ouer to that long Isle of Natiscotec and wee found the distance of the way to the Estermost ende thereof to be about forty foure leagues and it standeth in the latitude of 49. Here we arriued about the middest of Iune at the East end and rode in eighteene fadome water in faire white sand and very good ankerage and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found wonderfull faire and great Cod fish we went also seuen of vs on shore and found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees and heard and sawe store of land and sea foules and sawe the footing of diuers beastes in the sand when we were on shore From the Easter end we went to the Norther side of the Island which we perceiued to be but narrow in respect of the length thereof And after wee had searched two dayes and a night for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to haue found there and missed of our purpose we returned backe to the Southwarde and were within one league of the Island of Penguin which lyeth South from the Eastermost part of Natiscotec some twelue leagues From the Isle of Penguin wee shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island of Cape Briton then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro and so came into the Bay of Placencia and arriued in the Easterside thereof some ten leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint Iohn de Luz and of Sibiburo and of Biskay which were to the number of threescore and odde sayles whereof eight shippes onely were Spaniardes of whom we were very well vsed and they wished heartily for peace betweene them and vs. There the man of Saint Iohn and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on vs to make vp our voyage with fish Then wee departed ouer to the other side of the Bay where we arriued in an harbour which is callâ—d Pesmarck and there made our stage and fished so long that in the ende the Sauages came and in the night when our men were at rest cut both our pinnesse and our shippes boate away to our great hinderance of our voyage yet it was our good fortune to finde out our pinnesses and get them againe Then for feare of a shrewder turne of the Sauages we departed for Cape Saint Marie and hauing passed Cape Raz we passed Northwaâ—de fourteene leagues and arriued in Farrillon and finding there two and twentie sayles of Englishmen wee made vp our fishing voyage to the full in that harborough the twentieth foure of August to our good content and departing thence we arriued first in Combe and staied there a seuen night and afterward in Hungrod in the riuer of Bristoll by the grace of God the 24 of Sâ—ptember 1594. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the Isle of Ramea THe Hopewell of London of the burthen of 120 tunnes whereof was M. William Crafton
them dwelleth whereat they shewed a great admiration looking first one at another and then vpon the Crosse. And after weâ— were returned to our ships their Captaine clad with an old Beares skin with three of his sonnes and a brother of his with him came vnto vs in one of their boates but they came not so neere vs as they were wont to doe there he made a long Oration vnto vs shewing vs the crosse we had set vp and making a crosse with two fingers then did he shew vs all the Countrey about vs as if he would say that all was his and that wee should not set vp any crosse without his leaue His talke being ended we shewed him an Axe faining that we would giue it him for his skin to which he listned for by little and little hee came neere our ships One of our fellowes that was in our boate tooke hold on theirs and suddenly leapt into it with two or three more who enforced them to enter into our ships wherat they were greatly astonished But our Captain did straightwaies assure them that they should haue no harme nor any iniurie offred them at all entertained them very friendly making them eate and drinke Then did we shew them with signes that the crosse was but onely set vp to be as a light and leader which wayes to enter into the port and that wee would shortly come againe and bring good store of iron wares other things but that we would take two of his children with vs afterward bring them to the sayd port againe and so wee clothed two of them in shirts and coloured coates with red cappes and put about euery ones necke a copper chaine whereat they were greatly contented then gaue they their old clothes to their fellowes that went backe againe and we gaue to each one of those three that went backe a hatchet and some kniues which made them very glad After these were gone and had told the newes vnto their fellowes in the after noone there came to our ships sixe boates of them with fiue or sixe men in euery one to take their farewels of those two we had detained to take with vs and brought them some fish vttering many words which we did not vnderstand making signes that they would not remooue the crosse we had set vp ¶ How after we were departed from the sayd porte following our voyage along the sayd coast we went to discouer the land lying Southeast and Northwest THe next day being the 25 of the moneth we had faire weather and went from the said port and being out of the riuer we sailed Eastnortheast for after the entrance into the said riuer the land is enuironed about and maketh a bay iu maner of halfe a circle where bâ—ing in our ships we might see all the coast sayling behind which we came to seeke the land lying Southeast and Northwest the course of which was distaut from the riuer about twentie leagues Of the Cape S. Aluise and Cape Memorancie and certaine other lands and how one of our Boates touched a Rocke and suddenly went ouer it ON munday being the 27 of the moneth about sunne-set we went along the said land as we haue said lying Southeast Northwest till Wednesday that we saw another Cape where the land beginneth to bend toward the East we went along about 15 leagues then doeth the land begin to turne Northward About three leagues from the sayd Cape we sâ—undâ—d and found 24 fadome water The said lands are plaine and the fairest and most without woods that we haue seene with goodly greene fields and medowes we named the sayd Cape S. Aluise Cape because that was his day it is 49 degrees and a halfe in latitude and in longitude* Ou Wednesday morning we were on the East side of the Cape and being almost night we went Northwestward for to approch neere to the sayd land which trendeth North and South From S. Aluise Cape to another called Cape Memorancie about fifâ—eene leagues the land beginneth to bend Northwest About three leagues from the sayd Cape we would needes sound but wee could finde no ground at 150 fadome yet went we along the said land about tenne leagues to the latitude of 50 degrees The Saturday following being the first of August by Sunne rising wee had certaine other landes lying North and Northeast that were very high and craggie and seemed to be mountaines betweene which were other low lauds with woods and riuers wee went abouâ— the sayd lands as well on the one side as on the other still bending Northwest to see if it were either a gulfe or a passage vntill the fift of the moneth The distance from one land to the other is about fifteene leagues The middle bâ—tweene them both is 50 degrees and a terce in laâ—itude We had much adoe to go fiue miles farther the winds were fo great and the ride against vs. And at fiue miles end we might plainely see and perâ—eiue land on both sides which there beginneth to spread it selfe but because we rather fell then got way against the wind we went toward land purposing to goe to another Cape of land lying Southward which was the farthermost out into the sea that we could see abouâ— fiue leagues from vs but so soâ—ne as we came thither we found it to be naught else but Rockes stones craggie cliffes fuch as we had not found any where siâ—â—r we had sailed Southward from S. Iohns Cape and thâ—â—â— was the tide with vs which caried vs against the wind Westward so that as we were sayling along the sayd coast one of our boats touched a Rocke and suddenly went ouer but we were consâ—rained to leape out for to direct iâ— on according to the tide How after we had agreed and consuâ—ted what was best to be done we purposed to returne and of S. Peters Streight and os Cape Tiennot AFter we had sailed along the sayd coastâ— for the space of two houres â—ehold the tide began to turne against vs with so swift and raging a course that it was not possible for vs with 13 oares to row or get one stones cast farther so that we weâ—e constrained to leaue our boates with some of our men to guard them and 10 or 12 men went ashore to the sayd Cape where we found that the land beginneth to bend Southwest which hauing seene we came to our boats againe and so to our ships which were stil ready vnder saile hoping â—o go forward but for all that they were fallen more then foure leagues to leeward from the place where we had left them where so soone as we came wee assembled together all our Captaines Masters and Mariners to haue their aduice and opinion what was best to be done and after that euery one had said considering that the Easterly winds began to bearesway and blow that the flood was so great that we did but fall and that there was nothing to be
This Island is so full of birds that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them yet for the great number that there is it would not seeme that any were taken away We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them This Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees and 40 minutes Upon the eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further with a prosperous weather came to the Port called The Port of white sands that is in the Bay called The Bay of Castelâ— where we had purposed to meete stay together the 15 of the said moneth In this place theâ—efore we looked for our fellowes that is to say the other two ships till the 26 of the moneth on which day both came together So soone as our fellowes were come we set our ships in a readines taking in both water wood other necessaries And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth early in the morning we hoised saile to passe on further sayling along the Northerne coast that runneth Northeast and Southwest til two houres after Sun-set or thereabouts then we crossed along two Islands which doe stretch further foorth then the others which we called S. Williams Islands being distant about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest All the coast from the Castels to that place lieth East West Northeast Southwest hauing betweene it sundry little Islands altogether barren and full of stones without either earth or trees except certain valleyâ— only The next day being the 30 of Iuly we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe among which there is a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes where many good harboroughs seeme to be them we named S. Marthas Islands from which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous shallow wherein are fiue rockes which lie from Saint Marthas Islands about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands on the East on the West side to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues â—thwart a cape of the lower Islands which we named S. Germans Islands Southeastward from which place about three leagues there is a very dangerous shallow Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas about two leagues from the sayd Islands there lyeth a banke of sand vpon which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe and therefore seeing the danger of the coast we strucke saile and went no further that night The next day being the last of Iuly we went all along the coast that runneth East and West and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about with Islands and drie sands and in trueth is very dangerous The length from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without any signe or shew of harboroughs till we came to Cape Thiennot which treÌ„deth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage and therefore we sailed on all that night West and Westnorthwest till it was day and then the wind turned against vs wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might harbour our ships and by good hap found one fit for our purpose about seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot that we named S. Nicholas Hauen it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea Upon the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse But note by the way that this crosse must be brought Northeast then bending toward it leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water and within the hauen foure Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane outward halfe a league All this coast is full of shoulds and very dangerous albeâ—t in sight many good hauens seeme to be there yet is there nought else but shelues and sands We staied and rested our selues in the sayd hauen vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday on which day we hoysed sayle and came toward land on the South side toward Cape Rabast distaâ—t from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast and Southsouthwest but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary winde and because we could find no hauen there toward the South thence we went coasting along toward the North beyond the aboue sayd hauen about ten leagues where we found a goodly great gulfe full of Islands passages and entrances toward what wind so euer you please to bend for the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape of lande stretching somewhat further foorth than the others and about two leagues within the land there is an hill fashioned as it were an heape of corne We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay The twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay or gulfe sayling Westward and discouered a Cape of land toward the South that runneth West and by South distant from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay about fiue and twenty leagues And of the two wilde men which wee tooke in our former voyage it was tolde vs that this was part of the Southerne coaste that there was an Island on the Southerly parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo where the yeere before we had taken them to Canada and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay on the North shore extending toward Canada and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape there is aboue a hundreth fadome water Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so many Whâ—les seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape The next day after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth hauing passed the Straight we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward the South which landes are full very great and high hilles and this Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption and one Cape of the said high countreys lyeth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest the distance betweene which is about fiue and twenty leagues The Countreys lying North may plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly more then thirty leagues in length We trended the sayd landes about toward the South from the sayd day vntill Tewesday noone following the winde came West and therefore wee bended toward the North purposing to goe and see the land that we before had spâ—ed Being arriued there we found the sayd landes as it were ioyned together and low toward the Sea And the Northerly mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East and West and
the Northside wherein are certaine high lands and thereabouts we thought to haue cast anker on purpose to stay the next tide but we could sound no ground in a 120 fadome within a flight shoâ—â— from shore so that we were constrained to winde backe to the said Iland where wee sounded againe and found 35 fadome The next morning we hoysed saile and went thence sayling further on where we had notice of a certaine kind of fish neuer before of any man seene or knowen They are about the bignesse of a Porpose yet nothing like them of body very well proportioned headed like Grayhounds altogither as white as snow without any spot within which riuer there is great quantitie of them they doe liue altogither betweene the Sea and the fresh water These people of the Countrey call them Adhothuys they tolde vs that they be very sauory and good to be eaten Moreouer they affirme noâ—e to be found elsewhere but in the mouth of that riuer The sixth of the month the weather being calme and faire we went about 15 leaguâ—s more vpward into the riuer and there lighted on an Iland that looketh Northward and it maketh a little haueâ— or creeke wherein are many and innumerable great Tortoyzes continually lying about that Iland There are likewise great quantitie of the said Adhothuys taken by the inhabitours of the countrey and there is as great a current in that place as is at Bordeux in France at euery tide This Iland is in length about three leagues and in bredth two and is a goodly and fertile plot of ground replenished with many goodly and great trees of many sorts Among the rest therâ— are many Filberd-trees which we found hanging full of thâ—m somewhat bigger and better in sauour then ours but somewhat harder and therefore we called it The Iland of Filberds The seuenth of the moneth being our Ladies euen after seruice we went from that Iland to goe vp higher into the riuer and came to 14 Ilands seuen or eight leagues from the Iland of Filberds where the countrey of Canada beginnethâ— one of which Ilands is ten leagues in length and fiue in bredth greatly inhabited of such men as onely liue by fishing of such sorts oâ— fishes as the riuer affordeth according to the season of them After we had cast anker betwene the said great Iland the Northerly coast we went on land and tooke our two wild men with vs meeting with many of those countrey people who would not at all approch vnto vs but rather fled from vs vntill our two men began to speake vnto them telling them that they were Taignoagny and Domagaia who so soone as they had taken acquaintance of them beganne greatly to reioyce dancing and shewing many sorts of ceremonies and many of the chiefest of them came to our boats broughâ— many Eeles and other sorts of fishes with two or three burdens of great Millet where with they make their bread and many great muske millious The same day came also many other boâ—tes sull of those countreymen and weomen to see and take acquaintance of our two men all which â—ere as courteously receiued and friendly entertained of our Captaine as possibly could be And to haue them the better acquainted with him and make them his friends hee gaue them many small gifts but of small value neuerthelesse they were greatly contented with them The nexâ— day following the Lord of Canada whose proper name was Donnacona but by the name of Lord they call him Agouhanna with â—welue boats came to our ships accompanied with many people who causing ten of his boates to goe backe with the other two approched vnto vs â—iâ—h sixteene men Then beganne the said Agouhanna ouer against the smallest of our ships according to their maner and fashion to frame a long Oration moouing all his bodie and members after a strange fashion which thing is a ceremonie and signe of gladnesse and securitie among them and then comming to the Generals ship where Taignoagny and Domagaia were he spake with them they with him where they began to tell and shew vnto him what they had seene in Franceâ— and what good entertainement they had had hearing which things the said Lord seemed to be very glad thereof and prayed our Captaine to reach him his arme that he might kisse it which thing he did their Lord taking it laid it about his necke for so they vse to doe when they wilâ— make much of one Then our Captaine entred into Agouhannas boat causing bread and wâ—ne to be brought to make the said Lord and his companie to eate and drinke which thing they did and were greatly thereby contented and satisfied Our Captaine for that time gaue them nothingâ— because he looked for a fitter opportunity These things being done ech one tooke leaue of othâ—rs and the said Lord went with his boats againe to his place of adobe Our Captaine then causâ—â— our boates to be set in order that with the next tide he might goe vp higher into the riuer to find some safe harborough for our ships and we passed vp the riuer against the streame about tenne leagues coasting the said Iland at the end whereof we found a goodly and pleasant sound where is a little riuer and hauen where by reason of the flood there is about three fadome waâ—er Tâ—is place seemed to vs very fit and commodious to harbour our ships therein and so we did verâ— safâ—ly we named it the holy Crosse for on that day we came thither Neere vnto it there is a village whereof Donnacona is Lord and there he keepeth his abode it is called Stadacona as goodly a plot of ground as possibly may be seene and there withall very fruitfull full of goodly trees euen as in France as Okes Elmes Ashes Walnut trees Maple tres Cydrons Uines and white Thornes that bring foorth fruit as bigge as any damsons and many other sortes of trees vnder which groweth as faire tall hempe as any in France without any seede or any mans worke or labour at all Hauing considered the place and finding it fit for our purpose our Captaine withdrew himselfe on purpose to returne to our ships but behold as we were comming out of the riuer we met comming against vs one of the Lords of the said village of Stadacona accompanied with many others as men weamen and children who after the fashion of their countrey in signe of mirth and ioy began to make a long Oration the women still singing and dancing vp to the knees in water Our Captaine knowing their good will and kindnesse toward vs caused the boat wherein they were to come vnto him and gaue them certaine trifles as kniues and beades of glasse whereat they were maruellous glad for being gone about three leagues from them for the pleasure they conceiued of our comming we might heare them sing and see them dance for all they were so farre How our Captaine
other remedy began to call vnto them to take them at whole crie and voice all his men came forth and tocke the sayd Lord with the others whom they had appointed to take The Canadians seeing their Lord taken began to run away euen as sheepe before the woolfe some crossing ouer the riuer some through the woods each one seeking for his owne aduantage That done we reâ—â—red our selues and laid vp the prisoners vnder good guard and safety How the said Canadians the night following came before our ships to seeke their men crying and howling all night like Woolues of the talke and conclusion they agreed vpon the next day and of the gifts which they gaue our Captaine Chap. 19. THe night following they came before our ships the riuer being betwixt vs striking their breasts and crying and howling like woolues still calling Agouhanna thinking to speake with him which our Captaine for that time would not permit neither all the next day till noone whereupon they made signes vnto vs that we had hanged or killed him About noone there came as great a number in a cluster as euer we saw who went to hide themselues in the Forest except some who with a loud voice would call and trie to Donnacona to speake vnto them Our Captaine then commanded Donnacona to be brought vp on high to speake vnto them and bade him be merrie for after he had spoken and shewed vnto the King of France what hee had seene in Saguenay and other countreys after ten or twelue moneths he should returne againe and that the King of France would giue him great rewards whereat Donnacona was very glad and speaking to the others told it them who in token of ioy gaue out three great cryes and then Donnacona and his people had great talke together which for want of interpreters cannot be described Our Captaine bade Donnacona that hee should cause them to come to the other side of the riuer to the end they might better talke together without any feare that he should assure them which Donnacona did and there came a boate full of the chiefest of them to the ships and there anew began to talke together giuing great praise to our captaine and gaue him a present of foure and twenty chaines of Esurgny for that is the greatest and preciousest riches they haue in this world for they esteeme more of that then of any gold or siluer After they had long talked together and that their Lord sawe that there was no remedy to auoide his going into France hee commanded his people the next day to bring him some victuals to serue him by the way Our Captaine gaue Donnacona as a great present two Frying pannes of copper eight Hatchets and other small trifles as Kniues and Beades whereof hee seemed to be very glad who sent them to his wiues and children Likewise he gaue to them that came to speake with Donacona they thanked him greatly for them and then went to their lodgings How the next day being the fift of May the sayd people came againe to speake vnto their Lord and how foure women came to the shore to bring him victuals Chap. 20. VPon the fifth of May very early in the morning a great number of the sayd people came againe to speake vnto their Lord and sent a Boate which in their tongue they call Casnoni wherein were onely foure women without any man for feare their men should be retained These women brought great store of victuals as great Millet which is their corne that they liue withall flesh fish and other things after their fashion These women being come to our shippes our Captaine did very friendly entertaine them Then Donnacona prayed our Captaine to tell those women that hee should come againe after ten or twelue moneths and bring Donnacona to Canada with him this hee sayd onely to appease them which our captaine did wherefore the women as well by words as signes seemed to be very glad giuing our Captaine thanks and told him if he came againe and brought Donnacona with him they would giue him many things in signe whereof each one gaue our Captaine a chaine of Esurgny and then passed to the other side of the riuer againe where stood all the people of Stadâ—cona who taking all leaue of their Lord went home againe On Saturday following being the sixt of the moneth we departed out of the sayd Port of Santa Croix and came to harborough a little beneath the Island of Orleans about twelue leagues from the Port of the Holy Crosse and vpon Sonday we came to the Island of Filberds where wee stayed vntill the sixteenth of that moneth till the fiercenesse of the waters were past which at that time ranne too swift a course and were too dangerous to come downe along the riuer and therefore we stayed till faire weather came In the meane while many of Donnaconas subiects came from the riuer of Saguenay to him but being by Domagaia aduertised that their Lord was taken to bee caryed into France they were all amazed yet for all that they would not leane to come to our ships to speake to Donnacona who told them that after twelue moneths he should come againe and that he was very well vsed by the Captaine Gentlemen and Mariners Which when they heard they greatly thanked our Captaine and gaue their Lord three bundles of Beauers and sea Woolues skinnes with a great knife of red copper that commeth from Saguenay and other things They gaue also to our Captaine a chayne of Esurgny for which our Captaine gaue them ten or twelue Hatchets and they gaue him hearty thankes and were very well contented The next day being the sixteenth of May we hoysed sayle and came from the said island of Filberds to another about fifteene leagues from it which is about fiue leagues in length and there to the end we might take some rest the night following we stayed that day in hope the next day we might passe and auoide the dangers of the riuer of Saguenay which are great That euening we went a land and found great store of Hares of which we tooke a great many and therefore we called it The Island of Hares in the night there arose a contrary winde with such stormes and tempest that wee were constrained to returne to The Island of Filberds againe from whence wee were come because there was none other passage among the sayde Islandes and there we stayed till the one and twentieth of that moneth till faire weather and good winde came againe and then wee sayled againe and that so prosperously that wee passed to Honguedo which passage vntill that time had not bene discouered wee caused our ships to course athwart Cape Prat which is the beginning of the Port of Chaleur and because the winde was good and conuenient we sayled all day and all night without staying and the next day we came to the middle of Brions Island which
Iohn Bridger Griffen Iones Richard Shabedge Iames Lasie Iohn Cheuen Thomas Hewet William Berde Women Elyoner Dare. Margery Haruie Agnes Wood. Wenefrid Powell Ioyce Archard Iane Iones Elizabeth Glane Iane Pierce Audry Tappan Alis Chapman Emme Merrimoth Colman Margaret Lawrence Ioan Warren Iane Mannering Rose Payne Elizabeth Viccars Boyâ—â— and children Iohn Sampson Robert Ellis Ambrose Viccars Thomas Archard Thomas Humfrey Thomas Smart George How Iohn Prat. William Wythers Children borne in Virginia Virginia Dare. Haruie Sauages Manteo That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them Towaye That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them To the Worshipful and my very friend Master Richard Hakluyt much happinesse in the Lord. SIr as well for the satisfying of your earnest request as the performance of my promise made vnto you at my last being with you in England I haue sent you although in a homely stile especially for the contentation of a delicate care the true discourse of my last voyage into the West Indies and partes of America called Virginia taken in hand about the end of Februarie in the yeare of our redemption 1590. And what euents happened vnto vs in this our iourney you shall plainely perceiue by the sequele of my discourse There were at the time aforesaid thereâ—â— ships absolutely determined to goe for the West Indies at the speciall charges of M. Iohn Wattes of London Marchant But when they were fully furnished and in readinesse to make their departure a generall stay was commanded of all ships thorowout England Which so soone as I heard I presently as I thought it most requisite acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh therewith desiring him that as I had sundry times afore bene chargeable and troublesome vnto him for the supplies and reliefes of the planters in Virginia so likewise that by his endeuour it would please him at that instant to procure license for those three ships to proceede on with their determined voyage that thereby the people in Virginia if it were Gods pleasure might speedily be comforted and relieued without further changes vnto him Whereupon he by his good meanes obtained license of the Queenes Maiestie and order to be taken that the owner of the 3 ships should be bound vnto Sir Walter Ralegh or his assignes in 3000 pounds that those 3 ships in consideration of their releasement should take in transport a conuenient number of passengers with their furnitures and necessaries to be landed in Virginia Neuerthelesse that order was not obserued neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid But rather in contempt of the aforesaid order I was by the owner and Commanders of the ships denied to haue any passengers or any thing els transported in any of the â—aid ships sauing only my selfe my chest no not so much as a boy to attend vpoÌ„ me although I made great sute earnest intreatie aswell to the chiefe Commanders as to the owner of the said ships Which crosse and vnkind dealing although it very much discontented me notwithstanding the scarsity of time was such that I could haue no opportunity to go vnto Sir Walter Ralegh with complaint for the ships being then all in readinesse to goe to the Sea would haue bene departed before I could haue made my returne Thus both Gouernors Masters and sailers regarding very smally the good of their countreymen in Virginia determined nothing lesse then to touch at those places but wholly disposed themselues to seâ—ke after purchase spoiles spending so much time therein thaâ— sommer was spent before we arriued at Virginia And when we were come thither the season was so vnfit weather so foule that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast hauing not seene any of our planters with lesse of one of our ship-boates and 7 of our chiefest men and also with losse of 3 of our ankers and cables and most of our caskes with fresh water left on shore not possible to be had aboord Which euils â—nfortunate euents as wel to their owne losse as to the hinderance of the planters in Uirginia had not chanced if the order set downe by Sir Walter Ralegh had bene obserued or if my dayly continuall pâ—â—itions â—or the performance of the same might haue tâ—ken any place Thus may you plainely perceiue the successe of my fist last voiage to Virginia which was no lesse vnfortunately ended then frowardly begun and as lucklesse to many as sinister to my selfe But I would to God it had bene as prosperous to all as noysome to the planters as ioyfull to me as discomfortable to them Yet seeing it is not my first crossed voyage I remaine contented And wanting my wishes I leaue off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable to my will Thus committing the reliefe of my discomfortable company the planters in Virginia to the merâ—iful help of the Almighty whom I most humbly beseech to helpe comfort them according to his most holy will their good desire I take my leaue from my house at New towne in Kylmore the 4 of February 1593. Your most welwishing friend IOHN WHITE The fift voyage of M. Iohn VVhite into the VVest Indies and parts of America called Virginia in the yeere 1590. THe 20 of March the three shippes the Hopewell the Iohn Euangelist and the Little Iohn put to Sea from Plymmouth with two small Shallops The 25 at midnight both our Shallops were sunke being towed at the ships stearnes by the Boatswaines negligence On the 30 we saw a head vs that part of the coast of Barbary lying East of Cape Cantyn and the Bay of Asaphi The next day we came to the I le of Mogador where rode at our passing by a Pinnesse of London called the Mooneshine Aprill ON the first of Aprill we ankored in Santa Cruz rode where we found two great shippes of London lading in Sugar of whom we had 2 shipboats to supply the losse of our Shallops On the â— we set sayle from the rode of Santa Cruz for the Canaries On Saturday the 4 we saw Alegranza the East I le of the Canaries On Sunday the 5 of Aprill we gaue chase to a double flyboat the which we also the same day fought with and tooke her with losse of three of their men slaine and one hurt On Munday the 6 we saw Grand Canarie and the next day we landed and tooke in fresh water on the Southside thereof On the 9 we departed from Grand Canary and framed our course for Dominica The last of Aprill we saw Dominica and the same night we came to an anker on the South-side thereof May. THe first of May in the morning many of the Saluages came aboord our ships in their Canowes and did traffique with vs we also the same day landed and entered their Towne from whence we returned the same day aboord without any resistance of the Saluages or any offence done to them
haue pearced euen vnto the vttermost regions After this sort the North climate a fruitfull father of so many nations hath oftentimes sent foorth this way and that way his valiant people and by this meane hath peopled infinite Countreys so that most of the nations of Europe drawe their originall from these parts Contrariwise the more Southerne regions because they bee too barren by reason of their insupportable heate which raigneth in them neede not any such sending forth of their inhabitants and haue bene oftentimes constrained to receiue other people more often by force of armes then willingly All Africke Spaine and Italie can also testifie the same which neuer so abounded with people that they had neede to send them abroad to inhabite elsewhere as on the contrary Scythia Norway Gotland and France haue done The posterity of which nations remaineth yet not only in Italy Spaine Africke but also in fruitful and faire Asia Neuerthelesse I find that the Romans proceeding further or rather adding vnto these two chiefe causes aforesaid as being most curious to plant not onely their ensignes and victories but also their lawes customes religion in those prouinces which they had conquered by force of armes haue oftentimes by the decree of their soueraigne Senate sent forth inhabitants which they called Colonies thinking by this way to make their name immortall euen to the vnfurnishing of their own Countrey of the forces which should haue preserued the same in her perfection a thing which hindred them much more then aduanced them to the possession of the vniuersal monarchy whereunto their intention did a spire For it came to passe that their Colonies here and there being miserably sacked by strange people did vtterly ruine and ouerthrow their Empire The brinks of the riuer of Rhene are yet red those of Danubius are no lesse bloody and our France became fat with their blood which they lost These are the effects and rewards of al such as being pricked forward with this Romane and tyrannical ambition will goe about thus to subdue strange people effects I say contrary to the profit which those shall receiue which onely are affectioned to the common benefite that is to say to the generall policie of all men and endeuour to vnite them one with another aswell by trafficke and ciuill conuersations as also by military vertues and force of armes when as the Sauages will not yeeld vnto their endeuours so much tending vnto their profit For this cause princes haue sent forth out of their Dominions certaine men of good actiuity to plant themselues in strange Countreys there to make their profite to bring the Countrey to ciuilitie and if it might be to reduce the inhabitants to the true knowledge of our God an end so much more commendable as it is farre from all tyrannicall and cruell gouernement and so they haue alwayes thriued in their enterprises and by little and little gained the heartes of them which they haue conquered or wonne vnto them by any meanes Hereof wee may gather that sometimes it is good yea very expedient to send forth men to discouer the pleasure and commoditie of strange Countreys But so that the Countrey out of which these companies are to passe remaine not weakned nor depriued of her forces And againe in such sort that the company sent forth be of so iust sufficient number that it may not be defeited by strangers which euery foote endeuour nothing else but to surprise the same vpon the sudden As within these few daies past the French haue proued to my great griefe being able by no means possible to withstand the same considering that the elements men and all the fauours which might be hoped for of a faithfull and Christian alliance fought against vs which thing I purpose to discouer in this present historie with so euideut trueth that the kings Maiesty my soueraigne prince shall in part be satisfied of the diligence which I haue vsed in his seruice and mine aduersaries shall find themselues so discouered in their false reports that they shall haue no place of refuge But before I begin I will briefely set downe the situation and description of the land whereunto we haue sailed and where we haue inhabited from the yeere 1561. vnto sixty fiue to the ende that those things may the more easily be borne away which I meane to describe in this discourse The description of the VVest Indies in generall but chiefly and particularly of Florida THat part of the earth which at this day we call the fourth part of the world or America or rather the West India was vnknowen vnto our ancestours by reason of the great distance thereof In like maner all the Westerne Islands and fortunate Isles were not discouered but by those of our age Howbeit there haue bin some which haue said that they were discouerd in the time of Augustus Caesar and that Virgil hath made mention thereof in the sixt booke of his AEneidos when he saith There is a land beyond the starres and the course of the yeere and of the Sunne where Atlas the Porter of heauen sustaineth the pole vpon his shoulders neuerthelesse it is easie to iudge that hee meaneth not to speake of this land whereof no man is found to haue written before his time neither yet aboue a thousand yeeres after Christopher Colon did first light vpon this land in the yeere 1592. And fiue yeeres after Americus went thither by the commandement of the king of Castile and gaue vnto it his owne name whereupon afterward it was called America This man was very well seene in the Arte of Nauigation and in Astronomie whereby hee discouered in his time many lands vnknowen vnto the ancient Geographers This Countrey is named by some the land of Bresill and the lande of Parots It stretcheth it selfe according vnto Postell from the one Pole to the other sauing at the streight of Magelan whereunto it reacheth 53. degrees beyond the Equator I will diuide it for the better vnderstanding into three principall parts That which is toward the Pole Arcticke or the North is called new France because that in the yeere 1524. Iohn Verrazzano a Florentine was sent by King Francis the first and by Madam the Regent his mother vnto these newe Regions where he went on land and discouered all the coast which is from the Tropicke of Cancer to wit from the eight and twentieth vnto the fiftieth degree and farther vnto the North. Hee planted in this Countrey the Ensignes and Armes of the king of France so that the Spaniardes themselues which were there afterwarde haue named this Countrey Terra Francesca The same then extendeth it selfe in Latitude from the 25. degree vnto the 54. toward the North and in Longitude from 210. vnto 330. The Easterne part thereof is called by the late writers The land of Norumbega which beginneth at the Bay of Gama which separateth it from the Isle
lande which wee would not refuse At our comming on shoare diuers of thâ—m came to salute our Generall according to their barbarous fashion Some of them gaue him skins of Chamois others little baskets made of Palme leaues some presented him with Peaâ—les but no great number Afterwards they went about to make an arbour to defend vs in that place from the parching heate of the Sunne But wee would not stay as then Wherefore the Captaine thanked them much for their good will and gaue presents to each of them wherewith hee pleased them so well before hee went thence that his suddaine departure was nothing pleasant vnto them For knowing him to bee so liberall they would haue wished him to haue stayed a little longer seeking by all meanes to giue him occasion to stay shâ—wing him by signes that he should stay but that day onely and that they desired to aduertise a great Indian Lorde which had Pearles in great abundance and Siluer also all which things should bee giuen vnto him at the Kings arriuall saying further that in the meane time while that this great Lord came thither they would lead him to their houses and shewe him there a thousand pleasures in shooting and seeing the Stagge killed therefore they prayed him not to denie them their request Notwithstanding wee returned to our shippes where after wee had bene but one night the Captaine in the morning commanded to put into the Pinnesse a pillar of hard stone fashioned like a columne wherein the Armes of the king of France were grauen to plant the same in the fairest place that he could finde This done wee imbarked our selues and sayled three leagues towards the West where we discouered a little riuer vp which we sayled so long that in the ende we found it returned into the great current and in his returne to make a litle Iland separated from the firme land where wee went on shore and by commandement of the Captaine because it was exceeding faire and pleasant there wee planted the Pillar vpon a hillock open round about to the view and inuironed with a lake halfe a fathom deepe of very good and sweete water In which Iland wee sawe two Stagges of exceeding bignesse in respect of those which we had seene before which we might easily haue killed with our harguebuzes if the Captaine had not forbidden vs mooued with the singular fairenesse and bignesse of them But before our departure we named the little riuer which enuironed this Ile The Riuer of Liborne Afterward we imbarked our selues to search another I le not farre distant from the former wherâ—in after wee had gone a land wee found nothing but tall Cedars the fairest that were seene in this Countrey For this cause wee called it The I le of Cedars so wee returned into our Pinnesse to go towards our shippes A few dayes afterward Iohn Ribault determined to returne once againe toward the Indians which inhabited that arme of the Riuer which runneth toward the West and to carrie with him good store of souldiers For his meaning was to take two Indians of this place to bring them into France as the Queene had commaunded him With this deliberation againe wee tooke our former course so farre foorth that at the last wee came to the selfe same place where at the first we found the Indians from thence we tooke two Indians by the permission of the king which thinking that they were more fauoured theÌ„ the rest thought themselues very happy to stay with vs. But these two Indians seeing we made no shew at all that we would goe on land but rather that wee followed the middest of the current began to be somewhat offended and would by force haue lept into the water for they are so good swimmers that immediatly they would haue gotten into the forrestes Neuerthelesse being acquainted with their humour wee watched them narrowly and sought by all meanes to appease them which we could not by any meanes do for that time though we offered them things which they much esteemed which things they disdained to take and gaue backe againe whatsoeuer was giuen them thinking that such giftes should haue altogether bound them and that in restoring them they should be restored vnto their libertie In fiue perceiuing that all that they did auayled them nothing they prayed vs to giue them those things which they had restored which we did incontinent then they approched one toward the other and began to sing agreeing so sweetely together that in hearing their song it seemed that they lamented the absence of their friendes They continued their songs all night without ceasing all which time we were constrained to ly at anker by reason of the tyde that was against vs but we hoysed sayle the next day very earely in the morning and returned to our ships Assoone as we were come to our ships euery one sought to gratifie these 2 Indians to shew them the best countenance that was possible to the intent that by such courtesies they might perceiue the good desire and affection which we had to remaine their friends in time to come Then we offered them meate to eate but they refused it and made vs vnderstand that they were accustomed to wash their face and to stay vntill the Sunne were set before they did eate which is a ceremonie common to all the Indians of Newe France Neuerthelesse in the end they were constrained to forget their superstitions and to apply themselues to our nature which was somewhat strange vnto them at the first They became therfore more iocinide euery houre made vs a 1000 discourses being merueilous sory that we could not vnderstand them A few daies after they began to beare so good wil towards mee that as I thinke they would rather haue perished with hunger thirst then haue taken their refection at any mans hand but mine Seeing this their good wil I sought to learne some Indians words began to aske them questions shewing theÌ„ the thing wherof I desired to know the name how they called it They were very glad to tell it me and knowing the desire that I had to learne their language they encouraged me afterward to aske them euery thing So that putting downe in writing the words and phrases of the Indian speech I was able to vnderstand the greatest part of their discourses Euery day they did nothing but speak vnto me of the desire that they had to vse me wel if we returned vnto their houses and cause me to receiue all the pleasures that they could deuise aswell in hunting as in seeing their very strange and superstitious ceremonies at a certaine feast which they call Toya Which feast they obserue as straightly as we obserue the Sunday They gaue me to vnderstand that they would bring me to see the greatest Lord of this countrey which they called Chiquola which exceedeth them in height as they tolde me a good
in those little Canoas of canes Neuerthelesse our men vsed such dissgrace that one of the Canoas was boorded taken but the Indian in the Canoa seeing himselfâ— now taken leapt into the water and our men followed with their boat to take him but seeing himselfe within their reach he ducked with his head vnder their boate and so deceiued them and then rose vp againe and with their oares and with staues they gaue him certaine blowes to amaze him but nothing would serue them for as they were about to lay handes vpon him hee still diued vnderwater and with his hands and feete got neere to the shore and as he rose vp aboue the water hee called to his felowes which stood on the shore to behold crying Belen with a loud voyce and so they pursued him and strooke him sometimes being very neere the shore and he alwayes went calling the rest of his fellowes to come and helpe him whereupon within a short while after three other Canoas came foorth to succour him being full of Indians with bowes and arrowes in their handes crying with a loude voyce that wee should come on shore these Indians were of great stature and saluage far also and well set and of a browne colour Our Captaine perceiuing this least they should wound any of our people with their arrowes returned backe and commanded vs immediately to set sayle and so foorthwith wee departed This day the wind skanâ—ed and we returned to anker in the foresayd place and our Admirall rode from the firme land toward the Island and wee which were in the ship called The Trinitie lay neerâ— vnto the maine and before breake of day wee departed with a fresh gale And before we diseâ—â—â—quod oâ—â—e of that chanell we saw certaine grasse very high and greene vpon the maine whereupon a mariner and the Pilot went vp into the top and saw the mouth of a riuer which ranne through that greene countrey into the sea But because our Admirall was vnder all her sayles farre from vs we could not tell them of this riuer where wee would haue taken water whereof we had some neede and because it was a very good hauen to goe on shore to take it and therefore without watering we followed our course On munday we departed from this hauen which is like vnto a lake for on all sides we were compassed with land hauing the continent before be hinde vs and on our right side and the Island on our left side and we passed foorth at those mouthes beforementioned which shewed an out-let into the open sea Thus wee sayled along still viewing the situation of the countrey reioycing all of vs at the sight thereof for it alwayes pleased vs more and more still appearing more greene and pleasant and the grasse which wee found neere vnto the shore was fresh and delectable but not very high being to all our iudgements not past a spanne long Likewise the hilles which wee saw which were many and many downes made a very pleasant prospect especially because we iudged that there were many valleys and dales betweene them Chap. 6. They discouer a very great bay with foure small Islands in it whereas they take possession As they sayle along and discouer diuers Islands they come at lenâ—th to the port of Santa Cruz where not being able to get any knowledge of those Indians although they lay in waite for them at a place called The well of Grâ—alua they departed thence They haue a perilous and long tempest which ceased after they had seene a light on their shrowdes AT the comming out of these openings we began to â—â—â—de a Bay 〈…〉 great hauen entituleâ— with diuers small hilles hauing vpon them 〈…〉 pleasant to 〈◊〉 In this bay and strand were two small Islands neere vnto the shore one of the which was like vnto a table about halfe a league in bignes and the other was a round hill almost as big as the former These Islands serued vs onely to coment our sight for we passed by them without staying hauing but a slacke wind on Munday morning all which day we followed our course with the foresayd slacke winde and within a while after it became flat contrary so that we were constrained to anker at the sayd point of the sayd hauen and on Tewesday at breake of day we set sayle but made but little away all the day because the winde continued contrary although but very weake The night following wee were becalmed a little beyond the point of this hauen but about midnight wee began to haue a fresh gale and on Wednesday in the morning wee were seuen leagues distant from that point This countrey shewed as it was indeede more plaine then the rest with certaine small woody hilles and within the other point which was before descried the situation seemed to be more pleasant and delightsome then the rest which we had passed And at the vttermost end of the point were two small Isâ—ets The sayd Wednesday about nine of the clocke the winde blew a good gale and we sayled by euening between seuen and eight leagues and came ouer against a land not very high where wee saw certaine creekes or breaches not very ragged into euery of which a riuer seemed to fall because the soyle was very greene and had certaine trees growing on it farre bigger then those which we had found before Here the Captaine with fiue or sixe men went on shore and taking possession passed vp one of those riuers and found the sooting of many Indians vpon the sand On the bankes of that riuer they saw many fruitful trees as cherry-trees and little apple-trees and other white trees they found also in the wood three or foure beasts called Adibes which are a kind of dogs The same night wee set sayle with the winde off the land which blew so freshly that it made vs to strike our fore-sayle and on the sixeteenth of October at nine of the clocke we came neere vnto a point of certaine high mountaines on which day being Thursday we made little way because the winde ceased but it rose againe in the night whereupon by the breake of day on Friday wee came before the sayd point being sixe or seuen leagues off The land seemed to bee very mountainous with certaine sharpe points not greatly clad with grasse but somewhat bare On our left hand wee saw two Islands the one of a league and a halfe the other not so much and it seemed that we drew neere to the port of Santa Cruz whereat we were sory because we were alwaies in good hope to and some out-let into the maine Ocean in some place of that land and that the same port was the same out-let and also that by the sayd coast we might returne to the foresayd hauen of Santa Cruz and that we had committed a great error because we had not certainely sought out the secret whether that were a Street or a riuer which wee had left
forward there were great plaines The Captaine would not suffer vs to goe any further because in those places we had seene certaine Indians which seemed to be spies and warning vs thereof he commanded vs to retire vnto the shore where we were to take in water and to dispatch our businesse quickly and appointed vs to make certaine pits that our buts might more easily be filled with water And setting our Guardes or Centinels we beganne to fill water In the meane while the Captaine tooke certaine souldiers and went to the top of an high hill from whence he deseryed a great part of the Sea and a lake which is within the land for the Sea entereth in the space of a league and there is a good fishing place round about and the lake was so great that it seemed vnto vs to be very neere 30 leagues in compasse for we could not discerne the end thereof Then we came downe with no lesse trouble then wee had mounted vp vnto the hill by reason of the steepenesse of the place and some tumbled downe with no small laughter of the rest And being come somewhat late to our watering place for it was then past noone we set our selues to dinner alwayes appointing some of our company in Centinell vntill we were called to dinner and when some were called two others were appointed in their roomes And about two of the clocke after dinner the Captaine and the rest suspecting no danger of assalt of Indians both because the place seemed not to be fit for it as also for that we had set our Centinels at the passages two squadrons of Indians came vpon vs very secretly and couertly for one came by the great valley through which the water ranne which we tooke and the other came by a part of that great hill which we had ascended to see the lake and all of them came so couertly that our Centinels could neither see nor heare them and wee had not perceiued them if a souldier by chance lifting vp his eyes had not sayde Arms Arme my maisters for many Indians come vpon vs. When we heard this the Captaine leapt vp in a great rage because the guards were changed out of their place and with his sword and target being followed by a souldier whose name was Haro and afterward by the rest he and the said souldier went toward a little gate of certaine stones whither the rest of vs were to follow him for if the Indians had gotten that place from vs we should haue incurred great danger and the greatest part of vs had like to haue beene slaine and none could haue escaped but such as by chance could haue leapt into the boates and the tide went so high that none could be saued but such as were most excellent swimmers But at length the Captaine bestirred himselfe very nimbly vsing all celeritie that was possible Therefore when he and Haro had wonne the gate the rest of the souldiers gate vp after them and the Captaine and Haro turned themselues to the Indians and made head against them and the Indians assailed them with such numbers of stones arrowes â—auelius which was a very strange thing that they brake in pieces the target which the Captaine had on his arme and besides that wounded him with an arrow in the bending of his knee and though the wound was not great yet was it very painefull vnto him While they thus stood to withstand their assalt they strooke Haro which was on the other side so forcibly with a stone that they threw him flat vpon the ground and by and by another stone lighted vpon him which shiuered his Target and they hit the Captaine with another arrow and shot him quite through one of his eares Another arrow came and strooke a souldier called Grauiello Marques in the legge of which he felt great paine and went halting In the meane space Francis Preciado and certaine other souldiers came vp and ioyned himselfe with the rest on the left hand of the Captaine saying vnto him Sir withdrawe your selfe for you be wounded but be you not dismayed for they are but Indians and cannot hurt vs. In this wise we beganne to rush in among them vpon the side of a rocke alwayes gayning ground of them which greatly incouraged our mindes and when we beganne to inforce them to retire we wanne a small wooddy hill where we sheltered our selues whereas before they shot vpon vs from alofâ— for they were on the higher ground vnder couert in safetie then by no meanes we could offend them but by running forcibly vpon them with our targets on our armes and our swords in our hands On the other side to approch and seeke to ouertake them was a vaine thing seeing they were as swift as wilde goates By this time Haro was gotten vp on foot and hauing clapt a woollen cloth vpon his head which had vsed extremely he ioyned himselfe vnto vs of whom we receiued no small aide In the meane space the Indians fortified themselues on the cragge of a rocke from whence they did not a little molest vs we likewise fortified our selues vpon an hillocke whereby we descended into their Fort and there was a small valley betweene them vs which was not very deepe from the vpper part There we were 6 souldiers two Negroes with the Captaine all of vs were of opinion that it was not good to passe that place least y e Indians being many might destroy vs all for the rest of our souldiers which were beneath at the foote of the hill making head against the other squadron of the Indians kept them froÌ„ hurting those which tooke in water on the strand and from breaking the buts of water and being but few we concluded to stay here and so we stood still fortifying our selues as well as we could especially considering that we had no succour on any side for Berecillo our Mastiue-dogge which should haue aided vs was grieuously wounded with 3 arrowes so that by no meanes we could get him from vs this mastiue was wounded in the first assalt when the Indians came vpon vs who behaued himselfe very wel greatly aided vs for he set vpon them and put 8 or 10 of them out of array made them run away leauing many arrowes behind them but at length as I haue said he was so wounded that by no meanes we could get him to goe from vs to set any more vpon the Indians the other two mastiues did vs more harme then good for when they went against them they shot at them with their bowes and we receiued hurt and trouble in defending them The Captaines legge when he waxed cold was so swolne that we lapped it vp in a wollen cloth and he halted much of it and while the Indians thus stood still one part of them beganne to dance sing and shout and then they began all to lade themselues with stones and to put their
great depth of water so neere the shore Being gone abord our botes we made toward the shore ouer against a village of the Indians who as soone as they saw vs about to come on laud left an hill whereon they stood to behold what we did came downe to the shore where we were prepared to come on land but before they came against vs they caused their women and children to fly into the mountaines with their goods then came directly towards vs threatning vs with certaine great staâ—es which they carried in their handes some 3 yardes long and thicker then a mans wrest but perceiuing that for all this we ceased not to come neere the sea shore to come on land they began to charge vs with stones and to fling cruelly at vs and they hit 4 or 5 men among whom they smote the Generall with two stones In the meane while the other bote landed a little beneath whereupon when they saw that they were forced to diuide themselues to keepe the rest of our company from comming on land they began to be discouraged and did not assaile the Generals boate so fiercely who began to cause his people to goe on shore with no small trouble for albeit he was neere the land yâ—â— as soone as they leape out of the boat they sunke downe because they could finde no fall footing and thus swimming or otherwise as they could first a souldier called Spinosa got on land and next to him the General and then some of the rest and began to make head against the Indians and they came hastily with those staues in their hands for other kinds of weapons we saw none sauing bowes and arrowes of pine-tree After a short combate they brake in pieces the targets of the Generall and of Spinosa In the meane while those of the other boat were gotten on land but not without much difficultie by reason of the multitude of stones which continually rained downe vpon them and they stroke Terazzo on the head a very shrowd blow and had it not bene for our targets many of vs had beene wounded and in great distresse although our enemies were but few in number In this maner all our company came on shore with swimming and with great difficultie and if they had not hoâ—pen one another some of them had bene drawned Thus we landed and within a while after those of the other bote were come on land the Indians be tooke themselues to flight taking their way toward the mountaines whether they had sent their women children and goods on the other side we pursued them one of those Indians which came to assaile the Generals boat was slaine vpon the strand two or three others were wounded and some said more While we pursued them in this maner our mastiue dogge Berecillo ouertooke one of them not farre from vs who because we were so wet could not run very fast and pulled him downe hauing bitten him cruelly and doubtlesse he had held him till we had come vnlesse it had happened that another of his companions had not followed that Indian which the dogge had pulled downe who with a staffe which he had in his hands gaue the dogge a cruell blow on the backe and without any staying drew his fellow along like a Deere and Berecillo was faine to leaue him for paine neither had he scarse taken the dogge off on him but the Indian got vp and fled so hastily towarde the mountaine that within a short while hee ouertooke his fellowe which had saued him from the pawes of the dogge who as it appeared betooke him Iustily to his heeles and thus they came vnto their fellowes which descended not downe to the shore being about some twentie and they were in all about fiftie or sixtie After we had breathed our selues a while we viewed their houses where they stood which were certaine cottages couered with shrubs like broome and rosemary with certaine stakes pight in the ground and the Generall willed vs to march all together without dispersing of our selues a little way vp those mountaines to see if there were any water and wood because we stood in great neede of them both And while we marched forward we saw in certaine little vallies the goods which the women had left there behind them in their flight for the Indians as soone as they saw vs pursue them ouertooke the women and for feare charged them to flie away with their children leauing their stuffe in this place We went vnto this booty and found good store of fresh-fish and dried fish and certaine bags containing aboue 28 pound weight full of dried fish ground to pouder and many seal-skins the most part dressed with a faire white graine vpon them and others very badly dressed There were also their instruments to fish withall as hookes made of the prickes of certaine shrubs and trees Here we tooke the said skins without leauing any one in the place and then we returned to the sea because it was â—ow night or at least very late and found our botes waiting for vs. Chap. 13. A description of the Canoas of the Indians of the I le of Cedars and how coasting the same to find fresh water they found some and desiring to take thereof they went on shore and were diuersly molested with the weapons of the Indians They christen an old Indian and returne vnto their ships THe Canoas which they had were certaine thicke trunkes of Cedars some of them of the â—hicknesse of two men and three fadome long being not made hollow at all but being laid along and fastened together they shoue them into the sea neither were they plained to any purpose for we found no kind of edge-toole sauing that there were certaine sharp stones which we found vpon certaine rockes that were very keene wherewith we supposed that they did cut flea those seales And neere the shore we found certaine water wherewith we filled certaine bottles made of the skins of those seales contayning ech of them aboue a great paile of water The next day our Generall commanded vs so set saile whereupon saâ—ling with a fresh gale about 2 leagues from the shore of this Iland trending about the same to see the end thereof and also to approch neere the firme land to informe our selues of the state thereof because we had seene 5 or 6 fires we compassed the same about for by this meanes we performed 2 or 3 good actions namely we returned to our right course and searched whether any riuer fell out of the coast of the firme land or whether there were any trees there or whether any store of Indians did shew themselues or no. In this maner proceeding on our way all the Friday being the 16 of Ianuary at euening and seeking to double the point of the Iland so fierce and contrary a Northren winde encountered vs that it draue vs backe that night ouer against the lodgings and
them a while in this maner came vnto their lodgings where the Generall gaue a charge that no man should touch any thing of theirs commanding Francis Preciado to see that this order were obserued in not taking any thing froÌ„ them although in very deed there was little or nothing there because the women and Indians which were fled had carieâ— al away Here we found an old man in a caue so extreamly aged as it was wonderful which could neither see nor go because he was so lame and crooked The fatheâ— frier Raimund sayd it were good seeing he was so aged to make him a Christian whereupon we christened him The captaine gaue the Indians which we had taken two paire of eare-rings and certaine counterfeit diamonds and making much of them suffred them to depart at their pleasure and in this sort fairâ— and softly they returned to the rest of their fellowes in the mountaine We tooke the matter of that village which was but a small quantity and then the Generall commanded vs to returne to our ship because we had eaten nothing as yet and after our repast we sayled towards a bay which lay beyond that village where we saw a very great valley and those of the Trinitie sayd that they had seene there good store of water and sufficient for vs wherefore wee ankered neere vnto that valley And the Generall went on shore with both the boates and the men that went on land in the morning with the two fathers frier Raimund and frier Antony and passing vp that valley â— crosse bow-shot we found a very small brooke of water which neuertheles supplied our necessity for we filled two buâ—s thereof that euening leauing our vessels to take it with on shore vntill the next morning and we reioyced not a little that we had found this water for it was fresh and the water which we had taken vp before was somewhat brackish and did vs great hurt both in our bodies and in our taste Chap. 14. They take possession of the Isle of Cedars for the Emperours Maiestie and departing from thence they are greatly tossed with a tempest of the sea and returne to the Island as to a safe harbour THe next day being the two and twentieth of Ianuary very early the General commanded vs to go on shore and that we should haue our dinner brought vs and should take in the rest of our water which we did and filled 17 buts without seeing any Indian at al. The next day going out to fill 8 or 9 vessels which were not yet filled a great winde at Northwest tooke vs wherupon they made signes to vs from the ships that with all haste wee should come on boord againe for the wind grew still higher and higher and the Masters were affraid that our cables would break thus we were in the open sea Therefore being come aboord againe not without great trouble we returned backe ouer against the village of the Indians where we had slaine the Indian and because the wind grew more calme about midnight the Pilots did not cast ankerâ— but â—ulled vnder the shelter of this Island which as I haue said is called The Isle of Cedars and is one of the 3 Isles of S. Stephan the greatest chiefest of them where the General tooke possession While we hulled here about midnight the next Friday being the 23 of the moneth without our expectation we had a fresh gale of wind from the Southeast which was very fauourable for our voyage the longer it continued the more it increased so that betweene that night and the next day being Saturday the 24 of the said moneth we sailed 18 great leagues While wee were thus on our way the wind grew so contrary and so tempestuous that to our great griefe we were constrained to coast about with our shipe and returned twenty leagues backe againe taking for our succour the second time the point of the lodgings of the Indians where the foresayd Indian was slaine and here we stayed Munday Tewsday and Wednesday during which 〈◊〉 the Northwest and the North wind blew continually whereupon we determined not to stirre from thence vntill we saw good weather and well seâ—led for our voyage for in this climate these winds doe raigne so greatly that we feared they would stay vs longer there then we would and we were so weary of staying that euery day seemed a moneth vnto vs. Under this shelter we rode Thursday Friday and Saturday vntill noone which was the last of Ianuary in the yeere 1540. About noone the wind began to blow softly at Southwest whereupon the General told the Pilots that we should doe well to put ouer to the maine land where with some wind off the shore we might by the grace of God saile some what farther Thus we hoised our sailes and sailed vntil euening three or foure leagues for the wind scanted and wee remained becalmed The night being come there arose a contrary winde and we were inforced of necessitie to retire the third time to the same shelter of the Isle of Cedars where we stayed from the first of February vntil Shroue sunday in the which meane time we tooke in two buts of water which we had spent During the space of these eight dayes we sought to make sayle two or three times but as we went out a little beyond the point of this Isle we found the wind so boystrous and contrary and the sea so growen that of force we were constrained to returne vnder the succour of the Island and often times wee were in greaâ— feare that we should not be able to get in thither againe During this time that we could not proceed on our iourney we imployed our selues in catching a few fishes for the Lent From Shroue-sunday being the 8 of February on which day we set sayle we sayled with a very scant wind or rather a calme vntill Shrouctewsday on which we came within kenne of the firme land from whence we were put backe these twenty leagues for in these two dayes and a halfe wee sayled some 20 small leagues and we lay in sight of the sayd poynt of the firme land And on the Tewsday we were becalmed waiting till God of his mercy would helpe vs with a prosperous wind to proceed on our voyage On Shrouesunday at night to make good cheere withall wee had so great winde and raine that there was nothing in our ships which was not wet and a very colde ayre On Ashwednesday at sun-rising we strooke saile neere a point which we fel somewhat short withall in a great bay running into this firme land and this is the place where we saw fiue or sixe fires and at the â—ising of the sunne being so neere the shore that we might well deserie and viewe it at our pleasure we sawe it to bee very pleasant for wee descried as farre as wee could discerne with our eyes faire valleys and small hilles with
other ship that lay hard by laden with sugers and droue the Spaniards that were in her vnder hatches presently let slip her cables and ankers and set saile carried her cleane away and after this sort deceiued them And they thinking or fearing that we were the like did shoote at vs as they did This being past the next day after our arriuall in the sayd port wee did vnbarke our selues and went on lande vp to the citie or head towne of the great Canaria where we remained 18. or 20. dayes and there found certaine Englishmen marchants seruants of one Anthony Hickman and Edward Castelin marchants of the citie of London that lay there in traffique of whom wee receiued great courtesie and much good cheere After the which 20. dayes being past in the which we had seene the countrey the people and the disposition thereof wee departed from thence and passed to the next I le of the Canaries 18. leagues off called Teneriffe and being come on land went vp to the citie called La Laguna where we remained 7. moneths attending the comming of the whole fleete which in the ende came and there hauing taken that which they had neede of wee shipped our selues in ship of Cadiz being one of the saide fleete which was belonging to an Englishman maried in the citie of Cadiz in Spaine whose name was Iohn Sweeting and there came in the sayd ship for captain also an Englishman maried in Cadiz and sonne in law to the sayde Iohn Sweeting whose name was Leonard Chilton there came also in the said ship another Englishman which had bene a marchant of the citie of Exeter one of 50. yeeres or thereabout whose name was Ralph Sarre So that wee departed from the sayd Ilands in the moneth of October the foresayd yeere 8. ships in our companie and so directed our course towards the bay of Mexico and by the way towardes the Iland of S. Domingo otherwise called Hispaniola So that within 32. dayes after we departed from the Iles of Canaries wee arriued with our ship at the port of S. Domingo and went in ouer the baâ—re where our ship knocked her keele at her entrie and there our ship rid before the towne where wee went on land refreshed our selues 16. dayes where we found no bread made of wheat but biscuit brought out of Spaine and out of the bay of Mexico for the countrey it selfe doeth yeelde no kinde of bread to make graine withall But the bread they make there is certaine cakes made of rootes called Cassaui which is something substantiall but it hath but an vnsauorie taste in the eating thereof Flesh of beefe and mutton they haue great store for there are men that haue 10000. head of cattell of oxen bulles and kine which they doe keepe onely for the hides for the quantitie of flesh is so great that they are not able to spend the hundreth part Hogs flesh is there good store very sweete and sauorie and so holsome that they giue it to sick folkes to eat in stead of hennes and capons although they haue good store of poultrie of that sort as also of Guinycocks Guinyhens At the time of our being there the citie of S. Domingo was not of aboue 500. housholds of Spaniards but of the Indians dwelling in the suburbs there were more The couÌ„try is most part of the yere very hot very ful of a kind of flies orgnats with long bils which do pricke moâ—est the people very much in the night when they are asleepe in pricking their faces and hands and other parts of their bodies that lie vncouered make them to swel wonderfully Also there is another kind of small worme which creepeth into the soles of mens feet especially of the black Moores and children which vse to go barefoot maketh their feet to grow as big as a mans head doth so â—ke that it would make one run mad They haue no remedy for the same but to open the flesh sometimes 3. or 4. inches so dig them out The countrey yeeldeth great store of suger hides of oxen buls and kine ginger Cana fistula Salsa perillia mines of siluer gold there are none but in some riuers there is found some smal quantitie of gold The principal coine that they do trafique withal in that place is blacke money made of copper brasse and this they say they do vse not for that they lacke money of gold and siluer to trade withall out of the other parts of India but because if they should haue good money the marchants that deale with them in trade would cary away their gold and siluer and let the countrey commodities lie still And thus much for S. Domingo So we were comming from the yles of Canaries to S. Domingo there staying vntil the moneth of December which was 3. moneths About the beginning of Ianuary we departed thence towards the bay of Mexico new Spaine toward which we set our course and so sailed 24. dayes till we came within 15. leagues of S. Iohn de Vllua which was the port of Mexico of our right discharge And being so neere our said port there rose a storme of Northerly windes which came off from Terra Florida which caused vs to cast about into the sea againe for feare least that night we should be cast vpon the shoare before day did breake and so put our selues in danger of casting away the winde and sea grew so foule and strong that within two houres after the storme began eight ships that were together were so dispersed that we could not see one another One of the ships of our company being of the burthen of 500. tun called the hulke of Carion would not cast about to sea as we did but went that night with the land thinking in the morning to purchase the port of S. Iohn de Vllua but missing the port went with the shoare and was cast away There were drowned of that ship 75. persons men women and children and 64. were saued that could swim and had meanes to saue themselues among those that perished in that ship was a gentleman who had bene present the yere before in S. Domingo his wife and 4. daughters with the rest of his seruants houshold We with the other 7. ships cast about into the sea the storme during 10. dayes with great might boisterous winds fogs raine our ship being old and weake was so tossed that she opened at the sterne a fadome vnder water and the best remedy we had was to stop it with beds and pilobiers and for feare of sinking we threw and lightned into the sea all the goods we had or could come by but that would not serue Then we cut our maine mast and threw all our Ordinance into the sea sauing one piece which early in a morning when wee thought wee should haue sunke we shot off and as pleased God there was one of the ships of our
continued with mee the space of sixe moneths At the ende of which time it pleased Almightie God to restore me my health againe although weake and greatly disabled And being some thing strong I procured to seeke meanes to liue and to seeke a way how to profite my selfe in the Countrey seeing it had pleased God to sende vs thither in safetie Then by friendship of one Thomas Blake a Scottishman borne who had dwelt and had bene married in the said Citie aboue twentie yeeres before I came to the saide Citie I was preferred to the seruice of a gentleman a Spaniard dwelling there a man of great wealth and one of the first conquerours of the said Citie whose name was Gonçalo Cerezo with whom I dwelt twelue moneths and a halfe At the ende of which I was maliciously accused by the Holy house for matters of Religion and so apprehended and caried to prison where I lay close prisoner seuen moneths without speaking to any creature but to the Iailer that kept the said prison when he brought me my meat and drinke In the meane time was brought into the saide prison one Augustin Boacio an Italian of Genoua also for matters of Religion who was taken at Sacatecas 80. leagues to the Northwest of the Citie of Mexico At the ende of the said seuen moneths we were both caried to the high Church of Mexico to doe open penance vpon an high scaffold made before the high Altar vpon a Sunday in the presence of a very great number of people who were at the least fiue or sixe thousand For there were that come one hundreth mile off to see the saide Auto as they call it for that there were neuer none before that had done the like in the said Countrey nor could not tell what Lutheranes were nor what it meant for they neuer heard of any such thing before We were brought into the Church euery one with a S. Benito vpon his backe which is halfe a yard of yellow cloth with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest and cast ouâ—r a mans head both fâ—aps hang one before and another behinde and in the middest of euery flap a S. Andrewes crosse made of red cloth sowed on vpon the same and that is called S. Benito The common people before they sawe the penitents come into the Church were giuen to vnderstand that wee were heretiques infidels and people that did despise God and his workes and that wee had bene more like deuils then men and thought wee had had the fauour of some monsters or heathen people And when they saw vs come into the Church in our players coates the women and children beganne to cry out and made such a noise that it was strange to see and heare saying that they neuer sawe goodlier men in all their liues and that it was not possible that there could be in vs so much euill as was reported of vs and that we were more like Angels among men then such persons of such euill Religion as by the Priestes and friers wee were reported to be and that it was great pitie that wee should bee so vsed for so small an offence So that being brought into the saide high Church and set vpon the scaffold which was made before the high Altar in the presence of all the people vntill high Masse was done and the sermon made by a frier concerning our matter they did put vs in all the disgrace they could to cause the people not to take so much compassion vpon vs for that wee were heretiques people that were seduced of the deuill had forsaken the faith of the Catholique Church of Rome with diuers other reprochfull wordes which were too long to recite in this place High Masse and Sermon being done our offences as they called them were recited euery man what he had said and done and presently was the sentence pronounced against vs. That was that the said Augustine Boacio was condemned to weare his S. Benito all the dayes of his life and put into perpetuall prison where hee should fulfill the same and all his goods confiscated and lost And I the saide Tomson to weare the S. Benito for three yeeres and then to be set at libertie And for the accomplishing of this sentence or condemnation we must be presently sent downe from Mexico to Vera Cruz and from thence to S. Iohn de Vllua and there to be shipped for Spaine which was 65. leagues by land with strait commandement that vpon paine of 1000. duckets the Masters euery one should looke straitly vnto vs and carry vs to Spaine and deliuer vs vnto the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Siuill that they should put vs in the places where we should fulfill our penances that the Archbishop of Mexico had enioyned vnto vs by his sentence there giuen For performance of the which we were sent downe from Mexico to the Sea side which was 65. leagues with fetters vpon our feete and there deliuered to the Masters of the ships to be caried for Spaine as before is said And it was so that the Italian fearing that if he had presented himselfe in Spaine before the Inquisitors that they would haue burned him to preuent that danger when wee were comming homeward and were arriued at the yland of Terçera one of the ysles of the Açores the first night that we came into the said port to an ancker about midnight he found the meanes to get him naked out of the ship into the sea swam naked a shoare and so presently got him to the further side of the yland where hee found a little Caruel ready to depart for Portugal in the which he came to Lisbone and passed into France and so into England where hee ended his life in the Citie of London And I for my part kept still aboord the ship and came into Spaine and was deliuered to the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Siuill where they kept me in close prison till I had fulfilled the three yeeres of my penance Which time being expired I was freely put out of prison and set at libertie and being in the Citie of Siuil a casher of one Hugh Typton an English marchant of great doing by the space of one yeere it fortuned that there came out of the Citie of Mexico a Spaniard called Iohn de la Barrera that had bene long time in the Indies and had got great summes of golde and siluer and with one onely daughter shipped himselfe for to come for Spaine and by the way chanced to die and gaue all that hee had vnto his onely daughter whose name was Marie de la Barrera and being arriued at the Citie of Siuil it was my chance to marry with her The marriage was worth to mee 2500. pounds in barres of golde and siluer besides iewels of great price This I thought good to speake of to shew the goodnes of God to all them that put their trust in him that I being brought
Cuba and from thence to Hauana lying hard by which is the chiefest port that the king of Spaine hath in all the countreys of the Indies and of greatest importance for all the ships both from Peru Hunduras Porto rico S. Domingo Iamaica and all other places in his Indies arriue there in their returne to Spaine for that in this port they take in victuals and water and the most part of their lading here they meet from all the foresayd places alwayes in the beginning of May by the kings commandement at the entrance of this port it is so narrow that there can scarse come in two ships together although it be aboue sixe fadome deepe in the narrowest place of it In the North side of the comming in there standeth a tower in which there watcheth euery day a man to descrie the sailes of ships which hee can see on the sea and as many as he discouereth so many banners he setteth vpon the tower that the people of the towne which standeth within the port about a mile from the tower may vnderstand thereof Under this tower there lieth a sandy shore where men may easily go aland and by the tower there runneth a hill along by the waters side which easily with small store of ordinance subdueth the towne and port The port within is so large that there may easily ride a thousand saile of ships without anker or cable for no winde is able to hurt them There inhabit within the towne of Hauana about three hundred Spanyards and about threescore souldiers which the king mainteineth there for the keeping of a certeine castle which hee hath of late erected which hath planted in it about twelue pieces of small ordinance and is compassed round with a small ditch wherethorow at their pleasure they may let in the sea About two leagues from Hauana there lieth another towne called Wanabacoa in which there is dwelling about an hundred Indians and from this place 60 leagues there lieth another towne named Bahama situate on the North side of the Island The chiefest city of this Island of Cuba which is aboue 200 leagues in length is also called Sant Iago de Cuba where dwelleth a bishop about two hundred Spanyards which towne standeth on the South side of the Island about 100 leagues from Hauana All the trade of this Island is cattell which they kill onely for the hides that are brought thence into Spaine for which end the Spanyards mainteine there many negroes to kil their cattell and foster a great number of hogs which being killed and cut into small pieces they dry in the Sun and so make it prouision for the ships which come for Spaine Hauing remained in this Island two moneths I tooke shipping in a frigat and went ouer to Nombre de Dios and from thence by land to Panama which standeth vpon the South sea From Nombre de Dios to Panama is 17 leagues distance from which towne there runneth a riuer which is called the riuer of Chagre which runneth within 5 leagues of Panama to a place called Cruzes thorow which riuer they cary their goods and disimbarke them at the sayd Cruzes and from thencâ— they are conueyed on mules backs to Panama by land where they againe imbarke them in certeine small shippes in the South sea for all the coast of Peru. In one of these ships I went to Potossi and from thence by land to Cusco and from thence to Paita Here I remained the space of seuen moneths and then returned into the kingdome of Guatimala and arriued in the prouince of Nicoia and Nicaragua From Nicaragua I trauelled by land to a prouince called Nicamula which lieth toward the North sea in certaine high mountaines for that I could not passe thorow the kingdome of Guatimala at that time for waters wherewith all the Low countreys of the prouince of Soconusco lying by the South sea are drowned with the raine that falleth aboue in the mountaines enduring alwayes from April to September which season for that cause they call their Winter From this prouince I came into another called De Vera Paz in which the chiefest city is also called after that name where there dwelleth a bishop and about forty Spanyards Among the mountaines of this countrey toward the North sea there is a prouince called La CaÌ„dona where are Indian men of war which the king can not subdue for that they haue townes and forts in a great lake of water aboue in the sayd mountaines the most part of them goe naked and some weare mantles of cotton wooll Distant from this about 80 leagues I came into another prouince called the prouince of Chiapa wherein the chiefest city is called Sacatlan where there dwelleth a bishop and about an hundred Spanyards In this countrey there is great store of Cottâ—n wooll whereof the Indians make fiue linnen cloth which the Christians buy and cary into Noua Hispania The people of this prouince pay their tribute to the king all in Cotton wooll and Feathers Foureteene leagues from this city there is another called Chiapa where are the finest gennets in all the Indies which are caried hence to Mexico 300 leagues from it From this city I trauelled still thorow hilles and mountaines till I came to the end of this prouince to a hill called Ecatepec which in English signifieth The hill of winde for that they say it is the highest hill that euer was discouered for from the top of it may be discouered both the North and the South seas and it is in height supposed to be nine leagues They which trauell ouer it lie alwayes at the foot of it ouer night and begin their iourney about midnight to trauell to the top of it before the Sunne rise the next day because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards that it is impossible for any man to goe vp from the foot of this hill to Tecoantepec the first towne of Noua Hispania are about fifteene leagues And so from hence I iourneyed to Mexico By and by after I came to Mexico which was in the yere 1572 in the company of another Spanyard which was my companion in this iourney we went together toward the prouince of Panuco which lieth vpon the coast of the North sea and within three dayes iourney we entred a city called Mestitlan where there dwelt twelue Spanyards the Indian inhabitants there were about thirty thousand This city standeth vpon certaine hie mountaines which are very thicke planted with townes very holesome and fruitfull hauing plentifull fountaines of water running thorow them The high wayes of these hilles are all set with fruits and trees of diuers kindes and most pleasant In euery towne as we passed thorow the Indians presented vs with victuals Within twenty leagues of this place there is another city called Clanchinoltepec belonging to a gentleman where there inhabit about fourty thousand Indians and
of the Towne with his other boates and all his men unarmed and without weapons it was to be iudged he ment him little good hauing that aduantage of him that comming vpon the sudden hee might haue mischieued many of his men but the Captaine hauing vnderstanding thereof not trusting to their gentlenesse if they might haue the aduantage departed aboord his ships and at night returned againe and demanded amongst other talke what they ment by assembling their men in that order they answered that their Captaine being come to towne did muster his men according to his accustomed maner But it is to be iudged to bee a cloake in that comming for that purpose hee might haue done it sooner but the trueth is they were not of force vntill then whereby to enterprise any matter against vs by meanes of pikes and harquebuzes whereof they haue want and were now furnished by our Captaine and also 3. Faulcons which hauing got in other places they had secretly conueyed thither which made them the bolder and also for that they saw now a conuenient place to do such a feat and time also seruing thereunto by the meanes that our mâ—n were not onely vnarmed and vnprouided as at no time before the like but also were occupied in hewing of wood and least thinking of any harme these were occasions to prouoke them thereunto And I suppose they went about to bring it to effect in that I with another gentleman being in the towne thinking of no harme towards vs and seeing men assembling in armour to the treasurers house whereof I marueiled and reuoking to minde the former talke betweene the Captaine and him and the vnreadinesse of our men of whom aduantage might haue bene taken departed out of the Towne immediatly to giue knowledge thereof but before we come to our men by a flight-shot two horsemen riding a gallop were come neere vs being sent as wee did gesse to stay vs least wee should cary newes to our Captaine but seeing vs so neere our men they stayed their horses comming together and suffering vs to passe belike because wee were so neere that if they had gone about the same they had bene espied by some of our men which then immediatly would haue departed whereby they should haue bene frustrate of their presence and so the two horsemen ridde about the bushes to espie what we did and seeing vs gone to the intent they might shadow their comming downe in post whereof suspition might bee had fained a simple excuse in asking whether he could sell any wine but that seemed so simple to the Captaine that standing in doubt of their courtesie he returned in the morning with his three boats appointed with Bases in their noses and his men with weapons accordingly where as before he caried none and thus dissembling all iniuries conceiued of both parts the Captaine went ashore leauing pledges in the boates for himselfe and cleared all things betweene the treasurer and him sauing for the gouerners debt which the one by no meanes would answere and the other because it was not his due debt woulde not molest him for it but was content to remit it vntill another tune and therefore departed causing the two Barkes which rode neere the shore to weigh and go vnder saile which was done because that our Captaine demanding a testimoniall of his good behauiour there could not haue the same vntill hee were vnder saile ready to depart and therefore at night he went for the same againe receiued it at the treasurers hand of whom very courteously he tooke his leaue and departed shooting off the bases of his boat for his farewell and the townesmen also shot off foure Faulcons and 30. harquebuzes and this was the first time that he knew of the conueyance of their Faulcons The 31. of May wee departed keeping our course to Hispaniola and the fourth of Iune wee had sight of an yland which wee made to be Iamaica marueiling that by the vehement course of the Seas we should be driuen so farre to leeward for setting our course to the West end of Hispaniola we fel with the middle of Iamaica notwithstanding that to al mens sight it shewed a headland but they were all deceiued by the clouds that lay vpon the land two dayes together in such sort that we thought it to be the head land of the said yland And a Spaniard being in the ship who was a Marchant and inhabitant in Iamaica hauing occasion to go to Guinie and being by treason taken of the Negros afterwads bought by the Tangomangos was by our Captaine brought from thence and had his passage to go into his countrey who perceiuing the land made as though he knew euery place thereof and pointed to certaine places which he named to be such a place and such a mans ground and that behinde such a point was the harborow but in the ende he poiâ—ted so from one point to another that we were a leeboord of all places and found our selues at the West end of Iamaica before we were aware of it and being once to leeward there was no geâ—ting vp againe so that by trusting of the Spaniards knowledge our Captaine sought not to speake with any of the inhabitants which if he had not made himselfâ— sure of he would haue done as his custome was in other places but this man was a plague not onely to our Captaine who made him loose by ouershooting the place 2000. pounds by hides which hee might haue gotten but also to himselfe who being three yeeres out of his Countrey and in great misery in Guinie both among the Negros and Tangomangos and in hope to come to his wife and friendes as he made sure accompt in that at his going into the pinnesse when he went to shore he put on his new clothes and for ioy flung away his old could not afterwards finde any habitation neither there nor in all Cuba which we sailed all along but it fell out euer by one occasion or other that wee were put beside the same so that he was faine to be brought into England and it happened to him as it did to a duke of Samaria when the Israelites were besieged and were in great misery with hunger being tolde by the Prophet Elizaeus that a bushell of flower should be sold for a sickle would not beleeue him but thought it vnpossible and for that cause Elizaeus prophesied hee should see the same done but hee should not eate thereof so this man being absent three yeeres and not euer thinking to haue seene his owne Countrey did see the same went vpon it and yet was it not his fortune to come to it or to any habitation whereby to remaine with his friends according to his desire Thus hauing sailed along the coast two dayes we departed the seuenth of Iune bâ—ing made to beleeue by the Spaniard that it was not Iamaica but rather Hispaniola of which opinion the Captaine also was because
they lingered the time so long that a ship and galliasse being made out of Santa Domingo came thither into the harborow and tooke twenty of them whereof the most part were hanged and the rest caried into Spaine and some to the number of fiue and twenty escaped in the pinnesse and came to Florida where at their landing they were put in prison and incontinent foure of the chiefest being condemned at the request of the souldiers did passe the harquebuzers and then were hanged vpon a gibbet This lacke of threescore men was a great discourage and weakening to the rest for they were the best souldiers that they had for they had now made the inhabitants weary of them by their dayly crauing of maiz hauing no wares left to content them withall and therefore were inforced to rob them and to take away their victual perforce which was the occasion that the Floridians not well contented therewith did take certeine of their company in the woods and slew them wherby there grew great warres betwixt them and the Frenchmen and therefore they being but a few in number durst not venture abroad but at such time as they were inforced thereunto for want of food to do the same and going twenty harquebuzers in a company were set vpon by eighteene kings hauing seuen or eight hundred men which with one of their bowes slew one of their men and hurt a dozen drâ—ue them all downe to their boats whose pollicy in fight was to be maruelled at for hauing shot at diuers of their bodies which were armed and perceiuing that their arrowes did not preuaile against the same they shot at their faces and legs which were the places that the Frenchmen were hurt in Thus the Frenchmen returned being in ill case by the hurt of their men hauing not aboue forty souldiers left vnhurt whereby they might ill make any more inuasion vpon the Floridians and keepe their fort withall which they must haue beene driuen vnto had not God sent vs thither for their succour for they had not aboue ten dayes victuall left before we came In which perplexity our captaine seeing them spared them out of his ship twenty barrels of meale foure pipes of beanes with diuers other victuals and necessaries which he might conueniently spare and to helpe them the better homewards whither they were bound before our comming at their request we spared them one of our barks of fifty tun Notwithstanding the great want that the Frenchmen had the ground doth yeeld victuals sufficient if they would haue taken paines to get the same but they being souldiers desired to liue by the sweat of other mens browes for while they had peace with the Floridians they had fiâ—h sufficient by weares which they made to catch the same but when they grew to warres the Floridians tooke away the same againe and then would not the Frenchmen take the paines to make any more The ground yeeldeth naturally grapes in great store for in the time that the Frenchmen were there they made 20 hogsheads of wine Also it yeeldeth roots passing good Deere maruellous store with diuers other beast and fowle seruiceable to the vse of man These be things wherewith a man may liue hauing corne or maiz where with to make bread for maiz maketh good sauory bread and cakes as fine as flowre Also it maketh good meale beaten and sodden with water and eateth like pap wherewith we feed children It maketh also good beuerage sodden in water and nourishable which the Frenchmen did vse to drinke of in the morning and it assuageth their thirst so that they had no need to drinke all the day after And this maiz was the greatest lacke they had because they had no labourers to sowe the same and therfore to them that should inhabit the land it were requisit to haue labourers to till and sowe the ground for they hauing victuals of their owne whereby they neither rob nor spoile the inhabitants may liue not onely quietly with them who naturally are more desirous of peace then of warres but also shall haue abundance of victuals profered them for nothing for it is with them as it is with one of vs when we see another man euer taking away froÌ„ vs although we haue enough besides yet then we thinke all too little â—or our selues for surely we haue heard the Frenchmen report and I know it by the Indians that a very little cententeth them for the Indians with the head of maiz rosted will trauell a whole day and when they are at the Spanyards finding they giue them nothing but sodden herbs maiz and in this order I saw threescore of them feed who were laden with wares and came fifty leagues off The Floridians when they trauellâ— haue a kinde of herbe dried who with a cane and an earthen cup in the end with fire and the dried herbs put together doe sucke thorow the cane the smoke thereof which smoke satisfieth their hunger and therwith they liue foure or fiue dayes without meat or drinke and this all the Frenchmen vsed for this purpose yet do they holde opinion withall that it causeth water sterme to void from their stomacks The commodities of this land are more then are yet knowen to any man for besides the land it selfe whereof there is more then any king Christian is able to inhabit it flourisheth with medow pasture ground with woods of Cedar and Cypres and other sorts as better can not be in the world They haue for apothecary herbs trees roots and gummes great store as Storax liquida Turpintine Gumme Myrthe and Frankinsence with many others whereof I know not the names Colours both red blacke yellow russet very perfect wherewith they so paint their bodies and Deere skinnes which they weare about them that with water it neither fadeth away nor altereth colour Golde and siluer they want not for at the Frenchmens first comming thither they had the same offered them for little or nothing for they receiued for a hatchet â—wo pound weight of golde because they knew not the estimation thereof but the souldiers being greedy of the same did take it from them giuing them nothing for it the which they perceiuing that both the Frenchmen did greatly esteeme it and also did rigourcusly deale with them by taking the same away from them at last would not be knowen they had auy more neither durst they weare the same for feare of being taken away so that sauing at their first comming they could get none of them and how they came by this golde and siluer the French men know not as yet but by gesse who hauing trauelled to the Southwest of the cape hauing found the same dangerous by meanes of sundry banks as we also haue found the same and there finding masts which were wracks of Spanyards comming from Mexico iudged that they had gotten treasure by them For it is most true that diuers
intelligence which way the English men were gone and following them he met by the way the ships which the English men had taken of whom he learned that the English men were gone vp the riuer and he going thither when he came to the mouth of the riuer the captaine of Panama knew not which way to take because thâ—re were three partitions in the riuer to goe vp in and being determined to goe vp the greateâ—t of the three riuers he saw comming downe a lesser riuer many feathers of hennes which the Englishmâ—n had pulled to eate and being glad thereof hee went vp that riuer where hee sâ—w the feathers and after that he had bene in that riuer foure daies he descried the Englishmens pinnesse vpon the sands and comming to her there were no more then sixe Englishmen whereof theâ— killâ—d one and the other fiue escaped away and in the pinnesse he found nothing but victuals but this captaine of Panama not herewith satisfied determined to seeke out the Englishmen by land and leauing twenty men in his pinnesses hee with 80 shot went vp the countrey hee had not â—â—ne hâ—lfe a league but hee found a house made of boughs where they found all the Englishmens gâ—â—â—s and the gold and siluer also and carying it backe to their pinnesses the Spaniards were â—eâ—ermined to goe away without following the English men any further But at the end of three dayes the English captaine came to the riuer with all his men and aboue 200 Negros and set vpon the Spaniards with great fury But the Spaniards hauing the aduaâ—tage of trees which they stood behind did easily preuaile and killed eleuen Englishmen and fiue Negros and tooke other seuen Englishmen aliue but of the Spaniardsâ— two were slaine and fiue sore hurt Among other things the Spaniards enquired of the Englishmen which they tooke why thâ—y went not away in fifteene dayes liberty which they had They answered that their Captaine had commaâ—ded them to carie all that golde and siluer which they had to the place where they had left their shippe and they had promised him to carie it although they made three or foure iourneys of it for hee promised to giue them part of it besides their wages but the marinerâ— would haue it by and by and so their Captaine being angry because they would not take his word fell out with them and they with him in so much that one of the company would haue killed the Captaine so that the Captaine would not haue them to carie the treasure but sayd hee would seeke Negros to carie it and so he went and sought for Negros and bringing those Negros to carie it hee met with the fiue English men that hee had leâ—t in his pinnesse which ranne from the Spaniards and the rest also which ran from the house and they told him what the Spaniards had done and then making friendship with all his men hee promised them halfe of all the treasure if they got it from the Spaniards and the Negros promised to helpe him with their bowes and arrowes and thereupon they came to seeke the Spaniards and now that some of his company were killed and taken hee thought it best to returne to his ship and to passe backe for England The Spanish captaine hearing this hauing buried the dead bodies and hauing gotten all things into his barkes and taking the English men and their pinnesse with him he returned to Panama so the voyage of that English man did not prosper with him as hee thought it would haue done Nowe when the foure barkes were come to Panama they sent aduise also to Nombre de dios and thâ—y of Nombre de dios sent also from them other foure barkes which as the Spaniards say found the English ship where she was hid and brought her to Nombre de dios and that the Uiceroy of Peru not thinking it good to suffer fiftie English men to remaine in the countrey sent a seruant of his called Diego de Frees with a hundreth and fifty shot into the mountaines to seeke them out who found them making of certaine Canoas to goe into the North sea and there to take some barke or other some of them were sicke and were taken and the rest fled with the Negros who in the end betrayed them to thâ— Spaniards so that they were brought to Panama And the Iustice of Panama asked the English captaine whether hee had the Queenes licence or the licence of any other Prince or Lord for his attempt And he answered he had none whereupon hee and all his company were condemned to dyeâ— and so were all executed sauing the Captaine the Master the Pilot and fiue boyes which were caried to Lima and there the Captaine was executed with the other two but the boyes be yet liuing The king of Spaine hauing intelligence of these matters sent 300 men of warre against those Negros which had assisted those English men which before were slaues vnto the Spaniards and as before is sayd fled from their masters vnto those mountaines and so ioyned themselues to the Englishmen to the ende they might the better reuenge themselues on the Spaniards At the first comming of these 300 souldiers they tooke many of the Negros and executed great iustice vpon them But after a season the Negros grew wise and wary and preuented the Spaniards so that none of them could be taken The Spaniards of that countrey marueiled much at this one thing to see that since the conquering of this land there haue bene many Frenchmen that haue come to those Countreys but neuer saw English men there but onely those two of whom I haue spoken And although there haue many Frenchmen bene on the coast yet neuer durst they put foote vpon land only those two English men aduentured it and did such exploits as are before remembred All these things comming to the hearing of the king of Spaine he prouided two Gallies well appointed to keepe those coastes and the first yeere they tooke sixe or seuen French ships And after that this was knowen there were no more Englishmen or Frenchmen of warre that durst aduenture to approch the coast vntill this present yeere 1586 that the aforesayd Francis Drake with a strong fleete of 24 ships arriued there and made spoile of Santo Domingo Carthagena and S. Augustine things that are knowen to all the worlde But it is likely that if the King of Spaine line he will in time prouide sufficient remedy to keepe his countreys and subiects from the inuasion of other nations The voyage of Master Andrew Barker of Bristol with two ships the one called the Ragged staffe the other the Beare to the coast of Terra firma and the Bay of Honduras in the West Indies in the yeere 1576. Wherein the reasons are premised which mooued him to set forth this voyage against the Spaniards collected out of certaine notes and examinations touching this enterprise by M. Richard Hakluyt FIrst
Iewes-harps he did them assure me he had a Mine of gold and could refine it would trade with me for token whereof he sent me 3. or 4. Croisâ—ants or halfe moones of gold weighing a noble a piece or more and two bracelets of siluer Also he told them of another rich nation that sprinkled their bodies with the poulder of golde and seemed to be guilt and farre beyond them a great towne called El Dorado with many other things My men being satisfied and thinking their company too fewe to stay among these Sauages and their victuall spent returned This Balthazar my Indian their guide ranne from them which distresse caused them to borrow of Armago newe guides who brought them home another way through a Riuer called Braha by the highland of Paria and so to my ship They accompted Orocoa 150. miles distant so they rowed in my boate aboue 250. miles Their absence from mee was 16. dayes making but one nights aboad any where The report of this made mee attempt my company to goe with them againe But nowe they were worse then before for vnlesse I would haue gone my selfe alone not one man would goe with me no albeit I had had commission to hang or kill them for my men came home in very pitifull case almost dead for famine and indeed such was their misery as they dranke not in three dayes for so long they were out of the fresh Riuers before they recouered the shippe and yet the boat was filled with as much victuall as it could holde In this time of my boates absence there came to me a pinnesse of Plimmouth of which Captaine Popham before named was chiefe who gaue vs great comfort And if I had not lâ—st my pinnesses wherein I might haue caried victuals and some men we had discouered further the secrets of those places Also this Captaine and I stayed some sixe or eight dayes longer for Sir Walter Ralegh who as wee surmized had some purpose for this discouery to the ende that by our intelligence and his boates we might haue done some good but it seemed he came not in sixe or eight weekes after So Captaine Popham and I helde it not conuenient to stay any longer therefore new watering our selues at Paracoa we set saile to see further of the Indies leauing the yle of Trinidad the 12. day of March The 13. I tooke a small prize of sackes 25. leagues to the Northward of an yland which I sailed by called Granata This prize refreshed vs well yet meaning to sel her at the yle of Sant Iuan de Puerto rico and shaping our course thither by the ylands of Santa Cruz and Infierno I coasted all the South side of the said yle of S. Iohn till I came to an ancker at Cape Roxo where riding 14. dayes to expect S. Domingo men which oftentimes â—aâ—l with the yland of Mona and finding none neither would the Spaniards of S. Iuan de puerto rico buy my prize I vnladed her tooke in the goods and after burned her This ended I disemboqued where fewe Englishmen had done before by reason of the great dangers betweene this yland of S. Iuan de puerto rico and Hispaniola by a little yland called Zacheo And after carefully doubling the shouldes of Abreojos I caused the Master hearing by a Pilote that the Spanish fleete ment now to put out of Hauana to beare for the Meridian of the yle of Bermuda hoping there to finde the fleete dispersed The fleete I found not but foule weather enough to scatter many fleetes which companion left mee not in greatest extremitie till I came to the yles of Flores and Cueruo whither I made the more haste hoping to meete some great Fleete of her Maiestie my souereigne as I had intelligence and to giue them aduise of this rich Spanish fleet but finding none and my victuals almost spent I directed my course for England Returning alone and worse manned by halfe then I went foorth my fortune was to meete a great Armada of this fleete of some 600. tunnes well appointed with whom I fought board and board for two dayes being no way able in all possibilitie with fiftie men to board a man of warre of sixe hundreth tunnes And hauing spent all my powder I was constrained to leaue her yet in such distresse without sailes and mastes and hull so often shot through with my great Ordinance betweene winde and water that being three hundred leagues from land I dare say it was impossible for her to escape sinking Thus leauing her by necessitie in this miserable estate I made for England where I arriued at S. Iues in Cornewall about the latter ende of May 1595 scaping most dangerously in a great fogge the rocks of Silly Thus by the prouidence of God landing safely I was kindely intertained by all my friends and after a short time learned more certaintie of the sinking of that great shippe being also reputed rich by diuers intelligences out of Spaine which we then supposed not were doubtfull whether she had bin of Biscay or S. Iohn de Luz in France laden with fish onely from Newfoundland In this voyage I and my fleete tooke sunke and burnt nine Spanish ships which was losse to them though I got nothing Here follow certaine wordes of the language of Trinidad which I obserued at my being there GVttemock A man Tabairo Dabarah Or Dabarra The heare of ones head Dessie The forehead Dasereth or Dacosi An eye Dalacoack The mouth Areheh The teeth Daria The gummes Desire The lips Dill The tongue Dudica The eares Dacan A hand Dacabbo The palme of the hand Dadena The wrist Dacurle A knee Daddano The calfe of the legge Dabodda The toes Dacutti The feete Cattie The moone Tauraroth A rope Arkeano A paire of â—izers Weeuah The heauen Harowa A stone good for the head acheâ— Mointiman Yron or steele Howa Munkeis in generall Carotta A thing like pappe Sakel It is well or I am well Techir A bracelet Bodad A boxe or chest Mentinie A tree Addehegaeno A glasse Calcouri Gold Perota Siluer Tacorao a green stone Arrara copper Caulpiri A white stone Casparo A sword Tibetebe cockles Marrahabo a bow Semaro an arrow Huculle A bow-string Halete A Potato roote Caerwoda A sweete root Maurisse Wheat Qucca A basket Yeddola A knife Sambolers A hat Beyou A pipe Callit Bread Oronuie Water Arguecona A paire of cizzers Heldaro A spoone Hemachugâ— A bread which they eate Hicket Fire Walrowa A parrot Vreit Tabacco Batudda A combe Addoth A slicke Barrennaire A button or beads Curaballa Sibath for 2 sundry stoâ—es but Sibath in general signifieth a stone Tolletilleâ—o bels Vllasâ—o a Tuny-fish Bohery A flying sâ—â—h Bara Water Haddalle The Sunne Babage-Canoaseen The maner of the Indians hatling of a ship calling it after the name of their Canoas Non quo Or I know not Or Non quapa I cannot tell The
with flankers of great trees and stones filled with earth betweene and had not our comming disappointed their pretence they would haue made it one of the strongest places in all the maine There they ment to haue builded a great towne We found there three pieces of brasse ordinance sunke in the sea which we weighed vp all the people were fled and their goods carried away Up within this bay there was a little village but of no force where we found a great fresh riuer our men rowing vp some two leagues found pillage as wine and oyle and some small quantitie of yron After our comming hither to anker and the solemne buriall of our Generall sir Francis in the sea Sir Thomas Baskeruill being aboord the Defiance where M. Bride made a sermon hauing to his audience all the captaines in the fleete sir Thomas commanded all aboord the Garland with whom he held a Councell there shewing his Commission was accepted for General captain Bodenham made captaine of the Defiance M. Sauill captaine of y e Aduenture The 27 died captaine Iosias of the Delight and captaine Egerton a Gentlâ—man of the Foâ—e-sight and Iames Wood chiefe chirurgion of the fleete out of the Garland The 28 died Abraham Kendall out of the Saker At this place we watered againe washed our ships made new sailes it being by the Generall and all the captaines agreed that if we could by any meanes turne vp againe for Santa Martha we should if not to goe directly for England Here also we tooke in some balast as our neede râ—quired The 6 of Februarie the Elizabeth of M. Wattes was discharged and sunke and that day the Pegasus iolly was going on shore for water carying no guarde The Spaniards perceiuing it came downe vpon them killed two of them and tooke 2 or 3 prisoners and so ranne vp into the woods againe The seuenth the Delight and captaine Edens frigat were discharged and sunke because they were old and leakâ—d and the Queenes ships wanted saylers That day our men being mustered we had sicke and whole 2000. And the next day we set on shore all our prisoners as Spaniards and Negros But before at our first comming to Puerto Bello sir Thomas sent two of those Spaniards to Nombre de Dios and to Panama to fetch ransome for some of the chiefest prisoners but they neuer returned againe As we were setting saile there came one with a flagge of truce and told the General that they had taken 18 of our men and that they were well vsed adding that if he would stay 8 or 10 dayes longer they should be brought from Panama We supposed this to haue bene but a delay to haue kâ—pt vs there while the kings forces had come about by sea as they dayly expected We set saile the 8 of Februarie turning vp for Santa Martha and the 14 day we saw the Ilands of Baru some 14 leagues to the Wesâ—ward of Carthagena The Generall that night told vs he would stand in â—or the towne of Baru in the bay but that night blew so much winde and continued that small moone that the same night we lost the Foresight and the next day standing againe to make the land which we had made we lost companie of the Susan Parnel The Helpe and the Pegasus Then â—he next day we put ouer for Cape S. Antonie and gaue ouer Santa Martha The 25 we saw the Iland of Grand Cayman some 30 leagues to the Northwestward of Iamaica being a low sandie Iland hauing many tortoyses about it The 26 we saw the hie land of Cuba to the Eastward of the broken Ilands to the East of the Iland of Pinos and were imbayed in among those dangerous places But perceiuing it we stood out againe Southsoutheast and so got cleere and then stood away West and by North for the I le of Pinos which we saw the first of March It is a low land with wood and fresh water to the Western end If you come in with the middest of it you shall see rise vp aboue the rest of the land 8 or 9 râ—und homockes and the Westermost hath three in one Being that foorth with the West end and standing in for to water we espied 20 sayle of ships about one in the afternone This was a third part of the fleete which the king sent for Carthagena the rest of the fleete being gone for the Honduras They were in all 60 sailes sent onely to meete our fleete being commâ—nded wheresoeuer they heard we were to come vpon vs with all their three forces This fleete which we met withall came standing for Cape de los Corrientes and had bene refreshed at Hauana Assoone as they discried vs they kept close vpon a tacke thinking to get the winde of vs but we weathered them And when our Admirall with all the rest of our fleet were right in the wâ—nds â—ye of them sir Thomas Baskeruil putting out the Queenes armes and all the rest of our fleete their brauerie bare roome with themâ— and commanded the Defiance not to shoot but to keâ—pe close by to second him The Uiceadmirall of the Spaniards being a greater ship then any of ours and the best sayler in all their fleete loofed by and gaue the Concord the â—wo first great shot which she repayed presently againe thus the fight began The Bonauenture baâ—e full with her ringing her such a peale of ordinance and small shot withall that he left her with torne sides The Admirall also made no spare of powder and shot But the Defiance in the middest of the Spanish flâ—ete thâ—ndering of her ordinance and small shot continued the fight to the end So that the Uiceaâ—mirall with 3 or 4 of her consorts were forced to tacke about to the Eastward leauing their admirall and the rest of the fleete who came not so hotly into the fight as they did The fight continued two houres better At sunne set all the fleete tacked about to the Eastward we continued our coâ—rse to the Westward for cape de los Corrientes supposing we should haue met with more of their consorts In this conflict in the Defiance we had fiue men slaine three English men a Greâ—ke and a Nâ—gro That night some halfe houre after their fleete keeping vpon their weather quarter we saw a mightie smoke rise out of one of their great ships which stayed behind which happenâ—d by meanes of powder as we thinke and presently after she was all on a light fire and so was consumed and all burnt as we might well perceiue The next day beâ—ng thâ— second of March in the morning by breake of day we were hard aboord Cape de los Corrientes which is a bare low cape hauing a bush of trees higher then the rest some mile to the Eastward of the cape All Cuba is full of wood on the Southside The Spanish fleete which then were but 14 no more then we were kept still vpon our
degrees And the markes be these That on the West end it is lowest and the Eastermost is the highest And if thou fall with the middest of the Island then thou shalt goe a long it to the West vnto Cabo Roxo which is the end of the Isle And from thence the coast runneth North to Punta Aguada Cape Roxo hath certaine red cliffes Thou must steere West and by South from Cape Roxo to find Mona and so thou shalt haue sight of Mona And the marks thereof be these it is a low land lying East and West and on the East end it is highest it hath a slope towards the sea and standeth in 18â— degrees rather lesse then more And if it be by daâ— then thou shalt runne West and shalt see Saona which is an Island lying without Hispaniola and â—yeth East and West and is full of trees and hath certaine sandy bayes And if it bee cleere weather thou shalt see within the land of Hispaniola certaine hie hils called las Sierras de Yguey And being benighted vpon Mona then thou shalt steere West and by South because of certaine shoalds that lye off Saona but hauing day light and no sight of land thou shalt loofe vp Northwest and so passe by it and as thou goest along the coast of Hispaniola and seest the sea to be cast vp into the aire then thou shalt be about 10 leagues off the harbour of Santo Domingo and these mountings vp are called The Spoutes But I aduise thee that if thou bee benighted when thou fallest with Santo Domingo then thou must keepe the hils called Sierras de las minas viejas to the Northwest And if thou wouldest goe into Santo Domingo and meetest there with a forcible Northerly wind then the best way is to runne East till it be day And hauing daylight thou shalt cast abâ—ut and so thou must ply to wind-ward vntill the Northerly wind be done and when it is past make all the saile thou canst to hale with the sight of Calle de las Damas and when thou hast sight thereof thou shalt lye with thy stemme with a sandie Bay which lye thou the other side and then must take in thy maine saile and go so till thou bring thy selfe open with the midst of the riuer and so hauing opened the riuerâ— thou must go with great care in the middest of the same with all thy sailes vp except thy maine saile â—nd thou must haue thy boat out if it be needefull to sound or to tow thy ship if the cast too much to the loofe for the currents will cast here to the loofe wherefore bee sure to haue thy boat out to helpe thy steâ—rage and this is the way whereby thou must worke The course from Santo Domingo to go for Nueua Espanna I Aduise thee that if thou wilt goe from Santo Domingo for Nueua Espanna thou shalt goe Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Punta de Niçao which is a low point and is the end of the hilles called Sierras de las minas Vieias and towards the Northwest of them thou shalt see a lowe land and to goe into Hocoa thou shalt stirre from this poynt of Niçao Westnorthwest and thou shalt see the point of Puerto Hermoso and the Bay that it maketh and thou must be sure to keepe neere the shore to find a good road and feare â—ot to go neere the land for all is deepe water and cleare ground and let not fall thine anker till thou be past all the riuers and beware of the land for if thou ride much without thy anker wil come home because it is rocky and slatte ground And thou must be ready that when thine anker commeth home thou haue thy moarings readie in thy boat to carry on shore with foure or fiue men and if thou thinke good thou mayest let them fall on land with a rope And when thou are come to anker thou mayest send on shore to moare so shalt thou be best moared The course from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna GOing from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna thou shalt stirre Southwest and this way thou shalt and the Isles Beata and Alto velo Beata hath these marks It is a low land with the sea and full of trees and on the East side an high land or cliffe and Alto velo hath these markes A blacke round land and the Eastermost part thereof is highest and it hath a downefall When thou art North and South with * then thou shalt go West vntill thou be so farre shot as the Frailes and from thence goe West and by North and keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of Cape Tiburon And if by keeping this course thou haue sight of a little Island thou mayest make account it is the Isle of Baque and it is hard to the land and from thence thou shalt go West keeping thy selfe out vntill thou double a poynt that maketh as it were a great Bay and then thou must go West and by North till thou come to Cape Tiburon that hath a round blacke land and in some part thereof certaine white cliffes I aduise thee that when thou art against Cape de Tiburon thou stirre Northwest and so thou shalt haue sight of Cuba which lyeth East and West and thou shalt see certaine hilles which are called Sierras del Cobre and in the highest of them is the harbour of S. Iago de Cuba and finding thy selfe so thou mayest runne West vnto Cape de Cruz. And before thou seest Cape de Cruz thou shalt see the hils called Sierras de Tarquino and from these hils to Cape de Cruz the land wareth lower and lower and it is lowest of all at the Cape it selfe And if thou chance to haue the water troubled as though thy ship did raise vp the sand from the ground be not afraid for this place is called The nine fathoms for thou shalt find no lesse water vpon it and it is the shallowest water that thou shalt haue Thou must marke that Cape de Cruz maketh an eâ—de of the coast that commeth from the East to the West and beginneth the course that goeth North and South and standeth in 19. degrees rather more then lesse From Cape de Cruz thou must stirre Westnorthwest and this way thou shalt haue sight of the Isle de Pinos and if thou haue faire weather then thou must goe Northwest and by West because of the currents that will set thee out to sea And keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of an high land I tell thee it is the marke of the Isles called los Iardines and is commonly called the land of Zagneio and then thou shalt goe West and by South and if it bee by night then goe Westsouthwest vntill thou haue brought thy selfe out from The Iardines And being by day thou shalt keepe off the land and
shalt goe Westnorthwest and so thou shalt see the Isle de Pinos The markes to know the Cape de Santo Antonio THe headland called Capo de Santo Antonio is a lowe land and full of trees and vpon the Cape it selfe it hath two or three thicke woods and the coast lyeth Northwest and Southeast And thou must also take good heed that thou haue sight on the same coast of a white sandie Bay and it is on the same coast that lyeth Northwest and Southeast Aud these be the markes from Punta de las Arenas or The poynt of the sands to the Cape of Saint Anthonie and from the Cape de Corrientes to Punta de las Arenas thou shalt haue a great Bay being so long that if thou be not very neere the shore thou canst not see land it is so low And if thâ—u see not the land well it will shew to be a tuft of trees And the Cape of S. Anthony standeth in 22. degrees A ruttier that a man must keepe from Dominica to Martinino and so to Tierra firma I Aduise thee that going from Martinino or Dominica if thou wouldest goe for Margarita that thou stirre South and by West because of the great currents that goe here and set Northwest And by this course thou shalt find the Testigos which be 4 or 5 Islands and if thou wilt not goe so much to windward then thou shalt see Frailes which bee three small Islands And if thou wilt goe into the harbour of Manpater it is presently in doubling of the point on the East side to the Southward And being minded to go for puerto de Iuan Griego which lieth on the Northside then go neere the land aud along the coast of the West and presently thou shalt haue sight of puerto de Iuan Griego it standeth in 11. degrees I aduise thee that going from Matalino which standeth in 13. degrees if thou wouldest goe to Cartagena thou shalt goe West and by South and by this way thou shalt haue sight of the Isles of Curaçao and Aruba which stand in 12. degrees from these Islands thou shalt go West and when thou art North and South with Monjes thou shalt see them to be three little white Islands and they are white because of the multitude of birds that are there they stand in a triangle From thence thou shalt goe West if it be by day and so shalt haue sight of Coquebacoa that standeth in 12. degrees And being by night then goe Northwest and by day thou shalt cast to goe for the land againe Westsouthwest Coquebacoa hath a certaine poynt not very high and within this poynt thou shalt see in the inland certain hilles which bee called las Sierras de Auite Going from this poynt of Coquebacoa thou shalt run West and shalt run along the coast and shalt go to haue the sight of Baya honda and Portete which is a low land euen with the sea The Cape de la Vela lieth with a redde shewe not very high and without this Cape about a league there is a little coppled rocke A man may be bold to go betwixt this rocke and the maine And going from this Cape to haue sight of Cape del Aguja thou must stirre Southwest and thou shalt haue sight of the Ancones which lye at the ende of the hilles called Sierras Neuadas And then presently thou shalt see the Cape del Aguja the marks whereof are these It is a low Cape and vpon it is a copple not very high and there beginneth the high land of the Sierras Neuadas or snowy mountaines Take this for a warning that if thou goe for Cape de la Vela by night by the course abouesayd and commest into a whitish water then sound and thou shalt find 40. fathoms and thy sound will be certaine smal sandy white daze and some smal weeds And then thou mayest make account that thou art North and South with the riuer called Rio de Palominos which commeth out of the midst of the Sierras Neuadas And being benighted thou shalt go Westnorthwest or West and by North vntil day and being day then thou mayest hale in with sight of the land Southwest because thou mayest be sure to come right in with it If thou goe from Cape del Aguja for Cartagena if it bee by day thou shalt goe West and by South and shalt goe to haue sight of Morro Hermoso that is The faire mountaine which lyeth to the Westward of Rio grande And being alone and with a good ship of saile and drawing towards night then thou must come to anker behind Morro hermoso and after the first watch thou must see saile and go out West and by North because thou must be sure to keepe a seaboord from the Island de Arenas which lyeth 2 leagues to seaward right against Samba And if thou goe from Cape del Aguja by night thou shalt goe West and by North and so thou shalt goe without the force of the water of Rio Grande And being by day thou shall goe along the coast and shalt see Morro hermoso which as I haue sayd lyeth to the West of Rio Grande and hath for markes a face of a blacke land not very hie and it is round And if thou depart by day from Morro hermoso thou must goe West and must take heede as I sayde before of the Isle de Arenas which lyeth North and South off Samba Samba hath for a marke as it were a gallie towed And going this way by day thou shalt see El buio del Gato which is an high land with certaine white cliffes to the seaward and also more to the West thou shalt see the poynt called Punta de la Canoa which is a low land euen with the water and there endeth the coast which lyeth East and West And the Bay that goeth to Cartagena beginneth here and lyeth Northeast and Southwest And take this for a warning that if thou be benighted against Samba thou shalt take in thy sailes lye off to the offward vntil midnight without any saile abroad vntil midnight and from midnight forward thou shalt lye so into the land without sayle and if in the breake of day thou see no land then goe Southwest and if this way thou haue sight of certaine white cliffes make account it is Buio del Gato Take this for a warning if thy ship bee great come not nigh the land in the Bay I meane thou mayest not with a great ship come nigh the land from the poynt de la Canoa vntill thou come to Cartagena because in many places there are not aboue 3 or 4 fathoms at the most In all this Bay there is no hie land but the Gallie which is right ouer the harbour of Cartegena And if it chance that any man come for this place that neuer was here before then let him looke for a little hill
certayne shoald whereupon the sea doth alwayes beate I aduise thee that if thou canst not passe on the West side then thou must goe betwixt the sayd little copple that is like a sayle and the shoald for the passage is good But if thou depart from the Serranilla to the Northwest and seest a lowe land with the sea and certaine white sandy bayes and on the West side seest a low land and on the Eastside a little coast lying East and West thou mayest make account it is Cape de Corrientes And if thou goe from Cape de Corrientes for Cape de Santo Antonio thou must goe Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe with the Cape The marks be a low land full of trees with certaine white sandie bayes and vpon the Cape it selfe thou shalt see two thicke groues of great trees and they be vpon the Cape it selfe To go from the Cape de Sant Antonio for Hauana in the time of the North winds thou shalt goe Northwest vntill thou be cleere of all the shoalds of the Cape and then hale thy bâ—wlines and go as neere the wind as thou canst possibly vntill thou bring thy selfe vnto 24. degrees and there sound and thou shalt find it the Tortugas and thy sounding will be white sand Thou must take heede what is said in the Chapter before for he that writ the same hath seene it and bene witnesse to this that comming from Seranilla and stirring North and by East he had sight of an Island standing in 16. degrees and it is on the shoalds of Cape de Camâ—ron And from thence if thou haue the wind large goe Northeast and by East because of the variation of the compasse and thou shalâ— make thy way Eastnortheast and thou shalâ— fall with Isla de Pinos This I I say because the currents set sometime West and so it fell out to bee true in March. Anno Domini 1582. I tell thee farther that wee came out from this aforesayd Isle stirring North and by East for the wind would not suffer vs to lye neerer the East and one euening at Sunne going downe we fell with a lâ—nd that had the â—ame markes to our iudgement with the Cape de Corrientes and because night was at hand we wrought to double Cape de Sanâ— Anâ—onio stirring West and about midnight we had land all high right aheadâ— the câ—â—st lying Southwest and then we cast and lay Northeast till day And bâ—ing day wee saw the land all ahead and we plied to wind-ward to the East and kept it a larboord till we had brought it Southwest And to be short we went hâ—re on land in the same place that we first fell wâ—th in the euening before and it was an Island called Coçumel lying on the coast of Incatan And this Island was the land which we saw first seeming by the marks to be the Cape de Corrieâ—tes Wee came to an ankeâ— about the middest of the Island rather to the Norther then the Souther part there we found a towne of Indians who gaue vs all things which we needed for our money and wee carried our Astrolabs on sâ—â—re and tooke the height in 19. degrees and one tierre A man may goe betweene this Island and the coast of â—ucaâ—an and the Cape de Cotoche at pleasure Northeast and the water wil set in thy fauour and thou must go till thou be in 24. degrees and so thou shalt haue the sounding of the Tortugas The course to be kept from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna IF thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna and beeing late thou shalt stirre Westnorthwest till thou be in the height of 24. degrees and from thence thou shalt stirre something to the West vntil thou bring thy selfe North and South with the litle Iland called Vermeja and when thou art so thou shalâ— go Southwest by this way thou shalt find Villa Rica which is in 19 degrees a halfe and the signes be these Thou shalt find a ledge of high hils lying Northeast and Southwest But if thou chance to fall with a coast that lieth North and South then thou mayest account that it is about the low ground of Almeria which hath these markes It is a land not very high and it is full of little copples And if thou haue cleare weather thou shalt see within the land certaine high hils which are called the hils of Papalo And I aduise thee that beeing so farre shotte as the poynt called Punta delgada which is the ende of all those hilles of Villa Rica thou mayest stirre thence South and by West and thou shalt goe along the coast and shalt see a lowe land and with this land thou shalt fall going for Saint Paul and being so farre shotte as Saint Paul if thou wilt goe in o the harbour thou must stirre Southwest and this is the course that thou must keepe being shotte into the Bay And thou shalt goe along the coast of the lowe land in sight thereof and keeping this course thou shalt see on the other side a blacke hill and it is called Monte de Carneros Take this for a note that it lyeth ouer the house of Buytron and as thou doest come neerer to the poynt of rockes thou must bee sure to keepe thy lead going and shalt haue foure fathomes and a halfe or fiue fathâ—mâ—s and so thâ—u mayest goe through the middest of the chanell And comming against the castle thou shalt giue it some breadth off towards the Aâ—recise or rocke and hauing doubled the castle thou shalt goe from thence and shalt bring thy selfe to an anker hard by the Herreria which is a cleane Bay and thou shalâ— ride against the hospitall I aduise thee that if thou be benighted when thou are neere to S. Paul and meetest with a Northerly wind after midnight that then thy best way is to bring thy selfe into thy coarses and lye by plying to windward and to seaward in 20. fathomes which depth thou shalt haue neere the shâ—re to the Northward and being day then goe in with the harbour as thou canst best obseruing what is abouesaid And I aduise thee if thou come from Villa Rica and findest thy selfe in 20. degrees and a halfe and seest no land and seest that the water doth alter thou shalt sound 60. fathomes water and if in this depth thou hast oaze make account thou art East and West with the riuer of Almeria This course is from the Cape of Santo Antonio to Nueua Espanna without or aseaboord the Alacranes or Scorpions Now followeth how to worke if a man come betwixt the Alacranes and the maine If thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio and wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna within the Alacranes thou must sâ—irre West and by South and by this way thou shalt bring thy selfe in 20. fathoms and
suâ—e they are The Iardines and then stir out againe South till you bee cleare of them and when you haue brought them North of you then may you stirre away West if it bee by day if it bee bynight West and by South till you see the Island of Pinos The markes of Isla de Pinos THe Island of Pinos stretcheth it selfe East and West and it is full of homocks and if you chance to see it at full sea it will shewe like 3. Islands as though there weâ—e diuers soundes betweene them and that in the midst is the greatest and in rowing with them it will make all a firme lande and vpon the East side of these three homocks it will iâ—â—we all ragged and on the West side of them will appeare vnto you a lowe point euen with the sea and oftentimes you shall see the trees before you shall discerne the point Directions from the Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes IF you saile from the foresayde Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes stir away West and by North and before you come to the sayd Cape vpon the Northside of you you shall see certâ—ine mountaines all full of homocks which are called Las Sierras de Guanaguaâ—ico and that vpon the West part hath more homocks then that on the other Markes of Cape de Corrientes CApe de Corrientes is a lowe Cape though not so low as the other part of the land that lyeth along by it for it is more lowe and hath vpon it 4. or 5. great splats like vnto oxen and the very point of the Cape is all white sand and from thence Westward you shall discerne no lande for it maketh a great bay and from hence you must saile to Cape de Sant Anton. Markes of Cape de Sant Anton. THe cape of Sant Anton is lowe by the sea and all full of shrubs or trees and you shall see within the land a lake of fresh water and if you want water there you may water and vpon the North side of the said Cape you shall discerne a palme tree higher then the rest of the trees and it sheweth round like a bowle at the top like to the top of a ship and North from the Cape are certaine sholdes which are 2. or 3. leagues long Directions from the Cape de S. Anton to Nueua Espanna on the outside of the small Islands called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you will sayle from Cape Sant Anton to Nueua Espanna with a North winde then stirre away Westnorthwest from 21. to 22. degrees and then sound vpon the pracel or flat and if you see by this direction that you holde water then stir away Northwest vntill you lose the ground and then follow your course againe vntill you haue brought your selfe into 24. degrees and ½ and then saile West vntill you bring your selfe North and South with the Isle Veâ—meja or The red Isle then stir away Southwest and by this way you shall finde Villa rica on the coast of Nueua Espanna And if by going this course you be in 19. degrees and ½ and chance not to see the lande then stir away West vntill you see Villa rica and from thence saile you South for the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua and if you should be neere the land you must stir South and by West towardes the same harbour And if you chance to see the Volcan or burning hill to beare west by South from you then know that the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua shal be East and west off you Markes of Villa rica VIlla rica standeth in 19. degres and ½ and the signes thereof are certaine high hilles full of homocks of many heads which haue on the top of theÌ„ certain white patches after the maner of white beaten wayes and these hils lie Northeast and Southwest And if you doubt whether these be the Sierras or hils of S. Martin wet your lead or sound and if you finde bottome they are the Sierras of Villa rica and saile you to the landward and looke by how much you come neerer the land so much will they seeme lower vnto you but so doe not the hilles of S. Martin for the neerer you come to them the higher will they appeare to you and likewise if they â—e the hilles of Sâ— Martin you shall not finde bottome but euen at land it selfe Markes of Rio de las palmas and of the riuer of mountaines called Rio de las montannas IF you should chance to fall with Rio de las palmas or The riuer of palmes or els with the riuer of Mountaines it is all of plaine lande and full of trees and certaine woodie homocks and among them certaine heapes of saâ—d and all this along by the sea side and if you went by land to the riuer of Panuco you shall haue many mouthes or openings of plaias or strands where also are many lizas or oazy places which â—â—retch to Rio Hermoso You must beware what part soeuer you happen of this coast to fall withall to discouer it and although you knowe it you must sound the depth because if the windes bee Easterly the current setteth there much to the North but if you should be 40. leagues at sea then this current setteth to the Northeast Markes of Rio Hermoso or The beautifull riuer IF you wil seeke the riuer talled Rio Hermoso looking well within the land you shal see three homocks of an high hill and those two which are to the landward within are rounder theÌ„ the other which is neerest the sea for that it is longer and bigger and lyeth North and South and you shall bâ— 4. leagues at sea when you shall see them and they are called The sierraâ— or mountaines of Tamaclipa and from thence to the riuer of Panuco there is no high land but all lowe and euen with the sea and full of palme trees and other trees Markes of the riuer of Panucâ— IF you fall with the riuer of Panuco betweene which and the foresayde Villa rica standeth the Island called Isla de Lobos or The Isle of seales the markes bee these From the mouth of the riuer it maketh a great day without and at the ende of this bay vpon the Northside there is oazy low and bare ground altogether without trees and at the out ende of the oazy lowe place vpon the West side it maketh a low homock like to a Lizards head and when you see the aforesayde cliffe you shall bee in the opening of the mouth of the sayd riuer and then shall you see a little low tower hauing on the top of it a crosse which the fishermen call Marien and this barre hath on it 2. fathom waterâ— and 2. and ½ and you neede not to stay for the tyde for that it floweth not there and that you may the better knowe whether you bee in this bay
our pilot withall for being naturall of those riuers we assured our selues hee knew the way better then any stranger could And indeed but for this chance I thinke we had neuer found the way either to Guiana or backe to our ships for Ferdinando after a few dayes knew nothing at all nor which way to turne yea and many times the old man himselfe was in great doubt which riuer to take Those people which dwell in these broken islands and drownâ—d lands are generally called Tiuitiuas there are of them two sorts the one called Ciawani and the other Waraweete The great riuer of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall out on the North side of his owne maine mouth on the South side it hâ—th seuen other fallings into the sea so it disâ—mbâ—queth by sixteâ—ne armes in all betweene Ilands and brokâ—n ground but the Ilands are very great many of them as bigge as the Isle of Wight and bigger and many lesse Fâ—om the first branch on the North to the last of the South it is at least 100 lâ—agues so as the riuers mouth is 300 miles wide at his entrance into the sea which I take to be farre bigger then that of Amazones All those that inhabit in the mouth of this riuer vpon the seuerall North branches are these Tiuitiuas of which there are two chiefe lords which haue continuall warres one with the other The Ilands which lie on the right hand are called Pallamos and the land on the left Horotomaka and the riuer by which Iohn Dowglas returned within the land from Amana to Capuri they call Macuti These Tiuitiuas are a very goodly people and very valiant and haue the most manly speech and most deliberate that â—uer I heard of what nation soeuer In the Summer they haue houses on the ground as in other places in the Winter they dwell vpon the trees where they build very artificiall townes and villages as it is written in the Spanish story of the Weâ—t Indies that those people do in the low lands nere the gulfe of Vâ—aba for betweâ—ne May September the riuer of Orenoque riseth thirty foot vpright and then are those ilands ouerflowen twenty foot high aboue the leuell of the ground sauing sâ—me few raised grounds in the middle of them and for this cause they are inforced to liue in this maner They neuer eat of any thing that is set or sowen and as at home they vse neither planting nor other manurance so when they come abroad they refuse to feed of ought but of that which nature without labour bringeth â—orth They vse the tops of Palmitos for bread and kill deere fish and porks for the rest of their sustenance They haue also many sorts of fruits that grow in the woods and great variety of birds and fowle And if to speake of them were not tedious and vulgar surely we saw in thâ—se passagâ—s of very rare colours and formes not elsewerâ— to be found for as much as I haue either seene or read Of these people those that dwell vpon the branâ—hes of Orenoque called Capuri and Macurâ—o are for the most part carpenters of canoas for they make the most and fairest canoas and sel them into Guiana for golde and into Trinidad for tabacco in the â—xcessiue taking whereof they exceed all natâ—ons and notwithstanding the mâ—istnesse of the aire in which they liue the hardnesse of their diet and the great labours they suffer to hunt fish and fâ—wle for their liuâ—ng in all my life either in the Indies or in Europe did I nâ—uâ—r bâ—hold a more goodly or better fauâ—urâ—d pâ—â—ple or a more manly They werâ— woont to make warre vpon all nations and especially on the Canibals so as none durst without a good strâ—ngth trade by those riuâ—rs but of late they are at peace with their neighbours all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy When their commandâ—rs die they vse greâ—t lamentation and when they thinke tâ—e flesh of their bodies is putrified and fallen from the boâ—es then they take vp the caâ—case againe and hang it in the caciques house that died and dâ—â—ke his scull wâ—th feathers of all colours and hang all his golde plates about the bones of his armes thighs and legs Thosâ— natiâ—ns which are callâ—d Aâ—wacas which dwell on the South of Orenoque of whâ—â—h place and nation â—ur Indian pilot was are disperâ—ed in many other places and doe vse to bâ— at the bones of their lords into â—owder and their wiues and friends drinke it all in their seuerall sorts of drinks After we departed from the port of these Ciawani wee passed vp the riuer with the flood and ankered the ebbe and in this sort we wâ—nt onward Thâ— third day that we â—ntred the riuer our galley came on ground and slucke so fast as we tâ—ought that â—uen there â—ur discâ—uery had ended and that we must haue left fourescâ—re and ten of our men to hâ—ue iâ—haâ—ited like râ—oks vpâ—n trees with those nations but the next morning after we had cast out all her â—allast with tugging and halling to and fro we got her aflote and went on At fouâ—e dâ—yâ—s â—nd wee fell into as gâ—odly a riuer as euâ—r I beheld which was called The great Amana which râ—nne mâ—re dirâ—ctly withâ—ut windings and turnings then the other but soonâ— after the flood of the sea left vs and bâ—ing inforced eitâ—er by maine strength to row against a violent current or to returne aâ— wisâ— as we went out we had then no shift but to perswade the companies that it was bâ—t two or threâ— dayeâ— wâ—rke and therefore desired them to take paines euâ—ry gentleman others taking their turnes to row and to spell â—ne the other at the houres end Euâ—ry day we passed by goodly branches of riuers some falling from the West otheâ—s froÌ„ the East into Amana but thosâ— I leaue to the dâ—scription in the Cart of discouery where euery one shal be namâ—d with his rising and dâ—scent When three dayes more were ouergone our companies began to despaire the weather being extreamâ— hote the riuer bordered with very high trees that kept away the aire and the current against vs â—uery day strongâ—r thâ—n othâ—r but we euermore commanded our pilots to promise an ende the next day and vsed it so long as we were driuen to assure them from foure reaches of the riuer to three and so to two and so to the next reach but so long we laboured that many dayes were spent and wee driuen to drawe our selues to harder allowance our bread euen at the last and no drinke at all and our men and our selues so wearied and scorched and doubtfull withall whether wee should euer performe it or no the heat increasing as we drew towards the line for wee were now in fiue degrees The further we went on our victuall decreasing and the aire breeding great faintnesse wee grâ—w weaker and weaker when wee had most need of
and from those mountaines they brought it when they would hâ—uâ— it but they made no great account of it for they neither buy nor sell and amongst them is nothing but change In this countery they eate bread of rootes and Maiz and they eate certaine rootes which they call Aies and Batatas but the Batatas bee better then the other rootes and being rawe they haue a smell of Chestnuts they are to be eaten rosted These Indians doe make wine of the fruit of Date-trees which fruit is yellow in colour and is as great as a little Doues egge and being in season is good to be eaten and of it proceedeth good wine and is preserued for a long time These kinde of people do make their houses with vpper roomes and they sleepe in them as also al their habitation is in the vpper roomes and that which is belowe they leaue open and also they vse certaine mantels of cotten wooll and these they tie at the endes with ropesâ— and the one ende of of the rope they make fast to one part of the house and the other ende to the other part of the house and in these they lye which bee their beddes and these kinde of beds bee vsed in all India and there is not in any part of India any chambers that the people do vse to lodge in aloft fâ—om the ground nor they make any hie roomes but only in this part of India in al other places they make their houses without any loftes or chambers and they couer their houses with the leaues of date trees and of grasse And from this fresh water-sea vnto Paria the coast lyeth West Northwest and is so ful of sholds that the ships cannot come neer to the land There are froÌ„ this riuer to Paria 250 leagues In this fresh water sea the tydes do ebbe flow as much as they do in Britayne and it standeth in 6 degrees and a halfe Paria standeth on the other side of the Equinoctial toward the North in seuen degrees In Paria the sea floweth but little and from Paria towards the West the sea doth not flow From the entry of the gulfe of Paria vnto the Cape that lyeth towards the West are 35 leagues and froÌ„ thence the coast turneth towardes the Northeast other 35 leagues from thence the coast turneth toward the West Before this gulfe standeth the Island of Trinidad and towards the West doeth appeare the gulfe of Paria like to halfe a round circle after the fashion of a Diameter and at the end of this circle is the entery in of Paria at this entery there is betweene the land and the Island 8 leagues and on the other side there is but litle space betweene the Iland and the land but it is deepe and hath a good entry this Iland of Trinidad hath in length 25 leagues and as many in bredth and standeth in eight degrees and is inhabited of many people and as yet not vnder subiection Here the Indians do vse to shoote with bowes and arrowes which are of a fathome in length made of reeds which grow in that Countrey and at the ende of them is artificially ioyned a piece of wood very strong vnto the which piece of wood at the end of it they put a bone of a fish in place of an arrow head these kinde of bones bee harder then Diamonds and euery one of them be three or foure fingers long they are taken out of a fish that hath three of these bones one vpon the backe another vnder euery wing but that which groweth vpon the backe is the strongest and the greatest In this Island the people saith that there groweth golde and in this Island and in Paria growe reedes so great that they make staues of them and cary of them into Spaine Likewise there bee Popiniayes very great and gentle and some of them haue their foreheads yellow and this sort do quickly learne to speak and speak much There be likewise in the gulfe of Paria pearles although not many but very good and great CERTAINE VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS AND Traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasil together with a Ruttier for all that coast and two intercepted letters which reueale many secrets of the state of that Countery the rest of our Voyages to Brasil which haue bene either intended or performed to the Riuer of Plate the streight of Magellan the South sea or farther that way being reserued for the geuerall heades next insuing A briefe relatioÌ„ of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plimmouth father to Sir Iohn Haukins knight late Treasurer of her Maiesties Nauie in the yeere 1530 and 1532. OLde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth a man for his wisedome valure experience and skill in sea causes much esteemed and beloued of K. Henry the 8 and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time not contented with the short voyages commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe armed out a tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes called the Paule of Plimmouth wherwith he made three long and famous voyages vnto the coast of Brasil a thing in those dayes very rare especially to our Nation In the course of which voyages he touched at the riuer of Sestos vpon the coast of Guinea where hee traffiqued with the Negros and tooke of them Elephants teeth and other commodities which that place yeeldeth and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil he vsed there such discretion and behaued himself so wisely with those sauage people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them Insomuch that in his second voyage one of the sauage kings of the countrey of Brasil was contented to take ship with him and to be transporâ—ed hither into England whereunto M. Haukins agreed leauing behinde in the Countâ—ry as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth This Brasilian king being arriued was brought vp to London and presented to K. Henry the 8. lying as then at White-hall at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle maruaile and not without cause for in his cheekes were holes made according to their sauage maner and therein small bones were planted standing an inch out from the said holes which in his owne Countrey was reputed for a great brauerie He had also another hole in his nether lip wherein was set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease All his apparel behauiour and gesture were very strange to the beholders Hauing remained here the space almost of a whole yeere and the king with his sight fully satisfied M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment purposed to conuey him againe into his countrey but it fell out in the way that by change of aire and alteration of diet the said Sauage king did
cast off another and filled our owne ships with the necessaries of them The 8 day wee put off to sea but yet with much adoe came againe to our ankoring place because of the weather The 10 day the admirall sent for vs to come aboord him and being come hee opened a Carde before all the company and tolde vs that my lords voyage for the South sea was ouerthrowen for want of able men and victuals and that therefore hee thought it best to plie for some of the Islands of the West India or the Açores to see if they could meete with some good purchase that might satisfie my lord These wordes were taken heauily of all the company and no man would answere him but kept silence for very griefe to see my lords hope thus deceiueâ— and his great expenses and costs cast away The common sort seeing no other remedie were contented to returne as well as he The 16 day wee espied a sayle whereupon our pinnesse and Dalamor gaue her chase and put her ashore vpon the Island where the men forsooke her and ran away with such things as they could conueniently carte our pinnesse boorded her and found little in her they tooke out of her nine chests of sugar and one hogge and 35 pieces of pewter and so left her vpon the sands From this time forward we began to plie Northwards and the first of Iuly fell with the land againe where we fished and found reasonable good store I tooke the latitude that day and found our selues in 10 degrees and 22 minutes The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck and wee came so neere it that Dalamor as he told vs espied some of the ships that were in the harbour yet notwithstanding we all fell to leeward of the riuer could not after that by any meanes recouer the height of it againe but we ceased not on all parts to endeuour the best we could oftentimes lost company for a day or two one of another but there was no remedie but patience for to Fernambuck we could not come hauing so much ouershot it to the Northward and the wind keeping at the South and Southwest The 20 day I tooke the Sunne in 5 degrees 50 minuts which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck and the further wee went the more vnto wardly did the rest of our ships worke either to come into hauen or to keepe company one with another And â—ruely I suppose that by reason of the froward course of the Admirall he meant of purpose to lose vs for I know not how the neerer we endeuoured to be to him the further off would he beare from vs and wee seeing that kept on our owne course and lookt to our selues as well as we could The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation for our best course some would goe for the West India some directly North for England and in conclusion the greater part was bent to plie for our owne countrey considering our necessities of victuals and fresh water and yet if any place were offered vs in the way not to omit it to seeke to fill water The 26 day in the morning we espied a lowe Island but we lost it againe and could descrie it no more This day we found our selues in 3 degrees and 42 minutes The 27 day we searched what water we had left vs and found but nine buts onely so that our captaine allowed but a pinte of water for a man a day to preserue it as much as might be wherâ—with euâ—ry man was content and we were then in number fiftie men and boyes The first of August we found our selues 5 degrees to the Northward of the line all which moneth we continued our course homâ—ward withoâ—t touching any where toward the end whereof a sorrowfull accident fell out in our hulke which being deuided from vs in a calme fell a fire by some great negligence and perished by that meanes in the seas wee being not able any wayes to helpe the ship or to saue the men The 4 day of September we had brought our selues into the height of 41 degrees 20 minutes somwhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores and thus bulting vp and downe with contrary winds the 29 of the same moneth we reachâ—d the coast of England and so made an end of the voyage A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal borne in the citie of Eluas continued vnto the yere 1587. Wherein among diuers rare things not hitherto deliuered by any other writer certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truâ—ly reported whâ—ch was intercepted with the author thereof at the riuer of Plate by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586. FRancis Drâ—ke an Englishman being on the sea and hauing knowledge of the small strength of the towne of Nombre de Dios came into the harborough on a night with foure pinnesses and landed an hundreth and fifty men and leauing one halfe of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there hee with the rest entred the towne without doing any harme till hee came at the market place and there his company discharging their calieuers and sounding their trumpets which made a great noyse in the towne were answered by their fellowes in the force who discharged and sounded in like maner This attempt put the townesmen in such extreme feare that leauing their houses they fled into the mountaines and there be thought themselues what the matter should be in the towne remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarme But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion ioyned foureteene or fifteene of them together with their pieces to see who was in the towne and getting to a corner of the market-place they discouered the Englishmen and perceiuing that they were but a few discharged thâ—ir pieces at them and their fortune was such that they slew the trumpetter and shot the captaine whose name was Francis Drake into the legge who feeling himselfe hurt retired toward the Fort where he had left the rest of his men but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet and being not answered againe and hearing the calieuers discharged in the towne thought that their fellowes in the towne had bene slaine and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses Now Francis Drake whom his men carried because of his hurt when he came to the fort where he left his men and saw them fled he and the rest of his company were in so great feare that leauing their furniture behinde them and putting off their hose they swamme waded all to their Pinnesses and departed forth of the harbour so that if the Spaniards had followed them they might haue slaine them all Thus Captaine Drake did no more harme at Nombre
Malucos were in that part of the worlde which was allotted to the king of Spaine and that he would finde a shorter way thither then the Portugales tooke and layed before them such infallible reasons that the Councell giuing credite vnto his wordes sent him to sea with fiue ships and 400 men all very well appointed With these fiue ships setting saile from S. Lucar he came to the coast of Brasill where at that time two places were inhabited by Portugales and so sayling on along that coast he passed by the riuer of Plate which riuer was discouered a little before by Solis And notwithstanding many stormes and great mutinies among his companie he came at length vnto 48 degrees to the Southwards of the riuer of Plate where he found an harbour which he named Puerto de Sant Iulian and wintered there and there also he hanged 5 men and put on shore a Priest because they would haue made the company to stand against their captaine and so to haue returned backe againe But in the end hauing pacified his men he put to sea and within 5 dayes after he found the streights which by him were so much desired but before he entered the said streights there befell such a mutinie in one of his ships that the same ship returned backe againe And so himselfe with the other foure ships entering the streights one of the said foure with all the men therein was cast away at the very enterance which losse notwithstanding he proceeded on with the other three ships and passing many troubles and dangers in this long discouery ceased not to prosecute his intended voyage This discouery was at the first thought very profitable vnto the Spaniards but of late it hath prooued very hurtfull vnto them by meanes of certaine coasters which haue sayled the selfe same course These streights stand in 52 degrees and a halfe of Southerly latitude Also here is to be noted that it is colder to the Southward of the line then to the Northward in such wise that in forty degrees to the Southward the colde is more sharpe then in fiftie degrees to the North experience doth alwaies shew the same for it is as colde euen in the streights of Magellan as it is in sixty degrees of Northerly latitude Howbeit the colde is not the cause why nauigators frequent not the same but the Westerly and Southerly windes which blowe most furiously on that coast and that oftentimes out of the very mouth of the streightes and so continue for the most part of the yeere Also there runneth sometimes such a strong current that if the winde and it goe all one way the cables cannot holde neither can the ship withstand the force thereof For which cause and also for that there is no harbour till you be passed 30 leagues into the said streights most part of the ships that haue gone thither haue indured many troubles before they could come to the streights and being come to the mouth thereof they haue bene hindered by the current and winde and so haue beene put backe againe And to the end you may vnderstand the truth I will declare vnto you all the shippes that haue past through the said streights since Magellan first found them vnto this present yeere of 1586 when I haue once ended my discourse of Magellan his owne voyage Nowe you are by the way to vnderstande that the North side of the enterance of these streights is plaine lande without any wood or trees here are likewise some Indians though not many yet are they very mightie men of bodie of ten or eleuen foot high and good bow-men but no man-eaters neither haue they any victuals but such as they get by hunting and fishing they couer their bodies with the skinnes of beasts that they kill to defend them from the colde neither was there euer to this day any siluer or golde found among them or in their countrey These Streights they say extend in length from East to West about an hundred and twentie leagues At the middle of these streights on the North side are many mountaines couered with snow which mountaines stretch from thence along the frontiers of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada euen vnto the shore of the North sea at Santa Martha as I haue before signified It is a wonder to behold the exceeding heigth of these mountaines and the way which they continue couered with snow for euen vnder the Equinoctiall line they haue as much snowe vpon their tops as in 52 degrees Also it is worthy the remembrance that all this countrey towarde the South sea is very fruitfull and the people very discreete and gentle but all the coast towardes Brasill vpon the North sea is poore whereas neuer yet was found any commoditie of account and the people themselues are very cruell and saluage for the will of God is that good and ciuill men should inhabite fruitfull countries And for the better vnderstanding hereof you must note that all the land lying betweene the said ridge of mountaines and the South sea is called by the names of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada which are the best and richest countreys in all the world and most part of the land from the said mountaines to the North sea is called Brasiâ—l being a mountainous countrey where as yet was neuer found either golde or siluer From the said mountaines in the middle of the streights the land riseth high till you come to the end of the streights where you enter into the South sea in which place next the South sea the streights are very dangerous by reason of the sholdes rocks that lie on the North side Thus Magellan after he had entered the South seaâ— within 60 dayes came to the Iles of the Malucos without touching at any land vntill he came thither and so seeking there to lade his ships at an Iland inhabited by Moores he was by them treacherously slaine Now the Spaniards being too few for the managing of all three ships because many of them were dead partly with sicknes and partly with the hardnesse of the voiage determined to abandon one of their said ships and so manned the other two which two being laden with spices and other riches knew not what course they were best to take howbeit at length it was determined that one of these two ships should go for Nueua Espanna and the other for the cape of Buena Esperança and so for Spaine The ship that went for Spaine was called The Victorie the Pilot whereof was a Bisâ—ain named Iuan Sebastian del Cano to whom the king gaue great rewardes and appointed him the globe for his armes whereon was written Primus omnium circunde distime that is thou art the first man that euer sayled about me And albeit this voyage was so long and troublesome as is before mentioned yet many others haue attempted the same And the next that sought
of people it contayneth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a fort built hard by it and here are 500 souldiers continually in garrison Betweene this place and Valparizo the Indians call the coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing 25 leagues vp into the countrey is the principall towne of all Chili and the seate of the gouernour it consisteth of about 800 houses The port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next towne neere the sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the land and containeth about 200 houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a gentleman which is gouernour of the towne hath an Ingeuio for sugar at this place endeth the whole prouince of Chili Here also the mountaines ioyning hard vpon the sea are the cause why all the land betweene Copiapo and Peru containing 160 leagues lyeth desolate The first towne on the coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any farther I will here also declare vnto you the first discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the sea-coast againe and to the ende you may vnderstand mee the better I will begin with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this maine land passing ouer the mountaines they discouered the South sea where because they found Indian people with gold and pearles they built a towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the sea-side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by sea to the coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly winds blowing on this coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to shippes sayling that way and by land the passage was impossible in regard of mountaines and riuers yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Island of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Piçarro borne in the citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a company vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the coast of Peru and hauing obtained licence of the gouernour of that place Francisco Piçarro set foorth with two foresayd Carauels and 100 men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Piçarro sayling along the coast met with much contrary winds and raine which put him to great trouble and he began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sailing of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery riuer and bay that hee saw along the coast which was the chiefe cause that hee stayed so long on his voyage also thirtie of his company dyed by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last hee came to an Island called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supply of victuals of men which ship being departed 40 of his men that remained behind made a mutiâ—y and passed vp into the countrey meaning to returne by land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Piçarro was left vpon the said Island onely with thirteene men who although he had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would he rather die then goe backe and his 13 men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine land in the night season Thus he continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with 40 men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecured his voyage till he came to the first plaine countrey of Peru called Tumbez where he found a fort made by the king of Peru against the Indians of the mountaines Wherefore Piçarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a people of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in gold and siluer and well apparelled At this port of Tumbez hee tooke 30000 pezos of gold in trucke of marchandize and hauing too few men to proceede any further hee carried two Indians with him to learne the language and returned backe for Panama Upon this discouery Francisco Piçarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to â—raue of the king the conquest of this land Whither being come the king granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a fleete of ships and brought also along with him foure of his brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his voyage for Peru being accompanied with his partner Diego de Almagro They sailed first to the Island called Isla del Gallo where Francisco Piçarro and his brethren went on land and left Diego de Almagro in the ships And the whole number which afterward landed on the maine land were 60 horsemen and 120 footemen with two great field-peeces But before we proceede any farther we thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru and the naturall disposition of the inhabitants This countrey was called Peru by the Spaniards of a riuer so named by the Indians where they first came to the sight of gold From which riuer standing vnder the line till you come to Copiapo the first towne on the coast of Chili stretcheth the land of Peru for the space of eight hundred leagues vpon sixe hundred whereof from Aâ—acama to Tumbez did neuer drop of raine fall since the flood of Noah and yet is it the fruitfullest land for all kind of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life that is to be found in all the world besides The reason why it raineth not in this land is because it beeing a plaine countrey and very narrow and low situate betweene the Equinoctiall and the tropique of Capricorne there runneth on the West frontier not aboue twentie leagues from the sea called Mar del Sur Eastward thereof a mighty ridge of high mountaines couered with snow the height of which mountaines so draweth
fathoms vntill wee came vp to the roade which is about a league from the poynt borrowing alwayes on the South side vntill you come vp to the watering place in which Baye is the best roade but you must ride farre into the Baye because there run marueilous great tydes in the offâ—â— and it floweth into the road next of any thing at a Southeast and by East moone It is out of England to this place 930. leagues which wee ranne from the 21. of Iuly to the 26. of this moneth of August On Saturday being the 27. day there came 2. Negros aboord our Admiral from the shore and made signes vnto our Generall that there was a Portugal ship vp within the harborough so the Hugh Gallant beeing the Rere-admirall went vp 3 or 4. leagues but for want of a Pilot they sought no farther for the harborough runneth 3. or 4. leagues vp more and is of a marueilous bredth and very dangerous as we learned afterward by a Portugal On Sunday the 28. the Generall sent some of his company on shore and there as they played and daunced all the forenoone among the Negros to the end to haue heard some good newes of the Portugal ship toward their comming aboord they espied a Portugal which lay hid among the bushes whom we tooke and brought away with vs the same night and he tolde vs it was very dangerous going vp with our boates for to seeke the ship that was at the towne Whereupon wee went not to seeke her because we knew he told vs the trueth for we bound him and made him fast and so examined him Also he told vs that his ship was there cast away and that there were two more of his company among the Negros the Portugals name was Emmanuel and was by his occupation a Calker belonging to the Port of Portugal On Munday morning being the 29. day our Generall landed with 70. men or thereabout and went vp to their towne where we burnt 2. or 3. houses and tooke what spoyle wee would which was but litle but al the people fled and in our retiring aboord in a very litle plaine at their townes ende they shot their arrowes at vs out of the woods and hurt 3. or 4. of our men their arrowes were poysoned but yet none of our men miscaryed at that time thanked be God Their towne is marueilous artificially builded with mudde walles and built round with their yards pales in and kept very cleane aswell in their streetes as in their houses These Negros vse good obedience to their king as one of our men sayd which was with them in pawne for the Negros which came first There were in their towne by estimation about one hundred houses The first of September there went many of our men on shore at the watering place and did wash shirts very quietly all the day and the second day they went againe and the Negros were in ambush round about the place and the carpenter of the Admiral going into the wood to doe some speciall businesse espied them by good fortune But the Negros rushed out vpon our men so suddenly that in retiring to our boates many of them were hurt among whom one William Pickman a souldier was shot into the thigh who plucking the arrow out broke it and left the head behinde and he told the Chirurgions that he plucked out all the arrow because he would not haue them lance his thigh whereupon the poyson wrought so that night that hee was marueilously swollen and all his belly and priuie parts were as blacke as ynke and the next morning he died the peece of the arrow with the poyson being plucked out of his thigh The third day of the sayd moneth diuers of our fleete went vp 4. myles within the harbour with our boate and caught great store of fish and went on shore and tooke Limmons from the trees and comming aboord againe saw two Buffes The 6. day we departed from Sierra leona and went out of the harborough and stayed one tide 3. leagues from the point of the mouth of the Harborough in 6. fathoms and it floweth South Southwest On wednesday being the 7. of the same moneth wee departed from one of the Isles of Cape Verde alià s the Isles of Madrabumba which is 10. leagues distant from the poynt of Sierra leona and about fiue of the clocke the same night we anchored 2. miles off the Iland in 6. fathoms water and landed the same night and found Plantans only vpon the Ilande The 8. day one of our boats went out sounded round about the Iland they passed through a sound at the west end of the Iland where they found 5. fathoms round about the Iland vntil they came vnto the very gutte of the sound and then for a cast or two they had but 2. fathoms and presently after 6. fathoms and so deeper and deeper And at the East ende of the Iland there was a towne where Negros doe vse at sometimesâ— as we perceiued by their prouision There is no fresh water on all the South side as we could perceiue but on the North side three or foure very good places of fresh water and all the whole Iland is a wood saue certaine litle places where their houses stand which are inuironed round about with Plantan-trees whereof the fruit is excellent meat This place is subiect marueilous much to thunder raine and lightning in this moneth I thinke the reason is because the sunne is so neere the line Equinoctiall On saturday the tenth wee departed from the sayde Iland about 3. of the clocke in the afternoone the winde being at the Southwest The last of October running West Southwest about 24. leagues from Cape Frio in Brasile we fell with a great mountaine which had an high round knoppe on the top of it standing from it like a towne with two litle Ilands from it The first of Nouember wee went in betweene the Iland of Saint Sebastian and the mayne land and had our things on shore and set vp Forge and had our caske on shore our coopers made hoopes and so we remayned there vntill the 23. day of the same moneth in which time we fitted our things built our Pinnesse and filled our fresh water And while our Pinnesse was in building there came a Canoa from the riuer of Ienero meaning to goe to S. Vincent wherein were sixe naked slaues of the Countrey people which did rowe the Canoa and one Portugal And the Portugal knewe Christopher Hare Master of the Admirall for that Master Hare had bene at Saint Vincent in the Minion of London in the yeere 1581. And thinking to haue Iohn Whithal the Englishman which dwelleth at Saint Vincent come vnto vs which is twentie leagues from this Harborough with some other thereby to haue had some fresh victuals we suffered the Portugal to goe with a letter vnto him who promised to
of fortie tunnes The tenth day of the same moneth wee set the Indians on shoare which we had taken before in a balsa as we were comming into the road of Puna The eleuenth day wee departed from the sayd Rio dolce The twelft of Iune wee doubled the Equinoctial line and continued our course Northwarde all that moneth The first of Iulie wee had sight of the coast of Nueua Espanna being foure leagues distant from land in the latitude of ten degrees to the Northward of the line The ninth of Iulie wee tooke a new ship of the burthen of 120 tunnes wherein was one Michael Sancius whom our Generall tooke to serue his turne to water along the coast for hee was one of the best coasters in the South sea This Michael Sancius was a Prouensal borne in Marseils and was the first man that tolde vs newes of the great ship called The Santa Anna which wee afterward tooke comming from the Philippinas There were sixe men more in this new shippe we tooke her sailes her ropes and fire-wood to serue our turnes set her on fire and kept the men The tenth we tooke another barke which was going with aduise of vs and our ships all along the coast as Michael Sancius tolde vs but all the companie that were in the barke were flodde on shoare None of both these ships had any goods in them For they came both from Sonsonate in the prouince of Guatimala the new shippe for feare we should haue taken her in the road and the barke to carrie newes of vs along the coast which barke also wee set on fire The 26 day of Iuly wee came to an anker at 10 fathoms in the riuer of Copalita where wee made account to water And the same night wee departed with 30 men in the pinnesse and rowed to Aguatulco which is but two leagues from the aforesayd riuer and standeth in 15 degrees 40 minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctial line The 27 in the morning by the breake of day wee came into the roade of Aguatulco where wee found a barke of 50 tunnes which was come from Sonsonate laden with cacaos and anile which they had there landed and the men were all fled on shoare Wee landed there and burnt their towne with the church and custome house which was very faire and large in which house were 600 bags of anile to dye cloth euery bag whereof was worth 40 crownes and 400 bags of cacaos euery bag whereof is worth ten crownes These cacaos goe among them for meate and money For 150 of them are in value one rial of plate in ready payment They are vâ—ry like vnto an almond but are nothing so pleasant in taste they eate them and make drinke of them This the owner of the shippe tolde vs. I found in this towne before wee burnt it a flasket full of boxes of balme After we had spoyled and burnt the towne wherein there were some hundred houses the owner of the shippe came downe out of the hilles with a flag of truce vnto vs which before with the rest of all the townesmen was â—un away at our first comming and at length came abourd our pinnesse vpon Captaine Hauers worde of safe returne We caâ—riâ—d him to the riuer of Copalita where our shippes rode and when hee came to our Generall hee caused him to bee set on shoare in safetie the same night because hee came vpon the captaines word The 28 day we set saile from Copalita because the sea was so great there that wee could not fill water and ran the same night into the roade of Aguatulco The 29 our Generall landed and went on shoare with thirtie men two miles into the woods where wee tooke a Mestizo whose name was Michael de Truxillo who was customer of that towne and wee found with him two chambers full of his sluffe wee brought him and his sâ—uffe abourd And whereas I say he was a Mestizo it is to be vnderstood that a Mestizo is one which hath a Spaniard to his father and an Indian to his mother The second day of August we had watered and examined the said Mestizo and set him on shore againe and departed from the port of Aguatulco the same night which standeth as I sayd before in 15 degrees and 40 minuts to the Northward of the lyne Here wee ouerslipped the hauen of Acapulco from whence the shippes are set foorth for the Philippinas The foure and twentieth day of August our Generall with 30 of vs went with the pinnesse vnto an hauen called Puerto de Natiuidad where wee had intelligence by Michael Sancius that there should bee a pinnesse but before wee could get thither the sayde pinnesse was gone to fish for pearles 12 leagues farther as we were informed by certaine Indians which we found there We tooke a mullato in this place in his bedde which was sent with letters of aduise concerning vs along the coast of Nueua Galicia whose horse wee killed tooke his letters left him behinde set fire on the houses and burnt two newe shippes of 200 tunnes the piece which were in building there on the stockes and came abourd of our shippes againe The sixe and twentie day of August wee came into the bay of S. Iago where wee watered at a fresh Riuer along which riuer many plantans are growing here is great abundance of fresh fish Heere also certaine of our companie dragged for pearles and caught some quantitie The second of September wee departed from Sant Iago at foure of the clocke in the euening This bay of Sant Iago standeth in nineteene degrees and eighteene minuts to the Northward of the lyne The 3 of September wee arriued in a litle bay a league to the Westwarde off Port de Nauidad called Malacca which is a very good place to ride in and the same day about twelue of the clocke our Generall landed with thirtie men or there about and went vp to a towne of Indians which was two leagues from the road which towne is called Acatlan there were in it about 20 or 30 houses and a Church which we defaced and came abourd againe the same night All the people were fled out of the towne at the sight of vs. The fourth of September wee departed from the roade of Malacca and sayled along the coast The 8 we came to the roade of Chaccalla in which bay there are two litle houses by the waters side This bay is 18 leagues from the Cape de los Corrientes The 9 in the morning our Generall sent vp Captaine Hauers with fortie men of vs before day and Michael Sancius being our guide wee went vnto a place about two leagues vp into the countrey in a most villanous desert path through the woods and wildeâ—nesse and in the ende we came to a place where wee tooke three housholders with their wiues
at the island of S. Andrew where we ankered in 17 fadoms water Item The 17 day of September we departed from the island of S. Andrew and the 24 day of September we put into the bay of Chiametlan where we ankered in 8 fadoms water and the 26 of September we departed from the bay of Chiametlan and the 28 day wee ankered vnder the islands of Chiametlan in 4 fadoms Item The 9 day of October wee departed from the islands of Chiametlan and crossing ouer the mouth of Mar vermejo the 14 day of October we had sight of the cape of California Item The 15 day of October we lay off the cape of S. Lucas and the 4 day of Nouember we tooke the great and rich ship callâ—d Santa Anna comming from the Philippinas and the 5 day of Nouember we put into the port of S. Lucas where we put all the people on shore and burnt the Santa Anna and we ankered in 12 fadoms water Item The 19 day of Nouember we departed from the port of S. Lucas and the 3 day of Ianuary wee had sight of one of the islands of the Ladrones which island is called The island of Iwana standing in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts Item The 3 day of Ianuary we departed from the iland of Iwana and the 14 day of Ianuarie we had sight of the cape of Spirito santo and the same day we put into the Streights of the Philippinas and the 15 day of Ianuary we ankered vnder the iland of Capul on the which iland we watered and wooded Item The 24 of Ianuary we departed from the iland of Capul and the 28 day of Ianuary we arriued in the bay of Lago grande which bay is in the island of Pannay where there were Spaniards building of a new ship Item The 29 of Ianuary wee departed from the bay of Lago grande and the same day at night wee were cleere from the islands of the Philippinas shâ—ping our course towards the ilands of Maluco Item From the 29 day of Ianuary vnto the first day of March we were nauigating between the West end of the island of Pannay and the West end of the island of Iaua minor Item The first day of March wee passed the Streights at the West head of the island of Iaua minor and the 5 day of March we ankered in a bay at the Wester end of Iaua maior where wee watered and had great store of victuals from the towne of Polambo Item The 16 day of March wee departed from the island of Iaua maior and the 11 day of May we had sight of the land 40 leagues vnto the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança the land being low land A note from the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the Northwards ITem The 21 day of May wee departed from the cape of Buena Esperança and the 8 day of Iune we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland of Santa Helenâ— where we watered and made our abode 12 dayes Item The 20 day of Iune at night wee departed from the island of Santa Helena and the 4 day of Iuly we passed vnder the Equinoctiall line Item The 20 day of Iune at night wee departed from the island of Santa Helena and the 25 day of August in the morning wee had sight of the islands of Flores and Coruo in the latitude of 40 degrees Item The 9 day of September 1588 wee arriued after a long and terriblâ— tempest in the Narrow seas in the hauen of Plimmouth in safetie by the gracious and most mercifull protection of the Almighty to whom therefore be rendered immortall praise and thankesgiuing now and for euer Amen A note of our ankering in those places where we arriued after our departure from England 1586. IN primis Wee ankered in the harborow of Sierra leona in 10 fadoms water and a Northwest winde in that rode is the woorst that can blow Item You may anker vnder the island that is called Ilha Verde in 6 fadoms water and the winde being at the Westnorthwest is the woorst winde that can blow Item You may anker vnder the island of S. Sebastian on the Northwest part in 10 fadoms and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in Port Desire in 5 fadoms water and a West and by South winde is the woorst Item You may anker vnder Cape Ioy without the mouth of the Streights of Magellan in 7 fadoms water Item You may anker within the Straights of Magellan vâ—till you come vnto the first narrowing in 25 or 30 fadoms water in the mid way of the Streights Item You may anker in the second narrow of the Strâ—ights in 16 fadoms water Item You may anker vnder Penguin island on which side you please in 6 or 7 fadoms water Item You may anker in Port Famine in 5 or 6 fadoms water and a Southsoutheast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in Muskle coue which coue is on the South side and is 7 leagues to the Southwards of Cape Froward and you shall ride in 12 fadoms Item You may anker in Elizabeth bay which bay is on the North side of the Streights in 8 fadoms water Item From Elizabeth bay vnto Cabo descado you may anker on both sides of the Streights in many places A note of our ankering after we were entred into the South sea IN primis You may anker in the bay of Mocha in 7 or 8 fadoms water and there a Northeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the North side of S. Mary island in nine fadoms water and there a Northnorthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Conception vnder one small island in 9 fadoms water and â— Northnorthwest winde is the woorst winde in that bay Item You may anker in the bay of Quintero in 7 fadoms water and a Northnorthwest wind is the worst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Arica in 6 fadoms and in that bay a Westnorthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Pisca and Paraca in fiue fadoms and in that bay a Northnorthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the bay of Cherepe in 8 fadoms and there from the Northwest vnto the Southeast it is open Item You may anker in the bay of Paita in 7 fadoms water and there a Northnortheast wind is the woorst winde Item You may anker on the Northeast part of the island of Puna in 4 fadoms and a Northeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker at Rio dolce where wee watered vnto the Easâ—wards of the island of Puna in 10 fadoms A note of what depths we ankered in on the coast of New Spaine ITem You may anker in the port of
his name in the countrey of Coray that the king thereof hath sent his ambassadors hither to â—eelde vnto him a kind of homage as he required which ambassadors are now in the city of Miacó And by this Peninsula of Coray he may passe with his army by land in fewe dayes iourney vnto the citie of Paqui being the principall citie where the king of China hath his residence And as the Chinians be weake and the people of Iapan so valiant and feared of them if God doth not cut him off in this â—xpedition it may fall out according to his expectation But whatsoeuer become of China it is held for a certaintie that his comming will cause great alterations in these partes of Ximo especially in this kingdom of Figen wherein are the princedomes of Arima and Oâ—uâ—a and all the â—orce of our Christianity and he told Don Protasio when he was with him once before that he would make him a great man in China and that he would remooue these lordesâ— and deliuer thâ—ir gouernments vnto lordes that were Gentiles which would be the ruine of all this Christianitieâ— neither should wâ— haue any place wherein to remaine For as it is the custome of Iapan in the alterations of estates and kingdomes which they call Cuningaia to remooue all the nobilitie and gentry and to leaue onely the base people and labourers committing them to the gouernment of Ethnicks wee shall hereby also leese our houses and the Christians shall be dispersed with their lordsâ— whom sometimes he handleth in such sort that he giueth them nothing to susâ—eine themselues and so they remaine with all their followers as men banished and vtterly ruined The second Testimonie contaiâ—ing the huge leuâ—es and preparations of Quabacondono as also his warres and conqueâ—ts and he sucâ—esse thereof in the kingdome of Coray Together with a description of the same kingdom and of their trafficke and maner of gouernment and also of the shipping of China Iapan and Coray with mention of certaine isles thereunto adjacent and other particulars very memorable Out of the Epistles of the aforesaid Father Fryer Luis Frois dated 1591 and 1592. ABout this time Quabacondono determining to put his warre against China in execution assembled sundry oâ— his nobles and captaines vnto whom he declared his intent who albeit they were all of a quite contrary opinion yet all of them without any pretense of difficulty approued his determination For he had giuen out that he would not abstaine â—rom this warre although his owne some should rise from death to life and request him yea whosoeuer would mooue any impediment or difficulty in that matter hee would put him to death Wherefore for certaine moneths there was nothing in all places to be seene but prouision of ships armour munition and other necessaries for the warres Quabacondono making a catalogue of all the lordes and nobles his subiects willed euery one of them not a man excepted to accompany him in this expedition inioyning and appointing to each one what numbers they should bring In all these kingdomes of Ximo he hath nominated 4 of his especiall fauourites whom to all mens admiration he will haue to be heads ouer all these new kingdomes notwithstanding that here are 4 others farre more mighty then they Of whom by Gods good prouidence two are Christians to wit Augustine Eucunocamindono gouernour of half the kingdom of Fiâ—ga Cainocami the sou of Quambioindono gouernour of the greater part of the kingdome of Bugen The other two are Ethniques namely Toranosuque gouernour of the halfe of the kingdom of Finga and Augustins mortall enemie and Iconocami gouernour of the residue of the kingdome of Bugen and an enemie both to Augustine and Caâ—nocami And Quabacondono hath commanded all the Christian lordes of Tâ—ximo to follow Christian gouernours Whereupon the lord Protasius was there with 2000 souldiers Omurandono the lord of Ceuxima and Augustins sonne in law which lately became a Christian with a thousand Also he appointed that the gouernours of Firando and Goto should follow Augustine who albeit they were Gentiles had many Christians to their subiects Wherefore Augustine was to conduct 15000 souldiers besides mariners slaues and other base people to cary the baggage of the army all which being as great a number as the former so soone as they arriued in the kingdom of Coray were made souldiers and bore armes Unto the said Augustine Quabacondono in token of singular fauour granted the first assault or inuasion of the kingdome of Coray to wit that he onely with his forces might enter the same the other lordes remaining in Ceâ—xima which is 18 leagues distant from Coray till they should bee aduertized from Augustine which thing procured vnto Augustine great enuie and disdaine from them all howbeit as you shall forthwith vnderstand it prooued in the end most honourable vnto him The other Christian gouernour Cainocami being but a yong man of 23 yeeres he commanded the king of Bungo to â—ollow with 6000 souldiers so that with the 4000 which hee had before his number amounted vnto 10000 besides mariners and others which caried burthens This was must ioyful newes to vs and to all the Christians Of the Ethnick lords Quabacondono appointed the gouernoâ—â— of Riosogo together with Foranosuque to march with 8000 and likewise the king of Saçeuma and Iconocami with as many And amongst all he gaue the first and chiefe place vnto Augustine All the other souldiers of Iapan hee caused to accompanie his owne person the number of all together as appeared out of a written catalogue amounting to three hundreth thousand persons of whom two hundred thousand were souldiers The order prescribed in this whole armie was that first they should make their entâ—ance by the kingdome of Coray which is almost an island one ende whereof ioyneth vpon the maine lande of China which though it be a seuerall kingdome of it selfe â— yet is it subiect and tributarie vnto the king of China And because this kingdom of Coray is diuided but by an aâ—me of the sea â—roÌ„ Iapan Quabacondono determined to subdue the same for that it so aboundeth with victuals that from thence he might the easâ—ier inuade China While all things were preparing it was commanded that at the chief port of Ximo called Nangoia being twelue leagues distant from Fiâ—ando there should be erected a mightie great castle where Quabacondono with all his fleet was minded to stay till newes were brought of the successe of the aforesaid 4 gouernours or captaines Hee appointed also another castle to bee built in Fuchinoxima which is another island situate betweene Nangoia and Ceuxima And he built a third castle in Ceuxima that his passage might be the more commodious The charge of building these castles he imposed vpon the 4 aforesaid gouernoursâ— and commanded the other lords of Ximo their associates to assist them all which so applyed that busines that in 6 moneths space it was wholly finished
are in 44. deg and easie to passe But 5. leagues iourney to passe the 3. Saults Ten dayes iourney from the Saults to this great Lake The Saults are in the latitude of 44. deg Belle Isle Carpont in 52. degrees The Grand â—â—â— in 52. and an halfe A flatte rocke Butes The Isle of Blanc Sablon oâ— white sand The seuerall breadâ—hs of the Grand Bay Blanc Sablon in 51. deg 2. third parts The Islâ—s de la Damoâ—selle in 50 deg 3. fourth parts Many Isles good harboâ—â— Cape Tienot in 50 deg one fourth part The Isle Ascension Asâ—â—â—pâ—ion or Nâ—tiscotto The commendation of the Isle of Ascenâ—ioÌ„ From Cape Briton to the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension is but 50 leagues The Cape of Monâ—z nostre Dame The Bay of Molues oâ— Gaspay The Bay de Chaleuâ— or of Heate The Bay of Ognedoc Greater store and betteâ— fish then in Newfoundland Fouleâ— Trees The month of the riuer of Canada twenty fiue leagues broad The 7 Iâ—les in 50 degrees and a halfe The riuer is here but 10 leagues broad The point of Ongear in 49 degrees and a quarter The Isle of Raquelle in 48 degrees and two third parts The riuer 8 leagues broad The entrance oâ— Saguenay The sea of Cathay The riuâ—r not past 4 lâ—agues ouer The Isle of Hares in 48 and one siâ—â—â—nth part Note The isle of Filbeards in 47 degreeâ— and 3. quarters The beginning of the fresh water The riuer but a quarter of a league bâ—oad The Isle of Orleans in 47. degrees and one third part Canada â— leaguâ— to the West of the Isle of Orleans The Fort of France-Roy stood in 47 degrees and one sixâ— part Why the couÌ„trey is colder in the Winter then France A second reason The variation of y â— compasse From the foâ—t of France Roy vnto y e mouth of the Grand Bay 230 leâ—gs Gold and sâ—luâ—r like to be â—ound in Canada A Bay in 42. degrees giuing some hope of a passage Trees â—edde plums Fowle Corne. Wheate to be â—owen in March The cause of the ofteÌ„ snowing in Canada Diamonts Golde foâ—â—d Iâ—qâ—es Carâ—â—er sâ—oâ—e away Iuly France prime August 1542. September 14 The proportion of their victuals The length of the winter They had women with them Their apparell So haue they of Ceuola and Quiuira and Meâ—a Incognita Their victuals They remoue from place to place Fish Beastes Fowle Their breaâ— of great Myl or Maâ—â— Drinke of Seâ—â—e oyle at their great â—eastâ— Their goâ—ernment The 5. of Iune The 6. of Iune Monsieur de Royeâ—e The 14. of Iune The 19. of Iune Maiz. The 22. of Iuly 1543. Note Free denization granted Anno 1581. A Southerly course not greatly needful for Virginia A sweet smell from the land The first riuer Iuly 13 possession taken Abundance of grapes The Isle of Wokokon Goodly Cedars Pines Cypres Sassaphras Conference with a Saâ—agâ—â— Abundance of fish The arriuall of tâ—e kings brother Trafficke with the Sauages Tinne much â—steemed White corall Perlâ—s Pitch trees The manner of making their boates 〈◊〉 Island The great kindnes of the kings brothers wife A solemne banker Their Idolâ— Skicoak a great towne A ship cast away Their weapons Oâ— Pâ—â—â—â—uaioc Roanoak sixteen miles long They land vpon the Iland of S. Iohn de Porto Rico. They land on the Iles of Caico Guanima Cyguateo They land in Florida Iuly September October The rich and manifold commodities oâ— Virginia Commoditieâ— fit to came to Virginia 2. parts of this discourse The excellencie of the seate of Chesepiâ—ok The towne of Chawanook able to make 700. men of warre An Iland in a Bay Pearles in exceeding quanâ—â—tie An enterpâ—se of speciall importance Whither M. Ralfe Lane meant to remoue Wingina changeth his name Conspiracie of the Sauages against the English * Their women A maruellous Mineral in the câ—untrey of Chaunis Temoatan A conflict begun by the Sauages The great current of the Riuer of Moraticoâ— This sails of making weares would be learned The beginning of theâ—â— haruest in Iuly The conspiracie of Pemisapan The forme of the treason The sufficiencie of our men to deale against the Sauages 10. to an hundreth The Sauages line by fishing and hunting till haruest The slaughter and surprise of the Sauages Pemisapan slaine A letter from Sir Francis Drake This ship arriued in Virginia Sir Richard Grinuils third uoyage Fifteene men more leâ—t in Virginia Fiue thousand pearles â—athred Tabacco Monardes parâ—e â— lib 1. cap. 4. The iuice of Coscushaw is poison There are iâ— kinds of Tuâ—â—â— whereof that which beareth no fruith bringeth foorth the Cochinillo In the â—nâ—fe of California they vse the like fishing Iaques Cartier voyage 2. chap. 8. This want is hereafter to be supplied “ One of the Isles of the Indies inhabited with Sauages Circumspectis to be vsed in strange places “ Musketos Bay is a harbour vpon the south side of S. Iohns Islâ—nd where we â—ake in â—resh water “ A pleasant and fruitfull countrey lying on the west end of S. Iohns Island where groweth plenty of Orenges Limons PlaÌ„tans Pines An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok Edward Spicer Their mâ—aning to â—emoue 50 miles into the countrey Smerwick in the West of Ireland M. William Lane Spanish fugitiues Edward Spicer This fight was in fight of the Iland of Nauara The state oâ— the currency from the capâ— of Florida to Viâ—ginia Sandie Ilaâ—â— West of Wokokon They land â— 35 degrees A breach 2 oâ— 3 leagues into Sea Great diâ—ersity of souÌ„dings Hatorask in 36 degr a â—ercâ— They land Fresh water found in sandy hilles Captaine Spicer drowned They leaue the coast of Virginia 13. Pipes of siluer The Isle of Madêra They diâ—couer land 34. Degrees The coast trendeth to the East in 34 degrees of latitude Câ—â—rteous aâ—d 〈◊〉 They run 50. leagues farther Wilde hempe They ran along the coast 200. leagues They make hollow their Canons with fire Uines like those of Lombardie 100. â—eagues sayling A mighty riuer People clad with leathers of diuers colours The pleasantnes and riches of the land The coast trendeth to the East The description of Claudia Iland tenne leagues from the mayneâ— Claudia was mother of king Franâ—â— A passing good hauen Copper more esteemed then golde Most pleasant and fruitful lands The fashion of their houses The coast full of good hauens Their curing with Tabacco and perfumes 41 degrees 2. terces The description of a notable hauen in 41. deg and 2. â—â—â—ces 150 leagues A shew of minerall The coast running Eastward 10. leagues Here the people begin to be more sauage Beades of copper 32 pleasant Islands They ran almost to 50. degrees Other 〈◊〉 ought to be our warning The chiefe things woâ—â—â—â—e obseruâ—tion in Florida are drawen in colours by Iames Moâ—gues painter sometime liuing in the Black frâ—eâ—s in London A â—â—liâ—â—â—â—â— or 〈◊〉 meâ—◠〈◊〉 â—gâ—uâ—a Meanes to raise benefit in new discoueries vsed by the
de San Barâ—ardo La Bacilla The shoalds of Serrana Serranilla Cape de Corrientes Cape de San Antonio The Tâ—â—tugâ—â—â— Seranilla An Island in 16. degrees 〈◊〉 Câ—â—â— de Cameron The vaâ—iâ—tioâ— of the compasse Isla de Pinos The currentâ— sâ—t here sometimes Wesâ— Isla de Coâ—â—â— The latitude of 〈…〉 19. deg and one â—ieâ—â—e Las Tortugas The little Islâ— called Vermâ—â—â— Marâ—â— oâ— Vâ—â—la Rica The low ground of Almeria Lâ—s Sierras 〈◊〉 Papalo Saint Paul Monte de Câ—rneâ—os Casa de Buytroâ— The castle of S. Iuan de Vâ—lâ—â— The hospitall The riuer of 〈◊〉 Alacranes or â—â—â—pâ—orâ— The triangle â—â—rta or â—aâ—â—a The high hils 〈◊〉 â— Maâ—tin 〈◊〉 de Medelin S. Iuan de Vllua 〈◊〉 in 18. deg and a halfe The Tortugas The currents to the East â—an de Cabanas â—auana â—eâ— Martyres The sholds of Mimbresâ— that is of Osiars The Chanell reacheth to 28 degrees La Bermuda * The variation of the Compasse Flores and Câ—eruo Saint George Terzera The Cape of S. Vincent The windes are alwayes at Northwest in the summer The markes oâ— Capâ— S. Vincent The Asagresal The Cape of Saint Mary The course in winter from the chanel of Baâ—ama The variation of the Compasse Many lost vpon Bermuda by negligence The Isle of S. Marie * Faial The barre oâ— S. Lucar Sierras de Monchico To aâ—oyde men of warre The castle of Aimonte The Cape of S Nâ—colas on the East ende of Cuba Pontâ— de Mayâ—ca â—araâ—oa A â—lâ—â—â—d on the East side of Baracoa â—aâ—o de â—â—a This worde Cayo in the Biskapur â—â—â—gue signifieth a date â— shoald Pracellas The Mosâ—wes Camoloquea The flats of Mecaâ—a to be auoyded Cropeda a flat Island 2. Rockes of stone Punta de Caueus Matanâ—as The currents The Teates of Hauana The â—arbour of Xâ—â—oca Markes to know the harbour of Hauana Caio de Moa Caio Romanâ—â— Alcane de Barasoga Sauano Basquo The Flats of Mecala Take heede of that which is here saâ—d for it hath litle reason Sierras de Camaloquâ—a Caio de Moa Pracellas Hauana Punta de Mance Sierra del Hama Caio Romano The markes of the Flat of Caio Romano Punta de Naga Punta de hidalgo The calmes of 〈◊〉 The variation of the compasse Deseada in 15. â—egrees and a halâ—e Warlike and dangerous Indians like â—hose oâ— Dominica These 2. the white and the gray Islands are rather baâ—â— rockes in the sea foâ— so doeth Farrallon the Spanish word signifie But I interprâ—te it Island because all the rocks separated froÌ„ the bigger Islands are saâ—d to be litle Islands This white bare Island is made whitâ— vp the dâ—ng of birdes and sea-foules that resort vnto it These rockes are called Los 〈◊〉 or the spoâ—tes The point oâ— Causedo â—an Domingo The point of Niâ—ao The Isle of Beata Ocoa Puerto hermoso The Isle of Alto Velo◠〈◊〉 Frailes 〈◊〉 Las sierras de donna Maria. Isla Baque Cape Tiburon The Isle of Nauaza Sierras de Cobâ—â— Sierras de Tarquino Los Caimanes Los Iardines Las sierras de Guanaguarico A conuenienâ— watering place The Isle Vermeja Villa rica â— Iuan de Vllua â— volcan or burning hil â—ierras de Sant Martâ—n Sierras de Villa 〈◊〉 â—io de las palmas Rio de las monâ—anâ—as Rio de Panuco Rio Heâ—moâ—o oâ— The beautiâ—ull â—iuer The current of the bay of Mexico the winde being at the East setteth to the Northâ— and 40. leagues from thâ—â—hoâ—e to the Northeast The mountaines oâ— Tamaclipa 〈◊〉 tide at the riuer of Panuco Laâ— sieâ—ras de Tarquia â— Luis de Tamâ—ice Cabo Roxo A watering place The bay â—â— Cassones All these are vpon the 〈◊〉 of Tabasco Las sierras de â— Pabâ—â—â— Punta delgada oâ— The slendâ—â— pointâ— Cabezaâ— anegadas are 〈◊〉 heads 〈◊〉 vnder water Comedera de Peâ—cado Cabo de Coâ—â—ienteâ— Cabo de S. Aâ—â—ton Cape Sisal vpon the coast of Campeche in lucatan Or Isla de Arenas Sierras de S. Martin Roca partida Or Minsapa Of Antoniserro Las Tortugas The hilles called Los Organos vpon Cuba neere Hauana Rio de puercos Baya honda La quadrilla de sierras El pan de Caâ—annas La mesa de Marien The tower of Hauana Note Chipiona a towne standing vpon the coast of Andaluzia next vnto S. Lucas El pan de Matanzas Barrancas If you will recouer Hauana go also signifie creeks or broken entrances of landes Cabeza de los Martires Which Martires are a number of small Ilands lying ahead the Cape of Florida Los Mimbres The markes of Pan de Matanzas Punta de los Puercos The furious current in the chanell of Bahama Directions is know whether you be in the chanell of Bahama or no. Cabo de Cannaueral in 28. deg and a halfe The course 〈◊〉 Winter The Isle of Bermuda The course in the Summer more Northerly Puerto Pini El Passaje place on the Northeast part of the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Cabo del Enganno the most Easter in Cape of Hispaniola Or Semana Las Ouejas Cabo Franco El Puerto de Plata Baracoa Isla de Tortugas otherwise called Hinagua The Isle of Iaico Las sierras de Cabanca Cayo Romano This word Cayo in the â—â—â—caian tongue signifieth a flat or a shâ—ld Cabo de Cruz. This Island lyeth 100. leagues from Hauana The great Parcel Las Anguillas Another Cayo 6 or 7 leagues from Cayo de Cruz. El Puerto de Maranzas or The hauen 〈◊〉 slaughters 〈◊〉 Las Sierras de Guana Cruz del Padre La Baia de Conel La Baia de Caos or Cayos Or Camoloquec Note large * This is a very commoditus Isle for 〈◊〉 in our way to Virginia * large A treatâ—se of the West Indieâ— The yle oâ— Trinidad Curiâ—paâ— Parico Tierra de Breâ— The death of Captaine Whiddon â— Englishmen betrayed by Antony Berreo The Citie of S. Ioseph taken Antony Berreo taken prisoneâ— Sir W. Ralegâ— passed 400. miles toward Guianaâ— The statelines of Manoa marg Fran. Lopez de Gomara hist. gen cap. 120. Iuan Martineâ— the first that euer saw Mâ—noa Diego de Ordaâ— went â—oorth with 600 souldiers 1531. Fran. Lopez bist gen de las Ind. cap. 87. The great city of Manoa or El Dorado The author of the name of El Doradoâ— The substance of this report is in the end of the nauigation of the great riuer of Marannon written by Gonzalo Fernando de â—uiedo to cardinall Bembâ—â— Ramusin Vol 3. fol. 416. Sir Robert Duddeleyâ— Reade Iosephus Acosta The voyage of sir Iohn Burgh to the West Indiesâ— 1534. Gomar cap. 84â— 86. Don Pedro de Siluaâ— Pedro Hernandez de Serpa Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada Antonio Berreo A new rich trade of the French to the riuer of Amazones The seat of the Amazones Many great riuer a falling into Orenoque The prouince of Emeria inhabited by gentle Indians Carapana Morequito Vides the gouernour of Cumana competâ—tor with Berreo in the conquest of Guiana Macureguaray Ten Spanyards arâ—â—e at Manoa Aromaia Saima anâ— â—â—â—kiri
Iuramentum or othe ministred to the Captaine YOu shall sweare to be a faithfull true and loyal subiect in all points and duties that to a subiect appertaineth to our soueraigne Lord the kings Maiestie his heires and successors and that you shall wel and truely to the vttermost of your capacitie wit knowledge serue this present voiage committed to your charge and not to giue vp nor sooner intermit the same vntil you shall haue atchieued the same so farre foorth as you may without danger of your life and losse of the fleete you shall giue good true and faithful counsell to the said societie and to such as shal haue the charge with or vnder you and not to disclose the secrets or priuities of the same to any person by any maner of meane to the preiudice hurt or damage of it You shal minister iustice to all men vnder your charge without respect of person or any affection that might moue you to decline from the true ministration of iustice And further you shal obserue and cause to be obserued as much as in you lieth all and singular rules articles prouisions hitherto made or heereafter to be made for the preseruation or safe conduct of the fleete and voyage and benefit of the company You shall not permit nor suffer the stocke or goods of the company to be wasted imbezeled or consumed but shall conserue the same whole and entire without diminishment vntill you shall haue deliuered or cause to be deliuered the same to the vse of the companie And finally you shal vse your selfe in all points sorts and conditions as to a faithfull captaine and brother of this companie shall belong and appertaine So helpe you God c. The othe ministred to the Maister of the ship c. YOu shall sweare by the holy contents in that booke that you according and to the vttermost of your knowledge and good vnderstanding in mariners science and craft shall in your vocation doe your best to conduct the good shippe called the N. c. whereof you nowe are Maister vnder God both vnto and from the portes of your discouerie and so vse your indeuour and faithfull diligence in charging discharging lading againe and roomaging of the same shippe as may be most for the benefite and profite of this right woorshipfull fellowship and you shall not priuately bargein buy sell exchange barter or distribute any goods wares merchandize or things whatsoeuer necessary tackles and victuals for the shippe onely excepted to or for your owne lucre gaine or profit neither to nor for the priuate lucre gaine or profit of any other person or persons whatsoeuer And further If you shall know any boatswaine mariner or any other person or persons whatsoeuer to buy sell barter trucke or exchange any goods wares marchandizes or things for priuate account reckoning or behalfe you shall doe your best to withstand and let the same and if you cannot commodiously so doe that then before the discharge of such goods bought for priuat account you shal giue knowledge therof to the cape marchant of this said fellowship for the time being And you shal not receiue nor take nor suffer to be receiued or taken into your said ship during this voyage any maner person or persons whatsoeuer going or returning but onely those mariners whâ—ch without fraud or guile shall be hired to be of your company and to serue in mariners craft and science onely So helpe you God c. These foresaid shippes being fully furnished with their pinnesses and boates well appointed with al maner of artillerie and other things necessary for their defence with al the men aforesaid departed from Ratcliffe and valed vnto Detford the 10. day of May 1553. The 11. day about two of the clocke we departed from Detford passing by Greenwich saluting the kings Maiesty then being there shooting off our ordinance so valed vnto Blackwall and there remained vntil the 17. day and that day in the morning we went from Blackwall and came to Woolwâ—ch by nine of the clocke and there remained one tide and so the same night vnto Heyreth The 18. day from Heyreth vnto Grauesend and there remained vntil the twentieth day that day being Saterday from Grauesend vnto Tilberie Hope remaining there vntill the two and twentieth day The 22. day from Tilbery Hope to Hollie hauen The 23. day from Hollie Hauen till we came against Lee and there remained that night by reason that the winde was contrary to vs. The 24. day the winde being in the Southwest in the morning we sailed along the coast ouer the Spits vntill we came against S. Osyth about sixe of the clocke at night and there came to anker and abode there all that night The 25. day about tenne of the clocke we departed from S. Osyth and so sailed forward vnto the Nase and there abode that night for winde and tide The 26. day at fiue of the clock in the morning we weyed our anker and sailed ouer the Nase the winde being at the Southwest vntill wee came to Orwell wands and there came to an anker and abode there vntill the 28. day The same day being Trinitie Sunday about 7. of of the clocke before noone we weyed our ankers and sailed til we came athwart Walsursye and there came to an anker The 29. day from thence to Holmehead where we stayed that day where we consulted which way and what courses were best to be holden for the discouerie of our voyage and there agreed The 30. day of May at fiue of the clocke in the morning wee set saile and came against Yermouth about three leagues into the sea riding there at anker all that night The last of May â—nto the Sea sixe leagues Northeast and there taried that night where the winde blew very sore The first of Iune the winde being at North contrary to vs wee came backe againe to Orwell and remained there vntill the 15. day tarying for the winde for all this time the winde was contrary to our purpose The 15 day being at Orwel in the latitude of 52 degrees in the morning wee weyed our ankers and went forth into the wands about two miles from the towne and lay there that night The 16 day at eight of the clocke we set forward and sayled vntill we came athwart Alburrough and there stayed that night The 17 day about fiue of the clocke before noone we went backe vnto Orfordnesse aud there remained vntill the 19 day The 19 day at eight of the clocke in the morning we went backe to Orwel and abode there three dayes tarying for the winde The 23 day of Iune the wind being faire in the Southwest we hailed into the seas to Orfordnesse and from thence into the seas ten leagues Northeast then being past the sands we changed our course sixe leagues Northnortheast about midnight we changed our course againe and went due North continuing in the same vnto the 27 day The 27 day about
determined what was best to doe both for the safegard of their credits and satisfying of the aduenturers and resolued if the weather brake vp to make further search The 20 the winde came directly against vs so they altered their purpose and reasoned both for proceeding and returning The 21 the winde being Northwest we departed from these Islands and as we coasted the South shoare we saw many faire sounds whereby we were perswaded that it was no firme land but Islands The 23 of this moneth the wind came Southeast with very stormy and foule weather so we were constrained to seeke harborow vpon the South coast of this entrance where we fell into a very faire sound ankâ—red in 25 fadoms greene osâ—e sand Here we went on shore where we had manifest signes of people where they had made their fire and layed stones like a wall In this place we saw foure very faire faulcons and M. Bruton tooke from one of them his prey which we iudged by the wings and legs to be a snite for the head was eaten off The 24 in the afternoone the winde comming some what faire we departed from this road purposing by Gods grace to returne for England The 26 we departed from sight of the Northland of this entrance directing our course homewards vntill the tenth of the next moneth The 10â— of September wee fell with The land of desolation thinking to goe on shoare but we could get neuer a good harborough That night wee put to sea againe thinking to search it the next day but this night arose a very great storme and separated our ships so that we lost the sight of the Mooneshine The 13. about noone hauing tried all the night before with a goose wing we set saile within two houres after we had sight of the Mooneshine againe this day we departed from this land The 27. of this moneth we fell with sight of England This night we had a marueilous storme and lost the Mooneshine The 30. of September wee came into Dartmouth where wee found the Mooneshine being come in not two houres before The second voyage attempted by M. Iohn Dauis with others for the discouery of the Northwest passage in Anno 1586. THe 7. day of May I departed from the port of Dartmouth for the discouery of the Northwest passage with a ship of an hundred and twentie tunnes named the Mermayd a barke of 60. tunnes named the Sunneshine a barke of 35. tunnes named the Mooneshine and a pinnesse of tenne tunnes named the North starre And the 15. of Iune I discouered land in the latitude of 60. degrees and in longitude from the Meridian of London Westward 47. degrees mightily pestered with yce and snow so that there was no hope of landing the yce lay in some places tenne leagues in some 20. and in some 50. leagues off the shore so that wee were constrained to beare into 57. degrees to double the same and to recouer a free Sea which through Gods fauourable mercy we at length obtained The 29. of Iune after many tempestuous storms we againe discouered land in longitude from the Meridian of London 58. degr 30. min. and in latitude 64. being East from vs into which course sith it pleased God by contrary winds to force vs I thought it very necessary to beare in with it there to set vp our pinnesse prouided in the Mermayd to be our scout for this discouery and so much the rather because the yere before I had bene in the same place and found it very conuenient for such a purpose wel stored with flote wood possessed by a people of tractable conuersation so that the 29. of this moneth we arriued within the Isles which lay before this land lying North northwest and South southeast we know not how farre This land is very high mountainous hauing before it on the West side a mighty company of Isles full of faire sounds and harboroughs This land was very litle troubled with snow and the sea altogether voyd of yce The ships being within the sounds wee sent our boates to search for shole water where wee might anker which in this place is very hard to finde and as the boat went sounding and searching the people of the countrey hauing espied them came in their Canoas towards them with many shoutes and tries but after they had espied in the boat some of our company that were the yeere before here with vs they presently rowed to the boate and tooke hold on the oare and hung about the boate with such comfortable ioy as would require a long discourse to be vttered they came with the boates to our ships making signes that they knewe all those that the yeere before had bene with them After I perceiued their ioy and small feare of vs my selfe with the Merchants others of the company went a shoare bearing with me twentie kniues I had no sooner landed but they lept out of their Canoas and came running to mee and the rest and embraced vs with many signes of heartie welcome at this present there were eighteene of them and to eche of them I gaue a knife they offred skinnes to me for reward but I made signes that they were not solde but giuen them of courtesie and so dismissed them for that time with signes that they should returne againe after certaine houres The next day with all possible speede the pinnesse was landed vpon an Isle there to be finished to serue our purpose for the discouerie which Isle was so conuenient for that purpose as that we were very wel able to defend ourselues against many enemies During the time that the pinnesse was there setting vp the people came coÌ„tinually vnto vs sometime an hundred Canoas at a time sometime fourtie fiftie more and lesse as occasion serued They brought with them seale skinnes stagge skinnes white hares Seale fish samon peale smal cod dry caplin with other fish and birds such as the counâ—rey did yeeld My selfe still desirous to haue a further search of this place sent one of the shipboates to one part of the lande and my selfe went to another part to search for the habitation of this people with straight commandement that there should be no iniurie offered to any of the people neither any gunne shot The boates that went from me found the tents of the people made with seale skinnes set vp vpon timber wherein they found great store of dried Caplin being a litle fish no bigger then a pilchard they found bags of Trane oyle many litle images cut in wood Seale skinnes in tan-tubs with many other such trifles whereof they diminished nothing They also found tenne miles within the snowy mountaines a plaine champion countrey with earth and grasse such as our moory and waste grounds of England are they went vp into a riuer which in the narrowest place is two leagues broad about ten leagues finding it still to continue they
knewe not howe farre but I with my company tooke another riuer which although at the first it offered a large inlet yet it proued but a deepe bay the ende whereof in foure houres I attained and there leauing the boat well manned went with the rest of my company three or foure miles into the countrey but found nothing nor saw any thing saue onely gripes rauens and small birds as larkes and linnets The third of Iuly I manned my boat and went with fifty Canoas attending vpon me vp into another sound where the people by signes willed mee to goe hoping to finde their habitation at length they made signes that I should goe into a warme place to sleepe at which place I went on shore and ascended the toppe of an high hill to see into the countrey but perceiuing my labor vaine I returned againe to my boat the people still following me and my company very diligent to attend vs and to helpe vs vp the rockes and likewise downe at length I was desirous to haue our men leape with them which was done but our men did ouerleape them from leaping they went to wrestling we found them strong and nimble and to haue skil in wrestling for they cast some of our men that were good wrestlers The fourth of Iuly we lanâ—hed our pinnesse and had fortie of the people to helpe vs which they did very willingly at this time our men againe wrestled with them and found them as before strong and skilfull This fourth of Iuly the Master of the Mermayd went to certaine Ilands to store himselfe with wood where he found a graue with diuers buried in it only couered with seale skinnes hauing a crosse laid ouer them The people are of good stature wel in body proportioned with small slender hands and feet with broad visages and smal eyes wide mouthes the most part vnbearded great lips and close toothed Their custome is as often as they go from vs still at their returne to make a new truce in this sort holding his hand vp to the Sun with a lowd voice he crieth Ylyaouâ—e and striketh his brest with like signes being promised safety he giueth credit These people are much giuen to bleed and therefore stop their noses with deeres haire or the haire of an elan They are idolaters and haue images geeat store which they weare about them and in their boats which we suppose they worship They are witches and haue many kinds of inchantments which they often vsed but to small purpose thankes be to God Being among them at shore the fourth of Iuly one of them making a long oration beganne to kindle a fire in this maner he tooke a piece of a board wherein was a hole halfe thorow into that hole he puts the end of a round stick like vnto a bed staffe wetting the end thereof in Trane and in fashion of a turner with a piece of lether by his violent motion doeth very speedily produce fire which done with turfes he made a fire into which with many words and strange gestures he put diuers things which wee supposed to be a sacrifice my selfe and diuers of my company standing by they were desirous to haue me go into the smoke I willed them likewise to stand in the smoke which they by no meanes would do I then tooke one of them and thrust him into the smoke and willed one of my company to tread out the fire to spurne it into the sea which was done to shew them that we did contemne their sorcery These people are very simple in all their conuersation but marueilous theeuish especially for iron which they haue in great accouÌ„t They began through our lenitie to shew their vile nature they began to cut our cables they cut away the Moonelights boat from her sterne they cut our cloth where it lay to aire though we did carefully looke vnto it they stole our oares a caliuer a boare speare a sword with diuers other things whereat the company and Masters being grieued for our better securitie desired me to dissolue this new friendship and to leaue the company of these theeuish miscreants whereupon there was a caliuer shot among them and immediatly vpon the same a faulcon which strange noice did sore amaze them so that with speed they departed notwithstanding their simplicitie is such that within ten houres after they came againe to vs to intreat peace which being promised we againe fell into a great league They brought vs Seale skinnes sammon peale but seeing iron they could in no wise forbeare stealing which when I perceiued it did but minister vnto mee an occasion of laughter to see their simplicitie and I willed that in no case they should bee any more hardly vsed but that our owne company should be the more vigilant to keepe their things supposing it to be very hard in so short time to make them know their euils They eate all their meat raw they liue most vpon fish they drinke salt water and eate grasse and ice with delight they are neuer out of the water but liue in the nature of fishes saue only when dead sleepe taketh them and then vnder a warme rocke laying his boat vpon the land hee lyeth downe to sleepe Their weapons are all darts but some of them haue bow and arrowes and slings They make nets to take their fish of the finne of a whale they do all their things very artificially and it should seeme that these simple theeuish Islanders haue warre with those of the maine for many of them are sore wounded which wounds they receiued vpon the maine land as by signes they gaue vs to vnderstand We had among them copper oare blacke copper and red copper they pronounce their language very hollow and deepe in the throat these words following we learned from them Kesinyoh Eate some Madlycoyce Musicke Aginyoh Go fetch Yliaoute I meane no harme Ponameg A boat Paaotyck An oare Asanock A dart Sawygmeg A knife Vderah A nose Aoh Iron Blete An eye Vnuicke Giue it Tuckloak A stagge or ellan Panygmah A needle Aob The Sea Mysacoah Wash it Lethicksaneg A seale skinne Canyglow Kisse me Vgnera My sonne Acu Shot Conah Leape Maatuke Fish Sambah Below Maconmeg Wil you haue this Cocah Go to him Aba Fallen downe Icune Come hither Awennye Yonder Nugo No. Tucktodo A fogge Lechiksah A skinne Maccoah A dart Sugnacoon A coat Gounah Come downe Sasobneg A bracelet Vgnake A tongue Ataneg A seale Macuah A beard Pignagogah A threed Quoysah Giue it to me The 7. of Iuly being very desirous to search the habitation of this countrey I went my selfe with our new pinnesse into the body of the land thinking it to be a firme continent and passing vp a very large riuer a great flaw of winde tooke me whereby wee were constrained to seeke succour for that night which being had I landed with the most part of my company and went