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A89494 A soveraigne salve to cure the blind, or, A vindication of the power and priviledges claim'd or executed by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, from the calumny and slanders of men, whose eyes (their conscience being before blinded) ignorance or malice hath hoodwinckt. Wherein the fallacie and falsity of the anti-parliamentary party is discovered, their plots for introducing popery into the church and tyranny into the state are manifested: the pretended fears of danger from seperatists, Brownists, &c. blowne away. And a right way proposed for the advancing the just honour of the King, the due reverence of the clergy, the rights and liberty of the people: and the renewing a golden age. by J. M. Esquire. Milton, John, 1608-1674, attributed name. 1643 (1643) Wing M47B; Thomason E99_23; ESTC R18398 38,493 44

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●or conservation of the frame of the government the constitution of this Monarchy which the King declareth he admireth so much were most deficient in the most principall point of all namely the defending and preserving it selfe the very foundation and ground-work as the end of all otherwise provisions orders Laws without which what were they but folly and phantasie Nay were not the folly of the first institution rather to be as much admired as raising an instrument utterly unfit for the purpose it was meant for had it left the maine end of all that is the peoples safetie libertie happinesse in such a case as ours without all possible nay without any provision expresse or imployed by common intendment or analogie of reason or rule of Law though the true the naturall the best or the onely provision or remedie to keep Prince and people in their due temper were so at hand so facile so offering it self and if not before usuall yet used possibly at the very time of such an institution and for that very purpose namely a Parliament or other meeting of the like nature without provision I say against the greatest publick mischief of all that ultimum malum Reipublicae as divine Plato termes it arbitrary power or tyranny and that a mischief so likely to happen more so oft attempted nay actually happening But he that implores force not now to speak of what is pretended herein by words and that though but to resist the orders of that power whose part alone it is to remedie the people in our case doth in fact deny that this Monarchy hath made such provision or hath that power so necessary to help and defend it self or that the people in this case is remediable for by such having recourse to force or warre though but defensive he challengeth and assumeth all the power from the people to himself making himself supreme Judge of all upon the last resort of which somewhat more shortly But the King cannot be so in our present case in which he is a party in as much as the evill proceeds from ill counsell prevailing with him For to bring the hypothesis to a Thesis and not to stand alway on supposition taking it as a supposition that a king seduced may de facto make such attempts as are above put it is more evident of it self then that we need look on the fall of Liberty in France if not from the King nor Counsell about him consequently then whence is the remedie for our losse from the Judges what ever their will may be they want power a●●●●twithstanding they still were present the mischief grew on 〈…〉 be then from the two Houses of Parliament onely unlesse you would have the whole Nation assemble personally as in the Vale of Jehosaphat if you suppose it possible and if possible fit for any thing but confusion except perhaps force the king having to speak with what reverence we can in this case excluded himself and the Clergie justly being excluded from such temporall distractions that it may attend the better and advance the celestiall and ecclesiastick more then enough to take up the ablest men wholly and not a little hindered and discredited by their so great greedinesse after worldly matters let them do their dutie let them teach truly live exemplarily like professors of mortification this will render the people so devoted to religion to them that they may securely trust the Parliament with all that touches them and safely make it their proxy themselves being absent and whilest thus spirituall matters are the better served and attended these and the temporall both receive the greater blessing but such diffidence and suspition in the Clergie if it should not be present in Parliament argues ill deserving since the justice and wisdom of the Parliament as principles of this government ought not to be questioned but how much more is the Clergie to receive at the hands of the Parliament that fuora i. preti i. e. Priests void the roome used by that Councel in Venice of which Bodin in the third book De republicâ the 3. Chapter then when they shall be found in life and doctrine unsound ill affected to the publick good accessarie to the evill to be remedied nay ardent to bring in or maintain either Papistry and idolatrie or at least a most scandalous symbolizing with it in temporall pride riches and greatnesse and even Antichristian domination through the breaches and ruins of their Countrey rather then even a Parliament shall question it The Parliament then and under this notion of the two Houses in these times understood being our onely remedie or rather Physitian it follows it may and is to be Judge of the danger or disease and that of power which is to remedie if it be so is to try whether it be so for without judgement or knowledge of the disease how can there be remedie or how shall the Physitian know what when and how to apply If it be the onely competent Judge of this our dangerous disease and of the meanes to meet with or expell it the knowledge of the remedie depending essentially upon the knowledge of the Maladie and receiving thence its Judications it hath consequently power to execute or act or cause to be executed or acted what it hath or shall judge or ordain necessary for the cure else such power to judge were vain and it would still return that the people were remedilesse But WISDOM or Judgement and POWER as they are divine coincidents and all one really and naturally where they are supreme and essentiall as in the Divine nature it being but our weaknesse of understanding to conceive them disjoyned so for principles of one facultie questioned are to be enforced from an higher facultie even in this supreme power on earth which as farre as frail mortalitie can bear imitates and represents that above they ought not to be by us apprehended separate but mutually presupposing or inferring one the other Let us adde to make up this terrestiall trinity Goodnesse which last may be understood in our present case a doing no unjust or dishonourable thing but wholly intending the publick good according to the peoples trust And it were an arch heresie in the policy of this Monarchy to disjoyn in our beleef or opinion the third from the two former And the Law saying no dishonourable thing is to be conceived of the Parliament it seems all one as to have said in other termes that it is the supreme Judge of the last resort and that even without the king if he hath excluded himself as above which is more then if he were far personally absent or otherwise casually disenabled and as much as if no king at all were for the time where all appeals are to rest and determine all men to acquiesse binding all from questioning what is there done and inferres the supreme power there to reside as being the whole kingdome in which it is radically and fundamentally
A SOVERAIGNE SALVE TO CVRE THE BLIND OR A Vindication of the Power and Priviledges claim'd or executed by the LORDS and COMMONS in PARLIAMENT from the Calumny and Slanders of men whose eyes their Conscience being before blinded ignorance or malice hath hoodwinckt Wherein the fallacie and falsity of the Anti-parliamentary party is discovered their plots for introducing Popery into the CHURCH and Tyranny into the STATE are manifested The pretended fears of danger from Seperatists Brownists c. blowne away And a right way proposed for the advancing the just Honour of the King the due reverence of the Clergy the Rights and Liberty of the people and the renewing a GOLDEN AGE By J. M. Esquire Salus populi est Lex suprema Salus Parliamenti supremum privilegium LONDON Printed by T. P. and M. S. 1643. REader if thou expectest here a polite stile or fluent phrase thou wilt be deceived in thy expectation it is not Rhetorick but reason can satisfie the judgment which this Author intended the former may cozen the conscience and dazle simple men the latter onely can satisfie the Wise and lead to truth A rough Diamond is precious when the best wrought glasse is despicable the painted Oratory which best pleaseth the vulgar ill suits with the well becoming gravity of a Statist The right stating of many questions in the insuing Treatise hath necessitated the dilating of some sentences more then may stand with a pleasing stile yet it is not doubted but the lovers of Truth will find that performed which is promised Farwell SO many excellent Treatises as have been sent abroad to unblind the hoodwinkt world and all clearing this truth That the Parliament is and ought to be supreme Judge might make this seem needlesse but as for a sturdy sore many plaisters are but sufficient so will it not be mis-spent time by the clear demonstrations of truth and right reason to beat down that wall of the too-much-loved-ignorance which hitherto hath kept the divine light of the truth from entring into the dark therfore miserable souls of those deluded ones who with so much earnestnesse lay out their estates expose their families to a thousand miseries nay spend even their dearest bloud to inslave themselves and posterity Love and duty to religion and my countrey now flaming with the fire these men have kindled yet give fuell to yea even pitie to these men hath inforc'd a pen ever before still to expose it selfe to publike censure and if by this poor labour of mine any of these ignorantly erring men may be reduced I have my end as for those who inraged with malice willingly oppose the truth God hath provided her another champion even the sword to vindicate her selfe from the violence of those men on whom the power of reason hath no effect To attain this our end what readier way have we then 1. To discover the falsity of those pretences by which those men are deluded the miseries they bring themselves and posterity into if they yet persist 2. To discover the way to regain our now almost lost liberty and religion 3. To free us from the pretended fears of the invasion of our liberty by the Parliament or of our religion by Brownists Anabaptists and the like And here so many of these men who hitherto through ignorance passion and mistake have been enemies to the Parliament and in them to their religion countrey and themselves I say so many of these as by Gods providence this little Treatise shal com unto are wished out of due care love to the Protestant Religion so desperately undermined by Jesuiticall plots out of love to their poor countrey laws and liberty now at the last gasp as it were either to stand or fall out of pitie to themselves and their posterity designed even to Turkish slavery they would lay aside all prejudicate thoughts and seriously lay to heart the evidences of truth love and labour to defend it wheresoever they find it and in hopes they will do this I will proceed according to the method proposed which was first to discover the deceit of that sophistry by which these truth-haters delude their followers to clear the proceedings of the Parliament from all aspersions of wrong or injustice but because their arts of deceiving are many and it would require too much time to answer particulars therefore I shall endeavour to draw them to some few generals The first then we have to deal withall is this The soveraigne power claimed by the Lords and Commons in Parliament to provide for the Kingdomes safety is an intrenching on His Majesties just Rights and contrary to the knowne Lawes say those deceivers To answer this and in this the whole bulk of their objections against the Parliament I shall first propose this to your consideration Whether if the King having his royall name and authority abused by those about him or misled by his own passion or mistake do command and act things pernicious and destructive to the people religion liberty and lawes contrary to the end and trust of the first institutors of this Monarchy and to the contract at his coronation and convert the power of the people it self to back and carry on those designes refusing to hearken to the petitions of his people or Remonstrances of the great Councell of the Kingdome if in this case the people be remedilesse consider whether the condition of a free nation be not worse then that of a most miserable slave and whether the framers of this Monarchy have not provided better for the means then for the end it self the peoples welfare which is the end of all government For first being before in a free and happy estate every way it must bring it self into servitude and each man make one another mutually and those he holds dearest and his Countrey it self slaves and must expose his own life that he may take the lives of whosoever refuseth slavery Secondly besides thus each man being one anothers mutually and all their countreys executioners each must be bound to expose all he hath and his life as much as In him lieth to procure or advance the means of damnation of those he holds dearest nay of innumerable others and of himselfe Religion being part of the case Thus whereas it seems sufficient to the constitution of a slave not to have power to dispose of himself or of what he hath in a passive way onely in this case men must be positively active against themselves Thirdly and lastly a whole Nation cannot fly or run away from a condition so miserable and by any other meanes unavoidable as a particular slave may More might be said in this point but what needed thus much were not their Judgements with whom we deale as turbu●ent as the waters they have troubled which sort a possibilitie of delusion that yet may partly hoodwinke them must distinguish from the other part among them whom malice hath made utterly reason and
religion proofe and therefore their senses whose soules seeme nothing els are to be dealt with in another method But to the point the premises and consequence being utterly absurd inconsistent contradictory against reason and nature Princes being instituted for the peoples happines and so rather publici servi as regnum splendida servitus and since there is provision against the danger of the minoritie of a Prince who can be onely positively ill it being à fortiori reasonable that it should not be wanting against the perill from such a Prince as we propound who by meanes of a greater maturitie and authoritie may concurre more actively and consequently more perniciously to the greatest evill the people in our case if or when the King makes such attempts in reason cannot be without meanes of remedy It were perhaps so were a King instituted in an immediate miraculous extraordinary manner by God himselfe then a lower power could not disanull the act of the higher or perhaps there were colour if the people it selfe had absolutely given or entrusted it selfe to the power or Provision of the Prince at the first institution or framing of the Monarchy But with us the lawes customes priviledges power and use of Parliaments c. argue or rather are limitations restrictions conditions or reservations made upon the originall trust commission or delegation from the people or after upon occasion which it keeps in its owne power or reserves to it selfe as the supreame resort for extraordinary emergents Nor let any thinke that the King having taken his oath for the keeping himselfe within his bounds or for the observing the lawes liberties priviledges or the like that he is hereupon onely left to God and his conscience and the people without humane remedy if he exorbitate for they ought not to presume but to prove strongly if they could this which were for the disadvantage of the people so mainely for whose good all was intended at the first institution of the Monarchy and the peoples happines ought to be rather favoured and preferred in the interpretation of a doubtfull matter were this such as assuredly according with the first institutors intention and I thinke it is not so apparent if it be apparent at all that the King is so left to God onely as it is that the safetie and happines of the people is L●x suprema and the end of all which is out of doubt and therefore by this tye of an oath and all other sitting ties power and meanes also intended to be procured and secured and all oft little enough though such power is unlesse upon necessitie not onely not to be exercised but also to be kept as secret as may be that the Princes authoritie in as much as it may make for the good of the people may be kept up And perhaps the oath the people hath taken to the King especially as the people is represented in Parliament may respecting at this time this reason onely inferre as well on the peoples side that it is left to God onely thereupon and so supreame in point of judgement and power but allowing or rather understanding truly such power to be in the people and from it in the Parliament as hereafter may further appeare wee are to doe is not this way the peoples libertie rights happines safer and better assured together with the Kings just power or prerogative since the Parliament is not capable could it be willing to usurpe upon either as after may be shewed then imagining such supreame power to be invested in the King either the peoples right or the Kings just power it selfe can be seeing no man will deny but Kings are subjects capable of arbitrary or tyrannicall power oft times willing and giving the attempt and sometimes actually prevailing So if the framers of this Monarchy had intended such paramount power should be still in the King and that in such extraordinary emergents as now appeare in England they had been more solicitous of and provided better far for one meanes of diverse ordeined to an end then for the very end it selfe the peoples happines which they had left still depending dangerously on one mans conscience or will as it should at any time happen to change when so ●ure and safe a provision offered it selfe else-where as before is pa●●●y touched and had preferred the meanes before the end and so doe all the desperate malignants and the disorderers of our times State which is retrograde to reason others may better enforce this point touching the intent of the first institution and adde expresse authorities perhaps out of the Lawes to this end or the practise of Parliaments in such times if such have ever before been or otherwise proceed by analogie and good consequences of reason If it be said that by such a provision of remedie for the people in danger as abovesaid a dangerous president of disobeying and weakning the Ki●gs authority is introduced which may worke even danger of dissolution of the Monarchy Admitting but not granting that upon such a president once made upon an extraordinarie cause and that by an orderly way and which once done may well prevent all future need of making any more such presidents admit such a danger even to the Monarchy followed thereupon which yet will not be made good in our present case as after will appear then here now is the point Among divers forms of government whereby a people may be governed that it may be happie which is the end and ayme of every such form this Nation chose one particular one which it judged fittest to compasse that end as indeed Monarchy duely tempered is the best but distempered by tyranny the worst the advantage of union or unitive power which it hath above other forms strengthening to evill when it degenerates as it did to good whilest it stood incorrupt but if this objection were of weight it would follow that it were more rationall that the peoples felicity which is the supreme end to which all good forms of government are ordained and tend should rather suffer then a particular form or fashion of government of which there are choice and any of which are but one meanes or way to compasse that end if it continue incorrupt but if corrupted to destroy the end and so one meanes to the end nay in our case a meanes if not rectified wholly to frustrate the end should be preferred before the end it self which it ought onely to serve nor can it be said the remedie were worse then the disease for what remedie can be so ill as that disease a free a glorious a nob●e Nation to fall to servitude spirituall and temporall from a long enjoyed Liberty in both kinds and our selves the instruments though to go on in such a case the remedie might not prove so ill or difficult if men would pay obedi●●●●●uely there where reason tells them they owe it And shoul●●●ere be no such remedie for the people or
made those knowne Lawes never heard of so never provided against But by proportion of reason this Parliament may and ought as well provide by new Ordinances or orders for such new evills as they encounter as the former did for what they then met with for they had their originall also ex malis moribus b●nae leges and had those times had such causes offered as these have they would have provided remedies of a nature like those this Parliament hath done the power and generall intentions of all times or the universall ground being still the same that is to defend and vindicate or procure the publique good and to tye them to the knowne or old Lawes in this case where the letter might kill were irrationall for so the first breaker of the Lawes might take the priviledge of the Lawes and advantage of his owne wrong and under the colours of the Lawes fight against and overthrow them or the rule reason or intention that caused them at first If it be said nothing was done by the King of publique consequence but by advice of the Judges it may be answered that the Parliament is the onely competent Counsell Judge in cases neerely concerning the publique and people in generall which the King is entrusted upon such occasions to call that the whole people may not but upon extraordinary causes be troubled to elect for Parliaments and attend that service But in such a case as ours by virtue of the legislative power residing in the Parliament it may make new Ordinances at least for the time as it sees occasion and judges to be in order to that supreame and immutable Law or Law of Lawes and end of them all Salus populi suprema lex and that power even of making new Lawes is ever upon the matter in both Houses of Parliament and that even when the King keepes himselfe within his due bounds and is assistant in Parliament how much more then as before is shewed if he shall by exorbitating dangerously bring himselfe within the compasse of our case and that the Kings consent to what the Parliament propounds to him to be enacted for Law ought not to be denyed may appeare by comparing this following part of the Oath which the Kings of England at their Coronation take or ought to take cited in the Remonstrance of the 26th of May in haec verba Concedis justas leges consuetudines esse tenendas permittis per te eas esse protegendas ad honorem Dei corroborandas quas vulgus elegerit secundum vires tuas Respondebit Rex Permitto concedo Comparing this part of the Oath with the clause of the preamble of a Statute there also cited intimating that the King is bound by his oath to remedy by Law such inconveniences as the Kingdome may suffer in the future as well as to keepe and protect Lawes already in being for then either those Latine words here cited or some part of them and that the latter namely Quas vulgus elegerit are to be understood of Lawes futurely to be made or else it cannot be shewed by what part of the Oath as the said preamble affirmes the King is bound by Law to remedy the mischiefs that happen from time to time to his Realme Nor will the Lawes of Grammer or use of speech or custome of phrase tolerate that Elegerit without the conjunction Si or the like preceding or regulating it though we passe not by unconsidered the rude speaking of those times can ever be taken for Elegit the preterperfect tense but as it stands in the fore-cited place must of necessitie participate a future nature and signifie precisely shall have chosen that is that the King assumeth to confirme such Lawes as the people shall have chosen it being to be conceived that the people or Parliament first amongst themselves must have debated of chosen and agreed upon them before they present them to the King to be confirmed Besides if those cited words Et permittis per te esse protegendas ad honorem Dei corroborandas quas populus elegerit should not referre to future elections but to past onely they were superfluous and vaine the words precedent Concedis justas leges consuctudines esse tenendas which presuppose necessarily and cannot be understood without a precedent election and consent of the people to them expressing sufficiently Lawes and customes elected already confirmed and in use And the Kings answer to these cited words being bimembris or two-fold Concedo permitto all the other answers of the King to the other Questions in the Oath cited in the said Remonstrance because the questions are meerely simple and single conteined in one word only as to one question onely Servabo to another onely faciam being also single and in one word argues the question to be double as is said And that the King is not bound onely in generall thus to remedy the particular wayes or meanes left to his choice see the said Remonstrance folio 8. which ought to have it selfe sufficed without such poore gleanings as these or the like If then by these and other better reasons which others have presented the Parliament hath such a legislative power even where the King dischargeth his office as upon the matter to make such Lawes as it judgeth best for the publique good where through the prevalence of ill men about him it is not done but the contrary and so the danger is from him shall not power be in them to make new Ordinances or provisionall Lawes for the timely remedying such publique mischiefs at least for the time and to suspend some of those in being if they judge fit How much more then to judge of declare or interpret those that seeme dubious ranging and making all to be subservient to the supreame Law Salus populi the rule and reason of all Lawes as was ever intended at the making of all particular Lawes Hath not even the Lord Chancellour a little touch of such a power upon the Common Law What then may we thinke a Parliament hath and that when the very publique is in danger And if the whole people unanimously consenting upon a Princes not performing what he is bound unto may possibly change the very forme of that limitted government which it first instituted how much more may it conserve or defend that temper or kinde of government which it hath erected by regulating the enormities of the Prince by maintaining and holding what they have reserved out of that which was all theirs at the first or their owne rights How many degrees then are they off from being bound to become themselves the instruments to overthrow them how strongly are they bound to the contrary And indeed were not the Parliament the supreame Judge in all the said questions or of like nature if we may call it a Parliament at all not having this power it could not possibly save the people when ill men
prevailing upon the King would oppresse it for while they carry on by degrees and mature by little and little such their mysticall and pernicious designes which must be met with betimes in such tender and jealous matters before they advance and grow strong when caution comes too late and opposition out of season doth but exasperate and increase the evill they will cause the King by fit instruments for the purpose to pronounce judge or interpret each such degree or gaining a new and further point still lawfull and not subject to question however dangerous to the people in it self and of worse consequence till the mysterie at last unmask and all be desperate It may be superadded that should the Parliament be more jealous of the Prince then there were reason which yet as I hope hath appeared is not to be imagined of the wisdom and Justice of the Parliament yet it were the farre lesse evill that the Prince being but for the people should somewhat suffer by such the Parliaments jealousie which were but peccare in meliorem securiorem partem then that by the Parliaments too much security and beleeving in the Prince the people or whole kingdome should be endangered or oppressed for whose good they both are ordeined as means for the end Besides that the authority and politique infallibilitie of the Parliament must be by all that love their Countrey not blemished but held sacred and inviolate as supreame The King indeed saith he will defend and maintain the Laws Liberties properties of Subjects just priviledges of Parliament but even in saying this he seems to violate them if the thereby assume the supreame Judgement of them to himself which as already partly hath appeared and further hereafter may do cannot be Admit this Trojan horse into your walls allow this all of them may easily resolve into nothing Consider well what Judgement hath been made of the Laws the libertie the property of the Subject before this Parliament whilest a future Parliament was doubted and feared and therefore kept off as long as these Malignants could but their fear and hate shews what we ought ardently to desire and love whilest so many Monopolies Loane Conduct Coat Ship-money and the like grievances were brought upon us our persons not going Scotfree as consisting well and compatible with our laws liberties properties and adjudged lawfull which yet what did they or ere long going on at least would they have wanted of making them all meerly at discretion pleasure and will the meer names of such things remaining and used indeed as Trophees of their Conquest and monuments of our quondam felicity and at leasure to be lamented folly and eternall shame The danger of our Religion is not forgotten because not ranked in mention with the rest it shall have a better place by it self as a Queen sitting alone The Judgement made of priviledges of Parliament during this Parliament seem to have come little short of the Judgements made of our liberties properties c. and if it be duely weighed First that they will have the King to be judge of them then what Judgement hath been lately made both in fact and in words or Declarations of them a man meanly penetrant will find them resolved by the positions of these Malignants into next to nothing and all this while the Parliament was and is in vigour vindicates and asserts them and likely to call these men to account what will they make of them should they through the authority and reputation of this Parliament which is the essence of it peirce at once the heart of all future for a Parliament not free were no Parliament and if the King be allowed judge of priviledges of Parliament where any new case happens which may touch the very essence of it if it be any thing else then the priviledges will it not come to this that the Judges he appoints or rather such instruments as the Malignants about him please to set over us shall upon the matter judge the Parliament which is to Judge their Judges making it and the Laws what they please and to restrain the power and freedome of it as of the Laws as they think fit whereupon would follow even the same inconveniences which were before mentioned supposing the King the supreame Judge of the Laws namely that the Parliament should be disenabled to defend the people or indeed it self if incroached on or oppressed upon the same reasons in that place expressed But it seems more rationall that since the Parliament is to be Judge of the Laws as is above shewed nay even may make them at least in some cases it may judge as well of its own priviledges neither appears it in the Kings power to make them what he pleases save onely thus if he doth not exorbitate nor innovate any thing against them neither can the Parliament desire any alteration of them in any point betwixt it and the King concerning them But in case of extraordinarie emergents of never-before-heard of attempts on his part whither by any verball declaration or by fact whereby the priviledges authority or very being for it may trouble a good School-man to distinguish clearly betwixt these three it self of the Parliament is indangered it is reason that the priviledges now become any thing that the Parliament judges fit for the conservation of it self For the maine end and intent of the first ancient ordinary and usuall priviledges of Parliament being to enable and qualifie it for the due attending defending or advancing the publique good for which purpose they were judged sufficient by the first Institutors not suspecting such new invasions or attempts on them or on Parliaments as since have happened in more corrupted times but thinking them rather secure as part of the Laws or customes which Kings are bound to keep inviolate why should not the same end and intent which ever remains in equall force immortall and immovable work and move as well to the instituting even of new ones if new causes happen and without such new ones the Parliament shall remain disenabled to procure the publique good for which it was ordained and if the Parliament may in extraordinarie times as now make new Ordinances for the conservation of the people it may make if need require new Ordinances or Priviledges which are but the private Laws of or concerning the Parliament for its own conservation without which they cannot defend or conserve the people and in vain had it power to make new Ordinances upon new occasions for the publique good if it have no inherent power to make new priviledges or ordinances upon new emergent dangers to save it self Posse naturally and necessarily presupposing Esse as grounded on it Qui dat finem dat necessaria ad finem the priviledges being to defend and maintain the Parliament as the Laws the people and as Salus populi is lex suprema as before so it may as well be said Salus Parliamenti supremum