The 2 of May our Admirall and our Pinnesse departed from Dominica leauing the Iohn our Viceadmirall playing off and on about Dominica hoping to take some Spaniard outwardes bound to the Indies the same night we had sight of three smal Ilands called Los Santos leauing Guadalupe and them on our starboord The 3 we had sight of S. Christophers Iland bearing Northeast and by East off vs. On the 4 we sayled by the Virgines which are many broken Ilands lying at the East ende of S. Iohns Iland and the same day towards euening we landed vpon one of them called Blanca where we killed an incredible number of foules here we stayed but three houres from thence stood into the shore Northwest and hauing brought this Iland Southeast off vs we put towards night thorow an opening or swatch called The passage lying betwene the Virgines and the East end of S. Iohn here the Pinnesse left vs and sayled on the South side of S. Iohn The 5 and 6 the Admirall sayled along the Northside of S. Iohn so neere the shore that the Spaniards discerned vs to be men of warre and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by for so their custome is when they see any men of warre on their coasts The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. Iohn where we watered in a good riuer called Yaguana and the same night following we tooke a Frigate of tenne Tunne comming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger In this place Pedro a Mollato who knewe all our state ranne from vs to the Spaniards On the 9 we departed from Yaguana The 13 we landed on an Iland called Mona whereon were 10 or 12 houses inhabited of the Spaniards these we burned tooke from them a Pinnesse which they had drawen a ground and sunke and carried all her sayles mastes and rudders into the woods because we should not take him away we also chased the Spaniards ouer all the Iland but they hid them in caues hollow rockes and bushes so that we could not find them On the 14 we departed from Mona and the next day after wee came to an Iland called Saona about 5 leagues distant from Mona lying on the Southside of Hispaniola neere the East end betweene these two Ilands we lay off and on 4 or 5 dayes hoping to take some of the Domingo fleete doubling this Iland as a neerer way to Spaine then by Cape Tyburon or by Cape S. Anthony On Thursday being the 19 our Viceadmirall from whom we departed at Dominica â—ame to vs at Saona with whom we left a Spanish Frigate and appointed him to lie off and on other fiue daies betweene Saona and Mona to the ende aforesaid then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon Here I was enformed that our men of the Viceadmirall at their departure from Dominica brought away two young Saluages which were the thiefe Casiques sonnes of that Countrey and part of Dominica but they shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Iland where the Viceadmirall landed to take in ballâ—â— On the â—1 the Admirall came to the Cape Tyburon where we found the Iohn Euangelist our Pinnesse staying for vs here we tooke in two Spaniards almost starued on the shoreâ— who made a fire to our ships as we passed by Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing els but a desolate and meere wildernesse without any habitation of people and full of wilde Bulles and Bores and great Serpents The 22 our Pinnesse came also to an anker in Aligato Bay at cape Tyburon Here we vnderstood of M. Lane Captaine of the Pinnesse how he was set vpon with one of the kings Gallies belonging to Santo Domingo which was manned with 400 men who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 houres gaue-ouer the fight forsooke him without any great hurt done on eyther part The 26 The Iohn our Uizadmirall came to vs to cape Tyburon and the Frigat which we left with him at Saona This was the appointed place where we should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleete On Whitsunday Euen at Cape Tyburon one of our boyes ranne away from vs and at ten dayes end returned to our ships almost starued for want of food In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones and carkases of diuers men who had perished as wee thought by famine in those woods being either stragled from their company or landed there by some men of warre Iune ON the 14 of Iune we tooke a smal Spanish frigat which fell amongst vs so suddenly as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon where we road so that he could not escape vs. This Frigat came from Santo Domingo and had but 3 men in her the one was an expert Pilot the other a Mountainer and the third a Uintener who escaped all out of prison at Santo Domingo purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a towne in the West parts of Hispaniola where many fugitiue Spaniards are gathered together The 17 being Wednesday Captaine Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnesse and a Frigat to take a shippe which was there taking in fraight as we vnderstood by the old Pylot whom we had taken three dayes before The 24 the Frigat returned from Captaine Lane at Yaguana and brought vs word to cape Tyburon that Captaine Lane had taken the shippe with many passengers and Negrees in the same which proued not so rich a prize as we hoped for for that a Frenchman of warre had taken and spoyled her before we came Neuerthelesse her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds being hides ginger Cannafistula Copper-pannes and Casaui Iuly THe second of Iuly Edward Spicer whom we left in England came to vs at Cape Tyburon accompanied with a small Pinnesse whereof one M. Haâ—ps was Captaine And the same day we had sight of a fleete of 14 saile all of Santo Domingo to whom we presently gaue chase but they vpon the first sight of vs fled and separating themselues scattered here and there Wherefore we were forced to diuide our selues and so made after them vntill 12 of the clocke at night But then by reason of the darkenesse we lost sight of each other yet in the end the Admirall and the Moonelight happened to be together the same night at the fetching vp of the Uizadmirall of the Spanish fleete against whom the next morning we fought and tooke him with losse of one of our men and two hurt and of theirs 4 slaine and 6 hurt But what was become of our Uiceadmirall our Pinnesse and Prize and two Frigates in all this time we were ignorant The 3 of Iuly we spent about rifling romaging and fitting the Prize to be sailed with vs. The 6 of Iuly we saw Iamayca the which we left on our larboord keeping Cuba in sight on our starboord Upon the 8 of Iuly we saw the Iland
de Dios standing in toward the shore but toward night we stood to the offin vntill the next day The 27 we came into the mouth of Nombre de Dios and by one of the clocke tooke the towne the people being all fled except some 100 Spaniards which kept the Fort and played vpon vs hauing in the fort some 3 or 4 small pieces of ordinance and one of them brake in discharging at vs. They gaue vs also a boley of small shot but seeing our resolution in running vpon them they all fled and tooke the woods The towne was bigge hauing large streetes houses very hie all built of timber but one Church very faire and large wrought all of timber liâ—ewise Nothing was left in the towne of value there was a shew in their shops of great store of marchandises that had bâ—ne there There was a mill aboue the towne and vpon the coppe of another hill in the woods stood a little watch-house where we tooke twentie sowes of siluer two barres of gold some money in coyne besides other pillage The towne was situated in a waterie soile and subiect much to raine very vnhealthy as any place in the Indies hauing great store of Drenges plantans cassauy-roots such other fruits buâ— very dangerous to be eaten for breeding of diseasâ—s To the Eastwarde of the towne within the bay runnâ—th out a fresh riuer of excellent good water with houses and all about it gardens halfe a league froâ— hence due East into the countrey was an Indian towne whither as we marched a litâ—le beforâ— our comming away with an hundred men they had broken downe a bridge to hinder our passage where they lay in ambush with some twentie or thâ—rtie small shot and bowes and arrowes set vpon vs and killed Lieutenant Iones hurt three or foure and so fled into the woods ranne before vs and fired their owne towne and then fled farther into the woods our men firâ—d diverse other houses in pursuing them and so returned againe our Generall with Sir Thomas being in the Riuers mouth with thirtie or fortie men filling water about some myle from vs. The road of Nombre de Dios is a faire road but on each side as you come to ride before the towne lyeth a ledge of rockes but there is no danger because they are in sight You may ride betweene them in three or foure fadome water and without if you will in eight or ten fadomes where neither Castle nor Fort can annoy you The name of Nombre de Dios was greater then their strength For they had no Castle nor Fort but onely the little fort aforesaid standing on the top of an hill although they might haue made it stronger if they would The 29 sit Thomas Baskeruil with 750 armed men besides Chirurgians and prouand boyes went for Panama The last of December the Generall burned halfe the towne and the first of Ianuarie burnt the rest with all the Frigats Barks Galiots which were in the harbour and on the beach on shore hauing houses built ouer them to keepe the pitch from melting The second of Ianuary sir Thomas returned with his souldiers both weary and hungry hauing marched more then halfe the way to the South sea The Spaniards played diuers times vpon vs both outward and homeward in the woods the way being cut out of the woods rockes both very narrow and full of myre and water The march was so sore as neuer English man marched before Hauing marched some ten leagues in a maruellous straite way vpon the top of an hill through which we must needes passe the Spaniards had set vp a Fort and kept it with some 80 or 90 men who played vpon vs as we came vp before wee were aware of them and so killed some twentie or more of vs amongst whom was Captaine Marchant quarter-master Generall and Ensigne Sampson Maurice Williams one of her Maiesties guard besides diuerse were hurt as M. Captaine Nicholas Baskeruil a valiant gentleman with diuers others Then sir Thomas had perfect knowledge that they must passe two such Forts more if he got that besides Panama to be very strong the enemie knowing of our comming long before Also our souldiers had no victuals left nor any meanes to get more which considerations caused sir Thomas to returne and giue ouer his attempt As he marched thitherward he tooke an Indian and sent him to Nombre de Dios with letters of his returne and proceeding The 5 we set saile at 12 of the clocke and stood to the Westward The 10 day we saw an Iland lying Westward some 30 leagues called Escudo where wee came to anker on the Southside in 12 fadoms water faire sand and good ankorage If you come into the Easterne poâ—nt giue it a birth because of a ledge of rockes that lyeth out there from the end of the Island comming to anker we sawe a roader who seeing vs set sayle but that nigâ—â— with our Pinnesses we tooke him he had nothing in him but a little maiz The men being â—â—â—mined by the Generall confessed him to be an Aduisor sent from Nombre de Dios to all the ports along the coast Westward This Iland lyeth 9 or 10 leagues from the maine is not past two leagues long full of wood and hath great store of fresh water in euery part of the Iland and that very good It is a sickly climat also and giuen to much raine here we washed our ships and set vp the rest of our Pinnesses The 15 day captaine Plat died of sicknesse and then sir Francis Drake began to keepe his cabin and to complaine of a scowring or fluxe The 23 we set saile and stood vp again for Puerto Bello which is but 3 leagues to the Westwards of Nombre de Dios. The 28 at 4 of the clocke in the morning our Generall sir Francis Drake departed this life hauing bene extremely sicke of a fluâ—e which began the night before to stop on him He vsed some speeches at or a little before his dâ—ath rising and apparelling himselfe but being brought to bed againe within one houre died He made his brother Thomas Drake and captaine Ionas Bodenham eâ—ecutors and M. Thomas Drakes sonne his heire to all his lands except one manor which he gaue to captaine Bodenham The same day we ankored at Puerto Bello being the best harbour we found at along the maine both for great ships and small There standeth a saker shot off the shore at the Eastâ—rne point a little Iland and there is betwiâ—t the maine that 5 or 6 fadomes but the best comming in is the open mouth betwiâ—t that Iland another Iland that lyeth to the westward with a range of rocks In Puerto Bello were but 8 or 10 houses besides a great new house which they were in builâ—ing for the Gouernour that should haue bene for that place there was also a very strong Fort all to the waters side
it it will make all a whole land Directions from Cabo roxo to the Isle of Mona If you will seeke Mona fro Cape roxo you must stirre away West and by North. Markes of the Isle of Mona THe Isle of Mona is a low round and smooth Island lying lowe by the sea and full of treesâ— and to goe from thence to the Isle of Saona you must stirre away West and if you fall with it in the night season and come any thing neere the land then stirre away West and by South vntill it be neere day that you may keepe your selfe by the land and if so be that in the Morning you see it not then stirre away Northwest and so shall you finde it and if it be faire weather and you perceiue that the current hath set you to the Southwest then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you goe cleare off the land Markes of the Isle of Saona IF you chance to see the Isle of Saona it is an Island smooth with the sea and lyeth Northeast and Southwest and you shall see the trees before you see the Island and on the Southwest end of this Island appeareth a great high banke of white sand which is called the head of Saonaâ— And if you would come to an anchor you may for all is cleare ground And to go from this Island to Santa Catelina you must stirre away Norhtwest Markes of the Isle of Santa Catelina SAnta Catelina is a litle lowe Island all full of low rockes euen from the water and hath not any trees and it is close by the land and if you doe not run along the coast of Hispaniola you shall not see it and from the Island to goe to Saint Domingo you shall sayle along as the land lyeth West anâ— by North and before you come to the point called Causedo you shall see certaine holes in rockes which lye alongst as the rocks doe that cast vp the water which will shew like to the spâ—uting of Whales And a litle ahead off that you shall see the point of Andresa and ahead thereof the poynt of Causedo This poynt of Causedo lyeth lowe close by the water and passing thereby the coast will make to thee Northwest and Southeast and from thence to S. Domingo are 5. leagues And if the winde chop vp at North vpon you by meanes whereof you should be cast oâ—f from the coast or Port and that you happen to see the olde Mines called Siâ—â—ras de las minas viejas beare Northwest off you and The reates which are within the land be open of you then shal you be North and South with the harbâ—ur and if The old Mines beare North off you then shall you be below the harbour Directions from Saint Domingo to Nueua Espanna IF you will sayle from Saint Domingo in Hispaniola to Nueua Espanna stirre away Southsouthwest vntil you come vp as farre as the point of Niçao and from thence stirre away Westsouthwest and so you shall finde the Isle of Beaâ—a And if you saile from this point of Niçao for Ocoa you must passe along the coast West and by North vntill you come to Puerto Hermoso or The beautifull hauen which is 18. leagues distant from Saint Domingo and if you proceede from Puerto Hermoso for Nueua Espanna you must stirre away Southsouthwest vntill you looke out for Beata and Alto velo Markes of the Isle of Beata BEata is a small Island and not very high you may passe along the outside thereof and there is no danger but that you may see and by and by you shall raise Alto velo and from thence you muâ—t stirre away West and by South to giue a birth from the Islands called Los Frailes or The Friers And when you are as farre ahead as the Frailes then must you stirre away West and by North and so shall you goe right with Bacoa and before you come to it you shall see high craggie cliffes and at the descending of them white paths like great sheetes these high craggie mountaines are called Las sierras de donna Maria. And before you come to the sayde point of Bacoa you shall discouer a little lowe Island euen with the Sea and full of trees which is called Isla Baque Directions from Isla Baque to Cape Tiburon IF you will goe from the Island Baque or from the point of Bacoa for Cape Tiburon or to the isle of Nauaza you must stirre away Westnorthwest and edge in somewhat to the Northwest and you shall passe betweene Nauaza and Cape Tiburon Markes of Cape Tiburon which is the Western cape of Hispaniola CApe Tiburon lyeth sliding downe to the Seaward and maketh a sharpe cliffe like the snout of a Tiburon or sharke-fish and vpon the top thereof it appeareth like white wayes with certaine gullets or draines vpon it which are caused by the passage of the water from the mountaine in the Winter time Markes of the Isle of Nauaza NAuaza is a litle round Island full of low trees or shrubs and it lyeth East and West from Cape Tiburon and from this small Island to go for Sierras de Cobre or The mountaines or mines of Copper vpon the Southeast part of Cuba you must stirre away Northnorthwest Directions from Cape Tibuâ—on to Cabo de Cruz in Cuba IF you will saile from Cape Tibuâ—on to Cape de Cruz in Cuba you must stirre away Northwest and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines de Cobre and from thence you may goe along the coast West towardes Cabo de Cruz and before you come at it you shall see The great Tarquiâ—â— and from this Tarquino you shall haue to Cape de Cruz 30. leagues and this great Tarquino is the highest land vpon all that coast and then by and by you shall see the lesser Tarquino from whence to the foresayd Cape you haue 12. leagues and â—o shall you goe discouering the coast vntill you come to Cabo de Cruz. Markes of Cabo de Cruz. CApe de Cruz is a low Cape full of shrubs and from thence Westward you shall see no landâ— for the distance or bay is great between the sayd Cape and thâ— Isles called Los Iardines Directions from Cape de Cruz to Isla de Pinos IF you sayle from Cape de Cruz to seeke the Island of Pinos you must stir away Westnorthwest And note that if in this course you happen to sounde doe not feare for you haue nine fathoms If also going this course you meete with certaine little Islands vpon the larboord side which are called The Caimanes or The crocodiles hauing sight of them â—â—ir away Northwest and so shall you finde the Island of Pinos And if by seeing the sayde Islands called Caimanes you are amazed you shall knowe by the latitude whither they â—ee The Iardines or no for if you finde your selfe in one and twentie degrees then bee you
the head of The Martires and if you see the coast beare off you Northeast and Southwest as I haue sayde stir away 4. or 5. leagues from the landward right off and then stir away Northeast and being in 28. degrees and a halfe you shall be shot out of the chanell and then shall you be East and West with Cape de Cannaueral or The Cape of Reedes The course to come through the chanell of Bahama homeward for Spaine IF in Winter you should passe through the chanell of Bahama for Spaine stirre away the first Sangradura or course Eastnortheast and afterward East and by North and so shall you passe by the South side of Bermuda and you must take heede that you goe these foure hundred or fiue hundred leagues because you shall not come neere the said Isle of Bermuda when you are gone this course then put your selfe in what heigth you will and make your way as you will your selfe But if you passe the chanell in the Summer time towards Spaine stir away Eastnortheast and you shall passe by the North side of Bermuda and when you haue brought your selfe in 35. degrees stirre East and by North vntill you bring your selfe to 25. degrees and ½ and from thence stir away East for the Isle of Fayal or of Flores Markes to know the Isle of Fayal THe Island called Fayal vpon the Southwest side maketh an high hill or loafe like to the top of Brasilla in the Island of Terçera and behinde that high Pike or loafe is an harbour called Puerto Pini and vpon the East side it maketh a little plaine Island and vpon the North side there standeth a rocke or Island by it selfe And from this Island being one of The Açores you may shape your course to which of the Islands you please or to any other place which you know Markes to know the Isle of Flores IF you happen to fall with Flores first by this you shall know it the Island lyeth Northeast and Southsouthwest and the West ende thereof maketh a rocke or cliffe like the cliffe of Tiburon and comming neere the lande you shall see two little Islands neere the point of the lande and to the Northward of this cliffe or rocke a little from the land you may ride and water and betweene that and the village in euery bay you may likewise ride and water and you shall see the water run into the sea in euery part that you looke on Now followeth the course and direction to saile from Passage on the Northeast part of S. Iuan de Puerto rico vnto Hauana by the North side of the Isle of Hispaniola and by The old chanell IF you depart from S. Iuan de Puerto rico to seeke Cabo del Enganno you must stirre away Westnorthwest and so shall you see a round heape or loafe in the sea which lieth on the Southwest side of the gulfe of Semana and from thence it beginneth about the hill of the Cape del Enganno this is the mouth of the gulfe And if it should be neere night when you see this lande stir away Northwest with a small sayle because of certaine rockes called Las Ouejas or The Sheepe and in the morning cast about to see the land to the Southwestward and if when you see the land it seemeth vnto you a small island at full sea like a round mountaine then is it The cape del Enganno and from thence stir away West and by North toward Cabo Franco Markes of Cabo Franco Cabo Franco is a low Cape euen with the sea and hath these markes * And from thence stir away West and you shall see an high mountaine and on the top thereof a cloudie homock like the top of a hat and at the soote of this hill is the hauen or harbour called El puerto de plata And if you will goe into this port you must leaue the Island on the West side and then take heede of that which you see and borrow on the castles side And from thence to goe with the olde chanell you must stirre away Northwest vntill you come out of sight of lande and then stir away West and by North and so shall you goe with the lande of Baracoa and here are hilles very high which make the teats which looke like 3. crownes And you shall passe betweene the Isle of Tortugas or Hinagua and the Island of Iaico and from thence run alongst the coast Northeast and Southwest and hauing doubled the outmost high hill or mountaine you shall see in the midst thereof a round hill and vpon the Southwest side by the sea you shall see a lowe euen lande foure or fiue leagues long and a lowe point and this point of the hill is called Las sierde Cabanca and then beginneth the bay of Cayo Romano and ahead the sierras you shall see a rounde loafe which is in the midst of the same bay and ahead of that you shall see a hill flat on the top like a table sixe or seuen leagues which hill is not very high and from these hilles to Cayo Romano you haue fiue and thirtie leagues and you must stirre the one halfe of the course Northwest and the other halfe Northwest and by West and so shall you make or see the sayd Cayo Romano vpon the larboord side of you Note that from Cayo Romano to Cabo de Cruz you haue three leagues an◠they lie North and South one from another Markes of Cayo Romano CAyo Romano is an high Island and lyeth Northeast and Southwest and stretcheth it selfe as it were 4. leagues and comming on it Northeast Southwest it maketh a loafe or round heape or homock in the midst there are two saddles as wee terme them or lowe partitions the one on the one side and the other on the other side and comming with it North and South it maketh all one lowe send or saddle in the midst And if night should come on you at this Cayo Romano enter not the chanell because in the mid way is an Isle flat or Cayo which lyeth North and South with Cayo Romano and it is called Cayo de la Cruz and at full sea you shall discerne a heath which this Cayo hath in the midst of it which is like to a saile◠but al night beare but your foresaile a glasse one way and another glasse the other way vntill it be day and then enter the chanell and leaue these Cayos on the larbourd side of you Note that if you bee within sight of the Parcel and see two litle Islands of white sand that then you are on the cantell of the Parcel and if you goe more a head coasting the Parcell about fifteene leagues you shall see three Islands full of trees which are called Las Anguillas and all these three Islands beare North and South one from another Item from Cayo
the mountaines where euery man drunke of the Riuer and refreshed themselues Hauing so done we returned to our Ships the likest way that we thought their Towne should bee so wee trauailed all the day long not seeing any man but we meete with many wilde dogges yet there were two hundred horsemen abroad that same day by meanes of the Spaniard which they had taken the day before from vs who had tolde them that our force was but small and that wee were wonderfully weake who though they did espie vs that day yet durst they not giue the on-sette vpon vs. For wee marched along in array and obserued good order whereby wâ—e seemed a great number more then we were vntill we came vnto our ships that night againe The next day being the first of April 1587 our men went on shoare to fill water at a pit which was a quarter of a mile from the waters side and being earely hard at their businesse were in no readinesse In which meane while there came powring downe from the hilles almost 200 horsemen and before our people could returne to the rockes from the watering place twelue of them were cut off part killed and part taken prisoners the rest were rescued by our souldiers which came from the rocks to meete with them who being but fifteene of vs that had any weapons on shoare yet we made the enemie retire in the end with losse of some foure and twentie of their men after we had skirmished with them an houre The names of our men that were slaine were these Out of the Admirall Thomas Lucas of London souldier Richard Wheeler of London Robert Pitcher of Norstolke souldier Iohn Langston of Glocestershire William Kingman of Dorsetshire souldier William Hilles of Cornewall Killed out of the viceadm 1 Willian Byet of Weymouth 2 Laurence Gamesby of Newcastle Killed out of the Hugh Gallant 1 Henry Blackenals of Weymouth 2 Williams Steuens of Plymmouth gunner 3 William Pitte of Shereborne in Dorsetshire 4 Humphrey Derricke of London After the losse of these men wee rid in the roade and watered in despight of them with good watch and ward vntill the fift of the sayd moneth The fift day wee departed out of this bay of Quintero and off from the bay there lyeth a little Iland about a league distant whereon there are great store of penguins and other fowles wherof we tooke to serue our turnes and sailed away North and North and by West for so lyeth the coast along in this place The fifteenth wee came thwart of a place which is called Morro moreno which standeth in 23 degrees ½ and is an excellent good harborough and there is an Iland which maketh it an harborough and a ship may go in at either end of the Iland here we went with our Generall on shore to the number of 30 men and at our going on shore vpon our landingâ— the Indians of the place came downe from the rockes to meete with vs with fresh water and wood on their backes They are in maruellous awe of the Spaniaâ—ds and very simple people and liue maruellous sauagely For they brought vs to their bidings about two miles from the harborough where wee saw their women and lodging which is nothing but the skin of some beast layd vpon the ground and ouer them in stead of houses is nothing but fiue or sixe sticks layd acrosse which stand vpon two forkes with stickes on the ground and a fewe boughes layd on it Theiâ— diet is raw fish which stinketh most visely And when any of them die they burie their bowes and aâ—rowes with them with their canoa and all that they haue for wee opened one of their graâ—es â—nd saw the order oâ— them Their canoas or boates are maruellous â—rtificially made of two skinnes like vnto bladders and are blowen full at one ende with quilles they haue two of these bladders blowen â—ull which are sowen together and made fast with a sinew of some wild beast which when they are in the water swell so that they are as tight as may bee They goe to sea in these boates and catch very much fish with them aâ—d pay much of it for tribute vnto the Spaniards but they vse it maruellous beastly The 23 in the morning we tooke a small barke which came out of Arica road which wee kept and called The George the men forsooke it and went away with their boate Our admirals pinnesse followed the boate the Hugh Gallants boate tooke the baâ—ke our admirals pinnesse could not recouer the boat before it got on shoare but went along into the road of Arica and layd aboord a great shippe of an hundreth tunnes riding in the road right afore the towne but all the men and goods were gone out of it onâ—ly the bare ship was left alone They made three or foure very faire shots at the pinnesse as shee was comming in but missed her very narrowly with a Minion shot which they had in the fort Whereupon wee came into the road with the admirall and the Hugh Gallant but the Content which was viceadmirall was behinde out of sight by meanes whereof of and for want of her boate to land men withall wee landed not other wise iâ— wee had bene together our Generall with the companie would resolutely haue landed to take the â—owne whatsoeuâ—r had come of it The cause why the Content stayed behind was that shee had â—ound about 14 leagues to the Southward of Arica in a place where â—he Spaniards had landed a whole ships lading of botijas of wine of Castillia whereof the sayd Content tooke into her as many as shee could conueniently carrie and came after vs into the road of Arica the same day By this time wee perceiued that the towne had gathered all their power together and also conueyed all their treasure away and buried it before wee were come neere the towne for they had heard of vs. Nowe because it was very populous with the ayde of one or two places vp in the land our Generall sawe there was no landing without losse of many men wherefore hee gaue ouer that â—nterprise While wee rid in the road they shot at vs and our ships shot at thâ—m againe for euery sâ—ot two Moreouer our pinnesse went in hard almost to the shoare and fetchâ—d out another barke which rid there in despight of all their forts though they shot still at the pinnesse which thâ—y could neuer hit After these things our Generall sent a boate on shoare with a flag of truce to knowe if they would redeeme their great shippe or no but they would not for they had receiuâ—d speciall commandement from the viceroy from Luna not to buy any shippe nor to ransome any man vpon paine of death Our Generall did this in hope to haue redeemed some of our men which were taken prisoners on shoare by the horsemen at Quintero otherwise hee would haue made thâ—m no offer of parley
being Northerly so that we could not come neere to it The 6. day about 2. in the afternoone the wind at North northwest we halde East southeast with a faire and gentle gale this day we met with ice About 6. in the afternoone it became calme we with saile and oares laide it to the Northeast part hoping that way to cleare vs of it for that way we did see the head part of it as we thought Which done about 12. of the clocke at night we gate cleere of it We did thinke it to be ice of the bay of Saint Nicholas but it was not as we found afterwards The seuenth day we met with more yce at the East part of the other yce we halde along a weather the yce to finde some ende thereof by East northeast This day there appeared more land North from vs being perfect land the ice was betweene vs and it so that we could not come neerer to it The same morning at sixe of the clocke wee put into the ice to finde some way through it wee continued in it all the same day and all the night following the winde by the North Northwest Wee were constrained to goe many pointes of our compasse but we went most an Easterly course The eight day the winde at North northwest we continued our course and at fiue in the morning we sounded and had 90. fadoms red oze This day at foure in the afternoone we sounded againe and had 84. fadoms oze as before At sixe in the after noone we cleared our selues of the ice and hald along Southeast by South we sounded againe at 10. a clocke at night and had 43. fathom sandy oze The 9. day at 2. in the morning we sounded againe and had 45. fadoms then there appeared a shadow of land to vs East Northeast and so we ran with it the space of 2. houres and then perceiuing that it was but fogge we hald along Southeast This day at 2. in the afternoone wee sounded and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes At tenne a clocke at night wee sounded againe and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze The tenth day the wind being at North northwest we haled East and by North which course we set because at ten of the clocke afore noone wee did see land and then wee sounded hauing 35. fadoms blacke oze All this day there was a great fogge so that wee durst not beare with the land to make it and so we kept an outwardly course This day at 6. in the afternoone we espied land wherewith we halled and then it grew calme we sounded and had 120. fadoms blacke oze and then we sent our boat a land to sound and proue the land The same night we came with our ship within and Island where we rode all the same night The same night wee went into a bay to ride neere the land for wood and water The 11. day the wind came to the East southeast this day about a league from vs to the Eastwards we saw a very faire sound or riuer that past very farre into the countrey with 2. or 3. branches with an Island in the midst The 12. of Iuly the wind was East Southeast This day about 11. a clocke in the morning there came a great white beare down to the water side and tooke the water of his own accord we chased him with our boate but for all that we could doe he gote to land and escaped from vs where we named the bay Bearebay This day at 7. in the after noone we set saile for we had good hope that the winde would come Westerly and with saile and oares we gate the sea All the night it was calme with fogge The 13. day in the morning the wind was very variable with fog and as it cleared vp wee met with great store of ice which at the first shewed like land This ice did vs much trouble and the more because of the fog which continued vntill the 14. day 12. of the clocke The 14. day in the morning we were so imbayed with ice y t we were constrained to come out as we went in which was by great good fortune or rather by the goodnesse of God otherwise it had bene impossible and at 12. of the clock we were cleere of it the wind being at South and South by West The same day we found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees 26. minutes we lay along the coast Northwest thinking it to be an Island but finding no end in rowing so long we supposed it to be the maine of Noua Zembla About 2. in the afternoone we laide it to the Southward to double the ice which wee could not doe vpon that boorde so that we cast about againe and lay West along vnder the ice About seuen in the afternoone we gote about the greatest part thereof About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice Southeast of vs and thus we were ridde of this trouble at this time The 15. day about 3. in the morning the wind was at South southwest wee cast about and lay to the Eastwards the winde did Wester so that wee lay South southwest with a flawne sheete and so we ranne all the same day About 8. in the after noone we sounded and had 23. fadoms small grey sand This night at twelue of the clocke we sounded againe and had 29. fadoms sand as afore The 16. day vnto 3. in the morning we hald along East Southeast where we found 18. fadoms red sand then we hald along Northeast In these soundings wee had many ouerfals This day at 10. of the clocke we met with more ice which was very great so that we coulde not tell which way to get cleere of it Then the winde came to the South Southeast so that we lay to the Northwards We thought that way to cleare our selues of it but that way we had more ice About 6. in the afternoone the wind came to the East Then we lay to the Southwards that wee had 30. fadoms blacke oze This day we found the pole to bee eleuated 69. deg 40. minutes and this night at 12. a clocke we had 41. fadoms red sand The 17. day at 3. in the morning we had 12. fadoms At 9. we had 8. and 7. all this day we ran South and South by West at the depth aforesaid red sand being but shallow water At eight in the afternoone the winde with a showre and thunder came to the Southwest and then wee ranne East Northeast At 12. at night it came to the South and by East and all this was in the bay of Pechora The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bare with the heaâ—land oâ— the bay where wee founde two Islands There are also ouerfals of water 〈◊〉 â—â—des We went between the maine and the Island next to the head where we had abouâ— 2. fadoms and a halfe We found
in taste much like vnto whey but somewhat sweeter and more pleasant They cut the branches euery euening because they are feared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne They haue also great beanes as bigge as chestnuts and very hard with a shell in the stead of a huske Many things more nught be saide of the maners of the people and of the wonders and monstrous things that are engendred in Africke But it shall suffice to haue saide thus much of such things as our men partly sawe and partly brought with them And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines I described the same to haue holes by the side as in deede it hath as it is brought hither yet was I afterward enfourmed that those holes were made to put stringes or twigges through the fruite thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne They grow not past a foote and a halfe or two foote from the ground and are as red as blood when they are gathered The graines themselues are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi At their câ—mming home the keeles of their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with certaine shelles of two inches length and more as thicke as they could stand and of such bignesse that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them They certainely affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea becommeth those foules which we call Barnacles The like shelles haue bene seene in ships returning froÌ„ Iseland but these shels were not past halfe an inch in length Of the other that came from Guinea I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke and in maner couered with the said shels which in my iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling Their ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas whereof mention is made in the Decades These creepe betweene the plankes which they eate through in many places Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage this is worthy to be noted that wheras they sailed thither in seuen weekes they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes The cause whereof they say to be this That about the coast of Cabo Verde the winde is euer at the East by reason whereof they were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the maine Ocean to finde the winde at the West to bring them home There died of our men at this last voyage about twentie and foure whereof many died at their returne into the clime of the colde regions as betweene the Islands of Azores and England They brought with them certaine blacke slaues whereof some were tall and strong men and could wel agree with our meates and drinkes The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend them Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide colde then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate forasmuch as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies as colde constraineth and preserueth the same This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature that throughout all Africke vnder the AEquinoctial line and neere about the same on both sides the regions are extreeme hote and the people very blacke Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are very temperate and the people neither blacke nor with curlde and short wooll on their heads as they of Africke haue but of the colour of an Oliue with long and blacke heare on their heads the cause of which variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me That is that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne so that they had it North from them at noone the 14. day of March. And to haue said thus much of these voyages it may suffice The first voyage made by Master VVilliam Towrson Marchant of London to the coast of Guinea with two Ships in the yeere 1555. VPon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of Wight out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes the one called the Hart the other the Hinde both of London and the Masters of them were Iohn Ralph and William Carter for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de Sestos in Guinea and to other hauens thereabout It fell out by the varietie of windes that it was the foureteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth and being there arriued wee continued in that roade sixe dayes and the 20. of October we warpt out of the hauen and set saile directing our course towards the Southwest and the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master This day we ranne about 40. leagues also The second day we ranne 36. leagues The third day we had sight of Porto Santo which is a small Island lying in the sea about three leagues long and a league a halfe broad is possessed by Portugals It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hilles neere together The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley which makes it to beare that forme The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks This Island lyeth in thirty and three degrees The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle of Madera which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo towards the Southwest that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull and is inhabited by Portugals it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and high By three of the clocke this day at afternoone we were thwart of Porto Santo and we set our course Southwest to leaue the Isle of Madera to the Eastward as we did Porto Santo These two Islands were the first land that we saw since wee left the coast of England About three of the clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera within three leagues of the West ende of it and by meanes of the high hilles there we were becalmed We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues The fourth day wee lay becalmed vnder the Isle of Madera vntill one of the clocke at afternoone and then the winde comming into the East wee went our course and ranne that day fifteene leagues The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif otherwiseâ— called the Pike because it is a very high Island with a pike vpon the top like a loafe of suger The same night we raised the Isle of Palma which is a high land also and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif The 7. day we
still along the shoare and as soone as we had opened the point of the land we raysed another head-land about a league off the point which had a rocke lying off it into the sea and that they thought to be the place which we sought When we came thwart the place they knew it and we put wares into our boate and the ship being within halfe a mile of the place ankered in fine fadonic water and faire ground We went on shoare with our boate and ankered about ten of the clocke in the forenoone we saw many boates lying vpon the shoare and diuers came by vs but none of them would come neere vs being as we iudged afraid of vs because that foure men were taken perforce the last yeere from this place so that no man came to vs whereupon we went aboord againe and thought here to haue made no sale yet towardes night a great sort came downe to the water side and waued vs on shoare with a white flagge and afterwarde their Captaine came downe and many men with him and sate him downe by the shore vnder a tree which when I perceiued I tooke things with me to giue him at last he sent a boat to call to vs which would not come neere vs but made vs signes to come againe the next day but in fine I got them to come aboord in offering them things to giue to their captaine which were two elles of cloth one latten bason one white bason a bottle a great piece of beefe and sixe bisket cakes which they receiued making vs signes to come againe the next day saying that their Captain was Grand Capitane as appeared by those that attended vpon him with their darts and targets and other weapons This towne is very great and stands vpon a hill among trees so that it cannot well be seene except a man be neere it to the Eastward of it vpon the hill hard by the towne stand 2. high trees which is a good marke to knowe the towne And vnder the towne lieth another hill lower then it whereupon the sea beates and that end next the sea is all great blacke rockes and beyonde the towne in a bay lieth another small towne The 13 day in the morning we tooke our boate and went to shoare and stayed till ten a clocke and no man came to vs we went about therefore to returne aboord and when the Negroes saw that they came running downe with a flagge to waue vs againe so we ankered againe and then one shewed vs that the Captaine would come downe by and by we saw a saile in the meane time passe by vs but it was small and we regarded it not Being on shore wee made a tilt with our dares and sayle and then there came a boate to vs with fiue men in her who brought vs againe our bottle and brought me a hen making signes by the sunne that within two houres the marchants of the countrey would come downe and buy all that we had so I gaue them sixe Manillios to carry to their Captaine and they made signes to haue a pledge of vs and they would leaue vs another man and we willing to doe so put one of our men in their boate but they would not giue vs one of theirs so we tooke our man againe and there tarried for the marchants and shortly after one came downe arrayed like their Captaine with a great traine after him who saluted vs friendly and one of the chiefest of them went and sate downe vnder a tree where the last yere the Captaine was wont to sit and at last we perceiued a great many of them to stand at the ende of a hollow way and behinde them the Portugales had planted a base who suddenly shotte at vs but ouershot vs and yet we were in a manner hard by them and they shot at vs againe before we could ship our oares to get away but did no hurt Then the Negroes came to the rocks hard by vs and discharged calieuers at vs and againe the Portugales shot off their base twise more and then our ship shot at them but the rockes and hilles defended them Then we went aboord to goe from this place seeing the Negroes bent against vs because that the last yeere M. Gainsh did take away the Captaines sonne and three others from this place with their golde and all that they had about them which was the cause that they became friends with the Portugales whom before they hated as did appeare the last yeere by the courteous intertainement which the Trinitie had there when the Captaine came aboord the shippe and brought them to his towne and offered them ground to build a Castle in and there they had good sales The 14 day we wayed and plyed backe againe to seeke the Hinde which in the morning we met and so we turned both backe to the Eastwardes to see what we could doe at that place where the Trinitie did sell her right frifes the last yeere The Hinde had taken eighteene ounces and a halfe more of golde of other Negroes the day after that we left them This day about one of the clocke we espied certaine boates vpon the sand and men by them and went to them with marchandizes and tooke three ounces of gold for 18 fuffs of cloth euery fuffe three yards and a halfe after one angell and 12 graines the fuffe and then they made me signes that the next day I should haue golde enough so the Master tooke the Hinde with Iohn Sauill and Iohn Makeworth and went to seeke the place aforesaid I with Richard Pakeman remained in this place to see what we could do the next day and when the Negroes perceiued our ship to go away they feared that the other would follow so sent forth 2 boats to vs with 4 men in them requiring vs to tary to giue them one man for a pledge and 2 of them should tary with vs for him so Edward M. Morleis seruant seeing these men so earnest therein offered himselfe to be pledge and we let him goe for two of them one whereof had his waights and scales and a chaine of golde about his necke and another about his arme They did eate of such things as we had and were well contented In the night the Negroes kept a light vpon the shoare thwart of vs and about one of the clocke we heard and saw the light of a base which shot off twise at the said light and by and by discharged two calieuers which in the end we perceiued to be the Portugals brigandine which followed vs from place to place to giue warning to the people of the countrey that they should not deale with vs. The 15 day in the morning the Captaine came downe with 100 men with him and brought his wife and many others brought their wiues also because their towne was 8 miles vp in the countrey and they determined to lie
weather The castle and we waied in the Christopher and went roome with her The 12 day the Tyger came roome with vs and she and the Christopher finding themselues to stand in great need of victuals would haue gone with the Portugals ships to haue fetched some of them forth but our master and company would in no case consent to goe with them for feare of hanging when we came home and the other two ships being fully minded to haue gone and fearing that their owne company would accuse them durst not go to them After this by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnesse which could receiue no victuals from the other shippes but from vs onely we tooke out all our men and put twelue Frenchmen into her and gaue them victuals to bring them to Shamma The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arriued at Shamma and the Christopher within two leagues off them but could not fetch the winde by reason of the scantnesse of the winde which hath bene so scant that in fifteene dayes we haue plied to the windewards but twelue leagues which before we did in one day and a night The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse and went to the towne of Shamma to speake with the captaine and he tolde me that there was no golde there to be had nor so much as a hen to be bought and all by reason of the accord which he had made with the Portugals and I seeing that departed peaceably from him The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnesse and tooke one marchant of our ship and another of the Tyger and sent her to Hanta to attempt if she could doe any thing there That night they could do nothing but were promised to haue golde the next day The next day which was the 22 being come we sent our pinnesse to Hanta againe but there neither the captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with vs but intised vs from place to place and all to no purpose This day we put away our pinnesse with fiue and twenty Frenchmen in her and gaue them such victuals as we could spare putting fifteene of them to the ransome of sixe crownes a man The 23 of Iune our pinnesse came to vs from Hanta and tolde vs that the Negros had dealt very ill with them and would not traffike with them to any purpose The 24 we tooke our boat and pinnesse and manned them well and went to the towne of Shamma and because the Captaine thereof was become subiect to the Portugals we burned the towne and our men seeking the spoile of such trifles as were there found a Portugals chest wherein was some of his apparell and his weights and one letter sent to him from the castle whereby we gathered that the Portugall had bene there of a long time The 25 day about three of the clocke at afternoone we set saile and put into the sea for our returne to England The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore againe and made our reckoning to be â—ighteene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we set off When we came to make the land we found our selues to be eighteene leagues to the leeward of the place where we set off which came to passe by reason of the extreame currant that runneth to the Eastward when we perceiued our selues so abused we agreed to cast about againe and to lie as neere the winde as we could to fetch the line The seuenth of Iuly we had sight of the I le of S. Thome and thought to haue sought the road to haue ancred there but the next morning the winde came about and we kept our course The ninth the winde varying we kept about againe and fell with the Iland of S. Thome and seeking the road were becalmed neere the Iland and with the currant were put neere the shore but could haue no ground to ancre so that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse and the other ships their skifs to towe from the Iland which did litle good but in the end the winde put vs three leagues off the shore The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast about whereby we iudged them to haue agreed together to goe seeke some ships in the road and to leaue vs our men were not willing to goe after them for feare of running in with the Iland againe and of putting our selues into the same danger that we were in the night before but we shot off a piece and put out two lights and they answered vs with lights againe whereupon we kept our course and thought that they had followed vs but in the morning we could not see them so that they left vs willingly and we determined to follow them no more But the eleuenth day we altered our opinion and course and consented to cast about againe for the Iland to seeke our ships and about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we met with them The 13 we fell againe with the Iland of S. Thome and the same night we found our selues directly vnder the line This Iland is a very high Iland and being vpon the West side of it you shall see a very high pike which is very small and streight as it were the steeple of a church which pike lieth directly vnder the line and at the same South end of the Iland to the Westward thereof lieth a small Iland about a mile from the great Iland The third of August we departed froÌ„ the I le of S. Thome met the winde at the Southwest The 12 day we were in the height of Cape verde The 22 day we fell with one of the Iles of Cape verde called The I le of Salt and being informed by a Scotish man that we tooke among the Frenchmen vpon the coast that there were fresh victuals to be had we came to an ancre there The 23 day in the morning we maâ—ned our skiffe and went a shore and found no houses but we saw foure men which kept themselues alwayes farre from vs as for cattell we could finde none but great store of goats and they were so wilde that we could not take aboue three or foure of them but there we had good store of fish and vpon a small Iland which lay by the same we had great store of sea-birds At night the Christopher brake her cable and lost an ancre so that she could tary no longer so we all wayed and set saile Upon the same Iland we left the Scotish man which was the occasion of our going aland at that place but how he was left we could not tell but as we iudged the people of the Iland found him sleeping and so caried him away for at night I went my selfe to the Iland to seeke him but could heare nothing of him The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord vs tolde vs that his men were so weake and the
separated from vs by weather haue sped or what Prizes they haue taken whereof there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West Indian Fleete as yet we are able to say nothing And thus expecting your answere and for all other matters referring me vnto the bearer Captaine Furtho I end Plymouth the 24 of October 1591. Your worships louing friend Robert Flicke A large testimony of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten Hollander concerning the worthy exploits atchieued by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland By Sir Martine Frobisher Sir Richard Greenuile and diuers other English Captaines about the Isles of the Açores and vpon the coasts of Spaine and Portugall in the yeeres 1589 1590 1591 c. recorded in his excellent discourse of voiages to the East and West Indies cap. 96. 97. and 99. THe 22 of Iuly 1589 about Euening being by the Islands of Flores Coruo we perceiued 3 ships that made towards vs which came from vnder the land which put vs in great feare for they came close by our Admirall and shot diuers times at him and at another ship of our companie whereby we perceiued them to be Englishmen for they bare an English flagge vpon their main◠tops but none of them shewed to be aboue 60 tunnes in greatnes About Euening they followed after vs and all night bore lanternes with candles burning in them at their sternes although the Moone shined The same night passing hard by the Island of Fayal the next day being betweene the Island of S. George that lay on our right hand and the small Island called Graciosa on our left hand we espied the 3 English ships still following vs y t tooke counsell together whereof one sailed backwards thinking that some other ship had come after vs without cōpany for a time was out of sight but it was not long before it came again to y e other two wherwith they tooke coūsel came all 3 together against our ship because we lay in the lee of al our ships had y e Island of S. George on the one side in stead of a sconce thinking to deale so with vs that in y e end we should be constrained to run vpon the shore whereof we wanted not much and in that manner with their flagges openly displayed came lustily towardes vs sounding their Trumpets and sayled at the least three times about vs beating vs with Musket and Caliuer and some great pieces and did vs no hurt in the body of our shippe but spoyled all our sayles and ropes and to conclude wee were so plagued by them that no man durst put foorth his head and when wee shot off a peece wee had at the least an houres worke to lade it againe whereby wee had so great a noise and crie in the shippe as if we had all bene cast away whereat the English men themselues beganne to mocke vs and with a thousand testing words called vnto vs. In the meane time the other shippes hoised all their sayles and did the best they could to saile to the Island of Tercera not looking once behinde them to helpe vs◠doubting they should come too late thither not caring for vs but thinking themselues to haue done sufficiently so they saued their owne stakes whereby it may easily be seene what company they keepe one with the other and what order is among them In the ende the English men perceiuing small aduantage against vs little knowing in what case and feare we were as also because wee were not farre from Tercera left vs which made vs not a litle to reioyce as thinking our selues to bee risen from death to life although wee were not well assured neyther yet voyde of feare till we lay in the road before Tercera and vnder the safetie of the Portingales fort and that we might get thither in good time wee made all the sailes we could on the other side we were in great doubt because we knew not what they did in the Island nor whether they were our friends or enemies and we doubted so much the more because we found no men of warre nor any Caruels of aduise from Portingal as wee made our accounts to doe that might conuoy vs from thence or giue vs aduise as in that countrey ordinarily they vse to do and because the English men had bene so victorious in those parts it made vs suspect that it went not well with Spaine they of the Island of Tercera were in no lesse feare then we for seeing our fleete they thought vs to bee Englishmen and that wee came to ouerrun the Island because the 3. Englishmen had bound vp their flags and came in company with vs for the which cause the Island sent out two Caruels that lay there with aduise from the king for the Indian ships that should come thither Those Caruels came to view vs and perceiuing what we were made after vs whereupon the English ships left vs and made towardes them because the Caruels thought them to be friends and shunned them not as supposing them to bee of our company but we shot foure or fiue times and made signes vnto them that they should make towards the Island which they presently did The Englishmen perceiuing that did put forwards into the sea so the Caruels borded vs telling vs that the men of the Island were all in armes as hauing receiued aduise from Portugall that Sir Francis Drake was in readinesse and woulde come vnto those Islands The likewise brought vs newes of the ouerthrow of the Spanish fleet before England and that the English men had bene before the gates of Lisbon whereupon the king gaue vs commandement that we should put into the Island of Tercera and there lie vnder the safety of the Castle vntil we receiued further aduise what we should do or whether we should saile for that they thought it too dangerous for vs to go to Lisbon Those newes put our fleet in great feare and made vs looke vpon eche other not knowing what to say as being dangerous for them to put into the road because it lieth open to the sea so that the Indian ships although they had expresse commandement from the king yet they durst not anker there but onely vsed to come thither and to lie to and fro sending their boates on land to fetch such necessaries as they wanted without ankering but being by necessitie compelled thereunto as also by the kings commandement and for that we vnderstood the Erle of Cumberland not to bee farre from those Islands with certaine ships of warre we made necessitie a vertue and entring the road ankered close vnder the Castle staying for aduise and order from the king to performe our voyage it being then the 24. of Iuly and S. Iames day The day before the Erle of Cumberland with 6. or 7. ships of war sailed by the Island of Tercera and to their great good fortune passed out of sight so that they dispatched themselues in
the riuer beginneth to be fresh thou shalt sayle in the midst of the riuer and thou shalt leaue the isle on the starreboord which is on the right hand and here the riuer is not past a quarter of a league broad and hath 20 and 30 fathoms water And towards the South shore there is a ledge of Isles all couered with trees and they end ouer against the point of the Isle of Orleans And the poynt of the isle of Orleans toward the Northeast is in 47 degrees and one terce of a degree And the Isle of Orleans is a fayre Isle all couered with trees euen vnto the riuers side and it is about 5 leagues long and a league and an halfe broade And on the North shore there is another Riuer which falleth into the mayne Riuer at the ende of the Island and Shippes may very well passe there From the middest of the Isle vnto Canada the Riuer runneth West and from the place of Canada vnto France-Roy the riuer turneth West Southwest and from the West ende of the Isle to Canada is but one league and vnto France-Roy 4 leagues And when thou art come to the end of the Isle thou shalt see a great Riuer which falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke and maketh a terrible noyse The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees and one sixt part of a degree The extension of all these lands vpon iust occasion is called New France For it is as good and as temperate as France and in the same latitude And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter is because the fresh Riuer is naturally more colde then the Sea and it is also broad and deepe and in some places it is halfe a league and aboue in breadth And also because the land is not tylled nor full of people and is all full of Woods which is the cause of colde because there is not store of fire nor cattel And the sunne hath his Meridian as high as the Meridian at Rochel and it is noone here when the Sunne is at South Southwest at Rochel And here the north starre by the compasse standeth Northnortheast And when at Rochel it is noone it is but halfe an houre pass nine at France-Roy From the sayde place vnto the Ocean sea and the coast of New France is not aboue 50 leagues distance And from the entrance of Norumbega vnto Florida are 300 leagues and from this place of France-Roy to Hochelaga are about 80 leagues and vnto y e Isle of Rasus 30 leagues And I doubt not but Norumbega entreth into the riuer of Canada and vnto the Sea of Saguenay And from the Fort of France-Roy vntil a man come foorth of the Grande Bay is not aboue 230 leagues And the course is Northeast and West Southwest not aboue 5 degrees and ⅓ difference and reckon 16 leagues and an halfe to a degree By the nature of the climate the lands toward Hochelaga are still better and better and more fruitfull And this land is fitte for Figges and Peares And I thinke that golde and siluer will be found here according as the people of the countrey say These landes lye ouer against Tartarie and I doubt not but that they stretch toward Asia according to the roundnesse of the world And therefore it were good to haue a small Shippe of 70 tunnes to discouer the coast of New France on the backe side of Florida for I haue bene at a Bay as farre as 42 degrees betweene Norumbega and Florida and I haue not searched the ende thereof and I knowe not whether it passe through And in all these Countreys there are okes and bortz ashes elmes arables trees of life pines prussetrees ceders great wallnut trees and wilde nuts hasel-trees wilde peare trees wilde grapes and there haue bene found redde plummes And very faire corne groweth there and peason grow of their owne accord gooseberries and strawberries And there are goodly Forrests wherein men may hunt And there are great store of stagges deere porkepicks and the Sauages say there bee Unicornes Fowle there are in abundance as bustards wilde geese cranes turtle doues rauens crowes and many other birds All things which are sowen there are not past 2. or 3. dayes in comming vp out of the ground I haue tolde in one eare of corne an hundred and twenty graines like the corne of France And ye neede not to sowe your Wheate vntill March and it will be ripe in the middest of August The waters are better and perfecter then in France And if the Countrey were tilled and replenished with people it would be as hotte as Rochel And the reason why it snoweth there oftener then in France is because it raineth there but seldome for the raine is conuerted into snowes All things aboue mentioned are true Iohn Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur Roberual There is a pardon to be seene fo◠the pardoning of Monsieur de Sain◠terre Lieutenant of the sayd Monsieur de Roberual◠giuen in Canada in the presence of the sayde Iohn Alphonse The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche knight Lord of Roberual to the Countries of Canada Saguenai and Hochelaga with three tall Ships and two hundred persons both men women and children begun in April 1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer and all the next winter SIr Iohn Francis de la Roche knight lord of Roberual appoynted by the king as his Lieutenant general in the countreis of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga furnished 3. tall Ships chiefly at the kings cost And hauing in his fleete 200. persons aswel men as women accompanied with diuers gentlemen of qualitie as namely with Monsieur Saine-terre his lieutenāt l'Espiney his Ensigne captain Guine-court Monsieu◠Noire fontaine Dieu lamont Frote la Brosse Francis de Mire la Salle and Roieze and Iohn Alfonse of Xanctoigne an excellent pilot set sayle from Rochel the 16. of April 1542. The same day about noone we came athwart of Chefe de boys where we were enforced to stay the night following On Munday the seuenteenth of the sayde Moneth wee departed from Chefe deboys The winde serued vs notably for a time but within fewe dayes it came quite contrary which hindered our iourney for a long space For wee were suddenly enforced to turne backe and to seeke Harborough in Belle Isle on the coast of Bretaigne where wee stayed so long and had such contrary weather by the way that wee could not reach Newfound lande vntill the seuenth of Iune The eight of this Moneth wee entred into the Rode of Saint Iohn where wee founde seuenteene Shippes of fishers While wee made somewhat long abode heere Iaques Cartier and his company returning from Canada whither hee was sent with fiue sayles the yeere before arriued in the very same Harbour Who after hee had done his duetie to our Generall tolde him that hee had brought certaine
of Pinos which lieth on the Southside of Cuba nigh vâ—to the West end or Cape called Cape S. Anthony And thâ— same day we gaue chase to a Frigat but at night we lost sight of her partly by the slow sayling of our Admirall lacke of the Moone-light our Pinnesse whom Captaine Cooke had sent to the Cape the day before On the 11 we came to Cape S. Anthony where we found our consort the Moonelight and her Pinnesse abiding for our comming of whom we vnderstood that the day before there passed by them 22 saile somâ— of them of the burden of 300 and some 400 tunnes loaden with the Kings treasure from the maine bound for Hauana from this 11 of Iuly vntil 22 we were much becalmed and the winde being very scarse and the weather exceeding hoat we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken wherefore we were driuen to land all the Spaniards sauing three but the place where we landed them was of their owne choise on the Southside of Cuba neere vnto the Organes and Rio de Puercos The 23 we had sight of the Cape of Florida and the broken Ilands therof called the Martires The 25 being S. Iames day in the morning we fell with the Matanças a head-land 8 leagues towards the East of Hauana where we purposed to take fresh water in and make our abode two or three dayes On Sunday the 26 of Iuly plying too and fro betweene the Matanças and Hauana we were espied of three small Pinnasses of S. Iohn de Vllua bound for Hauana which were exceeding richly loaden These 3 Pinnasses came very boldly vp vnto vs and so continued vntill they came within musket shot of vs. And we supposed them to be Captaine Harps pinnesse and two small Frigats taken by Captaine Harpe wherefore we shewed our flag But they presently vpon the sight of it turned about made all the saile they could from vs toward the shore kept theÌ„selues in so shallow water that we were not able to follow them and therefore gaue them ouer with expence of shot pouder to no purpose But if we had not so rashly set out our flagge wee might haue taken them all three for they would not haue knowen vs before they had bene in our hands This chase brought vs so far leeward as Hauana wherfore not finding any of our consorts at y e Matanças we put ouer again to the cape of Florida from thence thorow the chanel of Bahama On the 28 the Câ—pâ— of Florida bare West off vs. The 30 we lost sight of the coast of Florida and stood to Sea for to gaine the helpe of the current which runneth much swifter a farre off then in sight of the coast For from the Cape to Virginia all along the shore are none but eddie currents setting to the South and Southwest The 31 our three ships were clearely disbocked the great prize the Admirall and the Moone-shine but our prize being thus disbocked departed from vs without taking leaue of our Admirall or consort and sayled directly for England August ON the first of August the winde scanted and from thence forward we had very fowle weather with much raine thundering and great spouts which fell round about vs nigh vnto our ships The 3 we stoode againe in for the shore and at midday we tooke the height of the same The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie Ilands West of Wokokon But the weather continued so exceeding foule that we could not come to an anker nye the coast wherefore we stood off againe to Sea vntill Monday the 9 of August On munday the storme ceased and we had very great likelihood of faire weather therefore we stood in againe for the shore came to an anker at 11 fadome in 35 degrees of latitude within a mile of the shore where we went on land on the narrow sandy Iland being one of the Ilandes West of Wokokon in this Iland we tooke in some fresh water and caught great store of fish in the shallow water Betweene the maine as we supposed and that Iland it was but a mile ouer and three or foure foote deepe in most places On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anker at the Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan by reason of a breach which we perceiued to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea here we road all that night The 13 in the morning before we wayed our ankers our â—oates were sent to sound ouer this breach our ships riding on the side thereof at 5 fadome and a ships length from vs we found but 4 and a quarter and then deeping and shallowing for the space of two miles so that sometimes we found 5 fadome and by by 7 and within two casts with the lead 9 then 8 next cast 5. then 6 then 4 then 9 againe and deeper but 3 fadome was the least 2 leagues off froÌ„ the shore This breach is in 35 degr a halfe lyeth at the very Northeast point of Croatoan wheras goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner waters which part the Ilandes and the maine land The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask in 36 degr and one third in fiue fadom water three leagues from the shore At our first coÌ„ming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the I le Raonoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587 which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore Captain Cooke Cap. Spicer their coÌ„pany with me with intent to passe to the place at Raonoak where our countreymen were left At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people This was accordingly performed our twoe boats put off vnto the shore in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the shore nine eight and seuen fadome but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first but it was much further from the harbour where we landed then we supposed it to be so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke we found no man nor signe that any
souldiers and the country abandoned as heretofore we haue sufficiently discoursed and as it may more at large be vnderstood by those men which were there in person After the peace was made in France my Lord Admiral De Chastillon shewed vnto the king that he heard no newes at all of the men which Captaine Iohn Ribault had left in Florida that it were pity to suffer them to perish In which respect the king was content he should cause 3 ships to be furnished the one of sixe score tunnes the other of 100 and the third of 60 to seeke them out and to succour them My Lord Admirall therefore being well informed of the faithfull seruice which I had done aswell vnto his Maiestie as to his predecessors kings of France aduertised the king how able I was to doe him seruice in this voyage which was the cause that he made me chiefe Captaine ouer these 3 shippes and charged me to depart with diligence to performe his commandement which for mine owne part I would not gainesay but rather thinking my selfe happy to haue bene chosen out among such an infinite number of others which in my iudgement were very well able to haue quitted themselues in this charge I embarked my selfe at New Hauen the 22 of April 1564 and sayled so that we fell neere vnto the coast of England and then I turned towards the South to sayle directly to the fortunate Islands at this present called the Canaries one of which called the Isle Saluage because as I thinke it is altogether without inhabitants was the first that our ships passed Sayling therefore on forward we landed the next day in the Isle of Teneriffa otherwise called the Pike because that in the middest thereof there is an exceeding high mountaine neere as high as that of Etna which riseth vp like a pike into the top whereof no man can go vp but from the middest of May vntill the middest of August by reason of the ouer great colde which is there all the yere which is a wonderfull strange thing considering that it is not past 27 degrees and an half distant from the Equator We saw it all couered ouer with snow although it were then but the fift of May. The inhabitants in this Isle being heretofore pursued by the Spaniards retired themselues into this mountaine where for a space they made warre with them and would not submit themselues to their obedience neither by foule nor faire meanes they disdained so much the losse of their Island For those which went thither on the Spaniards behalfe left their carkases there so that not so much as one of them returned home to bring newes Notwithstanding in the ende the inhabitants not able to liue in that place according to their nature or for want of such things as were necessary for the commoditie of their liuelyhood did all die there After I had furnished my selfe with some fresh water very good and excellent which sprang out of a rocke at the foote of this mountaine I continued my course toward the West wherein the windes fauoured me so well that 15 dayes after our ships arriued safe and sound at the Antilles and going on land at the Isle of Martinino one of the first of them the next day we arriued at Dominica twelue leagues distant from the former Dominica is one of the fayrest Islands of the West full of hilles and of very good smell Whose singularities desiring to know as we passed and seeking also to refresh our selues with fresh water I made the Mariners cast anker after wee had sayled about halfe along the coast thereof As soone as we had cast anker two Indians inhabitants of that place sayled toward vs in two Canoas full of a fruite of great excellencie which they call Ananas As they approched vnto our Barke there was one of them which being in some misdoubt of vs went barke againe on land and fled his way with as much speede as he could possibly Which our men perceiued and entred with diligence into the other Canoa wherein they caught the poore Indian brought him vnto me But the poore fellow became so astonied in beholding vs that he knew not which way to behaue himselfe because that as afterward I vnderstood he feared that he was fallen into the Spaniards hands of whom he had bene taken once before and which as he shewed vs had cut of his stones At length this poore Indian was secure of vs and discoursed vnto vs of many things wherof we receiued very small pleasure because we vnderstood not his minde but by his signes Then he desired me to giue him leaue to depart and promised me that he would bring me a thousand presents whereunto I agreed on condition that he would haue patience vntill the next day when I purposed to goe on land where I suffered him to depart after I had giuen him a shirte and certaine small trifles wherewith he departed very well contented from vs. The place where we went on shore was hard by a very high Rocke out of which there ran a litle riuer of sweet and excellent good water by which riuer we stayed certaine dayes to discouer the things which were worthy to be seene and traffiqued dayly with the Indians which aboue all things besought vs that none of our men should come neere their lodgings nor their gardens otherwise that we should giue them great cause of ielousie and that in so doing wee should not want of their fruite which they call Ananas whereof they offered vs very liberally receiuing in recompence certaine things of small value This notwithstanding it happened on a day that certaine of our men desirous to see some new things in these strange countries walked through the woods and following still the litle riuers side they spied two serpents of exceeding bignes which went side by side ouerthwart the way My souldiers went before them thinking to let them from going into the woods but the serpents nothing at all astonied at these gestures glanced into the bushes with fearful hyssings yet for all that my men drew their swords and killed them and found them afterward 9 great foote long and as big as mans leg During this combate certaine others more vndiscreete went and gathered their Ananas in the Indians gardens trampling through them without any descretion and not therewithall contented they wēt toward their dwellings whereat the Indians were so much offended that without regarding any thing they rushed vpon them and discharged their shot so that they hit one of my men named Martine Chaueau which remained behind We could not know whether hee where killed on the place or whether he were taken prisoner for those of his company had inough to doe to saue themselues without thinking of their companion Whereof Monsieur de Ottigni my Lieuetenant being aduertised sent vnto me to know whether I thought good that he should lay an ambush for the Indians which had
the South parts of y e Ilands called De los Ladrones that is The Ilands of rouers or Islas de las Velas vnder 13. degrees and ½ in latitude Septentrionall and 164. degrees in longitude Orientall vpon the sixed Meridionall line which lyeth right with the Iland of Terçera From thence we helde our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues till we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo that is The point of the holy Ghost lying in the Iland Tandaya the first Iland of those that are called Philippinas Luçones or Manillas which is a countrey with fewe hilles with some mines of brimstone in the middle thereof From the point aforesayde wee sailed West for the space of eighteene leagues to the point or entrie of the chanell which runneth in betweene that Iland and the Iland of Luçon This point or entrie lieth scarce vnder 12. degrees All the coast that stretcheth from the entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo del Spirito santo is not very faire Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a hauen of indisserent greatnesse called Baya de Lobâ—s that is The Bay of woolues hauing a small Iland in the mouth thereof and within the chanell about halfe a league from the ende of the sayd Iland lyeth an Iland or cliffe when you passe by the point in the middle of the chanell â—hâ—n you haue fiue and twentie fathom deepe with browne sand there we found so great a streame running Westward that it made the water to cast a skum as if it had beene a sande whereby it put vs in feare but casting out our lead wee found fiue and twentie fathom deepe From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North and North and by East about tenne leagues lyeth the Iland of Catanduanes about a league distant from the lande of Luçon on the furthest point Eastward and from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West and Southwest lyeth the Iland Capuli about sixe leagues from thence stretching Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast being fiue leagues long and foure leagues broad and as wee past by it it lay Northward from vs vnder twelue degrees and ¾ and somewhat high lande Foure leagues â—rom the aforesayd Iland of Capuli Northwestward lie the three Ilands of the hauen of Bollon in the Iland of Luçones stretching North and South about foure leagues distant from the firme lande halfe a league whereof the furthest Southward lieth vnder thirteene degrees In this chanell it is twentie fathom deepe with white sand and a great streame running Southeast we passed through the middle of the chanell From this chanell wee helde our course Southwest and Southwest and by West for the space of twentie leagues vntill wee came to the West ende of the Iland of Tycao which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues This point or hooke lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¾ In the middle betweene this Iland and the Iland Capuli there lie three Ilands called the Faranias and we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all the Ilands at the depth of of 22. fathom with white sand From the aforesayd West point of the Iland Tycao to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sayle about the length of a league or a league and an halfe we put into that chanell holding our course South and South and by West about three leagues vntill we were out of the chanell at sixteene fathom deepe with halfe white and reddish sande in the chanell and at the mouth thereof whereof the middle lyeth vnder 12. degrees and â—â— and there the streames runne Northward The Iland of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and Southeast and is lowe lande whereof the Northwest point is about three leagues from the coast of Luçon but you cannot passe betweene them with any shippe but with small foists and barkes of the countrey This shallowe channell lieth vnder twelue degrees and running thorow the aforesaid chanell betweene the Ilands Tycao and Buryas as I sayd before we sayled Southward about two leagues from the Iland of Masbate which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long being in brâ—dth 4. leagues and lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¼ in the middle thereof and is somewhat high land From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas wee helde our course Westnorthwest for thirteene leagues leauing the Iland Masbate on the Southside and the Iland Buryas on the North side at the ende of thirteene leagues wee came by an Iland called Banton which is in forme like a hat vnder twelue degrees and â—â— when we had sayled the aforesayd thirteene leagues and eight leagues more on the South side wee left the Iland called Rebuiam which stretcheth Northwest and Northwest and by North and Southeast and Southeast and by South for the space of eight leagues being high and crooked lande whereof the North point lyeth vnder tweluâ— degrees and 2 3. and there you finde 35. fathom deepe with white sand From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine leagues there beginne and followe three Ilandes one of them being called Bantonsilla which is a small Iland in forme of a sugar loafe the second Crymara being somewhat great in length reaching East and West about two leagues the third Itaa or the I le of Goates hauing certaine houels By all these Ilands aforesayd you may passe with all â—ortes of shippes whereof the foremost lyeth Southward vnder twelue degrees and â—â— From the Iland of Bantonsilla or small Banton wee helde our course Northwest for the space of foure leagues to the chanell betweene the Ilands called de Vereies and the Iland Marinduque the Vercies lying on the South side vnder twelue degâ—ees and 3 4. which are two small Ilands like two Frigats and the Iland Marinduque on the North side vnder twelue degrees and 4 5. which is a great Iland stretching West northwest and Eastâ—outheast hauing in length 12 in bredth 7. leagues On the North side with the Iland Luçon it maketh a long and small chanell running somewhat crooked which is altogether full of shallowes and sandes whereby no shippes can passe through it The furthest point Westward of the same Iland lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and 1 4. It is high lande on the East side hauing the forme of a mine of brimstone or fierie hill and on the West side the land runneth downâ—ward at the point thereof being round like a loafe of bread in the chanell betweene it and the Vereies there are 18. fathom deepe with small blacke sand From the aforesayd chanell of Vereies and Marinduque wee helde our course Westnorthwest twelue leagues to the lande of Mindora to the point or hooke called Dumaryn lying full vnder thirteene degrees Fiue leagues forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left an Iland called â—sla del maestro del Campo that is The Iland of the Colonell lying vnder twelue degrees and 3 4. which is a small and flat Iland In this
course we had 45. fathom deep with white sand By this point or end of the Iland Marinduque beginneth the Iland of Myndoro which hath in length East and West fiue and twentie leagues and in bredth twelue leagues whereof the furthest point Southward lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and the furthest point Northward vnder thirteene degrees and 2 3. and the furthest point Westward vnder thirteene degrees This Iland with the Iland of Luçon maketh a chanell of fiue leagues broad and tenor twelue fathom deepe with muddie ground of diuers colours with white sande Fiue leagues forward from Marinâ—uque lyeth the riuer of the towne of Anagacu which is so shallowe that no shippes may enter into it From thence two leagues further lie the Ilands called Bacco which are three Ilands lying in a triangle two of them being distant from the land about three hundred cubits and between them and the land you may passe with small shippes And from the landâ— to the other Iland are about two hundred cubites where it is altogether shallowes and sandes so that where the shippes may passe outward about 150. cubites from the landeâ— you leaue both the Ilands on the South side running betweene the third Iland and the riuer called Rio del Bacco somewhat more from the middle of the chanell towardes the Iland which is about a league distant from the other the chanell is â—enne fathom deepe with mud and shelles vpon the ground the riuer of Bacco is so shallowe that no ships may enter into it From this Iland with the same course two leagues forward you passe by the point called El Capo de Rescalco where wee cast out our lead and found that a man may passe close by the lande and there you shall finde great strong streames and halfe a league forward with the same course lyeth the towne of Mindoro which hath a good hauen for shippes of three hundred tunnes Three leagues Northward from the same hauen lyeth the Iland called Cafaa stretching East and West being hilly ground From the sayde towne of Myndoro wee hâ—lde our course Westnorthwest eight leagues till wee came to the poynt or hooke of the sandes called Tulen lying vpon the Iland of Luçon which sande or banke reacheth into the Sea halfe a league from the coast you must keepe about an hundred cubites from it where you finde eight faâ—hom water muddie and shellie ground you runne along by those sandes North and North and by West for the space of two leagues till you come to the riuer called Rio de Anasebo all the rest of the coast called De los Limbones to the mouth or entrie of the Bay called Manilla which are foure leagues is sayled with the same course The Limbones which are Ilands so called are high in forme like a paire of Organs with good hauens for small shippes running along by the Limbones and two leagues beyond them on the South side wee leaue the Ilands of Fortan and foure Ilands more but the three Ilands of Lubao which are very low lie vnder 13. degrees and 1 3. and the Limbones lie in the mouth or entrie of the Bay of Manilla vnder 14 degrees and 1 4. From thence we ranne Northwest for the space of sixe leagues to the hauen of Cabite keeping along by the land lying on the West side where it is shallowe and is called Los Baixos del Rio de Cannas The shallowes of the riuer of Reedes all along this Bay in the same course there is from ten to foure fathom deepe Being by the point or hooke of Cabite then wee kept but an hundred paces from itâ— running Southwest southsouthwest and South vntill wee discouered the whole mouth or entrie of the Bay where wâ— might anker at foure fathom about two hundred cubites from the lande and then the towne of Manilla was two leagues Northward from vs. Chap. 2. The course and voyage of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen or roade of Manilla to the hauen of Macao in China with all the courses and situations of the places SAyling out of the hauen of Cabite lying in the Bay of Manilla wee helde our course Westwarde for the space of eighteene leagues to the point called El Cabo de Sambaâ—les and when wee were eight leagues in our way wee left the two Ilands Maribillas on the South â—ide and sailed about a league from them the point of Samballes aforesayde lyeth vnder foureteene degrees and 2 3. being low land at the end of the same coast of Luçon on the West side From the hooke or point aforesayde wee ranne North and North and by West for the space of fiue and twentie leagues about a league from the coast of Luçon to the point called Cabo de Bullinao all this coast and Cape is high and hilly ground which Cape lyeth vnder sixteene degrees and 2 3. From this Cape de Bullinao we helde our course North and North and by East for 45. leagues to the point called El Cabo de Bojador which is the furthest lande Northwarde from the Iland Luçon lying vnder 19. degrees The Cape de Bullinao being past the lande maketh a great crecke or bough and from this creeke the coast runneth North to the point of Bojador being a land full of cliâ—fes and rockes that reach into the Sea and the land of the hooke or point is high and hilly ground From the point of Bojador wee helde our course Westnorthwest an hundred and twentie leagues vnâ—ill we came to the Iland called A Ilha Branca or the white Iland lying in the beginning of the coast and Bay of the riuer Canton vnder two and twentie degrees hauing foure and twentie fathom browne muddie ground From the Iland Ilha Branca wee helde the aforesayde course of Westnorthwest for the space of sixteene leagues to the Iland of Macao lying in the mouth of the riueâ— of Canton and it maketh the riuer to haue two mouthes or entries and it is a small Iland about three leagues great Chap. 3. The Nauigation or course of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen of Macao to Newe Spaine with the situation and stretchings of the same with other notable and memorable things concerning the same voyage VVHen we had prepared our selues and had taken our leaues of our friends in Macao we set saile vpon the foure and twentieth of Iuly holding our course Southeast Southeast and by East being in the wane of the Moone for when the Moone increaseth it is hard holding the course betweene the Ilands because as then the water and streames run very strong to the Northwest wee trauailed through many narrowe chanels by night hauing the depth of eight or ten fathom with soft muddie ground vntill wee were about the Iland Ilha Branca yet we saw it not but by the height we knew that we were past it Being beyond it we ranne Eastsoutheast an hundred and fiftie leagues to get aboue the sands called Os
from the fury of the enemies shot And so with ensigne displayed taking with vs our sixe dead men wee retired with more safetie to the hauen where we tooke a frigat which rode ready fraught with the kings tribute in siluer and other good commodities which were presently to bee transported to S. Iuan de Vllua and brought the same and our Periago or Canoa to my ship which lay in two fadome water sixe leagues from the town being not able to come any neerer for the sholds vpoÌ„ that coast Ouer against the place where our ship rode stoode a towne of 300 or 400 Indians called Sebo which we likewise tooke where wee found Champeche-wood good to dye withal with waxe and hony This done we left this coast and turned vp to Cape de Cotoche againe and ankored euery day at noone because of the brizes and in turning vp I lost my barke called the Aduenture which was taken by 2 frigats of warre which were manned out from Campeche wherein Captaine Hen and thirteen of my men were taken and afterward executed as since we vnderstand by some Spanish prisoners that were taken in those parts After we had stayed fiue weekes on this coast wee shaped our course for Hauana where finding nothing we disemboqued and came along by the Isle of Bermuda and crossed ouer to The banke neere Cape Race in 22 fadomes and from thence sayling for England we fel with Sillie about the first of Iuly and within two dayes after arriued at Plimmouth where we found the Right honorable the Erle of Essex setting forth with a great fleet for the Isles of the Açores An excellent ruttier for the Islands of the VVest Indies and for Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna IF a man depart from the barre of S. Lucar in Summer time hee must steere Southwest vntil hee hath sight of Punta de Naga which is in the Isle of Tenerif The markes to know it be these An high point sâ—oping to the sea at the Easter point it hath two down falles like particions and they shew to be separated from the maine of the Island stand in 28 degrees a halfe And if thou wilt haue sight of the Grand Canaria and findest thy selfe with Punta de Naga thou shalt then steere Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Canaria which standeth in 28 degrees And thou must come to ankor on the Southeast side of the Island But I aduise thee if it be in winter time that thou keepe another course and that as followeth The course that a man must keepe departing in winter for the Indies from Sant Lucar DEparting from Sant Lucar in winter thou shalt goe West and by South keeping along the coast because if thou goe farre from the coast thou shalt meete with the wind off the sea vntill thou be as high shot as Cape Cantin which is a low flat cape with the sea And thou shalt see a great wood before thou come at this cape called Casa del Cauallero And from thence thou shalt steere thy olde course that is Southwest and by South for the Isles of Alegrança and Lancerota and when thou art North and South with Alegrança thou shalt steere thence Southwest and so thou shalt see the Canaria which is a round high land and standeth in twentie eight degrees What thou must doe if a contrary wind take thee fiftie leagues off the shore VVHen thou art fifty leagues shot on thy way into the sea Southwest off and there thou chance to meete with a contrary winde off the sea and if it force thee to put roome then thou shalt steere Northeast and by East and shalt hall with sight of Cabos del Plata which shew when thou art a seaboord so farre as thou mayest descrie them to be like two points of white sand and if it be cleere thou shalt see within the land certain high hilles lying Northwest and by West called las Sierras de Zahara and being three leagues from land thou shalt haue thirtie fadomes water and sand And from thence to the bay of Cadiz thou shalt goe along Northwest by the coast and if thou be in thirtie or forty â—adomes thou shalt haue â—aze but if thou bee in lesse then thirtie fadomes thou shalt haue other sounding which if it chance then thou art against S. Pedro. And if it bee by day thou shalt see the Ermitage of Sant Sebastian which seemeth to be a shippe under sayle And thou shalt goe into the bay taking heede of the Puercos giue them a good birth off And if thou chance to bee benighted when thou fallest with the bay and wouldest goe into the bay thou shalt carie thy lead in thy hand and be sounding and finding thy selfe in rockie ground thou shalt steere North because of shunning the Puercos and yet giue them not too great a birth because of The Diamant and so thou mayest goe in sounding when thou thinkest good And being benighted and then not East and West with the bay and if thou doest not goe into it then make the largest boord thou caust keeping off till day If thou be at the Canaries and wouldest sayle to Nueua Espanna thou shalt sayle foure and twenty houres South because of the calmes of Fierro And from thence thou shalt goe Westsouthwest vntill thou finde thy selfe in twenty degrees And then thou must goe West and by South which is the course for the Isle Deseada And from Deseada thou shalt goe West and by North because of the variation of the compasse And falling with Deseada thou shalt finde it to rise low with the sea and it standeth in 15 degrees And the eastermost part is the sharpest and smaller then the West point And if thou are going for Tierra firma thou shalt goe West and by South vntill thou come to Dominica and there on the Northwest side is a riuer where thou mayest water The marks to know it bee a certaine high land full of hilles And seeing it when thou art farre off to the seaward it maketh in the middest a partition so that a man would thinke it deuided the Island in two parts And this Island standeth in 14 degrees and a halfe I aduise thee that if thou wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna and so doest passe betweene Guadalupe and Monserate to the Westward that being thus open off the entrance betwixt them thou shalt go Westnorthwest and so shalt haue sight of Santa Cruz which standeth in seuenteene degrees and a halfe And the markes to know it be these It is an Island not uery high and lyeth East and West and at the East end it is lower then at the West end And going forward on thy course thou shalt runne Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe to haue sight of the Isle of San Iuan de Puerto rico which is an Island lying East and West and standeth in eighteene
currents Remember that when you see one league before you a Rocke and a Shoald that hath vpon it but 2. fathomes water and your marke if you come out of the sea is an Hill and the Hil is not very hie it standeth East and West and vpon it are some little risings and they are not very high and vpon these risings stand two round homocks close together you shall see the Teates of Hauana To know along the shore when you are against the Harbour of Xaroca the markes are these A little to the Westward one league you shall see along the shore a Hill that is broken and that broken Hill is ouer tâ—â— Harbour of Xaroca and then a little more to the Westward a league there is another broken Hill And you shall see that North and South from these broken hits is a Flat off And from that to Hauana is 7. leagues and it is all cleane ground and you may goe along the shore till you come to Hauana To know the harbour of Hauana you shall see before you come at it one litle rocke of stone not very hie and smooth toward the sea vpon the rocke standeth a litle white tower wherein they keepe watch And then if you haue the winde large you shall see the harbour open and then you may beare in with it Your shippe being of great burthen when you are within then keepe on the West side â—ecâ—â—se on the East side on the West end of the Rocke aforesayde there lieth a ledge to the Westward which hath but three or foure fathoms ½ vpon it If your ship be of small burthen you may run along the weather shore vntill you come right against the Castle and then halfe the Bay ouer you may come to an anchor How to worke comming through the olde Chanell if you be not minded to goe ouer the Pracellas or shoalds If you will come through the olde Chanel when you come as hie as the Shoalds comming vpon your course from the Caio de Moa as I told you keepe 2. leagues from the Pracel or shoald and then set our course West vnto the low islands of the Firme land And vpon this course you shal kea the Flats on the point of Caio Romano and within it is one Flat higher then the other and smooth vpon and in the middest it maketh as it were broken land and when you are in the chanel in the day time you must take heede you come not neere the shore by 2. leagues and by your sounding no neerer then 3. fathoms And you must take heede stil when y e night commeth to keepe 2. or three leagues off for feare of the shoalds And in the night you must goe Northwest as is aforesaid And also you must take heed that you keepe in the middle of the chanel as nere as you can toward the shoald And finding much wind being benighted from midnight till day stirre West Northwest and when it is towards day then you may edge towards the Flats as is aforesaid And as you stirre hence one day and one night from Caio Romano to the inwards of the Chanell you shall see the firme land of Cuba and other markes and among the rest around hamocke which you may easily know It is called Alcane de Barasoga And from thence to Sauano and to Basquo is 6. leagues and likewise Hauana 6. leagues And from thence to crosse vnder the Fort is 45. leagues And stirre hence vpon your course aforesaid And if you haue gone from Barasoga 30. leagues you shall see none of the Flats of Mecala And giue them a bredth off two or three leagues and keepe your course West Northwest as aforesayd vntill it be day and presently you may edge round to the Flats And thus stirring keepe your course vntill you see the hilles of Camaloqua And looke that when you come from Caio de Moa along the Pracel or shoald by night close by it you shall not see what land it is till it be day and in the Morning you shall set your course as is aforesayd vntill you see the shoald and in seeing it you may stirre on your course as is aboue menâ—ioned vntill you come to Hauana For to set your course from the point of Mance to Caio Romano when you are North and South with the point of Mance you shall stirre thence West Northwest vntil you thinke you be Northeast and Southwest with the hill of Hama And this hill is an high hill and smooth to the seaside And from this hill to Caio Romano you shall stirre Northwest and by West and vpon this course you may be bolde to see Caio Romano And the marke of this Flat is that it maketh an hie land and smooth vpon the top and in the middest of it it sheweth as it were broken And when you come to it you must take heede you come not neere it by 2. leagues because it is sowle And looke that you bring not your selfe too neere the hill of Hama by night For you must take heede of Caio Romano to keepe off it vntill Morning in the Morning you may goe your course vntill you see it and then set your course as is abouesaid A principal ruttier conteining most particular directions to saile from S. Lucar in Andaluzia by the Isles of the Canaries the small Isles called Las Antillas along the South parts of the Isles of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Hispaniola and Cuba and from Cabo de Corrientes or Cabo de S. Anton without and within the litle Isles called Los Alacranes to the port of S. Iuan de Vllua in Nueâ—a Espanna and the course from thence backe againe by Hauana and through the Chanell of Bahama to Spaine together with the speciall markes of all the Capes Islands and other places by the way and a briefe declaration of their latitudes and longitudes IF you depart from the barre of S. Lucar de Barameda toward the West Indias in the Summer time you must stirre a way Southwest vntill you come to the head-land called Punta de Naga vpon the Isle of Tenerif But if your departure be from the sayd barre in the Winter you must stirre away Southwest and by South vntill you come to the height of Cape Cantin on the coast of Babarie the markes and signes whereof be these following The markes to know Cape Canâ—in CApe Cantin is a lowe Câ—pe and small to the sea-ward and maketh a snowt like the nose of a galley and hath vpon the tâ—p of the poynt a Heath or shrubby place and on the toppe thereof staâ—d two homocks that to the sea-ward being higher then the other but that on the Souther side sheweth like a tower and this Cape is in 32. degrees and ½ And he that wil seeke from this Cape to discouer Punta de Naga beforesayd must stirre away Southwest and by West
vntill hee bring himselfe Northeast and Southwest which the same point and then he must stirre away South to fetch the said pointâ— The signes of Punta de Naga THe said point or Head-land is an high point of Land and plaine vpon the toppe like a table and without it there are two litle rockie Islands and vpon the North side of the said point is another point called Punta de hidalgo anâ— vpon the top thereof are 2. picked rockes like vnto the eares of a Hare The course from the Canaries to the VVest Indies IF you set saile from any of the Islands of the Canaries for the West Indias you must stirre away 30. or 40 leagues due South to the ende you may auoid the calmes of the Island of Fierro and being so farre distant from the said Island then must you stirre away West Southwest vntill you finde your selfe in 20. degrees and then saile West and by South vntill you come to 15. degrees and ½ And from thence stirre away West and by North and so shall you make a West way by reason of the Northwesting of the Compasse which West way will bring you to the Island of Deseada The markes of the Island of Deseada THis Island Deseada lieth East Northeast and West Southwest hauing no trees vpon it and it is proportioned like a Galley and the Northeast ende thereof maketh a lowe nose like the snowe of a galley and by comming neere it and passing by the Norther ende thereof you shall perceiue white broken patches like heapes of sand with red strakes in them the Southwest end of this Island maketh like the tile of a galley And this Island standeth in 15. degrees and ½ Markes of the Island of Monserate MOnserate is an high Island and round full of trees and vpon the East side thereof you shall perceiue certain white spots like sheetes and being vpon the South side at the very point of the Island somewhat off the land it maketh like a litle Island and putting your selfe either East or West from that point in the midst thereof will appeare a great broken land Markes of the Island of Marigalanta MArigalanta is a smooth Island and full of wood or trees and as it were of the fashion of a galley vpon her decke and being on the Southeast side about halfe a league off you shall make certaine homocks of blacke stones and certain white patches but on the West side appeare faire white sandy shores or plaines Markes of the Isle of Dominica THe Island of Dominica lieth Northwest and Southeast and vpon the Northwest side it sheweth more high and if you come neere it at full sea it will shew like two Islands but by comming neerer vnto it you shall perceiue it to be but one and vpon the Southeast side you shall make or see a plaine and long point and vpon the same point appeareth a cliffe like to the cliffe of Cape Tiburon and vpon the North side a litle from the land it sheweth like a litle Island and vpon the top thereof is as it were an high steeple and vpon the Norther side you shall perceiue it like many white sheetes Markes of the Island of Guadalupe THe Island of Guadalupe lieth on the West of Deseada and vpon the Southwest part thereof appeare many hie mountaines but vpon the East side it maketh certaine tables which are called the high part of Guadalupe And this Island is cut North and South so that the Canoas of India do passe from the North to the South of it as if it were two Islands Markes of the Isle of Matalina or Martinino THe Isle of Matalina is high and full of mountaines hauing in the midst thereof 3. homocks the middlemost homocke being highest sheweth like the great bowle of an hat And vpon the North side it appeareth like three little Islands And in this Island there are warlik Indians like those of Dominica Markes of the three small Islands called Islas de Los Santos or the Islands of Saintes LOs Santos are 3. Islandes lying one close by another vpon the South side of Guadalupe For to goe with S. Iuan de Puerto rico you must stirre away Northwest vntill you fall with the Isle of Saba Markes to know the Isle of Saba SAba is a litle Island and round about it you shall see the bottome but feare not for there is no danger but that which you shall see and round about it it maketh as it were certaine heapes of white sand and by the side thereof it sheweth like a Ship vnder saile but follow that direction that I haue giuen and you shall see La virgin gorda Markes to know the Isle called La virgin gorda LA virgin gorda is an high Island and round and seeing it you shall espie all the rest of the Virgines which lye East and West one from another and are baâ—e without any trees You may goe about by them vntil you see the litle gray Island which you shal see by it selfe by the Virgines and comming neere to the sayd Island ouer that you shall by and by rayse sight of the white litle Iâ—land which seemeth like a ship vnder saile And if you will passe betweene this litle whiâ—e Iâ—land or bare rocke and the greene Island you must beware that you leaue the white Island on the larbourd side of you and come no neerer it then a Calieuer-shot and so shall you passe through 12. fadome-water and then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you enter into the Hauen of Puerto rico and if you chance to passe the sayd Island by night goe by the foresaid direction vntâ—ll the first watch be out and then take in your sayles and so driue vntill it bee neere day and then hoise sayles and stirre away Southwest seeking the sayde Port and when you come to the entring within you must stay till 10. of the clocke for the sea-turne And know that hauing the Loguilo at Southwest then shall the Harbour be off you North and South Directions from Monserate to Santa Cruz. HE that departeth from Monserate to Santa Cruz must stirre away Westnortwest and by the same course you shall seaze vpon S. Iuan de Puerto rico Markes to know the Isle of Santa Cruz. SAnta Cruz is an Island not very high all full of homocks and comming with it at full sea it will shew like the Virgines and vpon the East side there are two homocks higher then all the reâ—t And by this course you may goe to the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and hauing found it you may sayle along the South coast East and West vntill you come to Cabo Roxo Markes to know Cape Roxo CApe Roxo is a low Cape and trayling to the sea-ward hauing certaine heapes of broken ground thereon which are like a homocke and at full sea the same sheweth like a litle Island from the land by it selfe but comming neere vnto
in the time of the Northeast windes thou shalt seeke to fall with the land in foureteene degrees And if thou see a lowe land thou mayest make accompt it is the land called Ciemana and then thou shalt see Mangues And also thou shalt come along this coast to the South and when thou seest an ende of the low land then thou shalt finde an high land along the sea like the other that I haue made mention of before that is all sandie along the sea coast And thou must vnderstand that where the high land beginneth there is a little riuer called Rio das Contas but enter not into it it hath for a marke to be knowen by as it were a white mouth And from thence to the Islands thou hast nine leagues And at the ende of this high land to the Southward of it thou shalt find a great bay within the land then thou shalt looke to the Westsouthwest and shalt see another high land which lieth as it were in the middest of the bay and thou shalt there see certaine white houses which are the Ingenios or houses wherein they make sugar of Lucas Giraldo From thence thou shalt see the Isles being so farre shotte as Rio de Contas And thou shalt see within the land a round hill which is like Monte de laude and it hath another copple on the South side The course to sayle to Porto Seguro that is to say The safe hauen lying on the foresayd coast of Brasil the markes to know the same by IF thou goe for Porto Seguro and goest in the time of the Southeast windes which is from March forwards I aduise thee that thou fall not in more degrees then sixteen and a halfe because of the sholdes called Os baixos dos Abrolhos which are very dangerous and stretch very farre into the sea And also going West from them that thou keepe thy lead going and be often sounding And if thou chance to see the land and an high hill and long withall much like to The pike it is the hill that is called Monte Pasqual And from thence thou must goe to the North and when thou hast brought it Southwest of thee then thou mayest beare with the land but with great care to looke about thee Marke when thou seest the land and commest to see a red cliffe then looke to the Southward and thou shalt see a great smooth coast along the sea and then on the North side thou shalt deserue Porto Seguro And going along the coast thou shalt see the towne of Porto Seguro standing vpon the toppe of an hill which hill is a white rocke and on the North side of the sayd rocke there is a very hie land I aduise thee that when thou art East and West with the sayd land I meane with this rocke that then thou looke to the Northward and thou shalt see certaine rocks lying two leagues off into the sea whereon the sea doth breake and to the Southward of them thou mayest come to an ankor against the towne and hast a good place to ride in thirteen fadomes in sight of the towne And if it be thy chance to arriue in the time of the Northeast winds and commest in the height of fifteene degrees and two third parts and seest not certaine hilles then thou must goe along the coast being in 16 degrees and vnder the first hie land that thou shalt descrie thou shalt see certaine sandie bayes along the sea coast And if thou haue sight of a riuer in this height put not thy selfe into it neither beare with the land for it hath many sholdes And off them lie certaine sunken grounds called Os Baixos de Santo Antonio And from hence to the Southward lyeth Porto Seguro I aduise thee that going along the coast to the Southward and seeing such sholdes and the sea to breake vpon them as the other which I last spake of thou shalt runne along them a sea boord of them and when thou art at the end of them then the towne will beare West of thee and then thou mayest goe to thine ankoring place as is abouesayd giuing these sholds a good birth The course to the hauen named Baia do Spirito Santo that is to say The bay of the holy Ghost lying on the sayd coast of Brasil and the markes thereof THou shalt vnderstand that the ship that goeth for Spirito Santo when it hath doubled the sholdes called Os Baixos dos Abrolhos and hath brought it selfe in 20 or 19 degrees and a halfe then it may hall with the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a halfe and in twentie And the sayd shippe must goe in this height because on this coast there are no Monçoins If thou chance to come in the height of 19 degrees ½ and seest lowe land to the Northwest off thee then thou art on the North side of Spirito Santo and thou mayest make accompt that it is the land lying ouer Criquare and ouer the riuer called Rio dolce that is the riuer of sweete or fresh water If thou come along the land thou shalt find certaine high hilles but trust not the first that thou seest only For besides the rest thou shalt see a round hie hill which is at the capes end which is called la Sierra de mestre Aluaro Take heede that going for this land thou looke to the North and thou shalt see a riuer called Rio dos Reyes Magos that is The riuer of the three kings And comming to the Southward thou shalt see presently the mouth of the bay to open At the end of this hill on the South side thou hast a point of a rocke which is called A punta do Tubaron And on the South side of the bay it hath two or three blacke hie hilles and in the middest of the bay thou shalt goe in westward I aduise thee that in going in thou take heede of a sholde which lieth in the mouth of the bay thou must leaue it to the Southward of thee and then plie to double a certaine Island which lieth within and thou must leaue it to the Northward of thee and when it beareth on the North or Northeast thou mayest come to an ankor for all is cleane ground And if thou chance to come by this course and fallest in 20 degrees and seest many hilles and one among the rest very high and craggie it is called A Sierra de Guariparim that is the hill of Guaraparim and seest another hill on the North side which is called A Sierra de Pero Cam both these lie on the South side of Spirito Santo And from these hils thou shalt see a little hill named Guaipel And when thou seest these hilles thou shalt see three little Islands together lying to the Southward And then from these thou shalt see another rockie bare and round Island and to the land off this Island
Malucos were in that part of the worlde which was allotted to the king of Spaine and that he would finde a shorter way thither then the Portugales tooke and layed before them such infallible reasons that the Councell giuing credite vnto his wordes sent him to sea with fiue ships and 400 men all very well appointed With these fiue ships setting saile from S. Lucar he came to the coast of Brasill where at that time two places were inhabited by Portugales and so sayling on along that coast he passed by the riuer of Plate which riuer was discouered a little before by Solis And notwithstanding many stormes and great mutinies among his companie he came at length vnto 48 degrees to the Southwards of the riuer of Plate where he found an harbour which he named Puerto de Sant Iulian and wintered there and there also he hanged 5 men and put on shore a Priest because they would haue made the company to stand against their captaine and so to haue returned backe againe But in the end hauing pacified his men he put to sea and within 5 dayes after he found the streights which by him were so much desired but before he entered the said streights there befell such a mutinie in one of his ships that the same ship returned backe againe And so himselfe with the other foure ships entering the streights one of the said foure with all the men therein was cast away at the very enterance which losse notwithstanding he proceeded on with the other three ships and passing many troubles and dangers in this long discouery ceased not to prosecute his intended voyage This discouery was at the first thought very profitable vnto the Spaniards but of late it hath prooued very hurtfull vnto them by meanes of certaine coasters which haue sayled the selfe same course These streights stand in 52 degrees and a halfe of Southerly latitude Also here is to be noted that it is colder to the Southward of the line then to the Northward in such wise that in forty degrees to the Southward the colde is more sharpe then in fiftie degrees to the North experience doth alwaies shew the same for it is as colde euen in the streights of Magellan as it is in sixty degrees of Northerly latitude Howbeit the colde is not the cause why nauigators frequent not the same but the Westerly and Southerly windes which blowe most furiously on that coast and that oftentimes out of the very mouth of the streightes and so continue for the most part of the yeere Also there runneth sometimes such a strong current that if the winde and it goe all one way the cables cannot holde neither can the ship withstand the force thereof For which cause and also for that there is no harbour till you be passed 30 leagues into the said streights most part of the ships that haue gone thither haue indured many troubles before they could come to the streights and being come to the mouth thereof they haue bene hindered by the current and winde and so haue beene put backe againe And to the end you may vnderstand the truth I will declare vnto you all the shippes that haue past through the said streights since Magellan first found them vnto this present yeere of 1586 when I haue once ended my discourse of Magellan his owne voyage Nowe you are by the way to vnderstande that the North side of the enterance of these streights is plaine lande without any wood or trees here are likewise some Indians though not many yet are they very mightie men of bodie of ten or eleuen foot high and good bow-men but no man-eaters neither haue they any victuals but such as they get by hunting and fishing they couer their bodies with the skinnes of beasts that they kill to defend them from the colde neither was there euer to this day any siluer or golde found among them or in their countrey These Streights they say extend in length from East to West about an hundred and twentie leagues At the middle of these streights on the North side are many mountaines couered with snow which mountaines stretch from thence along the frontiers of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada euen vnto the shore of the North sea at Santa Martha as I haue before signified It is a wonder to behold the exceeding heigth of these mountaines and the way which they continue couered with snow for euen vnder the Equinoctiall line they haue as much snowe vpon their tops as in 52 degrees Also it is worthy the remembrance that all this countrey towarde the South sea is very fruitfull and the people very discreete and gentle but all the coast towardes Brasill vpon the North sea is poore whereas neuer yet was found any commoditie of account and the people themselues are very cruell and saluage for the will of God is that good and ciuill men should inhabite fruitfull countries And for the better vnderstanding hereof you must note that all the land lying betweene the said ridge of mountaines and the South sea is called by the names of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada which are the best and richest countreys in all the world and most part of the land from the said mountaines to the North sea is called Brasiâ—l being a mountainous countrey where as yet was neuer found either golde or siluer From the said mountaines in the middle of the streights the land riseth high till you come to the end of the streights where you enter into the South sea in which place next the South sea the streights are very dangerous by reason of the sholdes rocks that lie on the North side Thus Magellan after he had entered the South seaâ— within 60 dayes came to the Iles of the Malucos without touching at any land vntill he came thither and so seeking there to lade his ships at an Iland inhabited by Moores he was by them treacherously slaine Now the Spaniards being too few for the managing of all three ships because many of them were dead partly with sicknes and partly with the hardnesse of the voiage determined to abandon one of their said ships and so manned the other two which two being laden with spices and other riches knew not what course they were best to take howbeit at length it was determined that one of these two ships should go for Nueua Espanna and the other for the cape of Buena Esperança and so for Spaine The ship that went for Spaine was called The Victorie the Pilot whereof was a Bisâ—ain named Iuan Sebastian del Cano to whom the king gaue great rewardes and appointed him the globe for his armes whereon was written Primus omnium circunde distime that is thou art the first man that euer sayled about me And albeit this voyage was so long and troublesome as is before mentioned yet many others haue attempted the same And the next that sought
Item the yland of S. Mary in 37. degr 15. min. Item the bay of Valpares in 33. degr 40. min. Item the bay of Quintero in 33. degr 20. min. Item Coquimbo in 29. degr 30. min. Item Morro moreno in 23. degr 20. min. Item Arica standeth in 18. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Pisca standeth in 13. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Lima standeth in 11. degr 50. min. Item Santos standeth in 9. degr 20. min. Item the bay of Cherrepe in 6. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Paita in 5. degr 4. min. Item the yland of Puna in 2. degr 50. min. Item Cape Sant Francisco to the North of the Equinoctiall in 1. degr A note of the height of certaine places to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall line on the coast of New Spaine INprimis Panama standeth in the latitude of 9. degrees Item the yland called Isla de Canoas in 9. degr 10. min. Item Cape Blanco in 10. degr 10. min. Item Rio Lexo in 12. degr 40. min. Item Aguatulco in 15. degr 50. min. Item Acapulco in 17. degr 20. min. Item Sant Iago in 18. degr 50. min. Item Cape de los Corrientes in 20. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Xalisco in 21. degr 30. min. Item the ylands of the Maries in 21. degr 20. min. Item the yland of Saint Andrew in 22. degr Item the ylands of Ciametlan in 23. degr 40. min. Item that the Cape of Santa Clara on the point of California is in 23. degrees A note of the heights of certaine places beginning from the ylands of the Ladrones and passing by the Philippinas the Malucos Iaua minor Iaua maior the Cape of Bona Sperança and the yle of Santa Helena INprim one of the ylands of the Landrones called Guana standeth in 13. degr 50. min. Item Cape De Spirito Santo on the yle of Luçon standeth in 13. degr Item the yland of Capul in 12. degr 30. min. Item that the yland of Seboyon standeth in 12. degr Item that the Easterly end of the yland of Pannay is in 11. degr Item that the opening betweene the South head of Pannay and the South head of Isla de los Negros is in 10. degr 10. min. Item that the South-head of Isla de los Negros is in 9. degr 10. min. Item that the North-head of the yland Mindanao is in 7. degr 50. min. Item the South-head of Mindanao called Cape Cannel is in 6. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of Batochina is in 10. min. Item that 12. small ylands stand in 3. degr Item the latitude of two other ylands is in 4. degr 10. min. Item the Westerly head of Iaua minor is toward the South in 8. degr 30. min. Item the Easterly head of Iaua maior is toward the South in 8. degr 20. min. Item Malaca standeth to the Northward in 2. degr Item Cape Falso on the promontory of Africa standeth in 34. degr 20. min. Item the Cape of Bona a Sperança standeth in 34. degr 40. min. Item the yland of Santa Helena standeth in 15. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of S. Augustine standeth Southward in 8. degr 40. min. Soundings on the coast of Barbarie from Rio del Oro vnto Cape Blanco INprimis about 3. leagues off Rio del Oro you shall haue very faire shoulding fine white sand 18. fathoms and so alongst vnto Cape Blanco two or three leagues off the shore you shall haue 18. and 20. fathoms And when you come within one league of the Cape you shall haue twelue or thirteene fathoms browne sand very faire shoulding And if you will hall in with Cape Blanco beware you come not within seuen or eight fathoms of the Cape for there lyeth a sand off the Cape Also about 7. or eight leagues off the Cape lyeth a long should next hand Southwest and by South off the Cape Soundings on the coast of Guiny ITem Going vnto Sierra Leona hauing the cape Eastnortheast off you 7 leagues off you shall haue 22 fadome browne sand And halling in you shall finde very faire shoalding You may be bold to borrow on the Southermost shore but take heed of a rocke that lieth in the faire way a good birth off the shore but there is no feare of it for it lieth aboue the water and is distant two miles off the South shore Item You may be bolde to borrow hard by rocke for on the North side going in there lieth one long sand which runneth Southeast and Northwest and lieth distant from the South shore 2 leagues And you shall anker in 14 or 15 fadoms hard by the shore Also going vnto the island called Illha Verde the which iland lieth 10 leagues to the Southward of Sierra Leona the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and you shall haue betweene them 9 or 10 fadome And if you will anker at the sayd iland you shall haue 5 or 6 fadome hard by the shore Also you must haue especiall care of a great current that setteth alongst the coast of Guiny to the Eastward Item And if you be bound vnto the Southwards you must go Westsouthwest off for feare oâ— the shoald that is called Madera Bomba the which shoald is to the Southwards of the iland Soundings on the coast of Brasil ITtem Unto the Northwards of Cape Frio the cape bearing southwest off you about 17 or 1â— leagues off you shall haue 45 fadoms streamy ground and running Southwest you shall find 32 fadoms blacke sand and then running Westsouthwest into a deepe bay which lieth tenne leagues to the Northwards of the cape you shall haue 22 fadoms oaze that depth you shall hauâ— all alongst except you be farre into the bay and then you shall haue 16 fadoms all oazie Item To the Northwards of Cape Frio about 6 or 7 leagues you shall haue many small islands Item To the Northwards of the cape 6 leagues you shall haue two small islands one mile distant the one from the other and they are distant from the maine fiue leagues And betweene those ilands and the cape you shall haue very many islands hard aboord the maine Item The cape bearing West of you two leagues off you shall haue 55 fadoms oaze Also you shall know when you are shot about the cape vnto the Southwards by deeping of the water Also if you will go for S. Sebastian from the cape you must go West and South and Westâ—southwest among And the distance from the cape vnto S. Sebastian is 50 leagues And being shot into the bay any thing nere the shore you shall haue 24 fadoms all oazie And halling in for S. Sebastian you shall know it by two little islands which be round anâ— those ilands lie from the iland of S. Sebastian next hand East and by South and are distant the one from the other about foure leagues Also off the Southermost end of S. Sebastian there lieth one iland about 6 leagues off which iland is
called the Alcatrarza and there he foure little ilands about it Also you may know it by the trending of the land vnto the Southwards Item If you will go in at the Northermost end of S. Sebastian you must take heed of a sand that lieth on the Northeast part of the iland but you may be bolde to borrow on the iland for thâ— sand lieth off the maine side Also you mâ—y anker on the Northermost part of the iland in tennâ— fadoms and the maine is distant from you where you shall ride two leagues off Item If you will come in at the Southermost end of the iland of S. Sebastian your course from the Alcatrarza is Southwest Northeast and their distance is 6 leagues the one from the other Item Unto the Southwards of the riuer Plate being in the latitude of 45 degrees and 60 leagues off the maine you shall haue shoalding in 60 fadoms or 65 fadoms oazie sand and then halling in for the shore Westsouthwest â—6 leagues you shall haue 50 fadoms oaze and you shall haue faire shoalding all along Item In the latitude of 47 â…“ you shall see about one mile in length not passing one league oâ— the shore a ledge of broken ground but no danger Also you shall haue very faire shoalding all along the coast and the land lying South and North vntill you come vnto port Desire which standeth in 48 degrees Item If you will go into port Desire on the North side there lieth one ledge of rocks about league distant from the shore Also on the North side at the mouth of the harborow there lieâ— couple of rocks which are at halfe flood vnder water but be bolde to borrow on the Southermost shore for there is no danger and you shall haue no lesse then 6 fadâ—ms water at a low water the harborow lying East and West Also you may know the harborow by one litle iland that lieth Southeast off the mouth of the harborow and it is distant 4 leagues Furthâ—rmore you may know the harborow by an high rocke that â—tandeth on the South side and this rocke is very much like a watch tower Also if you be any thing in you may anker in 5 fadoms at a low water Item It floweth there South and North and higheth at spring â—ides 3 fadoms and an halfe water and in the offing the flood setteth to the Northward Item In the latitude of 48 degrees 50 minuts you shall haue 44 fadoms blacke sand about 5 leagues off and about 3 leagues off you shall haue 25 fadoms and great shingle stones Item in the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall haue sounding in 38 fadoms oazie sand Item In the latitude of 51 degrees 10 minuts you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the shore in 44 fadoms small blacke stones Soundings within the entrance of the Streights ITem About 2 leagues from the Northermost shore you shall haue 38 fadoms blacke sand and all along you shall haue deepe watâ—r not lesse then 18 or 20 fadoms in the faire way Soundings on the coast of Chili in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 36 degrees you shall haue soundings in 12 fadoms 2 miles from the sand browne sand Item In the latitude of 35 degrees you shall haue soundings one league off from the land in 10 fadoms wâ—ite sand Soundings on the coast of New Spaine in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 14 degrees to the North of the line you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the land in 30 fadoms browne sand Item From the latitude of 14 degrees vnto the latitude of 15 degrees you shall haue faire shoalding 3 leagues from the land Soundings on the coast of Africa vnto the Eastward of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues ITem To the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues in the latitude of 34 degrees and 10 minuts 8 leagues from the land you shall haue 65 fadome and browne sand A note of the lying of the land vnto the Southward of Port Desire IN primis Seales bay standeth vnto the Southwards of Port Desire 12 leagues Southsouthwest Furthermore vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 3 leagues you shall haue very low land Also more vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 7 leagues in the heighth of 48 degrees 40 minuts you shall see a râ—cke 5 leagues off the shore the land lying Southwest and by South Item In the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall see a small flat Iland about a league and an halfe off the shore the land lying Sâ—utâ—west and by South Furtheâ—more from the latitude of 49 degrees vnto the lâ—tâ—tude of 50 degrees the land lieth Souâ—h and by West and is high land Item From the latâ—tude of 50 degrees vnto the latitude of 50 degrees 40 minuts the land lieth Southwest and by South Furthermore frâ—m the latitude of 50 dâ—grees 40 minuts vnto the latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts the land lieth South and by West North and by East Item In the sayd latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts there goeth in an harborow which is to be knowen by a long beache that lieth on the South side of the harborow Moreouer the sayd harborow standeth 12 leagues vnto the Northwards of Cape Ioy. Furthermore from the latitude of 52 degrees 17 mâ—nuts vnto the latitude of 52 dâ—grees 40 minuts in which heigâ—h standeth Cape Ioy the land lieth Southsoutheast and Northnorthwest Item Comming from the Northwards yâ—u shall see before you come â—o Cape Ioy a very long beach about the length of 8 leagues being 5 leagues short of the cape vnto the Northwards Also vnto the Southwards of the cape you shall see another beach about a league long adioyning hard vnder the cape about which beach is the entrance of the Streights of Magellan the which Straights me in breadth sixâ— leagues ouer from the cape vnto the South shore lying South and by East Item From Cape Ioy being the entrance of the streight of Magellan vnto the first narrow passage of the sayd streight the course is West and by North and East and by South and are distant 18 leagues the land being in breadth from the one side to the other one league Item From the first narrow vnto the second narrow passage the course is West by Southâ— and East and by North and the distance is 12 leagues and in breadth the one side is from the other about two leagues ouer Item From the second narrow vnto the islands that be called Elizabeth Bartholomew and Penguin ilands the distance is 5 leagues and the course is Southwest and Northeast the ilandâ— being distant a league and an halfe the one from the other Item From the sayd ilands vnto Port Famine is 16 leagues the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast Moreouer from Port Famine vnto Cape Froward the course is South and by West and North and by East and they are distant 8 leagues asunder Item From Cape Froward
Cape S. Francisco the course is North by East South and by West and the distance is 40 leagues Item Frâ—m Cape S. Francisco vnto the cape that is called Cape Blanco which cape is on the coast of New Spaine the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 160 leagues and you shall haue a great current that setteth out of the bay of Panama and the sayd current setteth South out Item From Cape Blanco vnto the Port de Veles the course is Northeast and Southwest and the distance 8 leagues Item From the Port de Veles vnto the port of S. Iohn the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 17 leagues Item From the port of S. Iohn vnto Rio Lexo the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 40 leagues Item From Râ—o Lexo vnto the gulfe of Fonsecco the course is Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast and they are distant 14 leagues Item In the mouth of Rio Lexo there lieth one iland and you must goe in on the Northwest part of that iland on the which iland you may be bolde for to borrow on and you must goe from that iland Southeast vp Item That in the gulfe of Fonsecco you shall haue lying ten ilands whereof three be peopled with Indians whereon you may haue water wood and salt Item On the West side of the gulfe of Fonsecco there is one towne of Indians which is called Mapal in which towne there is great store of beeues Item From the râ—uer Lexo vnto the bay of Sonsonate the course is East and West and the distance is 60 leagues Item From the bay of Sonsonate vnto the port of Aguaâ—â—lco the course is Northwest and by West Southeast aâ—d by East and the distance 160 leagues Item From the bay of Coppeleto vnto the port of Aguaâ—ulco it is 2 leagues the course is West and by North East and by South Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Angeles the course is East and West and they â—re distant 12 leagues Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Acapulco the course is West by North East and by South and the dâ—stance is 78 leagues Item From the port of Acapulco vnto the port of S. Iago the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 80 leagues Item From the port of S. Iago vnto the port of Natiuidad the course is East and West and the distance is 7 leagues Item From the port of Natiuidad vnto port of the ilands of Chiametla the course is East and West and the distance is 10 leagues Item From the ilands of Chiametla vnto Cape de los Corrientes the course is Northwest and by West Southeast and by East and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the Cape de los Corrientes vnto the bay of Xalisco the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 18 lâ—agues Item From the bay of Xalisco vnto the port of Chiametlan the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 30 lâ—agues Item From the Caâ—e de los Corrientes vnto tâ—e ilands called Las â—â—es Marias the course is Northwest and Southeaâ—â—â—nd tâ—e distance is 20 leagues Item From the Câ—pe de los Câ—rrientes vnto the cape of Santa Clara on the point of California the course is Weâ—tâ—orthwest and Eastsoutheast and the distance is 108 leagues A note from the coast of America vnto the Westwards ITem From the cape of Santa Clâ—ra vnto the ilands of The Ladrones the course is West and by South East and by Nâ—â—th and the distance betweene thâ—m is 1850 leagues Item That the â—ouâ—â—eâ—most iland of the Ladrones standeth in the latitude of 12 degrees and 10 minuts and from theâ—ce vnto the Northâ—rmost iland the course is Nâ—rthnortheast Sâ—uthsouthwest and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 200 leagues and the said Norâ—hermost iland standeth in 21 degrees 10 minuts Item From one of the ilands of the Ladrones which standeth in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts which iland is called Guâ—ihaâ—me vnto the Cape de Spirito santo which cape is vpon one of the ilands of the Philippinas the course is West and to the Southwards and the distance is 320 leagues Item From the cape of Spirito santo vnto the mouth of the entrance of the Streights of the Philippinas the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 15 leagues Item From the mouth of the Streights vnto the iland of Capul the course is Southwest and by West 6 leagues Item From the iland of Capul vnto the North head of the iland called Masbat the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues Item From the North head of the iland called Masbat vnto the iland called Seboion the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues A note of our course kept from the iland Seboion vnto the Southwards ITem From the iland of Seboion vnto the East end of the iland called Pannay the course is Southeast and by South Northwest and by West and the distance is 22 leagues Item That off the Easter end of the iland of Pannay there lie certâ—ine small ilands vnto the number of 12 or more and you shall haue shoald water among them Item From the Easter end of Pannay vnto a bay that iâ— called The bay of Lago grande on the same iland the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the diâ—â—ance is 18 leagues Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto the iland that is called Ysla de los Negros is the distance of 6 leagues Southeast and Northwest Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto three small ilands that stand in the latitude of 10 degrees the course is South and by West 12 leagues Furthermore from those three ilands vnto the Westermost end of Ysla de los Negros the course is Southwest and Northeast 10 leagues where we were cleere of the ilands of the Philippinas Item From the South end of Ysla de los Negros vnto the North head of the iland called Mindanao the course is South and North and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the North end of Mindanao vnto the South head of the sayd iland which is called Cape Cannal the course is South and by West North and by East and the distance is 26 leagues Item From the cape of Cannal betweene the South and the Westsouthwest about 10 or 12 leagues off you shall haue great store of small ilands about the number of 24 or more Item From the cape of Cannal vnto the cape of Batochina the course is Souâ—hsouthwest and Northnortheast and the distance is 100 leagues and betweene them setteth a great current vnto the Eastward Item
From the cape of Batochina vnto the West head of Iaua minor the course is Southwest aâ—d by South Northeast and by North and the distance betweene them is 220 leagues Item From the West end of Iaua minor vnto the East end of Iaua maior the course is West and by North and East by South and the distance betweene them is 18 leagues in the which course there lieth one iland betweene them which iland is in length 14 leagues Item From the East end of Iaua maior vnto the cape of Buena Esperança the course is West and by South and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 1800 leagues Item That Cape Falso standeth 30 leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Buena Esperança off the sayd Cape Falso you shal haue shoalding 20 leagues off in 80 or 90 fadoms the course is from Caâ—e Falso vnto the cape of Buena Esperança Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast A note of the distance and course from the cape of Buena Esperanza vnto the Northwards ITem From the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the iland of Santa Helena the course is Northwest and Northwest aâ—d by West and the distance betweene thâ—m is 600 leagues Item From the iland of Santa Helena vnto the iland of Flores the course betweene them is Northnorthwest and Northwest and by North and the distaâ—ce betweene them is 1200 leagues Item From the iland of Flores vnto the lands end of England the course is betweene the Eastnortheast and the Northeast and by East and the distance betweene them is foure hundred and fifty leagues A note of the variation of our Compasse IN primis The variation of our compasse on the coast of New Spaine iâ— the South sea in tâ—e latitude of 12 degrees was one point to the Eastwards Item the variation of our compasse betweene â—he cape of California and the ilands of the Philippinas was one point and an halfe vnto the Eastward that was that the North did stand North and by East and halfe a point vnto the East Item The variation of our compasse betweene the ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança was two points and an halfe at the most to the Westward that was that the Northnortheast was our North. A note of our time spent in sailing betweene certeine places out of England 1586. IN primis We were sailing betweene England and the coast of Guinea from the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 26 day of August vnto the hauen called Sierra leona where we watered and stayed vntill the 6 day of September Item Wee departed from the coast of Guinea for the coast of Brasil the 10 day of September and wee had sight of the coast of Brasil the 26 day of October being sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Frio and from thence wee were sailing vnto the iland of S. Sebastian vntill the 31 and last day of October where we watered and set vp our pinnesse and we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland in tenne fadoms and stayed there vntill the 23 day of Nouember Item The 23 day of Nouember we departed from the iland of Sant Sebastian keeping our course South and by West vnto the port that is called Port Desire where we arriued the 17 day of December in which port we graued our shippe and we stayed there vntill the 28 day of December where we ankered in 5 fadoms Item The eight and twentieth day of December wee departed from the Port of Desire toward the Streight of Magellan where wee arriued the third day of Ianuary and wee remained in the Streights vntill the foure and twentieth day of February where we watered in many places on the South side hauing the winde all that while betweene the Westsouthwest and the Northwest Item We departed out of the Streights the 24 day of February toward the iland of Mocha which island we had sight of the 14 day of March. Item The 14 day of March at night we ankered in the bay of Marroccos where we rode in 9 fadoms water Item The 15 day of March we ankered in the iland of Saint Marie on the North part of the island in eight fadoms water blacke sand wheâ—e we stayed foure dayes Item The 19 day of March we departed frâ—â— the island of Saint Marie and the same day we ankered in the bay of Conception where we stayed vntill the next day and there we rode in ten fadoms water shiâ—gie stones Item The 20 day of March we departed from the bay of Conception and the thirtieth day of March we arriued in the bay of Quintero where wâ— watered and there the first day of April we had twelue of our men slaine being on land for water and we stayed there sixe dayes and we ankered in 7 fadoms water white sand Item We departed from the bay of Quintero the 5 day of April and we arriued at the bay of Arica the 24 day of April and we ankered in 7 fadoms water Item The 27 day of April we departed from the bay of Arica and the third day of May we arriued in the bay of Pisca and we ankered in 4 fadoms water in oaze Item The 5 day of May we departed from the bay of Pisca and the 12 day we ankered in the bay of Cherrepe where we ankered in 7 fadoms water in white sand Item The 18 day of May we departed from the bay of Cherrepe and the 20 day of May we arriued in the bay of Payta where we ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 20 day of May we departed from the bay of Paita and the 26 day of May we ankered at the iland of Puna and we ankered in 5 fadoms Item From the iland of Puna we departed the fourth day of Iune vnto Rio dolce in the main where we watâ—red and we ankered in 10 fadoms water browne sand Item The 12 day of Iune we departed from the place where we watered being bound for the coast of New Spaine and the 29 day of Iuly wee arriued in the port of Aguatulco where wee watered and ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 3 day of August we departed from the port of Aguatulco and the 26 day of August we arriued at the port of S. Iago where wee watered and stayed there vntill the second day of September and ankered in 6 fadoms Item The 2 of Septâ—mber we departed from the port of S. Iago and the 3 day of September we put into a port one league vnto the Westwards of Natiuidad where we ankered in 8 fadoms water Item The 4 day of September wee departed from the port of Natiuidad and the 7 day of September we put into the bay of Xalisco where we ankered in 9 fadoms water and the 10 day of September we departed from the bay of Xalisco and the 12 day of September we ankered
are in 44. deg and easie to passe But 5. leagues iourney to passe the 3. Saults Ten dayes iourney from the Saults to this great Lake The Saults are in the latitude of 44. deg Belle Isle Carpont in 52. degrees The Grand â—â—â— in 52. and an halfe A flatte rocke Butes The Isle of Blanc Sablon oâ— white sand The seuerall breadâ—hs of the Grand Bay Blanc Sablon in 51. deg 2. third parts The Islâ—s de la Damoâ—selle in 50 deg 3. fourth parts Many Isles good harboâ—â— Cape Tienot in 50 deg one fourth part The Isle Ascension Asâ—â—â—pâ—ion or Nâ—tiscotto The commendation of the Isle of Ascenâ—ioÌ„ From Cape Briton to the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension is but 50 leagues The Cape of Monâ—z nostre Dame The Bay of Molues oâ— Gaspay The Bay de Chaleuâ— or of Heate The Bay of Ognedoc Greater store and betteâ— fish then in Newfoundland Fouleâ— Trees The month of the riuer of Canada twenty fiue leagues broad The 7 Iâ—les in 50 degrees and a halfe The riuer is here but 10 leagues broad The point of Ongear in 49 degrees and a quarter The Isle of Raquelle in 48 degrees and two third parts The riuer 8 leagues broad The entrance oâ— Saguenay The sea of Cathay The riuâ—r not past 4 lâ—agues ouer The Isle of Hares in 48 and one siâ—â—â—nth part Note The isle of Filbeards in 47 degreeâ— and 3. quarters The beginning of the fresh water The riuer but a quarter of a league bâ—oad The Isle of Orleans in 47. degrees and one third part Canada â— leaguâ— to the West of the Isle of Orleans The Fort of France-Roy stood in 47 degrees and one sixâ— part Why the couÌ„trey is colder in the Winter then France A second reason The variation of y â— compasse From the foâ—t of France Roy vnto y e mouth of the Grand Bay 230 leâ—gs Gold and sâ—luâ—r like to be â—ound in Canada A Bay in 42. degrees giuing some hope of a passage Trees â—edde plums Fowle Corne. Wheate to be â—owen in March The cause of the ofteÌ„ snowing in Canada Diamonts Golde foâ—â—d Iâ—qâ—es Carâ—â—er sâ—oâ—e away Iuly France prime August 1542. September 14 The proportion of their victuals The length of the winter They had women with them Their apparell So haue they of Ceuola and Quiuira and Meâ—a Incognita Their victuals They remoue from place to place Fish Beastes Fowle Their breaâ— of great Myl or Maâ—â— Drinke of Seâ—â—e oyle at their great â—eastâ— Their goâ—ernment The 5. of Iune The 6. of Iune Monsieur de Royeâ—e The 14. of Iune The 19. of Iune Maiz. The 22. of Iuly 1543. Note Free denization granted Anno 1581. A Southerly course not greatly needful for Virginia A sweet smell from the land The first riuer Iuly 13 possession taken Abundance of grapes The Isle of Wokokon Goodly Cedars Pines Cypres Sassaphras Conference with a Saâ—agâ—â— Abundance of fish The arriuall of tâ—e kings brother Trafficke with the Sauages Tinne much â—steemed White corall Perlâ—s Pitch trees The manner of making their boates 〈◊〉 Island The great kindnes of the kings brothers wife A solemne banker Their Idolâ— Skicoak a great towne A ship cast away Their weapons Oâ— Pâ—â—â—â—uaioc Roanoak sixteen miles long They land vpon the Iland of S. Iohn de Porto Rico. They land on the Iles of Caico Guanima Cyguateo They land in Florida Iuly September October The rich and manifold commodities oâ— Virginia Commoditieâ— fit to came to Virginia 2. parts of this discourse The excellencie of the seate of Chesepiâ—ok The towne of Chawanook able to make 700. men of warre An Iland in a Bay Pearles in exceeding quanâ—â—tie An enterpâ—se of speciall importance Whither M. Ralfe Lane meant to remoue Wingina changeth his name Conspiracie of the Sauages against the English * Their women A maruellous Mineral in the câ—untrey of Chaunis Temoatan A conflict begun by the Sauages The great current of the Riuer of Moraticoâ— This sails of making weares would be learned The beginning of theâ—â— haruest in Iuly The conspiracie of Pemisapan The forme of the treason The sufficiencie of our men to deale against the Sauages 10. to an hundreth The Sauages line by fishing and hunting till haruest The slaughter and surprise of the Sauages Pemisapan slaine A letter from Sir Francis Drake This ship arriued in Virginia Sir Richard Grinuils third uoyage Fifteene men more leâ—t in Virginia Fiue thousand pearles â—athred Tabacco Monardes parâ—e â— lib 1. cap. 4. The iuice of Coscushaw is poison There are iâ— kinds of Tuâ—â—â— whereof that which beareth no fruith bringeth foorth the Cochinillo In the â—nâ—fe of California they vse the like fishing Iaques Cartier voyage 2. chap. 8. This want is hereafter to be supplied “ One of the Isles of the Indies inhabited with Sauages Circumspectis to be vsed in strange places “ Musketos Bay is a harbour vpon the south side of S. Iohns Islâ—nd where we â—ake in â—resh water “ A pleasant and fruitfull countrey lying on the west end of S. Iohns Island where groweth plenty of Orenges Limons PlaÌ„tans Pines An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok Edward Spicer Their mâ—aning to â—emoue 50 miles into the countrey Smerwick in the West of Ireland M. William Lane Spanish fugitiues Edward Spicer This fight was in fight of the Iland of Nauara The state oâ— the currency from the capâ— of Florida to Viâ—ginia Sandie Ilaâ—â— West of Wokokon They land â— 35 degrees A breach 2 oâ— 3 leagues into Sea Great diâ—ersity of souÌ„dings Hatorask in 36 degr a â—ercâ— They land Fresh water found in sandy hilles Captaine Spicer drowned They leaue the coast of Virginia 13. Pipes of siluer The Isle of Madêra They diâ—couer land 34. Degrees The coast trendeth to the East in 34 degrees of latitude Câ—â—rteous aâ—d 〈◊〉 They run 50. leagues farther Wilde hempe They ran along the coast 200. leagues They make hollow their Canons with fire Uines like those of Lombardie 100. â—eagues sayling A mighty riuer People clad with leathers of diuers colours The pleasantnes and riches of the land The coast trendeth to the East The description of Claudia Iland tenne leagues from the mayneâ— Claudia was mother of king Franâ—â— A passing good hauen Copper more esteemed then golde Most pleasant and fruitful lands The fashion of their houses The coast full of good hauens Their curing with Tabacco and perfumes 41 degrees 2. terces The description of a notable hauen in 41. deg and 2. â—â—â—ces 150 leagues A shew of minerall The coast running Eastward 10. leagues Here the people begin to be more sauage Beades of copper 32 pleasant Islands They ran almost to 50. degrees Other 〈◊〉 ought to be our warning The chiefe things woâ—â—â—â—e obseruâ—tion in Florida are drawen in colours by Iames Moâ—gues painter sometime liuing in the Black frâ—eâ—s in London A â—â—liâ—â—â—â—â— or 〈◊〉 meâ—◠〈◊〉 â—gâ—uâ—a Meanes to raise benefit in new discoueries vsed by the
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
out of the sayd streights followeth Turcia maior though now on both sides it is called Turcia And so the coast runneth Southward to Syria and ouer against the sayd Turcia are the Islands of Rhodes Candie and Cyprus And ouer against Italie are the Islands of Sicilia and Sardinia And ouer against Spaine is Maiorca and Minorca In the ende of the gulfe of Syria is Iudea And from thence returneth the coast toward the Occident till it commeth to the streights where we began which all is the coast of Afrike and Barbarie Also your Lordship shall vnderstand that the coastes of the Sea throughout all the world I haue coloured with yellow for that it may appeare that all that is within the line coloured yellow is to be imagined to be maine land or Islands and all without the line so coloured to bee Sea whereby it is easie and light to know it Albeit in this little roome any other description would rather haue made it obscure then cleere And the sayd coasts of the Sea are all set iustly after the maner and forme as they lie as the nauigation approueth them throughout all the Card saue onely the coastes and Isles of the Spicerie of the Emperour which is from ouer against the 160. to the 215. degrees of longitude For these coastes and situations of the Islands euery of the Cosmographers and pilots of Portingal Spayne do set after their purpose The Spaniards more towards the Orient because they should appeare to appertain to the Emperour the Portingals more toward the Occident for that they should fal within their iurisdiction So that the pilots and nauigants thither which in such cases should declare the truth by their industrie do set them falsly euery one to fauour his prince And for this cause can be no certaine situation of that coast and Islands till this difference betwixt them be verified Now to come to the purpose of your Lordships demaund touching the difference between the Emperour and the king of Portingal to vnderstand it better I must declare the beginning of this discouerie Though peraduenture your Lordship may say that in that I haue written ought of purpose I fall in the prouerbe A gemino ouo bellum But your Lordship commanded me to be large and I take licence to be prolixious and shal be peraduenture tedious but your Lordship knoweth that Nihil ignorantia verbofius In the yeere 1484 the king of Portingal minded to arme certaine Caruels to discouer this Spicerie Then forasmuch as he feared that being discouered euery other prince woulde sende and trade thither so that the cost and perill of discouering should be his and the profite common wherefore first hee gaue knowledge of this his minde to all princes Christened saying that hee would seeke amongst the infidels newe possessions of regions and therefore would make a certaine armie and that if any of them would helpe in the cost of the sayd armie he should enioy his part of the profite or honour that should come of it And as then this discouering was holden for a strange thing and vncertaine Nowe they say that all the Princes of Christendome answered that they would be no part of such an armie nor yet of the profit that might come of it After the which he gaue knowledge to the Pope of his purpose and of the answere of all the Princes desiring him that seeing that none would helpe in the costes that he would iudge all that should bee found and discouered to be of his iurisdiction and commannd that none other princes should intermeddle therewith The Pope sayd not as Christ saith Quis me consticuiâ— iudicem inter vos He did not refuse but making himselfe as Lord and Iudge of all not onely granted that all that should be discouered from Orient to Occident should be the kings of Portingal but also that vpon great censures no other Prince should discouer but he And if they did all to bee the kings of Portingal So he armed a fleete and in the yeere 1497 were discouered the Islands of Calicut from whence is brought all the spite he hath After this in the yere 1492 the king of Spaine willing to discouer lands toward the Occident without making any such diligence or taking licence of the king of Portingal armed certaine Caruels and then discouered this India Occidentall especially two Islands of the sayd India that in this Card I set forth naming the one la Dominica and the other Cuba and brought certaine golde from thence Of the which when the king of Portingal had knowledge he sent to the king of Spaine requiring him to giue him the sayd Islands For that by the sentence of the Pope all that should be discouered was his and that hee should not proceede further in the discouerie without his licence And at the same time it seemeth that out of Castil into Portingal had gone for feare of burning infinite number of Iewes that were expelled out of Spaine for that they would not turne to be Christians and carried with them infinite number of golde and siluer So that it seemeth that the king of Spaine answered that it was reason that the king of Portingal asked and that to be obedient to that which the Pope had decreed he would giue him the sayd Islands of the Indies Nowe for as much as â—t was decreed betwixt the sayde kings that none should receiue the others subiects fugitiues nor their goods therfore the king of Portingal should pay and returne to the king of Spaine a million of golde or more that the Iewes had caryed out of Spaine to Portingal that in so doing he would giue these Islands and desist from any more discouering And not fulfilling this he would not onely not giue these Islands but procure to discouer more where him thought best It seemeth that the king of Portingal would not or could not with his ease pay this money And so not paying that he could not let the king of Spaine to discouer so that he enterprised not toward the Orient where he had begun found the Spicerie And consented to the king of Spaine that touching this discouering they should diuide the worlde betweene them two And that all that should be discouered from Cape Verde where this Card beginneth to be counted in the degrees of longitude to 180 of the sayd scale of longitude which is halfe the world toward the Orient finisheth in this Card right ouer against a litle crosse made at the said 180 degrees to be the king of Portingals And all the land from the said Crosse towarde the Occident vntill it ioyneth with the other Crosse in the Orient which conteineth the other hundreth and eightie degrees that is the other halfe of the worlde to be the king of Spaines So that from the land ouer against the said hundreth eighty degrees vntill it finish in the three hundred and sixtie on both the ends of the Card is the iurisdiction of
the king of Spaine So after this maner they diuided the world betweene them Now for that these Islands of Spicery fall neere the terme and limites betweene these princes for as by the sayd Card you may see they begin from one hundred and sixtie degrees of longitude and ende in 215 it seemeth all that falleth from 160 to 180 degrees should be of Portingal and all the rest of Spaine And for that their Cosmographers and Pilots coulde not agree in the situation of the sayde Islandes for the Portingals set them all within their 180 degrees and the Spaniards set them all without and for that in measuring all the Cosmographers of both partes or what other that euer haue bene cannot giue certaine order to measure the longitude of the worlde as they doe of the latitude for that there is no starre fixed from East to West as are the starres of the Poles from North to South but all mooueth with the moouing diuine no maner can bee founde howe certainely it may bee measured but by coniectures as the Nauigants haue esteemed the way they haue gone But it is manifest that Spaine had the situation of al the lands from Cape Verde toward the Orient of y e Portingals to their 180 degrees And in all their Cardes they neuer hitherto set the saide Islands within their limitation of the sayd 180 degrees though they knewe very well of the Islands till now that the Spaniards discouered them And it is knowen that the king of Portingal had trade to these Islands afore but would neuer suffer Portingal to go thither from Calicut for so much as he knew that it fell out of his dominion least by going thither there might come some knowledge of those other Islands of the king of Spaine but bought the cloues of Marchants of that countrey that brought them to Calicut much deerer then they would haue cost if he had sent for them thinking after this maner it would abide alwayes secret And now that it is discouered he sendes and keepes the Spaniards from the trade all that he can Also it should seeme that when this foresaid consent of the diuision of the worlde was agreed of betweene them the king of Portingal had already discouered certaine Islandes that lie ouer against Cape Verde and also certaine part of the maine land of India toward the South from whence he fette Brasill and called it the land of Brasil So for that all should come in his terme and limites hee tooke three hundred and seuentie leagues beyond Cape Verde and after this his 180 degrees being his part of the worlde should begin in the Carde right ouer against the 340 degrees where I haue made a little compasse with a crosse and should finish at the 160 degree where also I haue made another little marke And after this computation without any controuersie the Islands of the spicery fal out of the Portingals domination So that nowe the Spaniards say to the Portingals that if they would beginne their 180 degrees from the sayde Cape Verde to the intent they should extende more toward the Orient and so to touch those Islandes of the Spicerie of the Emperour which is al that is betweene the two crosses made in this Card that then the Islands of Cape Verde and the lande of Brasil that the Portingals nowe obtaine is out of the sayd limitation and that they are of the Emperours Or if their 180 degrees they count from the 370 leagues beyond the said Cape Verde to include in it the said Islands and lands of Brasil then plainely appeareth the said 180 degrees should finish long before they come to these Islands of the Spicerie of the Emperour As by this Carde your Lordship may see For their limits should begin at the 340 degrees of this Carde and ende at the 160 degrees where I haue made two little markes of the compasse with crosses in them So that plainely it should appeare by reason that the Portingals should leaue these Islands of Cape Verde and land of Brasil if they would haue part of the Spicerie of the Emperours or els holding these they haue no part there To this Portingals say that they will beginne their 180 degrees from the selfe same Cape Verde for that it may extende so much more toward the Orient and touch these Islandes of the Emperours and would winne these Islandes of Cape Verde and land of Brasil neuerthelesse as a thing that they possessed before the consent of this limitation was made So none can verely tell which hath the best reason They be not yet agreed Quare sub Iudice lis est But without doubt by all coniectures of reason the sayd Islands fall all without the limitation of Portingal and pertaine to Spaine as it appeareth by the most part of all the Cardes made by the Portingals saue those which they haue falsified of late purposely But now touching that your Lordship wrote whether that which we discouered toucheth any thing the foresayd coastes once it appeareth plainely that the Newefound land that we discouered is all a maine land with the Indies Occidentall from whence the Emperour hath all the gold and pearles and so continueth of coast more then 5000 leagues of length as by this Carde appeareth For from the said New lands it proceedeth toward the Occident to the Indies and from the Indies returneth toward the Orient and after turneth Southward vp tillit come to the Straits of Todos Saâ—tos which I reckon to be more then 5000 leagues So that to the Indias it should seeme that we haue some title at least that for our discouering we might trade thither as other doe But all this is nothing neere the Spicerie Now then it from the sayd New found lands the Sea be nauigable there is no doubt but sayling Northward and passing the Pole descending to the Equinoctial line we shall hit these Islands and it should be a much shorter way then either the Spaniards or the Portingals haue For we be distant from the Pole but thirty and nine degrees and from the Pole to the Equinoctiall be ninetie the which added together bee an hundred twenty and nine degrees leagues 2489. and miles 7440 Where we should find these Islands And the Nauigation of the Spaniards to the Spicerie is as by this Carde you may see from Spaine to the Islandes of Canarie and from these Islandes they runne ouer the line Equinoctiall Southwarde to the Cape of the maine land of the Indians called the Cape of Saint Augustine and from this Cape Southwards to the straites of Todos Santos in the which nauigation to the said straites is 1700. or 1800 leagues and from these Straites being past them they returne towarde the line Equinoctiall to the Islands of Spicerie which are distant from the saide Straites 4200. or 4300. leagues The nauigation of the Portingals to the said Islandes is departing from Portingal Southward towarde the Cape Verde and from
worke that euer I saw the eyes and mouthes of sundrie of them were bloodie they had the shape of men women and children very grosly wrought that which they had made for other parts was also sprinckled with blood Some of their idols were an olde sticke with two or three notches made with a knife in it I saw much of the footing of the sayd Samoeds and of the sleds that they ride in There was one of their sleds broken and lay by the heape of idols there I saw a deers skinne which the foules had spoyled and before certaine of their idols blocks were made as high as their mouthes being all bloody I thought that to be the table wheron they offered their sacrifice I saw also the instruments whereupon they had roasted flesh and as farre as I could perceiue they make their fire directly vnder the spit Loshak being there present tolde me that these Samoeds were not so hurtful as they of Ob are and that they haue no houses as indeede I saw none but onely tents made of Deers skins which they vnderproppe with stakes and poles their boates are made of Deers skins and when they come on shoare they cary their boates with them vpon their backes for their cariages they haue no other beastes to serue them but Deere only As for bread and corne they haue none except the Russes bring it to them their knowledge is very baâ—e for they know no letter Tuesday we turned for the harborough where Loshaks barke lay whereas before we road vnder an Island And there he came aboord of vs and said vnto me if God sende winde and weather to serue I will goe to the Ob with you because the Morses were scant at these Islands of Vaigats but if he could not get to the riuer of Ob then he sayd hee would goe to the riuer of Naramzay where the people were not altogether so sauage as the Samoyds of the Ob are hee shewed me that they will shoot at all men to the vttermost of their power that cannot speake their speech Wednesday we saw a terrible heape of ice approch neere vnto vs and therefore wee thought good with al speed possible to depart from thence and so I returned to the Westwards againe to the Island where we were the 31 of Iuly Thursday I went a shoare and tooke the latitude which was 70 degrees 25 minutes and the variation of the compasse was 8 degrees from the North to the West Loshak and the two small Lodias of Pechora departed from this Island while I was on shoare taking the latitude and went to the Southwards I maruailed why he departed so suddenly and went ouer the shoales amongst the Islands where it was impossible for vs to follow them But after I perceiued them to be weatherwise Friday we road still the winde being at Northnortheast with a cruell storme The ice came in so abundantly about vs at both ends of the Island that we road vnder that it was a feareful sight to behold the storme continued with snow raine and hayle plenty Saturday we road still also the storme being somewhat abated but it was altogether misty that we were not able to see a cables length about vs the winde being at Northeast and by East Sunday at foure of the clocke in the morning we departed from this Island the winde being at Southeast and as we were cleere a sea boord the small Islandes and shoales it came so thick with mistes that we could not see a base shotte from vs. Then we tooke in all our sailes to make little way At a Southeast sunne it waxed cleere and then we set our sayles and lay close by the wind to the Southwards alongst the Islands of Vaigats At a West sunne we tooke in our sayle againe because of the great mist and raine Wee sounded at this place and had fiue and twenty fadomes water and soft blacke oze being three leagues from the shoare the winde being at South and by East but still misty Munday at an East sunne we sounded and â—ad 40 fadomes and oze still misty at noone wee sounded againe and had 36 fadome still misty Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sunne we let fall our anker in three and twenty fadome the mist still continuing Wednesday at three of the clocke in the morning the mist brake vp the wind being at Northeast by East and then we saw part of the Islands of Vaigats which we bare withall and went Eastsoutheast close by the winde at a West sunne we were at an anker vnder the Southwest part of the said Vaigats and then I sent our skiffe to shoare with three men in her to see if they might speake with any of the Samoeds but could not all that day was rainie but not windie Thursday the wind came Westerly so that we were faine to seeke vs another place to ride in because the wind came a seaboord land and although it were misty yet wee followed the shoare by our lead and as we brought land in the winde of vs we let fall our anker At a West sunne the mist brake vp so that we might see about vs and then we might perceiue that we were entred into a sound This afternoone we tooke in two or three skiffes lading of stones to balast our shippe withall It hyeth here foure foot water and floweth by fits vncertaine to be iudged Friday we road still in the sound the wind at Southwest with very much raine and at the end of the raine it waxed againe mistie Saturday there was much winde at West and much raine and then againe mistie Sunday was very mistie and much winde Munday very mistie the winde at Westnorthwest Tuesday was also mistie except at noone then the sunne brake out through the mist so that we had the latitude in 70 degrees 10 minutes the afternoone was misty againe the wind being at Westnorthwest Wednesday at three of the clocke afternoone the mist brake vp the wind came at Eastnortheast and then we weyed and went South by East vntil seuen of the clocke eight leagues thinking to haue had sight of the sandie hilles that are to the Eastwards of the riuer Pechora At a Northwest sunne we took in our maine saile because the wind increased went with a foresaile Westnorthwest the wind being at Eastnortheast at night there grewe so terrible a storme that we saw not the like although we had indured many stormes since we came out of England It was wonderfull that our barke was able to brooke such monstrous terrible seas without the great helpe of God who neuer fayleth them at neede that put their sure trust in him Thursday at a Southsouthwest sunne thanks be to God the storme was at the highest then the winde began to slake and came Northerly withall then I reckoned the Westermost point of the riuer Pechora to be South of vs 15 leagues At a
sixe degrees 40 minutes Then we went north and by West because we would not come too nigh the land and running that course foure houres we discouered and had sight of Rost Islands ioining to the main land of Finmarke Thus continuing our course along the coast of Norway and Finmark the 27 day we tooke the Sunne being as farre shot as Lofoot and had the latitude in 69 degrees And the same day in the afternoone appeared ouer our heads a rainebow like a semicircle with both ends vpwarde Note that there is between the said Rost Islands Lofoot a whirle poole called Malestrand which from halfe ebbe vntill halfe flood maketh such a terrible noise that it shaketh the ringes in the doores of the inhabitants houses of the sayd Islands tenne miles off Also if there commeth any Whale within the current of the same they make a pitifull crie Moreouer if great trees be caried into it by force of streams and after with the ebbe be cast out againe the ends and boughs of them haue bene so beaten that they are like the stalkes of hempe that is bruised Note that all the coaste of Finmarke is high mountaines and hils being couered all the yere with snow And hard aboord the shoare of this coast there is 100 or 150 fadomes of water in depth Thus proceeding and sailing forward we fell with an Island called Zenam being in the latitude of 70 degrees About this Island we saw many Whales very moÌ„strous about our ships some by estimation of 60 foot long and being the ingendring time they roared and cried terriblie From thence we fell with an Island called Kettelwicke This coast from Rost vnto Lofoot lieth North and south and from Lofoot to Zenam Northeast and southwest and from Zenam to Kettelwike Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest From the said Kettelwike we sailed East and by North 10 leagues and fell with a land called Inger sound where we fished being becalmed and tooke great plenty of Cods Thus plying along the coast we fell with a Cape called the North Cape which is the Northermost land that wee passe in our voyage to S. Nicholas and is in the latitude of 71 degrees and ten minutes and is from Inger sound East and to the Northwards 15 leagues And being at this North Cape the second day of Iuly we had the sunne at North 4 degrees aboue the Horizon The third day wee came to Wardhouse hauing such mists that we could not see the land This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Island 2 miles from the maine of Finland subiect to the king of Denmarke and the Eastermost land that he hath There are two other Islands neere adioining vnto that whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth The inhabitants of those three Islands liue onely by fishing and make much stockefish which they dry with frost their most feeding is fish bread and drinke they haue none but such as is brought them from other places They haue small store of cattell which are also fed with fish From Wardhouse we sailed Southsoutheast ten leagues and fell with a Cape of land called Kegor the Northermost part of the lande of Lappia And betweene Wardhouse and the said Cape is a great Bay called Dommes haff in the South part whereof is a Monasterie of Monkes of the Russes religion called Pechinchow Thus proceeding forward and sayling along the coast of the said land of Lappia winding Southeast the fourth day through great mists and darkenes we lost the company of the other three ships and met not with them againe vntill the seuenth day when we fell with a Cape or headland called Swetinoz which is the entring into the Bay of S. Nicholas At this Cape lieth a great stone to the which the barkes that passed thereby were wont to make offrings of butter meale and other victuals thinking that vnlesse they did so their barkes or vessels should there perish as it hath bene oftentimes seene and there it is very darke and mistie Note that the sixt day we passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughbie with all his company perished which is called Arzina reca that is to say the riuer Arzina The land of Lappia is an high land hauing snow lying on it commonly all the yere The people of the Countrey are halfe Gentiles they liue in the summer time neere the sea side and vse to take fish of the which they make bread and in the winter they remoue vp into the countrey into the woods where they vse hunting and kill Deere Beares Woolues Foxes and other beasts with whose flesh they be nourished and with their skinnes apparelled in such strange fashion that there is nothing seene of them bare but their eies They haue none other habitation but onely in tents remouing from place to place according to the season of the yeere They know no arte nor facultie but onely shooting which they exercise dayly as well men as women and kill such beasts as serue them for their foode Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid the ninth day of Iuly wee came to Cape Grace being in the latitude of 66 degrees and 45 minutes and is at the entring in of the Bay of S. Nicholas Aboord this land there is 20 or 30 fadoms water and sundry grounds good to anker in The current at this Cape runneth Southwest and Northeast From this Cape wee proceeded along vntill we came to Crosse Island which is seuen leagues from the sayd Cape Southwest and from this Island wee set ouer to the other side of the Bay and went Southwest and fell with an headland called Foxenose which is from the sayd Island 25 leagues The entring of this Bay from Crosse Island to the neerest land on the other side is seuen leagues ouer From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the sayd moneth of Iuly all our foure ships arriued in safetie at the road of Saint Nicholas in the land of Russia where we ankered and had sailed from London vnto the said roade seuen hundred and fifty leagues The Russian ambassadour and his company with great ioy got to shore and our ships here forthwith discharged themselues and being laden againe and hauing a faire winde departed toward England the first of August The third of the sayd moneth I with other of my company came vnto the citie of Colmogro being an hundred versâ—es from the Bay of Saint Nicholas and in the latitude of 64 degrees 25 minutes I carried at the said Colmogro vntill the fifteenth day and then I departed in a little boate vp the great riuer of Dwina which runneth very swiftly and the selfe same day passed by the mouth of a riuer called Pinego leauing it on our lefte hand fifteene verstes from Colmogro On both sides of the mouth of this riuer Pinego is high land great rockes of Alablaster great woods and Pineapple trees lying along within the ground
of the place and of as many things worth the noting as you may then conueniently see from time to time These orders if you diligently obserue you may thereby perfectly set downe in the plats that I haue giuen you your whole trauell and description of your discouery which is a thing that will be chiefly expected at your hands But withall you may not forget to note as much as you can learne vnderstand or perceiue of the maner of the soile or fruitfulnesse of euery place and countrey you shall come in and of the maner shape attire and disposition of the people and of the commodities they haue and what they most couet and desire of the commodities you cary with you It behoueth you to giue trifling things vnto such people as you shall happen to see and to offer them all courtesie and friendship you may or can to winne their loue and fauour towardes you not doing or offering them any wrong or hurt And though you should be offered wrong at their handes yet not to reuenge the same lightly but by all meanes possible seeke to winne them yet alwayes dealing wisely and with such circumspection that you keepe your selues out of their dangers Thus I beseeth God Almightie to blesse you and prosper your voyage with good and happie successe and send you safely to returne home againe to the great ioy and reioycing of the aduenturers with you and all your friends and our whole countrey Amen Certaine briefe aduises giuen by Master Dee to Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman to bee obserued in their Northeasterne discouerie Anno 1580. IF we recken from Wardhouse to Colgoieue Island 400. miles for almost 20. degrees difference onely of longitude very neere East and West and about the latitude of 70. degrees and two thirde parts From Colgoieue to Vaigats 200. miles for 10. degrees difference onely in longitude at 70. degrees of latitude also From Vaigats to the promontorie Tabin 60. degrees difference of longitude the whole course or shortest distance being East and West in the latitude likewise of 70. degrees maketh 1200. miles then is summa totalis from Wardhouse to Tabin 600. leagues or 1800. English miles Therefore allowing in a discouery voiage for one day with another but 50. English miles it is euident that from Wardhouse to Tabin the course may bee sailed easily in sixe and thirtie dayes but by Gods helpe it may be finished in much shorter time both by helpe of winde prosperous and light continuall for the time requisit thereunto When you are past Tabin or come to the longitude of 142. degrees as your chart sheweth or two three foure or fiue degrees further Easterly it is probable you shall finde the land on your right hand runne much Southerly and Eastward in which course you are like either to fall into the mouth of the famous riuer Oechardes or some other which yet I coniecture to passe by the renowmed Citie of Cambalu and the mouth to be in latitude about 50. or 52. degrees and within 300. or 400. miles of Cambalu it selfe being in the latitude of 45. degrees Southerly of the saide riuers mouth or els that you shall trend about the very Northerne and most Easterly point of all Asia passing by the prouince Ania and then to the latitude of 46. degrees keeping still the land in view on your right hand as neere as you may with safetie you may enter into Quinsay hauen being the chiefe citie in the Northern China as I terme it for distinctions sake from the other better knowen And in or about either or both of these two warme places you may to great good purpose bee occupied the whole winter after your arriuall in those quarters as sometime by sea sometime in notable fresh riuers sometime in discreet view and noting downe the situation of the Cities within land c. and euer assaying to come by some charts or maps of the countrey made and printed in Cathay or China and by some of their bookes likewise for language c. You may also haue opportunitie to saile ouer to Iapan Island where you shall finde Christian men Iesuits of many countreys of Christendome some and perhaps some Englishmen at whose handes you may haue great instruction and aduise for you affaires in hand Notes in writing besides more priuie by mouth that were giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt of Eiton in the Countie of Hereford Esquire Anno 1580 to M. Arthur Pet and to M. Charles Iackman sent by the Merchants of the Moscouie companie for the discouery of the Northeast straight not altogether vnfit for some other enterprises of discouery hereafter to be taken in hand What respect of Islands is to be had and why VVHereas the Portingals haue in their course to their Indies in the Southeast certaine ports and fortifications to thrust into by the way to diuers great purposes so you are to see what Islands and what ports you had neede to haue by the way in your course to the Northeast For which cause I wish you to enter into consideration of the matter and to note all the Islands and to set them downe in plat to two ends that is to say That we may deuise to take the benefit by them And also foresee how by them the Sauages or ciuill Princes may in any sort annoy vs in our purposed trade that way And for that the people to the which we purpose in this voyage to go be no Christians it were good that the masse of our commodities were alwayes in our owne disposition and not at the will of others Therefore it were good that we did seeke out some small Island in the Scithian sea where we might plant fortifie and staple safely from whence as time should serue wee might feed those heathen nations with our commodities without cloying them or without venturing our whole masse in the bowels of their countrey And to which Island if neede were and if wee should thinke so good wee might allure the Northeast nauie the nauie of Cambalu to resort with their commodities to vs there planted and stapling there And if such an Island might be found so standing as might shorten our course and so standing as that the nauie of Cambalu or other those parties might conueniently saile vnto without their dislike in respect of distance then would it fal on t well For so besides lesse danger and more safetie our ships might there vnlade and lade againe and returne the selfe same summer to the ports of England or of Norway And if such an Island may be for the stapling of our commodities to the which they of Cambalu would not saile yet we might hauing ships there imploy them in passing betweene Cambalu and that stapling place Respect of hauens and harborowes ANd if no such Islands may bee found in the Scithian sea toward the firme of Asia then are you to search out the ports that be about Noua Zembla all along the tract of
people will be alwayes like themselues stubburnly mainteining that which is false and foolish neither can I hope to remooue them from this accustomed and stale opinion I haue penned the treatise following And albeit Island is not destitute of many excellent men who both in age wit and learning are by many degrees my superiors and therefore more fit to take the defence of the countrey into their hands notwithstanding being earnestly perswaded thereunto by that godly famous man Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island I thought good to the vtmost of mine ability to be no whit wanting vnto the common cause both that I might obey his most reasonable request and also that I might encourage other of my countreymen who haue bene better trained vp in good learning and indued with a greater measure of knowledge then I my selfe to the defence of this our nation so farre am I from hindering any man to vndertake the like enterprise But to returne to the matter because they whatsoeuer they be that reproch and maligne our nation make their boast that they vse the testimonies of writers we are seriously to consider what things and how true writers haue reported of Island to the end that if they haue giuen perhaps any occasion to others of inueying against vs their errours being layd open for I will not speake more sharpely all the world may see how iustly they do reproch vs. And albeit I nothing doubt to examine some ancient writers of this Iland by the rule of trueth and experience yet otherwise their memory is precious in our eyes their dignity reuerend their learning to be had in honour and their zeale and affection towards the whole common wealth of learned men highly to be commended but as for nouices if there be any such writers or rather pasquilles when they shall heare and know truer matters concerning Island then they themselues haue written they shall seeme by their inconstancie and peruerse wit to haue gained nought else but a blacke marke of enuy and reproch And that this commentarie of mine may haue some order it shall be diuided into two generall parts the first of the Iland the second of the inhabitants and of these two but so for-foorth as those writers which are come to our hands haue left recorded because I am not determined to wander out of these lifts or to handle more then these things and some other which perteine vnto them For I professe not my selfe an Historiographer or Geographer but onely a Disputer Wherefore omitting a longer Preface let vs come to the first part concerning the situation the name miracles and certaine other adiuncts of this Iland The first section The Isle of Island being seuered from other countreys an infinite distance standeth farre into the Ocean and is scarse knowen vnto Sailers ALbeit a discourse of those things which concerne the land and the adiunces or properties thereof be of little moment to defend the nation or inhabitants from the biting of slanderers yet seemeth it in no case to be omitted bâ—t to be intreated of in the first place that the friendly reader perceiuing how truely those writers of Island haue reported in this respect may thereby also easily iudge what credit is to be giuen vnto them in other matters which they haue left written concerning the inhabitants and which others haue receiued from them as oracles from whence as they say they haue borrowed scoffes and taunts against our nation First therefore that the distance of Island from other countreys is not infinite nor indeed so great as men commonly imagine it might easily be prâ—uided if one did but in some sort know the true longitude latitude of the said Iland For I am of opinion that it cannot exactly be knowen any other way then this whenas it is manifest how the Mariners course be it neuer so direct as they suppose doth at all times swerue In y e meane while therfore I will set downe diuers opinions of authors concerning y e situation of Island that from hence euery man mâ—y gather that of the distance which seâ—meth most probable vntil perhaps my selfe being one day taught by mine owne experience may if not intrude yet at least adioin what I shal thinke true as touching this matter Longit. Latitud deg min. deg min. Munster placeth Island almost in 20  68  Gerardus Mercator 325  68  Gemma Frisius placeth the midst of Island 7 0 65 30 Hersee 7 40 60 42 Thirtes 5 50 64 44 Nadar 6 40 57 10 Iacobus Ziegleâ—us     The West shore of Island 20 0 63 0 The promontorie of Chos 22 46 63 0 The East shore is extended Northward and hath bounds of extension in 30 0 68 0 The North shore is extended Westward and hath bounds of extension in 28 0 69 0 The description of y e West side     Longit. Latitud deg min. deg min. The promontorie of Heckelfell 25 0 67 0 The promontorie of Madher 21 20 65 10 The inland cities of Island     Holen the seat of a bishop 28 0 67 50 Schalholten the seat of a bishop 22  63 30 Reinholdus     By Holen in Island   68  Iohannes Miâ—itius     By Mid-Island   69 ½ Neander     Island stretcheth it selfe 3 degrees within the circle arctic from the equinoctial insomuch that y e said circle arctic doeth almost diuide it in the midst c.     There be others also who either in their maps or writings haue noted the situation of Island notwithstanding it is to no purpose to set downe any more of their opinions because the more you haueâ— the more contrary shall you finde them For my part albeit I haue probable coniectures perswading me not to beleeue any of the former opinions concerning the situation of Island but to dissent from them all yet had I rather leaue the matter in suspense then affirme an vncerteinty vâ—till as I haue sayd I may be able perhappes one day not to gesse at the matter but to bring forth mine owne obseruation and experience A câ—rteine writer hath put downe the distance betweene the mouth of Elbe Baâ—zende in the South part of Island to be 400 leagues from whence if you shall account the difference of longitude to the meridâ—an of Hamburg Island must â—aue none of the forenamed longitudes in that place I am able to prooue by three sundry voyages of certaine Hamburgers that it is but seuen dayes sailing from Island to Hamburg Besides all those Islands which by reason of the abuâ—dance of sheepe are called Fareyiar or more rightly Faâ—reyiar as likewise the desert shores of Norway are distant from vs but two dayes sailing We haue foure dayes sailing into habitable Gronland and almost in the same quantitie of time we passe ouer to the prouince
from approching neere vnto their emperour Upon the chariot also two milke-white Ier-falcons doe sitâ— and seeing any game which hee would take hee letteth them flie and so theâ— take it and after this maner doeth hee solace himselfe as hee rideth Moreouer no man dare come within a stones cast of the chariot but such as are appointed The number of his owne followers of his wiues attendants and of the traine of his first begotten sonne and heire apparant would seeme incredible vnto any man vnlesse hee had seene it with his owne eyes The foresayd great Can hath deuided his Empire into twelue partes or Prouinces and one of the sayd prouinces hath two thousand great cities within the precincts thereof Whereupon his empire is of that length and breadth that vnto whatsoeuer part thereof he intendeth his iourny he hath space enough for six moneths continual progresse except his Islands which are at the least 5000. Of certaine Innes or hospitals appointed for trauailers throughout the whole empire THe foresayâ— Emperor to the end that trauailers may haue all things necessary throughout his whole empire hath caused certaine Innes to be prouided in sundry places vpon the high wayes where all things pertaining vnto victuals are in a continuall readinesse And when any alteration or newes happen in any part oâ— his Empire if he chance to be farre absent from that part his ambassadors vpon horses or dromedaries ride post vnto him and when themselues and their beasts are weary they blow their horne at the noise whereof the next Inne likewise prouideth a horse and a man who takes the letter of him that is weary and runneth vnto another Inne and so by diuers Innes and diuers postes the report which ordinarily could skarce come in 30. dayes is in one naturall day brought vnto the emperor and therefore no matter of any moment can be done in his empire but straightway he hath intelligence thereof Moreouer when y â— great Can himselfe will go on hunting he vseth this custome Some twenty dayes iourney from the citie of Kambaleth there is a forrest containing sixe dayes iourney in circuit in which forrest there are so many kinds of beasts and birds as it is incredible to report Unto this forrest at the ende of euery third or fourth yeere himselfe with his whole traine resorteth and they all of them together enuiron the sayd forrest sending dogs into the same which by hunting do bring foorth the beasts namely lions and stags and other creatures vnto a most beautifull plaine in the midst of the forrest because all the beasts of the forrest doe tremble especially at the cry of hounds Then commeth the great Can himselfe being caried vpon three elephants and shooteth fiue arrowes into the whole herd of beasts and after him all his Barons and after them the rest of his courtiers and family doe all in like maner discharge their arrowes also and euery mans arrow hath a sundry marke Then they all goe vnto the beasts which are slaine suffering the liuing beasts to returne into the wood that they may haue more sport with them another time and euery man enioyeth that beast as his owne wherein he findeth his arrow sticking Of the foure feasts which the great Can solemnizeth euery yeere in his Court. FOure great feasts in a yeere doeth the emperor Can celebrate namely the feast of his birth the feast of his circumcision the feast of his coronation and the feast of his mariage And vnto these feasts he inuiteth all his Barons his stage-players and all such as are of his kinred Then the great Can sitting in his throne all his Barons present themselues before him with wreaths and crownes vpon their heads being diuersly attired for some of them are in greene namely the principall the second are in red and the third in yellow and they hold each man in his hand a little Iuorie table of elephants tooth and they are girt with golden girdles of halfe a foote broad and they stand vpon their feete keeping silence About them stand the stage-players or musicians with their instruments And in one of the corners of a certaine great pallace all the Philosophers or Magicians remaine fâ—r certaine howers and doe attend vpon points or characters and when the point and hower which the sayd Philosophers expected for is come a certaine crier crieth out with a loud voyce saying Incline or bowe your selues before your Emperour with that all the Barons fall flat vpon the earth Then hee crieth out againe Arise all and immediately they all arise Likewise the Philosophers attend vpon a point or character the second time and when it is fulfilled the crier crieth out amaine Put your fingers in your eares and foorthwith againe he saieth Plucke them out Againe at the third point he crieth Boult this meale Many other circumstances also doe they performe all which they say haue some certaine signification howbeit neither would I write them nor giue any heed vnto them because they are vaine and ridiculous And when the musicians hower is come then the Philosophers say Solemnize a feast vnto your Lord with that all of them sound their instruments making a great and a melodious noyse And immediately another crieth Peace peace and they are all whist Then come the women-musicians and sing sweetly before the Emperour which musike was more delightfull vnto me After them come in the lions and doe their obeisance vnto the great Can. Then the iuglers cause golden cups full of wine to flie vp and downe in the ayre and to apply themselues vnto mens mouthes that they may drinke of them These and many other strange things I sawe in the court of the great Can which no man would beleeue vnlesse he had seen them with his owne eies and therefore I omit to speake of them I was informed also by certaine credible persons of another miraculous thing namely that in a certaine kingdome of the sayd Can wherein stand the mountains called Kapsei the kingdomes name is Kalor there growe great Gourds or Pompious which being ripe doe open at the tops and within them is found a little beast like vnto a yong lambe euen as I my selfe haue heard reported that there stand certaine trees vpon the sâ—ore of the Irish sea bearing fruit like vnto a gourd which at a certaine time of the yeere doe fall into the water and become birds called Bernacles and this is most true Of diuers prouinces and cities ANd after three yeres I departed out of the empire of Cataie trauailing fiftie dayes iourney towards the West And at length I came vnto the empire of Pretegoani whose principall city is Kosan which hath many other cities vnder it From thence passing many dayes trauell I came vnto a prouince called Casan which is for good commodities one of the onely prouinces vnder the Sunne and is very well inhabited inâ—omuch that when we depart out of the gates of one city we may beholde the gates
sanctae loca personaliter se contulit sanctissimum Domini nostri Iesu Christi sepluchrum e quo die tertia gloriosus à mortuis resurrexit sacratissimum Caluariae montem in quo pro nobis omnibus cruci affixus mori dignatus est Sion etiam montem vbi coenam illam mirificam cum discipulis suis fecit vbi spiritus sanctus in die sancto Pentecostes in discipulos eosdem in linguis igneis descendit Oliuetique moÌ„tem vbi mirabiliter coelos ascendit intermerate virginis Marie Mausoleum in Iosaphat vallis medio siâ—um Bethaniam quoque Bethlehem ciuitatem Dauid in qua de purissima virgine Maria natus est ibique inter animalia reclinatus pluraque loca alia tam in Hierusalem ciuitate sancta terre Iudee quà m extra à modernis peregrinis visitari solita deuotissimè visitauit parâ—terque adorauit In quorum fidem ego frater Anthonius de Bergamo ordinis fratrum minoruÌ„ regularis obseruantie prouincie diui Anthonij Sacri conuentus montis Sion vicarius licet indignus necnon aliorum locorum terre Sanctae apostolica authoritate comissarius rector has Sigillo maiori nostri officij nostraque subscriptione muniri volui Datum Hierosolymis apud sacratissimum domini coenaculum in sepè memorato monte Sion Anno Domini millesimo quingeâ—tesimo quinquagesimo tertio die vero sexto mensis Septembris Frater Antonius qui supra THe 15. of September being come from our pilgrimage we went aborde our shippe and set saile and kept our course West toward the Island of Ciprus but al that night it was calme and the 16. the winde freshed and we passed by Mount Carmel The 17. the winde was very scant yet we kept the sea and towards night wee had a guste of raine whereby wee were constrained to strike our sailes but it was not very stormie nor lasted very long The 18. 19â— 20. and 21. we kept still the sea and saw no land because we had very litle winde and that not very fauourable The 22. at noone the Boatswaine sent some of the Mariners into the boat which we toed asterne from Iaffa for certaine necessaries belonging to the ship wherein the Mariners found a certaine fish in proportion like a Dace about 6. inches long yet the Mariners said they had seene the like a foote long and more the which fish had on euery side a wing and toward the taile two other lesser as it were finnes on either side one but in proportion they were wings and of a good length These wings grow out betweene the gils and the carkasse of the same fish They are called in the Italian tongue Pesce columbini for in deede the wings being spred it is like to a flying doue they say it will flie farre and very high So it seemeth that being weary of her flight she fell into the boate and not being able to rise againe died there The 23. 24. and 25. we sailed our direct course with a small gale of winde and this day we had sight of the Island of Cyprus The first land that we discouered was a headland called Cauo de la Griega and about midnight we ankered by North of the Cape This cape is a high hiâ— long and square and on the East corner it hath a high cop that appeareth vnto those at the sea like a white cloud for toward the sea it is white and it lieth into the sea Southwest This coast of Cyprus iâ— high declining toward the sea but it hath no cliffes The 26. we set saile againe and toward noone we came into the port of Salini where we went on land and lodged that night at a towne one mile from thence called Arnacho di Salini this is but a village called in Italian Casalia This is distant from â—affa 250. Italian miles The 27. we rested and the 28. we hired horses to ride from Arnacho to Salina which is a good mile The salt pit is very neere two miles in composse very plainâ— and leuell into the which they let runne at the time of raine a quantitie of water comming from the mountaines which water is let in vntil the pit be full to a certaine marke which when it is full the rest is conueyed by a trench into the sea This water is let runne in about October or sooner or later as the time of the yeere doth afforde There they let it remaine vntill the ende of Iuly or the middest of August out of which pits at that time in stead of water that they let in they gather very faire white salt without any further art or labour for it is only done by the great heate of the sunne This the Uenetians haue and doe maintaine to the vse of S. Marke and the Uenetian ships that come to this Iland are bound to cast out their ballast and to lade with salt for Venice Also there may none in all the Iland buy salt but of these men who maintaine these pits for S. Marke This place is watched by night with 6. horsemen to the end it be not stolne by night Also vnder the Uenetians dominions no towne may spende any salt but they must buy it of Saint Marke neither may any man buy any salt at one towne to carie to another but euery one must buy his salt in the towne where he dwelleth Neither may any man in Venice buy more salt then he spendeth in the city for if he be knowen to carie but one ounce out of the citie and be accused hee looseth an eare The most part of all the salt they haue in Venice commeth from these Salineâ— and they haue it so plentifull that they are not able neuer a yeere to gather the one halfe for they onely gather In Iuly August and September and not fully these three monethes Yet notwithstanding the abundance that the shippes carie away yeerely there remaine heapes like hilles some heapes able to lade nine or tenne shippes and there are heapes of two yeeres gathering some of three and some of nine or tenne yeeres making to the value of a great summe of golde and when the ships do lade they neuer take it by measure but when they come at Venice they measure it This salt as it lyeth in the pit is like so much ice and it is sixe inches thicke they digge it with axes and cause their slaues to cary it to the heapes This night at midnight we rode to Famagusta which is eight leagues from Salina which is 24 English miles The 29 about two houres before day we alighted at Faâ—agusta and after we were refreshed we went to see the towne This is a very faire strong bolde and the strongest and greatest in the Iland The walles are faire and new and strongly rampired with foure principall bulwarkes and betweene them currions responding one to another these walles did the Uenetians make They haue also on the hauen side
for our realme with such conditions as are herein mentioned or with some alteration or qualification thereof that then wee our heires and successours at the instance and humble petition of the sayde Gouernour and Companie or any of them so suing for the same and such other person and persons our subiectes as they shall nominate and appoint or shall bee by vs our heires and successours newly nominated not exceeding in number twelue new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of lawe with like couenants graunts clauses and articles as in these presents are contained or with addition of other necessarie articles or changing of these in some partes for and during the full terme of twelue yeeres then next following Willing now hereby and straightly commaunding and charging all and singular our Admirals Uice-admirals Iustices Maiors Shiriffes Escheators Constables Bailiffes and all and singular other our Officers Ministers Liege men and subiects whatsoeuer to bee aiding fauouring helping and assisting vnto the sayâ— Companie and their successours and to their Deputies Officers Factors seruaunts assignes and ministers and euery of them in executing and enioying the premisses as well on land as on Sea from time to time at all times when you or any of you shal thereto bee required any Statute Acte ordinance Prouiso Proclamation or restraint heretofore had made set foorth ordained or prouided or any other matter cause or thing whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding Alâ—hough expresse mention of the true yeerely value or certaintie of the premisses or any of them or of any other gifts or graunts by vs or any of our progenitours to the sayde Gouernour and Companie of the marchants of Leuant before this time made in these presents is not made Or any Statute Acte Ordinance prouision proclamation or restraint to the contrary thereof before this time had made done or prouided or any other matter thing or cause whatsoeuer in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the seuenth day of Ianuarie in the foure and thirtieth yeere of our raigne Per breue de priuato Sigillo Bailie To the Worshipfull and his very louing Vncle M. Rowland Hewish Esquier at Sand in Deuonshire SIr considering the goodnesse of your Nature which is woont kindely to accept from a friend euen of meane things being giuen with a good heart I haue presumed to trouble you with the reading of this rude discourse of my trauailes into Turkie and of the deliuerie of the present with such other occurrents as there happened woorthie the obseruation of all which proceedings I was an eie-witnesse it pleasing the Ambassadour to take mee in with him to the Grand Signior If for lacke of time to put it in order I haue not performed it so well as it ought I craue pardon assuring you that to my knowledge I haue not missed in the trueth of anything If you aske mee what in my trauels I haue learned I answere as a noble man of France did to the like demaund Hoc vnum didici mundi contemptum and so concluding with the wise man in the booke of the Preacher that all is vanitie and one thing onely is necessarie I take my leaue and commit you to the Almightie From London the 16. March 1597. Your louing Nephew Richard Wrag A description of a Voiage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21. of March 1593. and ended the 9. of August 1595. wherein is shewed the order of deliuering the second Present by Master Edward Barton her maiesties Ambassador which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can Emperour of Turkie WE set saile in the Ascension of London a new shippe very well appointed of two hundred and three score tunnes whereof was master one William Broadbanke a prouident and skilfull man in his facultie from Grauesend the one and twentie of March 1593. And vpon the eight of Aprill folowing wee passed the streights of Gibraltar and with a small Westerne gale the 24. of the same we arriued at Zante an Iland vnder the Venetians The fourth of May wee departed and the one and twentie wee arriued at Alexandretta in Cilicia in the very bottome of the Mediterrane sea a roade some 25. miles distant from Antioch where our marchants land their goods to bee sent for Aleppo From thence wee set saile the fift of Iune and by contrary windes were driuen vpon the coast of Caramania into a road neere a litle Iland where a castle standeth called Castle Rosso some thirtie leagues to the Eastwards of the Rhodes where after long search for fresh water we could finde none vntil certaine poore Greekes of the Iland brought vs to a well where we had 5 or 6 tuns That part of the country next the sea is very barren full of mountains yet found we there an olde tombe of marble with an epitaph of an ancient Greeke caracter by antiquity neere worne out and past reading which to the beholders seemed a monument of the greatnesse of the Grecian monarchy From thence we went to the Rhodes and by contrary windes were driuen into a port of Candy called Sittia this Iland is vnder the Uenetians who haue there 600 souldiers beside certaine Greeks continually in pay Here with contrary winds we stayed six weeks and in the end hauing the winde prosperous we sailed by Nicaria Pharos Delos and Andros with sight of many other Ilands in the Archipelago and arriued at the two castles in Hellespont the 24 of August Within few dayes after we came to Galipoli some thirty miles from this place where foure of vs tooke a Parma or boat of that place with two watermen which rowed vs along the Thracian shore to Constantinople which sometime sailing and sometime rowing in foure dayes they performed The first of September we arriued at the famous port of the Grand Signior where we were not a little welcome to M. Edward Barton vntill then her Maiesties Agent who with many other great persons had for many dayes expected the present Fiue or sixe dayes after the shippe arriued neere the Seuen towers which is a very strong hold and so called of so many turrets which it hath standing neere the sea side being the first part of the city that we came vnto Heere the Agent appointed the master of the Ascension to stay with the shippe vntill a fitte winde and opportunity serued to bring her about the Seraglio to salute the Grand Signior in his moskyta or church for you shall vnderstand that he hath built one neere the wall of his Seraglio or pallace adioyning to the Sea side whereunto twise or thrise a weeke hee resorteth to performe such religious rites as their law requireth where hee being within few dayes after our shippe set out in their best maner with flagges streamerâ— and pendants of diuers coloured silke with all the mariners together with most of the
voyages The one was when I was master in the great Barke Aucher for the Leuant in which voyage I went not but the causes they did not know of my let from the same nor of the other But first the very trueth is that I was from the same voyage letted by the Princes letters which my Master Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose to my great griefe And as touching the second voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie the liuing God knoweth that I say most true that when the great sweate was whereon the chiefe of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died that is to say Sir Iohn Lutterell Iohn Fletcher Henry Ostrich and others I my selfe was also taken with the same sweate in London and after it whether with euill diet in keeping or how I know not I was cast into such an extreame feuer as I was neither able to ride nor goe and the shippe being at Portesmouth Thomas Windam had her away from thence before I was able to stand vpon my legges by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound Besides I was appointed by them that died if they had liued to haue had the whole gouernment both of shippe and goods because I was to them the sole inuenter of that trade In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores being noble men whereof one was of the Kings blood conuayed by the said Master Thomas Windham into their Countrey out of England Yours humble at your commandement Iames Alday The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke Sir William Gerard Sir Thomas Wroth Master Frances Lambert Master Cole and others Written by the relation of Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of this voyage THe shippes that went on this voyage were three whereof two were of the Riuer of Thames That is to say the Lyon of London whereof Master Thomas Windham was Captaine and part owner of about an hundred fiftie tunnes The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes and a Portugall Carauel bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales and fraighted for this voyage of summe sixtie tunnes The number of men in the Fleete were an hundred and twentie The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Mynhed in Somersetshire his Mate was Dauâ—i Landman The chiefe Captaine of this small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentleman borne but dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire This Fleete departed out of King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday in the morning and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia or Asafion the coast of Barbarie standing in 32. degrees of latitude and there put on land part of our marchandise to be conueicd by land to the citie of Marocco which being done and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals and water we went to the second port called Santa Cruz where we discharged the rest of our goods being good quantitie of linnen and woosten cloth corall amber Iet and diuers other things well accepted of the Moores In which road we found a French ship which not knowing whether it were warre or peace betweene England and France drewe her selfe as neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible crauing aide of the towne for her defence if need were which in deed seeing vs draw neere shot at vs a piece from the wals which came ouer the Lion our Admirall between the maine maste her foremast Whereupon we comming to an anker presently came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were who vnderstanding that we had bene there the yere before came with the good leaue of their king in marchant wise were fully satisfied and gaue vs good leaue to bring our goods peaceably on shore where the Uiceroy whose name was Sibill Manache within short time after came to visite vs and vsed vs with all curtesie But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we could get in our lading which was Sugar Dates Almonds and Malassos or sugar Syrrope And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer yet none of our company perished by sicknesse Our ships being laden wee drew into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England But being at sea a great leake fell vpon the Lion so that we were driuen to Lancerota and Forteuentura where betweene the two Ilands we came to a road whence wee put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chestes of Sugar vpon Lancerota with some dozen or sixteene of our company where the inhabitants supposing we had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell suddenly came with force vpon our people among whom I my selfe was one tooke vs prisoners and spoiled the sugars which thing being perceiued from our ships they manned out three boates thinking to rescue vs and draue the Spaniards to flight whereof they slew eighteene and tooke their gouernour of the Iland prisoner who was a very aged gentleman about 70. yeeres of age But chasing the enemie so farre for our recouerie as pouder and arrowes wanted the Spaniardes perceiuing this returned and in our mens retire they flew sixe of them Then a Parle grew in the which it was agreed that we the prisoners should be by them restored and they receiue their olde gouernour giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands what damages wee had there receiued the which damages were here restored and made good by the king of Spaine his marchants vpon our returne into England After wee had searched and mended our leake being returned aboord we came vnder saile and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the Iland the Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the other and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly departed and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing And here by the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with this our new trade into Barbarie and both in our voiage the yeere before as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants that if they tooke vs in those partes they would vse vs as their mortall enemies with great threates and menaces But by God and good prouidence wee escaped their handes From this Iland shaping our course for England we were seuen or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England The first port wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth from whence within short time wee came into the Thames and landed our marchandise at London about the ende of the moneth of October 1552. A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike at the charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of of the Citie of London in the yeere of our Lord 1553.
we thought it best to stay there no longer but immediatly set sayle towards an Island called Fuego 12 leagues from the said Island of S. Iago At which Island of Fuego we came to an anker the 11 day of this moneth against a white chappell in the West end of the sayd Island within halfe a league of a litle towne and within a league or thereabout of the vttermost point of the said Island In this Island is a maruelleilous high hill which doth burne continually and the inhabitants reported that about three yeeres past the whole Island was like to be burned with the abundance of fire that came out of it About a league from the said chappel to the Westward is a goodly spring of fresh water where we had as much as we would Wheate they haue none growing here but a certaine seede that they call Mill and certaine peason like Guinie peason which Mill maketh good breade but they haue here good store of rother beasts and goates Their marchandize is cotton which groweth there The inhabitants are Portugals which haue coÌ„mandement from the king to trafike neither with Englishmen nor Frenchmen for victuall or any other thing except they be forced so to doe There lieth off this Island another called Ilha Braua which is not passing two leagues ouer it hath good store of goates and many trees but there are not passing three or foure persons dwelling in it The 25 day of February we departed towardes the Islands of Azores and on the 23 day of March we had sight of one of them-called Flores and then wee might see another Island to the Northward of it called Cueruo lying two leagues or there abouts off the other The 27 we came to an anker in Cueruo ouer against a village of about twelue simple houses but in the night by a gale of winde which caused vs to drawe our anker after vs we hoysed sayle and went to the aforesayd Island of Flores where we sawe strange streames of water running downe from the high cliffes by reason of the great abundance of raine that had suddenly fallen The 29 day we came againe to Cueruo and cast anker but a storme arose and continued seuen or eight houres together so that we let slip a cable and anker and after the storme was alayed we came againe thinking to haue recouered the same but the Portugals had either taken it or spoiled it the cable was new and neuer wet before and both the cable and anker were better worth then 40 li. So that we accompt our selues much beholding to the honest Portugales The 18 day of April we tooke in water at the Island of Flores and hauing ankered our cable was fretted in sunder with a rocke and so burst where wee lost that cable and anker also and so departed to our coast Then wee set sayle to an Islande named Faial about the which lie three other Islands the one called Pico the other Saint George and the other Graciosa which we had sight of on the eight and twentieth day The 29 we came to an anker in the Southwest side of Faial in a faire bay and 22 fadom water against a litle towne where we had both fresh water and fresh victuall In this Island by the report of the inhabitantsâ— there groweth certaine greene woad which by their speeches is farre better then the woad of S. Michael or of Tercera The 8 day of May we came to Tercera where we met with a Portugall ship and being destitute of a cable and anker our Generall caused vs to keepe her companie to see if she could conueniently spare vs any The next morning we might see bearing with vs a great shippe and two Caranels which we iudged to be of the king of Portugals Armada and so they were whereupon we prepared our selues for our defence The said ship was one of the kings Galliasses about the burden of foure hundred tunnes with about three hundred men in her the shippe being well appointed with brasse pieces both great and small and some of them so bigge that their shot was as great as a mans head the other two Carauels were also very warlike and well appointed both with men and munition As soone as they were within shotte of vs they waued vs amaine with their swords we keeping our course the greatest shippe shot at vs freely and the carauell also and we prepared our selues and made all things cleare for our safegard as neere as we could Then the great shippe shot at vs all her broad side and her foure greatest pieces that lay in her sterne and therewith hurt some of our men and we did the best we could with our shot to require it At last two other Carauels came off the shoare and two other pinnesses full of men and deliuered them aboord the great shippe and so went backe againe with two men in a piece of them The ship and the Carauell gaue vs the first day three fights and when the night was come they left off shooting yet notwithstanding kept hard by vs all the night In the meane time we had as much as wee could doe all the night to mende our ropes and to strengthen our bulwarkes putting our trust in God and resoluing our selues rather to die in our defence then to bee taken by such wretches The next day being the 10 of May in the morning there were come to aide the said Portugals foure great Armadas or Carauels more which made seuen of which 4 three of them were at the least 100 tunnes a piece the other not so bigge but all well appointed and full of men All these together came bearing with vs being in our Admirall and one of the great Carauels came to lay vs aboorde as we iudged for they had prepared their false nettings and all things for that purpose so that the Gallias came vp in our larboord side and the Carauell in our starboord side Our Captaine and Master perceiuing their pretence caused our gunners to make all our ordinance readie with crossebarres chaineshotte and baileshot so the ship and Carauell came vp and as soone as they were right in our sides they shotte at vs as much ordinance as they could thinking to haue layde vs presently aboord whereupon we gaue them such a heate with both our sides that they were both glad to fall asterne of vs so paused the space of two or three houres being a very small gale of winde Then came vp the other fiue aâ—d shot all at vs and so fell all asterne of vs then went to counsell together Then our small barke named the George came to vs and wee conferred together a great space And as the Portugall shippes and Carauels were comming to vs againe our barke minding to fall asterne of vs and so to come vp againe fell quickly vpon the lee and by reason of the litle winde it was so long before she could
degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall From which Cape of Comori vnto the aforesayd Ilands we ranne in sixe dayes with a very large wind though the weather were foule with extreme raine and gustes of windes These Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due obseruation of the South starre And we fell to the Southward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Polo which lie hard vpon the great Iland of Sumatra the first of Iune and at the Northeast side of them we lay two or three dayes becalmed hoping to haue had a Pilote from Sumatra within two leagues whereof wee lay off and on Now the Winter comming vpon vs with much contagious weather we directed our course from hence with the Ilands of Pulo Pinaou where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth an Iland at which Ilands wee arriued about the beginning of Iune where we came to an anker in a very good harborough betweene three Ilands at which time our men were very sicke and many fallen Here we determined to stay vntill the Winter were ouerpast This place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the Northward and some fiue leagues from the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued vntill the end of August Our refreshing in this place was very smal onely of oisters growing on rocks great wilks and some few fish which we tooke with our hookes Here we landed our sicke men on these vninhabited Ilands for their health neuerthelesse 26 of them died in his place whereof Iohn Hall our master was one and M. Rainold Golding another a marchant of great honestie and much discretion In these Ilands are abundance of trees of white wood so right and tall hat a man may make mastes of them being an hundred foote long The winter passed and hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to Sea wee had left vs but 33 men and one boy of which not past 22 were found for labour and helpe and of them not past a third part sailers thence we made sailâ— to seeke some place of refreshing and went ouer to the maine of Malacca The next day we came to an anker in a Baie in six fadomes water some two leagues from the shore Then master Iames Lancaster our captaine and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant and other of the companie manning the boat went on shore to see what inhabitants might be found And comming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people which were departed thence not long before for we sawe their fire still burning but people we sawe none nor any other liuing creature saue a certaine kind of foule called oxe birds which are a gray kind of Sea-foule like a Snite in colour but not in beake Of these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot being very tame and spending the day in search returned toward night aboord The next day about two of the clocke in the afternoone we espied a Canoa which came neere vnto vs but would not come aboord vs hauing in it some sixteen naked Indians with whom neuertheles going afterward on land we had friendly conference and promise of victuals The next day in the morning we espied three ships being all of burthen 60 or 70 tunnes one of which wee made to strike with our very boate and vnderstanding that they were of the towne of Martabam which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great citie of Pegu and the goods belonging to certaine Portugal Iesuites and a Biscuit baker a Portugal we tooke that ship did not force the other two because they were laden for marchants of Pegu but hauing this one at our command we came together to an anker The night folowing all the men except twelue which we tooke into our ship being most of them borne in Pegu fled away in their boate leauing their ship and goods with vs. The next day we weighed our anker and went to the Leeward of an Iland hard by and tooke in her lading being pepper which shee and the other two had laden at Pera which is a place on the maine 30 leagues to the South Besides the aforesaid three ships we tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper and perceiuing her to bee laden with marchants goods of Pegu onely wee dismissed her without touching any thing Thus hauing staied here 10 daies and discharged her goods into the Edward which was about the beginning of September our sicke men being somewhat refreshed and lustie with such reliefe as we had found in this ship we weighed anker determining to runne into the streights of Malacca to the Ilands called Pulo Sambilam which are some fiue and fortie leagues Northward of the citie of Malacca to which Ilands the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome for the Malucos China and Iapan And when wee were there arriued we lay too and agayne for such shipping as should come that way Thus hauing spent some fiue dayes vpon a Sunday we espied a saile which was a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan a towne on the maine of India ouer-against the Northeast part of the I le of Zeilan and that night we tooke her being of 250 tunnes she was laden with Rice for Malacca Captaine Lancaster commanded their captaine and master aboord our shippe and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and seuen more to keepe this prize who being aboord the same came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water for in that chanell three or foure leagues from the shore you shall finde good ankorage Being thus at an anker and keeping out a light for the Edward another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of foure hundred tunnes came and ankered hard by vs. The Edward being put to Leeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes was not able the next morning to fetch her vp vntil we which were in the prize with our boate went to helpe to man our shippe Then comming aboord we went toward the shippe of Sant Thome but our ship was so foule that shee escaped vs. After we had taken out of our Portugall prize what we thought good we turned her and all her men away except a Pilot and foure Moores We continued here vntill the sixt of October at which time we met with the ship of the captaine of Malacca of seuen hundred tunnes which came from Goa we shot at her many shot and at last shooting her maine-yard through she came to an anker and yeelded We commaunded her Captaine Master Pilot and Purser to come aboord vs. But the Captaine accompanied with one souldier onely came and after certaine conference with him he made excuse to fetch the Master and Purser which he sayd would not come vnlesse he went for them but being gotten from vs in the edge of the euening â—he with all the people which were to the number of about
to doe their painfull iâ—deuor not onely aboord but in all labours at the land according to the direction giuen by the abdue named officers vpon paine of forfeiture of their shares and wages the same to be diuided amongst the company 6 Item that the shares be taken at their returne out of al the traine oile and hides of the seales and of all other commodities gotten by their handie labour and of the salt that shall be bended and other commodities at or neere the coast of Brasill to allow after 9 li. the tunne freight whereof one third to goe to the companie 7 Item that if any man shall practise by any deuise or deuises whatsoeuer to alter the voiage from the true purpose and intent of the owner viz. to make their first port at Santos and Saint Vincent and there to reuictuall and traffike and from thence to the riuer of Plate to make their voyage by the traine and hide of the seales with such other commodities as are there to be had according as the owner with diuers that haue gouernment in the said ship are bound to her highnesse by their deedes obligatorie in great summes that all such practisers vpon due proofe made shall loose their whole intertainement due by shares or otherwise for this sayde voyage to be adiudged by the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master Pilot and marchant or three of them at the least whereof the Captaine to be one 8 Item that the pinnesse be ready at al times to serue the marchants turne vpon his demand to take in wares and commodities and to cary and recary to and from the shore when and as oft as neede shall be and to giue due attendance at the marchant and marchants ditection during the whole voyage 9 Item that no head or chiefe officer being set downe for such an officer vnder the hand of the owner at the going to sea of the said shippe shall or may be displaced from his said place or office without great cause and his misdemeanor to be adiudged by the Captaine and his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and the marchant or by the consent of three of them at the least 10 Item that vpon the returne of the shippe to the coast of England the Maister and Pilot put not into any port or harbour to the Westward of Southhampton but forced by weather or such like vrgent cause William Huddie Iohn Hooper Hugh Smith Iohn Foster William Cheesman A direction as well for the Captaine and other my friends of the ship as especially for William Cheesman Marchant for the voyage to the riuer of Plate AT your comming to the Isle of Saint Sebastian vpon the coast of Brasill you shall according to your discretions make sale of such commodities as you may thinke will be thereabout well vented and likewise to buy commodities without making longer stay there then your victuals be prouiding but rather to bespeake commodities against your returne from the riuer of Plate especially of Amber Sugar Grâ—ene ginger Cotton wooll and some quantitie of the peppers of the countrey there Also for Parats and Munkies and the beast called Serrabosa Also you shall barrell vp of the beefe called Perune two or three barrels and to lose no good oportunitie to gather of the Indian figges and the graines of them to preserue drie in such quantitie as conueniently may be done and touching the making of the traine and preseruing of the hides I leaue it wholly to the order and the discretion of the chiefe of the companie Also that in any road where the ship shall ride vpon the coast of America triall be made with the dragges for the pearle Oisters and the same being taken to be opened and searched for pearle in the presence of the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and marchant or three of them whereof the Captaine or his Lieutenant to be one and to remaine in the custodie of the Captaine and marchant vnder two lockes either of them to haue a key to his owne locke and that a true inuentorie be deliuered also to the Master and Pilot of the said pearle or other iewels of price gotten in the said voiage to the intent that no partie be defrauded of his due and that no concealment be made of any such thing vpon forfeiture the partie to lose his share and dutie for the voyage that shall so conceale and not reueale it vnto the officers aboue named Also to doe your best indeuour to try for the best Ore of golde siluer or other rich mettals whatsoeuer Forget not also to bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants with you the Palmito with his fruit inclosed in him Serue God keepe good watch and stand alwayes vpon your garde Edward Cotton These things being thus ordered and the ship of the burden of 260 tunnes with 83 men of all sortes furnished and fully appointed for the voyage began to set saile from Hurst Castle vpon Friday the 20 of May Anno 1583 and the 17 day of Iuly ensuing fell with the coast of Guinie to take in fresh water where through meere dissolute negligence she perished vpon a sand with the most part of the men in her as appeareth by the confession of one that escaped the substance and tenor whereof is this The confession of VVilliam Bends Masters Mate in the Edward Cotton the 21 of October Ann. 1584. HE sayth that the 17 day of Iuly Anno 1583. hauing some lacke of fresh water they put roome vpon the coast of Guinie where they were set vpon a sand about 8 leagues from the shore and this Examinate with 29 more got into the pinnesse who arriued in an Island being desolate of people and fiue miles in compasse where they rested 18 dayes through force of weather hauing nought to eate but grasse The rest of the company the ship being splitted in two and in quarters got them into one of the after quarters and by the helpe of raftes came also a shore into another Island neere to Rio grande where they all died as he supposeth The other 30 in the pinnesse at the end of 18 dayes departed that Island and came to Saint Domingo where comming on shore they were taken of the Moores stripped naked And they buried one Coxe an olde man aliue not withstanding his pitifull lamentation and skâ—â—kings the rest hauing Rice and water allowed them liued there a certaine time This Examinate was at last sold to a Portugall with whom he dwelt the space of a quarter of a yere and in the end a Portugall Carauel comming thither his master laded the same with Negroes and he obtained leaue of his master to goe in the same Carauell by that meanes arriued at Lisbone and from thence came into England the 17 of October 1584 leauing behinde him of his companie aliue Richard Hacker Iohn Baker Iohn Mathew and a boy with two others which were gone beyond Saint Domingo all which as
the sea comming out of the Southwest and the wind very violent at North they were put all into great extremitie and then first lost the Generall of their fleete with 500 men in her and within three or foure dayes after an other storme rising there were fiue or sixe other of the biggest shippes cast away with all their men together with their Uice-Admirall And in the height of 38. degrees about the end of August grew another great storme in which all the fleâ—t sauing 48. sailes were cast away which 48. sailes kept together vntill they came in sight of the Islands of Coruo and Flores about the fift or sixt of September at which time a great storme separated them of which number fifteene or sixeteene were after seene by these Spanyards to ride at anchor vnder the Tercera and twelue or foureteene more to beare with the Island of S. Michael what became of them after that these Spaniards were taken cannot yet be certified their opinion is that very few of thee fleet are escaped but are either drowned or taken And it is otherwaies of late certified that of this whole fleete that should haue come into Spaine this yeere being one hundred twentie and three sayle there are arriued as yet but fiue and twentie This note was taken out of the examination of certaine Spaniardes that were brought into England by sixe of the ships of London which tooke sâ—uen of the aboue named Indian Fleete neere the Islands of Açores A report of Master Robert Flicke directed to Master Thomas Bromley Master Richard Staper and Master Cordall concerning the successe of a part of the London supplies sent to my Lord Thomas Howard to the Isles of the Azores 1591. WOrshipfull my heartie commendations vnto you premised By my last of the twelfth of August from this place I aduertised you particularly of the accidents of our Fleete vntill then It remayneth now to relate our endeuours in accomplishing the order receiued for the ioyning with my Lorde Thomas Howard together with the successe wee haue had Our departure from hence was the seuenteenth of August the winde not seruing before The next day following I caused a Flagge of Counsell to be put foorth whereupon the Captaines and Masters of euery shippe came aboord and I acquainted them with my Commission firmed by the Right honourable the Lordes of her Maiesties Counsell and with all the aduertisements of Sir Edward Denny of my Lordes determination to remaine threescore leagues to the West of Fayal spreading North and South betwixt thirtie seuen and a halfe or thirty eight and a halfe degrees And not finding him in this heigth to repaire to the Isles of Flores and Coruo where a Pinnesse of purpose should stay our comming vntill the last of August with intent after that day to repaire to y e coast of Spaine about the heigth of The Rocke some twentie or thirtie leagues off the shoare The which being aduisedly considered of hauing regard vnto the shortnesse of time by reason of our long abode in this place and the vncertainety of the weather to fauour vs it was generally holden for the best and securest way to meete with my Lorde to beare with the heigth of The Rocke without making any stay vpon the coast and so directly for the Islands which was accordingly fully agreed and performed The 28 day wee had sight of the Burlings and the 29 being thwart of Peniche the winde seruing vs without any stay we directed our course West for the Islands The 30 day we met with Captaine Royden in the Red-Rose sometime called the Golden Dragon separated from my Lorde of Cumberland in a storme who certified vs of 50 sayles of the Spanish kings Armadas to be gone for the Ilands but could not informe vs any newes of my Lord Thomas Howard otherwise then vpon presumption to remaine about the Islandes and so wee continued our course the winde standing with vs. The 4 of September we recouered Tercera and ranged along all the Islands both on the South and North sides the space of foure dayes during which time it was not our hap to meete with any shipping whereby either to vnderstand of my Lord or of the Indian Fleete hereupon we directed our course to the West from Fayal according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny The 11 day in the plying to the Westwards we descried a sayle out of our maine toppe and in the afternoone betweene two and three of the clocke hauing raysed her hull the weather became calme so that the ship could not fetch her I sent off my Skiffe throughly manned furnished with shot and swords The Cherubin and the Margaret and Iohn doing the like Upon this the sayle stood off againe and the night approching our boates lost her and so returned In this our pursute after the sayle the Centurion being left a sterne the next morning wee missed her and spent that day in plying vp and downe seeking her And for as much as euery of the ships had recâ—iued order that if by extremity of weather or any other mischance they should be seuered from our Fleete they should meete and ioyne at Flores we according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny proceeded to the finding of my Lord Thomas Howard being in the heigth appointed and not aâ—le to holde the same by reason of extreme tempestes which forced vs to the Isles of Flores and Coruo which we made the 14 day in the morning aud there also ioyned againe with the Centurion whose company before we had lost who declared vnto vs that the 12 day being the same day they lost vs they met with fiue and forty sailes of the Indian Fleete The same night vpon these newes we came to an anker betweene Flores and Coruo and the morow following at the breake of day a flagge of Counsell being put out the Captaines Masters came abord me where for the desire to vnderstand some tidings of my Lord as also the supplying of our want of water it was thought good to send our boats â—urnished on shore vnder the conduct of Captaine Brothus and then it was also ordered after our departure thence to range along the Southsides of the Islands to the end we might either vnderstand of my Lord or â—lse light on the Indian fleete and in the missing of our purpose to direct our course for Cape Sant Vincente The boates according to the foresayd determination being sent on shoare it chaunced that The Costely ryding vttermost in the roade did weigh to bring her selfe more neere among vs for the succour of the boates sent off and in opening the land discouered two sayles which we in the roade could not perceiue whereupon shee gaue vs a warning piece which caused vs to waue off our boates backe and before they could recouer our shippes the discryed ships appeared vnto vs towardes the which we made with all haste and in a very happie houre as it pleased God In that wee had
chiefe commaunder vpon the Seas and of all Fleetes or ships and of all places and Islands or lands wheresoeuer he came whereupon the gouernour of Tercera did him great honour and betweene them it was concluded perceiuing the weaknesse of their ships and the danger of the Englishmen that they would send the shippes emptie with souldiers to conuey them either to Siuill or Lisbon where they could first arriue with aduise vnto his Maiestie of all that had past and that he would giue order to fetch the siluer with good and safe conuoy Whereupon the said Aluaro Flores stayed there vnder colour of keeping the siluer but specially because of his disease and for that they were affraide of the Englishmen This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue 50000 Duckats in pearles which he shewed vnto vs sought to sell them or barter them with vs for spices or bils of exchange The said two ships see sayle with 3 or 4 hundred men as well souldiers as others that came with them out of India and being at sea had a storme wherewith the Admiral burst and sunke in the sea not one man saued The Uice-Admirall cut downe her mast and ranne the ship on ground hard by Seruual where it burst in pieces some of the men sauing themselues by swimming that brought the newes but the rest were drowned In the same moneth there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies and being within half a mile of the Road of Tercera◠they met with an English ship which after they had fought long together tooke them both About 7 or 8 moneths before there had beene an English shippe in Tercera that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffike in the Island there to lade woad and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the kings vse and all the men kept prisoners yet went they vp and downe the streetes to get their liuings by labouring like slaues being in deede as safe in that Island as if they had beene in prison But in the ende vpon a Sunday all the Saylers went downe behinde the hils called Bresil where they found a Fisher-boat whereinto they got and rowed into the sea to the Erle of Cumberlands shippes which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Island and ankered with his ships about halfe a mile from the Road of Angra hard by two small Islands which lie about a bases shot from the Island and are full of Goats Deere and Sheepe belonging to the inhabitants of the Island of Tercera Those Saylers knew it well and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their boates and lying at anker that day they fetched as many Goates and sheepe as they had neede of which those of the towne and of the Island well saw and beheld yet durst not once goe foorth so there remained no more on land but the Master and the Marchant of the said English ship This Master had a brother in lawe dwelling in England who hauing newes of his brothers imprisonment in Tercera got license of the Queene of England to set forth a ship there with to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera and he it was that tooke the two Spanish ships before the Towne the Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me and looking vpon them for he was my great acquaintance The ships being taken that were worth 300 thousand duckats he sent al the men on land sauing onely two of the principall Gentlemen which he kept aboord thereby to ransome his brother and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken with a letter to the Gouernor of Tercera wherein he wrote that he should deliuer him his brother he would send the 2 Gentlemen on land if not he would saile with them into England as indeed he did because the Gouernour would not doe it saying that the Gentlemen might make that suite to the king of Spaine himselfe This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs and the Englishmen likewise where he shewed vs all the manner of their fight much commending the order and maner of the Englishmens fighting as also their courteous vsing of him but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship without paying any ransome as yet In the moneth of Ianuarie 1590 there arriued one ship alone in Tercera that came from the Spanish Indies and brought newes that there was a Fleete of a hundred shippes which put out from the Firme land of the Spanish Indies and by a storme were driuen vpon the coast called Florida where they were all cast away she hauing onely escaped wherin there were great riches many men lost as it may well be thought so that they made their account that of 220 ships that for certaine were knowen to haue put out of Noua Spagna S. Domingo Hauana Capo verde Brasilia Guinea c. in the yeere 1589. to saile for Spaine Portugall there were not aboue 14 or 15 of them arriued there in safetie all the rest being either drowned burst or taken In the same moneth of Ianuary there arriued in Tercera 15 or 16 ships that came from Siuil which were most Flieboats of the Low countries and some Britons that were arrested in Spaine these came full of souldiers and wel appointed with munition to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the kings cōmandement into Spaine And because that time of the yeere there are alwayes stormes about those Ilands therefore they durst not enter into the road of Tercera for that as then it blew so great a storme that some of their ships that had ankred were forced to cut downe their mastes and were in danger to be lost and among the rest a ship of Biscaie ran against the land and was striken in pieces but all the men saued themselues The other ships were forced to keepe the sea and seperate themselues one from the other where wind and weather would driue them vntill the 15 of March for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anker in whereby they endured much miserie cursing both the siluer and the Iland This storme being past they chanced to meet with a small English ship of about 40 tunnes in bignesse which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes so they set vpon her and tooke her and with the English flag in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the hauen as if they had conquered all the realme of England but as the Admirall that bare the English flag vpon her sterne was entring into the road there came by chance two English ships by the Iland that paied her so well for her paines that they were forced to cry Misericordia and without all doubt
saile to be cut that they might make away but sir Rich. Greenuil threatned both him al the rest that were in the ship y t if any maÌ„ laid hand vpon it he would cause him to be hanged and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight in the end were taken He was of so hard a coÌ„plexion that as he continued among the Spanish captains while they were at dinner or supper with him he would carouse 3 or 4 glasses of wine and in a brauerie take the glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in pieces swalow them downe so that oftentimes the blood ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him The Englishmen that were left in the ship as the captaine of the souldiers the master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish ships that had taken them where there had almost a new fight arisen between the Biscains and the Portugals while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her so that there grew a great noise and quarel among them one taking the chiefe ensigne and the other the flag and the captaine and euery one held his owne The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken and many of their men hurt whereby they were compelled to come into the Island of Tercera there to repaire theÌ„selues where being arriued I and my chamber-felow to heare some newes went aboord one of the ships being a great Biscain and one of the 12 Apostles whose captaine was called Bartandono that had bin General of the Biscains in the fleet that went for England He seeing vs called vs vp into the gallery where with great curtesie he receiued vs being as then set at dinner with the English captaine that sate by him and had on a sute of blacke veluet but he could not tell vs any thing for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine which Bartandono also could a litle speake The English captaine got licence of the gouernour that he might come on land with his weapon by his side and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland being of that ship whereof the sailers got away as I said before The gouernour of Tercera bade him to dinner and shewed him great curtesie The master likewise with licence of Bartâ—ndono came on land and was in our lodging and had at the leastâ— 10 or 12 wounds as well in his head as on his body whereof after that being at sea between Lisbon the Ilands he died The captaine wrote a letter wherein he declared all the maner of the fight and left it with the English marchant that lay in our lodging to send it to the lord Admiral of England This English captaine comming vnto Lisbon was there wel receiued and not any hurt done vnto him but with good conuoy sent to Setuual and from thence sailed into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prisoners The Spanish armie staied at the Iland of Coruo til the last of September to assemble the rest of the fleet together which in the ende were to the number of 140 sailes of ships partly comming from India and partly of the army and being altogether ready to saile to Tercera in good company there suddenly rose so hard cruell a storme that those of the Ilands did affirme that in mans memorie there was neuer any such seen or heard off before for it seemed the sea would haue swalowed vp the Ilands the water mounting higher then the cliffs which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them but the sea reached aboue them and liuing fishes were throwen vpon the land This storme continued not only a day or two with one wind but 7 or 8 dayes continually the wind turning round about in al places of the compasse at the lest twise or thrise during that time and all alike with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold euen to vs that were on shore much more then to such as were at sea so that onely on the coasts and cliffes of the Iland of Tercera there were aboue 12 ships cast away and not onely vpon the one side but round about it in euery corner wherby nothing els was heard but complaining crying lamenting telling here is a ship broken in pieces against the cliffes and there another and all the men drowned so that for the space of 20 dayes after the storme they did nothing els but fish for dead men that continually came driuing on the shore Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge that was cast away vpon a cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera where it brake in an hundred pieces sunke to the ground hauing in her 70 men Galegos Biscains and others with some of the captiue Englishmen whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the cliffes aliue and had his body and head all wounded and he being on shore brought vs the newes desiring to be shrinen thereupon presently died The Reuenge had in her diuers faire brasse pieces that were all sunke in y e sea which they of the Iland were in good hope to waigh vp againe the next Sommer after Among these ships that were cast away about Tercera was likewise a Flie-boat one of those that had bin arrested in Portugall to serue the king called the white Doue the master of her was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland add there were in her 100 souldiers as in euery one of the rest there were He being ouer-ruled by the captaine that he could not be master of his owne sayling here and there at the mercy of God as the storme droue him in the end came within the sight of the Iland of Tercera which the Spaniards perceiuing thought all their safetie onely to consist in putting into the road compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Iland although the master refused to doe it saying that they were most sure there to be cast away and vtterly spoyled but the captaine called him drunkard and Heretique and striking him with a staffe commaunded him to doe as hee would haue him The Master seeing this and being compelled to doe it sayd well then my Masters seeing it is the desire of you all to bee cast away I can but lose one life and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shore and was on that side of the Iland where there was nothing els but hard stones and rocks as high as mountaines most terriâ—le to beholdeâ— where some of the inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof to throâ— them downe vnto the men that they might lay holde vpon them and saue their liues but few of them got so neere most of them being cast away and smitten in
and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576. THe 7. of Iune being Thursday the two Barks viz. the Gabriel and the Michael our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe and bare down to Detford and there we ancred the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boultspriâ— and forâ—mâ—st aboard of a ship that rode at Detford else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich The 8. day being Friday about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford and set saile all three of vs and bare downe by the Court where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could Her Maiestie beholding the same commended it and bade vs farewell with shaking her hand at vs out of the window Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings and thanked vs for it and also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs and declared to the company that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient and diligent to their Captaine and gouernours in all things and wished vs happie successe The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend by the castle or blockehouse we obserued the latitude which was 51. degrees 33. minâ— And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone I had sight oâ— Faire yle being from vs 6. leagues North and by East and when I brought it Northwest and by North it did rise at the Southermost ende with a litle hommocke and swâ—mpe in the middes The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale I cast about to the Westward the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me and the land of Faire yle West Southwest from me I sailed directly to the North head of that said land scunding as I ranne in hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms and gray redde shels and within halfe a mile of that Island there are 36. fathoms for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde and I found by my sounding hard rockes and foule ground and deepe water within two cables length of the shoare 28. fathome and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast the flood setteth Southeast and the ebbe Northwest The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head I did obserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest froÌ„ me 6. leagues and Swinborne head East southeast from me I found my eleuation to be 37. degr and my declination 22. degr 46. min. So that my latitude was 59. degr 46. min. At that present being neere to Swinborne head hauing a leake which did trouble vs as also to take in fresh water I plyed roome with a sound which is called S. Tronions and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water and faire sande You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17.15.12.10.9.8 and 7. fathoms and the sound lyeth in North northwest and there we roade to a West sunne stopped our leake and hauing refreshed our selues with water at a North northwest sunne I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay And running off toward Fowlay I sounded hauing fiftie fathome and streâ—mâ—e ground and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande hauing fiftie fathome at the South head and streamie ground like broken otmell and one shell being redde and white like mackerell The 27. day at a South sunne I did abserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees 59. min. truly obserued the winde at South Southwest I sailed West and by North. From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone the wind at South a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues and at the ende of this watch I sounded hauing 60. fathome with little stones and shels the Island from vs 8. leagues East The first of Iuly from 4. to 8. a clocke wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues and at that present we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to the Westwards this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6. leagues From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues At that present I found our Compasse to be varied 11. deg and one 4. part to the Westwards which is one point The 11 day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16. leagues and rising like pinacles of steeples and all couered with snowe I found my selfe in 61. degr of latitude Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150â— fathoms we hoised out our boate and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land but the land lying full of yce they could not get on land and so they came aboord againe We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues The 18. day at a Southeast sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg So I obserued it till I found it at the highest and then it was eleuated 52. deg I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce seeming a firme lande and we cast Westward to be cleare of it The 26. we had sight of a land of yce the latitude was 62. degrees and two minutes The 28. day in the morning was very foggie but at the clearing vp of the fogge wee had sight of lande which I supposed to be Labrador with great store of yce about the land I ranne in towards it and sownded but could get no ground at 100. Fathom and the yce being so thicke I could not get to the shoare and so lay off and came cleare of the yce Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare and sought a harborowe all the sownd was full of yce and our boate rowing a shoare could get no ground at a 100. fathom within a Cables length of
riuer if no such Island be were to great end For if such riuer were nauigable or portable farre into the land then would arise great hope of planting in fertil soyles and traffike on the one or on the other side of the riuer or on both or the linking in amitie with one or other pettie king contending there for dominion Such riuers found both Barges and Boates may be made for the safe passage of such as shall pierce the same These are to be couered with doubles of course linnen artificially wrought to defend the arrow or the dart of the sauage from the rower Since euery soile of the world by arte may be made to yeeld things to feede and to clothe man bring in your returne a perfect note of the soile without and within and we shall deuise if neede require to amend the same and to draw it to more perfection And if you finde not fruites in your planting place to your liking we shall in fiue drifats furnish you with such kindes of plants to be carryed thither the winter after your planting as shall the very next summer following yeeld you some fruite and the yeere next following as much as shall suffice a towne as bigge as Calice and that shortly after shall be able to yeeld you great store of strong durable good sider to drinke and these trees shall be able to encrease you within lesse then seuen yeeres as many trees presently to beare as may suffice the people of diuers parishes which at the first setling may stand you in great stead if the soile haue not the commoditie of fruites of goodnesse already And because you ought greedily to hunt after things that yeeld present reliefe without trouble of carriage thither therefore I make mention of these thus specially to the end you may haue it specially in minde A true Discourse of the three Voyages of discouerie for the finding of a passage to Cathaya by the Northwest vnder the conduct of Martin Frobisher Generall Before which as a necessary Preface is prefixed a two-folde discourse conteining certaine reasons to proue all partes of the World habitable Penned by Master George Best a Gentleman employed in the same voyages What commodities and instructions may be reaped by diligent reading this Discourse 1 FIrst by example may be gathered how a Discouerer of new Countries is to proceedâ— in his first attempt of any Discouerie 2 Item how he should be prouided of shipping victuals munition and choice of men 3 How to proceede and deale with strange people be they neuer so barbarous cruell and fierce either by lenitie or otherwise 4 How trade of Merchandize may be made without money 5 How a Pilot may deale being inuironed with mountaines of yce in the frozen Sea 6 How length of dayes change of seasons Summers and Winters doe differ in sundry regions 7 How dangerous it is to attempt new Discoueries either for the length of the voyage or the ignorance of the language the want of Interpretors new and vnaccustomed Elements and ayres strange and vnsauoury meates danger of theeues and robbers fiercenesse of wilde beastes and fishes hugenesse of woods dangerousnesse of Seas dread of tempestes feare of hidden rockes steepnesse of mountaines darkenesse of sudden falling fogges continuall paines taking without any rest and infinite others 8 How pleasant and profitable it is to attempt new Discoueries either for the sundry sights and shapes of strange beastes and fishes the wonderfull workes of nature the different maners and fashions of diuers nations the sundry sortes of gouernment the sight of strange trees fruite foules and beastes the infinite treasure of Pearle Golde and Siluer the newes of newe found landes the sundry positions of the Sphere and many others 9 How valiant Captaines vse to deale vpon extremitie and otherwise 10 How trustie souldiers dutifully vse to serue 11 Also here may bee seene a good example to be obserued of any priuate person in taking notes and making obseruations of all such things as are requisite for a Discouerer of newe Countries 12 Lastly the Reader here may see a good paterne of a well gouerned seruice sundry instructions of matters of Cosmographie Geographie and Nauigation as in reading more at large may be seene Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prooue all partes of the worlde habitable and thereby to confute the position of the fiue Zones FIrst it may be gathered by experience of our Englishmen in Anno 1553. For Captaine Windam made a Uoyage with Merchandise to Guinea and entred so farre within the Torrida Zona that he was within three or foure degrees of the Equinoctiall and his company abiding there certaine Moneths returned with gaine Also the Englishmen made another Uoyage very prosperous and gainefull An. 1554. to the coasts of Guinea within 3. degrees of the Equinoctiall And yet it is reported of a trueth that all the tract from Cape de las Palmas trending by C. de tres puntas alongst by Benin vnto the I le of S. Thomas which is perpendiculer vnder the Equinoctial all that whole Bay is more subiect to many blooming and smoothering heates with infectious and contagious ayres then any other place in all Torrida Zona and the cause thereof is some accidents in the land For it is most certaine that mountains Seas woods and lakes c. may cause through their sundry kinde of situation sundry strange and extraordinary effects which the reason of the clyme otherwise would not giue I mention these Uoyages of our Englishmen not so much to prooue that Torrida Zona may bee and is inhabited as to shew their readinesse in attâ—mpting long and dangerous Nauigaâ—ions Wee also among vs in England haue blacke Moores AEthiopians out of all partes of Torrida Zona which after a small continuance can well endure the colde of our Countrey and why should not we as well abide the heate of their Countrey But what should I name any more experiences seeing that all the coastes of Guinea and Benin are inhabited of Portugals Spanyardes French and some Englishmen who there haue built Castles and Townes Onely this I will say to the Merchants of London that trade yeerely to Marochus it is very certaine that the greatest part of the burning zone is farre more temperate and coole in Iune then the Countrey of Marochus as shall appeare by these reasons and experiences following For let vs first consider the breadth and bignesse of this burning zone which as euery man knoweth is 47. degrees each Tropicke which are the bounders thereof being 23. degrees and a halfe distant from the Equinoctiall Imagine againe two other Parallels on each side the Equinoctiall one eyther of them distant from the Equinoctial about 20. degrees which Paralels may be described either of them twice a yeere by the Sunne being in the first degrees of Gemini the 11. of May and in Leo the 13. of Iuly hauing North latitude And againe the Sunne being in the first
well for the bringing vp of his Shippe to the Countesses sound as also to fraight his Ship with the same Oare which he himselfe had found which vpon triall made was supposed to be very good The 23. of August the sayd Captaine mette together with the other Captaines Commissioners in counsell with the Generall aboorde the Ayde where they considered and consulted of sundry causes which being particularly registred by the Notarie were appoynted where and how to be done against another yeere The 24. of August the Generall with two Pinnisses and good numbers of men went to Beares sound commanding the sayde Captaine with his Pinnesse to attend the seruice to see if he could encounter or apprehend any of the people for sundry times they shewed themselues busie thereabouts sometimes with seuen or eyght Boates in one company as though they minded to encounter with our company which were working there at the Mines in no great numbers But when they perceiued any of our Shippes to ryde in that roade being belike more amazed at the countenance of a Shippe and a more number of men they did neuer shewe themselues againe there at all Wherefore our men sought with their Pinnisses to compasse about the Iland where they did vse supposing there suddenly to intercept some of them But before our men could come neere hauing belike some watch in the toppe of the mountaines they conueyed themselues priuily away and left as it should seeme one of their great dartes behinde them for haste which we found neere to a place of their caues and housing Therefore though our Generall were very desirous to haue taken some of them to haue brought into England they being now growen more wary by their former losses would not at any time come within our dangers About midnight of the same day the captaine of the Anne Francis departed thence and set his course ouer the streights towards Haâ—tons Hedland being about 15. leagues ouer and returned aboord his Shippe the 25. of August to the great comfort of his company who long expected his comming where hee found his Shippes ready rigged and loden Wherefore he departed from thence againe the next morning towards the Countesses sound where he arriued the 28. of the same By the way he set his Miners ashore at Beares sound for the better dispatch and gathering the Ore togither for that some of the ships were behind hand with their fraight the time of the yeere passing suddenly away The thirtith of August the Anne Francis was brought aground and had 8. great leakes mended which she had receiued by meanes of the rocks and yce This day the Masons finished a house which Captaine Fenton caused to be made of lyme and stone vpon the Countesse of Warwickes Island to the ende we might proue against the next yeere whither the snow could ouerwhelme it the frost breake it vp or the people dismember the same And the better to allure those brutish and vnciuill people to courtesie against other times of our comming we left therein diuers of our Countrey toyes as belles and kniues wherein they specially delight one for the necessary vse and the other for the great pleasure thereof Also pictures of men and women in lead men on horsebacke looking glasses whistles and pipes Also in the house was made an Ouen and bread left baked therein for them to see and taste We buried the timber of our pretended fort Also here we sowed pease corne and other graine to proue the fruitfulnesse of the soyle against the next yeere Master Wolfall on Winters Fornace preached a godly sermon which being ended he celebrated also a Communion vpon the land at the partaking whereof was the Captaine of the Anne Francis and many other Gentlemen and Souldiers Mariners and Miners with him The celebration of the diuine mystery was the first signe seale and confirmation of Christs name death and passion euer knowen in these quarters The said M. Wolfall made sermons and celebrated the Communion at sundry other times in seuerall and sundry ships because the whole company could neuer meet together at any one place The Fleet now being in some good readinesse for their lading the Generall calling together the Gentlemen and Captaines to consult told them that he was very desirous that some further discouery should be attempted and that he would not onely by Gods helpe bring home his Ships laden with Ore but also meant to bring some certificate of a further discouery of the Countrey which thing to bring to passe hauing sometime therein consulted they found very hard and almost inuincible And considering that already they had spent sometime in searching out the trending and fashion of the mistaken straites therefore it could not be sayd but that by this voyage they haue notice of a further discouery and that the hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and encreased as appeared before in the discourse thereof Yet notwithstanding if any meanes might be further deuised the Captaines were contented and willing as the Generall shoulde appoynt and commaund to take any enterprise in hand Which after long debating was found a thing very impossible and that rather consultation was to be had of returning homeward especially for these causes following First the darke foggy mists the continuall falling snowe and stormy weather which they commonly were vexed with and now daily euer more and more increased haue no small argument of the Winters drawing neere And also the frost euery night was so hard congealed within the sound that if by euill hap they should bee long kept in with contrary winds it was greatly to be feared that they should be shut vp there fast the whole yeere which being vtterly vnprouided would be their vtter destruction Againe drinke was so scant throughout all the Fleet by meanes of the great leakage that not onely the prouision which was layd in for the habitation was wanting and wasted but also each shippes seuerall prouision spent and lost which many of our company to their great griefe found in their returne since for all the way homewards they dranke nothing but water And the great cause of this leakage and wasting was for that the great timber and seacole which lay so waighty vpon the barrels brake bruised and rotted the hoopes insunder Yet notwithstanding these reasons alleaged the Generall himselfe willing the rest of the Gentlemen and Captaines euery man to looke to his seuerall charge and lading that against a day appointed they should be all in a readinesse to set homeward went in a Pinnesse and discouered further Northward in the straights and found that by Beares sound and Halles Island the land was not firme as it was first supposed but all broken Islands in maner of an Archipelagus and so with other secret intelligence to himselfe he returned to the Fleet. Where presently vpon his arriuall at the Countesses sound he began to take order for their returning homeward and
for our discouery The sixt of August we discouered land in 66 degrees 40 minuts of latitude altogether void from the pester of ice we ankered in a very faire rode vnder a braue mount the cliffes whereof were as orient as golde This mount was named Mount Raleigh The rode where our ships lay at anker was called Toâ—nes rode The sound which did compasse the mount was named Exeter sound The foreland towards the North was called Dierscape The foreland towards the South was named Cape Walsingham So soone as we were come to an anker in Totnes rode vnder Mount Raleigh we espied foure white beares at the foot of the mount we supposing them to be goats or wolues manned our boats aud went towards them but when we came neere the shore we found them to be white beares of a monstrous bignesse we being desirous of fresh victuall and the sport began to assault them and I being on land one of them came downe the hill right against me my piece was charged with hailshot a bullet I discharged my piece and shot him in the necke he roared a litle and tooke the water straight making small account of his hurtâ— Then we followed him with our boat and killed him with boare-speares two more that night We found nothing in their mawes but we iudged by their dung that they fed vpon grasse because it appeared in all respects like the dung of an horse wherein we might very plainly see the very strawes The 7 we went on shore to another beare which lay all night vpon the top of an Island vnder Mount Raleigh and when we came vp to him he lay fast asleep I leuelled at his head and the stone of my piece gaue no fire with that he looked vp and layed downe his head againe then I shot being charged with two bullets and strooke him in the head he being but amazed fell backwards whereupon we ran all vpon him with boare-speares and thrust him in the body yet for all that he gript away our boare-speares and wenâ— towards the water and as he was going downe he came backe againe Then our Master shot his boare-speare and strooke him in the head and made him to take the water and swimme into a coue fast by where we killed him and brought him aboord The breadth of his forefoot from one side to the other was foureteene inches ouer They were very fat so as we were constrained to cast the fat away We saw a rauen vpon Mount Raleigh We found withies also growing like low shrubs flowers like Primroses in the sayd place The coast is very mountainous altogether without wood grasse or earth and is onely huge mountaines of stone but the brauest stone that euer we saw The aire was very moderate in this countrey The 8 we departed from Mount Raleigh coasting along the shoare which lieth Southsouthwest and Eastnortheast The 9 our men fell in dislike of their allowance because it was too small as they thought wherupon we made a new proportion euery messe being fiue to a messe should haue foure pound of bread a day twelue wine quarts of beere six Newland fishes and the flesh dayes a gill of pease more so we restrained them from their butter and cheese The 11 we came to the most Southerly cape of this land which we named The Cape of Gods mercy as being the place of our first entrance for the discouery The weather being very foggy we coasted this North land at length when it brake vp we perceiued that we were shot into a very faire entrance or passage being in some places twenty leagues broad and in sâ—me thirty altogether void of any pester of ice the weather very tolerable and the water of the very colour nature and quality of the maine ocean which gaue vs the greater hope of our passage Hauing sailed Northwest sixty leagues in this entrance we discouered certaine Islands standing in the midst thereof hauing open passage on both sides Wherupon our ships diuided themselues the one sailing on the North side the other on the South side of the sayd Isles where we stayed fiue dayes hauing the winde at Southeast very foggy and foule weather The 14 we went on shoare and found signes of people for we found stones layed vp together like a wall and saw the skull of a man or a woman The 15 we heard dogs houle on the shoare which we thought had bene wolues and therefore we went on shoare to kill them When we came on land the dogges came presently to our boat very gently yet we thought they came to pray vpon vs and therefore we shot at them and killed two and about the necke of one of them we found a leatherne coller wherupon we thought them to be tame dogs There were twenty dogs like mastiâ—es with prickt eares and long bush tailes we found a bone in the pizels of their dogs Then we went farther and found two sleads made like ours in England the one was made of firre spruse and oken boords sawen like inch boords the other was made all of whale bone there hung on the tops of the steads three heads of beasts which they had killed We saw here larks rauens and partridges The 17 we went on shoare and in a little thing made like an ouen with stones I found many small trifles as a small canoa made of wood a piece of wood made like an image a bird made of bone beads hauing small holes in one end of them to hang about their necks other small things The coast was very barren without wood or grasse the rocks were very faire like marble full of vaines of diuers colours We found a seale which was killed not long before being fleane and hid vnder stones Our Captaine and Master searched still for probabilities of the passage and first found that this place was all Islands with great sounds passing betweene them Secondly the water remained of one colour with the maine ocean without altering Thirdly we saw to the West of those Isles three or foure whales in askull which they iudged to come from a Westerly sea because to the Eastward we saw not any whale Also as we were rowing into a very great sound lying Southwest froÌ„ whence these whales came vpon the sudden there came a violent counter-checke of a tide from the Southwest against the flood which we came with not knowing from whence it was mainteined Fiftly in sailing twenty leagues within the mouth of this entrance we had sounding in 90 fadoms faire gray osâ—e sand and the further we ran into the Westwards the deeper was the water so that hard aboord the shoare among these Isles we could not haue ground in 330 fadoms Lastly it did ebbe and flow sixe or seuen fadome vp and downe the flood comming from diuers parts so as we could not perceiue the chiefe maintenance thereof The 18 and 19 our Captaine and Master
when they are dry they packe them vp in the top of their houses If we would goe thither to fishing more then we doe we should make it a very good voyage for wee got an hundreth greene fish in one morning Wee found heere two English men with a shippe which came out of England about Easter day of this present yeere 1586 and one of them came aboord of vs and brought vs two lambs The English mans name was M. Iohn Roydon of Ipswich marchant hee was bound for London with his ship And this is the summe of that which I obserued in Island We departed from Island the sixteenth day of Iune in the morning and our course was Northwest and we saw on the coast two small barkes going to an harborough we went not to them but saw them a farre off Thus we continued our course vnto the end of this moneth The third day of Iuly we were in betweene two firme lands of yce and passed in betweene them all that day vntill it was night and then the Master turned backe againe and so away we went towards Groenland And the seuenth day of Iuly we did see Groenland and it was very high and it looked very blew we could not come to harborough into the land because we were hindered by a firme land as it were of yce which was along the shoares side but we were within three leagues of the land coasting the same diuers dayes together The seuenteenth day of Iuly wee saw the place which our Captaine M. Iohn Dauis the yeere before had named The land of Desolation where we could not goe on shore for yce The eighteenth day we were likewise troubled with yce and went in amongst it at three of the clocke in the morning After wee had cleared our selues thereof wee ranged all along the coast of Desolation vntill the ende of the aforesayd moneth The third of day August we came in sight of Gilberts sound in the latitude of 64. deg 15. min. which was the place where wee were appoynted to meete our Generall and the rest of our Fleete Here we came to an harborough at 6. of the clocke at night The 4. day in the morning the Master went on shore with 10. of his men and they brought vs foure of the people rowing in their boats aboord of the ship And in the afternoone I went on shore with 6. of our men and there came to vs seuen of them when we were on land We found on shore three dead people and two of them had their staues lying by them and their olde skinnes wrapped about them and the other had nothing lying by wherefore we thought it was a woman We also saw their houses neere the Seaside which were made with pieces of wood on both sides and crossed ouer with poles and then couered ouer with earth we found Foxes running vpon the hilles as for the place it is broken land all the way that we went and full of broken Islands The 21. of August the Master sent the boate on shore for wood with sixe of his men and there were one and thirtie of the people of the countrey which went on shore to them they went about to kill them as we thought for they shot their dartes towards them and we that were aboord the ship did see them goe on shore to our men whereupon the Master sent the pinnesse after them and when they saw the pinnesse comming towards them they turned backe and the Master of the pinnesse did shoote off a caliuer to them the same time but hurt none of them for his meaning was onely to put them in feare Diuers times they did waue vs on shore to play with them at the foot-ball and some of our company went on shore to play with them and our men did cast them downe as soone as they did come to strike the ball And thus much of that which we did see and do in that harborough where we arriued first The 23. day wee departed from the Merchants Isle where wee had beene first and our course from thence was South by West and the wind was Northeast and we ran that day and night about 5. or 6. leagues vntill we came to another harborough The 24. about eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone wee entred into the aforesayd new harborow and as wee came in we did see dogs running vpon the Islands When we were come in there came to vs foure of the people which were with vs before in the other harborough and where we rode we had sandie ground We saw no wood growing but found small pieces of wood vpon the Islands some small pieces of sweete wood among the same We found great Harts hornes but could see none of the Stagges where we wentâ— but we found their footings As for the bones which we receiued of the Sauages I cannot tell of what beasts they be The stones that we found in the countrey were black and some whiâ—e as I thinke they be of no value neuerthelesse I haue brought examples of them to you The 30. of August we departed from this harborough towards England the wind tooke vs contrary so that we were faine to go to another harborough the same day at 11. of the clocke And there came to vs 39. of the people and brought vs 13. Scale skins and after we receiued these skins of them the Master sâ—nt the carpenter to change one of our boates which wee had bought of them before and they would haue taken the boats from him perforce and when they sawe they could not take it from vs they shot with their dartes at vs and stroke one of our men with one of their dartes and Iohn Filpe shot one of them into the brest with an arrow And they came to vs againe and foure of our men went into the shipboate and they shot with their dartes at our men but our men tooke one of their people in his boate into the shipboate and he hurt one of them with his knife but we killed three of them in their boates two of them were hurt with arrowes in the brests and he that was aboord our boat was shot in with an arrow and hurt with a sword and beaten with staues whome our men cast ouerboord but the people caught him and carried him on shore vpon their boates and the other two also and so departed from vs. And three of them went on shore hard by vs where they had their dogs and those three came away from their dogs and presently one of their dogs came swimming towards vs hard aboord the ship whereupon our Master caused the Gunner to shoote off one of the great pieces towards the people and so the dog â—urned backe to land and within an houre after there came of the people hard aboord the ship but they would not come to vs as they did come before The 31. of August
also the riuers on both sides of Engroneland for that I see it particularly described in the sea card but the discourse or narration is lost The beginning of the lettâ—â— is thus Concerning those things that you desire to know of me as of the men and their maners and customes of the beasts and of the countries adioyning I haue made therof a particuler booke which by Gods help I will bring with me wherein I haue described the countrey the monstrous fishes the customes and lawes of Frisland Island Estland the kingdome of Norway Estoâ—iland Drogio and in the end the life of M. Nicolo the knight our brother with the discouery which he made and the state of Groneland I haue also written the life and acts of Zichmni a prince as worthy of immortall memory as any that euer liued for his great valiancie and singuler humanitie wherein I haue described the discouery of Engroneland on both sides and the citie that he builded Therefore I will speake no further hereof in this letter hoping to be with you very shortly and to satisfie you in sundry other things by word of mouth All these letters were written by M. Antonio to Messer Carlo his brother and it grieueth me that the booke and diuers other writings concerning these purposes are miserably lost for being but a child when they came to my hands and not knowing what they were as the maner of children is I tore them and rent them in pieces which now I cannot cal to remembrance but to my exceeding great griefe Notwithstanding that the memory of so many good things should not bee lost whatsoeuer I could get of this matter I haue disposed and put in order in the former discourse to the â—nde that this age might be partly satisfied to the which â—â— are more beholding for the great discoueries made in those partes then to any other of the time past being most studious of the newe relations and discoueries of strange counteries made by the great mindes and industrie of our ancestours For the more credite and confirmation of the former Historie of Messer Nicolas and Messer Antonio Zeni which for some fewe respects may perhaps bee called in question I haue heere annexed the iudgement of that famous Cosmographer Abraham Ortelius or rather â—he yealding and submitting of his iudgement thereunto who in his Theatrâ—m Orbis fol. 6. next before the map of Mar del Zur boroweth proofe and authoritâ—e out of this relation to shew that the Northeast parte of America called Estoâ—iland and in the original alwayes affirmed to bee an Islande was about the yeere 1390 discouered by the aforesayd Venetian Gentleman Messer Antonia Zenâ— aboue 100 yeeres before euer Christopher Columbus set saile for those Westerne Regions and that the Northren Seas were euen then sayled by our Europaean Pilots through the helpe of the loadstone with diuers other particulars concerning the customes religion and wealth of the Southern Americans which are most euidenâ—ly confirmed by all the late and moderne Spanish Histories of Nueua Espanna and Peru. ANd here I shall not as I suppose commit any great inconuenience or absurditie in adding vnto this History of the new world certaine particulars as touching the first discouery therof not commonly known Which discouerie al the writers of our time ascribe that not vnworthily vnto Christopher Columbus For by him it was in a maner first discouered made knowenâ— and profitably communicated vnto the Christian world in the yeere of our Lord 1492. Howbeit I finde that the North part thereof called Estrotiland which most of all extendeth toward our Europe and the Islands of the same namely Groneland Island and Frisland was long ago found out by certaine fishers of the Isle of Frisland driuen by tempest vpon the shore thereof and was afterward about the yeere 1390 discouered a new by one Antonio Zeno a gentleman of Venice which sayled thither vnder the conduct of Zichmni king of the saide Isle of Frisland a prince in those parts of great valour and renowned for his martiall exploits and victories Of which expedition of Zichmni there are extant in Italian certaine collections or abridgements gathered by Francisco Marcolino out of the letters of M. Nicolo and Antonio Zeni two gentlemen of Venice which liued in those partes Out of which collections I doe adde concerning the description of Estoâ—â—land aforesaid these particulars following Estotiland saith he aboundeth with all things necessary for mankinde In the mids thereof standeth an exceeding high mountaine from which issue foure riuers that moisten all the countrie The inhabitans are wittie and most expert in all Mechanicall arts They haue a kinde of peculiar language and letters Howbeit in this Kings Librarie are preserued certaine latine bookes which they vnderstand not being perhaps left there not many yeeres before by some Europaeans which traffiqued thither They haue all kinde of mettals but especially golde wherewith they mightily aboâ—nd They trafficke with the people of Groneland from whence they fetch skinnes pitch and brimstone The inhabitants report that towardes the South there are regions abounding with gold and very populous they haue many and huge woods from whence they take timber for the building of ships and cities whereof and of castles there are great store The vse oâ— the loadstone for Nauigation is vnknowen vnto them They make relation also of a certaine region toward the South called Drogio which is inhabited by Canibals vnto whom mans flesh is delicate meat wherof being destitute they liue by fishing which they vse very much Beyond this are large regions and as it were a newe world but the people are barbarcus and goe naked howbeit against the colde they cloth themselues in beastes skinnes These haue no kinde of metall and they liue by hunting Their weapons are certaine long staues with sharpe points and bowes They wage warres one against another They haue gouernours and obey certaine lawes But from hence more towardes the South the climate is much more temperate and there are cities and temples of idoles vnto whom they sacrifice liuing men whose flesh they afterwards deuoute These nations haue the vse of siluer and gold Thus much of this tract of landes out of the aforesaide collections or abridgements Wherein this also is worthy the obseruation that euen then our Europaean Pilots sayled those seas by the helpe of the loadstone For concerning the vse thereof in Nauigation I suppose there is not to be found a more ancient testimonie And these things I haue annexed the rather vnto this table of Mar del Zur considering that none of those Authours which haue written the Histories of the Newe world haue in any part of their writings mentioned one word thereof Hitherto Ortelius THE VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH NATION TO NEVVFOVND LAND TO the Isles of Ramea and the Isles of Assumption otherwise called Natiscotec situate at the mouth of the Riuer of Canada and to the Coastes of Cape Briton and
in very short time procured from thence with lesse danger then now we haue them And yet to the ende my argument shall not altogether stand vpon likelihoods and presumptions I say that such persons as haue discouered and trauelled those parets doe testifie that they haue found in those countryes all these things following namely Of beasts for furre â— Marterns Beauers Foxes blacke and white Leopards Of wormes Silke wormes great large Of Birds Hawkes Biâ—ters Curlewes Herons Partridgesâ— Cranesâ— Mallards Wilde geese Stocke dooues Margaus Blacke birds Parrots Pengwins Of Fishes Coddeâ— Salmon Seales Herrings Of Trees Palme trees yeelding sweet wines Cedars Firres Sasafras Oake Elme Poplet And sundry other strange Trees to vs vnknowen Of fruites Grapes very large Muskemellons Limons Dates great Orrenges Figges Prunes Raisins great and small Pepper Almondsâ— Citrons Of Mettals Golde Siluer Copper Lead Tinne Of Stones Turkeis Rubies Pearls great faire Marble of diuers kindes Iasper Christall Sundry other commodities of all sorts Rosen Pitch Tarre Turpentine Frankincense Honny Waxe Rubarbe Oyle Oliue Traine oyle Muske codde Saleâ— Tallow Hides Hempe Flaxeâ— Cochenello dies of diuers sorts Feathers of sundrie sorts as for pleasure and filling of Featherbeds And seeing that for small costs the trueth of these things may be vnderstood whereof this intended supply will giue vs more certaine assurance I doe finde no cause to the contrary but that all well minded persons should be willing to aduenture some competent portion for the furtherance of so good an enterprise Now for the triall hereof considering that in the articles of the societie of the aduenturers in this voyage there is prouision made that no aduenturer shall be bound to any further charge then his first aduenture and yet notwithstanding keepe still to himselfe his children his apprentises and seruants his and their freedome for trade and traffique which is a priuiledge that aduenturers in other voyages haue not and in the said articles it is like wise prouided that none other then such as haue aduentured in the first voyage or shal become adueÌ„turers in this supply at any time hereafter are to be admitted in the said society but as redemptionaries which will bâ— very chargeable therefore generally I say vnto all such according to the old prouerbe Nothing venture nothing haue For if it do so fall out according to the great hope and expectation had as by Gods grace it will the gaine which now they reepe by traffique into other farre countries shal by this trade returne with lesse charge greater gaine and more safety Lesse charge I say by reason of the ample and large deepe riuers at the very banke whereof there are many whereby both easily and quietly they may transport from the innermost parts of the main land all kind of merchandize yea in vessels of great burden and that three times or twise in the yere at the least But let vs omit all presumptions how vehement soeuer and dwel vpon the certainty of such commodities as were discouered by S. Humfrey Gilbert his assistants in Newfound land in August last For there may be very easily made Pitch Tarre Rosen Sope ashes in great plenty yea as it is thought though to serue the whole realme of euery of these kindes And of Traine oyle such quantity as if I should set downe the value that they doe esteeme it at which haue bene there it would seeme incredible It is hereby intended that these commodities in this abundant maner are not to be gathered from thence without planting and setling there And as for other things of more value and that of more sorts and kindes then one or two which were likewise discouered there I doe holde them for some respects more meete for a time to be concealed then vttered Of the fishing I doe speake nothing because it is generally knowen and it is not to be forgotten what trifles they be that the Sauages doe require in exchange of these commodities yea for pearle golde siluer and precious stones All which are matters in trade and traffique of great moment But admit that it should so fall out that the aboue specified commodities shall not happily be found out within this first yeere Yet it is very cleere that such and so many may be â—ound out as shall minister iust occasion to thinke all cost and labour well bestowed For it is very certaine that there is one seat fit for fortification of great safety wherein these commodities following especially are to be had that is to say Grapes for wine Whales for oyle Hempe for cordage and other necessary things and fish of farre greater sise and plenty then that of Newfound land and of all these so great store as may suffice to serue our whole realme Besides all this if credit may be giuen to the inhabitants of the same soilâ— a certaine riuer doth thereunto adioyne which leadeth to a place abounding with rich substance I doe not hereby meane the passage to the Moluccaes whereof before I made mention And it is not to be omitted how that about two yeeres past certaine merchants of S. Malo in France did hyre a ship out of the Island of Iersey to the ende that they would keepe that trade secret from their Countreymen and they would admit no mariner other then the ship boy belonging to the sayd ship to goe with them which shippe was about 70. tuâ—â—e I doe know the shippe and the boy very well and am familiarly acquainted with the owner which voyage prooued very beneficiallâ— To conclude this which is already sayd may suffice any man of reasonable disposition to serue for a taste vntill such time as it shall please almighty God through our owne industrie to send vs better tydings In the meane season if any man well affected to this iourney shall staud in doubt of any matter of importance touching the same he may satisfie himselfe with the iudgement and â—iking of such of good calling and credite as are principall dealers herein For it is not necessary in this treatise publikely to set forth the whole secrets of the voyage The sixt Chapter sheweth that the traffique and planting in those countries shall be vnto the Sauages themselues very beneficiall and gainefull NOw to the end it may appeare that this voyage is not vndertaken altogether for the peculiar commodity of our selues and our country as generally other trades and iourneis be it shall fall out in proofe that the Sauages shall hereby haue iust cause to blesse the houre when this enterprise was vndertaken First and chiefly in respect of the most happy and gladsome tidings of the most glorious Gospel of our Sauiour Iesus Christ whereby they may be brought from falshood to trueth from darknesse to light from the hie way of death to the path of life from superstitious idolatrie to sincere Christianity from the deuill to Christ from hell to heauen And if in respect of all the commodities they can yeelde vs were
and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes wherof was M. Steuen Benner bound vnto the riuer of Canada set to sea at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of London merchants the saide Charles Leigh himselfe and Steuen Van Herwick brother to the sayd Abraham going themselues in the said ships as chiefe commanders of the voyage departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8 of April 1597. And after some hindrances arriuing at Falmoâ—th in Cornewal the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe And with prosperous windes the 18 of May we were vpon the banke of Newfoundland The 19 we lost the Chancewel The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of Assumption where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French ship and afterward in the same bay wee met with our conâ—ort Whereupon we presently put to sea againe and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay where we remained by extremitie of foule weather and to mend a pinnes of 7 or 8 tunnes which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of Dartmouth the Admiral of that place vntill the last of May. On which day departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke Shallops but could find none The first of Iune we set saile from Rogneuse and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme The 4 we set saile and this day we saw a great Island of yce The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in a fog at the mouâ—h of the bay of Placentia The 11 at Sunne setting we had sight of Cape Briton And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we cast anker vnder the Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground In that place we caught great store of Cods which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland The 13 wee weyed anker againe and being becalmed about a league from the shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes aboue ground and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship The 14 we came to the 2 Islands of Birds some 23 leagues froÌ„ Menego where there were such abundance of Birds as is almost incredible to report And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds we saw great store of Morsses or sea Oxen which were a sleepe vpon the rockes but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee from them The 16 we arriued at Brians Island which lyeth 5 leagues West from the Island of Birds About this Island ther is as great aboundance of cods as in any place can be found In litle more then an houre we caught with 4 hookes 250 of them Here we caught also a great Tuâ—but which was an elâ—e long and a yard broad which was so great that the hooke could not hold her into the ship but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke escaped In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for corne and meadow great store of wood but of smal groweth Springes of fresh water we found none in all the Island but some standing pooles of raine water The same day at night we weyed anker againe The 17 we had stormy weather The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea where we appointed to meet with our consort And approching neere vnto the harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our great boate into the harborough with the masters mate and some dozen more of the company who when they came in found 4 ships Namely 2 of Saint Malo in Britaigne and two of Sâ—bâ—buro adioyning to Saint Iohn de luz being the French Kings subiâ—cts whom they supposed to haue bene of Spaine and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into haâ—borough â—inding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre and a mightie great cuâ—rent in when wee had cast anker we sent presently to speake with the masters of all thâ— ships but those onely of Saint Malo came aboord whom wee entertained very friendly and demaunded of whence the other two shippes were They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de Luz or Sibiburo Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both the sayd shippes to request them to come aboord and to bring with them their Charters parties and other euidences to the ende we might knowe of whence they were At which message one of the sayde Masteâ—s came aboord with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe whom when we had examined they sayd that they were of Sibiburo and the French Kings subiectes We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough peaceably to deliuer vp their powder and munition promising them that if we found them to be the French Kings subiectes it shoulde be kept in safetie for them without diminishing But they woulde not consent thereunto whereunto we replyed that vnlesse they would consent thereunto we would hold them to be our enemies They not consenting we sent the boate well manned to fetch thâ—ir powder and munition from aboorde their ship but straightly commanded our men not to touch any thing else in the ship vpon their further perill which they promised to performe When they came aboorde the saide ships which were mored together they were resisted by force of armes but quickly they got the victorie which done they fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes contrary to their promise whereupon we sent another to forbidde them but when he came to them none was more ready of pillage then he Whereupon I went my selfe and tooke away from our men whatsoeuer they had pillaged and gaue it againe to the owners onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were When I had done I gaue the Baskes possâ—ssion of their shippe againe and tolde them they should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings of subiects Then I caryed away all our men and also tooke with me two or three of the chiefest of them and when I came aboord went to examining of them and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France whereupon I tolde the master of the â—aid ship that I was throughly satisfied that he was of France and so diâ—missed him in peace Of the other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine but had nâ— certaine proofe thereof wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace After I had thus dismissed them our ships company fell into a mutiny and more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away But they weâ—e
order to our chyrurgion to dresse the wounded men one of which was wounded vnto death That done we had then time to view our prize which we found of great defence and a notable strong ship almost two hundred tun in burden very well appointed and in all things fitted for a man of warre They had also foureteene or fifteene men more which were then absent from the ship otherwise we should haue had the hoter fight The same day we got our sailes to the yard and our top masts on end and rigged the shippe what we could The 26 day we got some oile aboord and there we taried vntill the second of August fitting our selues for the sea and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs. During our â—â—ode there we diuided our men and appointed to ech ship their company my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the prize wherein when we were shipped and the company there arose great enmity against vs by the other shippe which afterward was quieted The second day of August hauing taken in water and wood we put to sea from that harborow in company of the Hopewell with puâ—pose to go directly to Parlican which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland where we eâ—pected another prize But when we came to sea we found our sailes so olâ—e our ropes so rotten and our prouision of bread and drinke so short as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August and sent them aboord the Hopewell to certifie them the cause of our resolution for England wherat they were generally offended thinking and saying that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them To conclude they sent vs word that they would keepe vs company for England But I had giuen William Crafton commission before to go for the Islands of the Açores and there to spend his victuals for a man of warre The next day being the fift of August hauing a faire winde we put off from the coast of Newfoundland and kept our course directly for England the Hopewell keeping vs company vntill midâ—ay whenas hauâ—ng lost vs in a fogge she shot off two pieces of ordinance and we answered her with three afterwarde wâ— spake not with her supposing that she went for the Islands The 27 of August drawing neere the coast of England we sounded and found ground at seuenty fadoms Some of the mariners thinking we were in Bristow channell and other in Silly channell so that through variety of iudgements â—nd euill marinership we were fame to dance the hay foure dayes together sometimes running to the Northeast sometimes to the Southeast then againe to the East and Eastnortheast Thus did we spend faire winds and lose our time vntill the last of August And then it pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of Bristoll from whence we sâ—ayed our course and aftâ—r diuers dangers the third of September we mâ—t with the Tramontane of the Queene off of Dartmouth to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of The fift of Septeâ—â—er I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight and within few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London where she was made prize as beloâ—ging to the enemies of this land Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we trauelled THe Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists The ground of it is very rocky and vpon it there is great store of firce trees and in some places red and abouâ— the shore it hath great abundance of cod-fish We were on land in it in foure seuerall places 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon 2 At Cape Rase 3 At the harborow of Lano which lieth foure leagues to the West beyond Cape Laurence 4 At S. Marie port The Island of Menego for the soile is much like Newfoundland but the fish about it as also thorowout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton is much larger and better then that of the Newfoundland This Island is scant two leagues long and very narrow In the midst of it a great way within the wood is a great poole Here we were thrise on shore once at the East side and twise at the West The three Islands of birds are sandy red but with the multitude of birds vpon them they looke white The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in a paued street The greatest â—f the Islands is about a mile in compasse The second is little lesse The third is a very little one like a small rocke At the second of these three lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses which when our boat came nere them presently made into the sea and swam after the boat Brions Island wee found to be very good and sandy ground It hath in it store of firre trees It is somewhat more then a league long and about three leagues in compasse Here we were on land once and went from the one side of it to the other The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island hauing also abundance of firre trees It seemeth to be in length about twelue or thirteene leagues at least We were there in harborow but not on shore which we much desired and hoped to haue bene but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons mentioned before preuented vs. The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd but somewhat lesse We were not on shore vpon it but rode before it at anker The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland but rather better Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower then the hils as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land as the West We went on shore vpon it in fiue places 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away 2 At Cibo 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo and the New port 4 At the New port And 5 at Port Ingles or the English port Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island Isle Blanche and of Ramea they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood great store of wild corne like barley sâ—rawberries gooseberries mulberies white roses and store of wilde peason Also about the sayd Islands the sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer through the labour of man plenty of all kinde of our graine of roots of hempe and other necessary commodities Charles Leigh CERTAINE VOYAGES CONTAINING THE Discouerie of the Gulfe of Sainct Laurence to the West of Newfoundland and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places with a
This Island is so full of birds that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them yet for the great number that there is it would not seeme that any were taken away We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them This Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees and 40 minutes Upon the eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further with a prosperous weather came to the Port called The Port of white sands that is in the Bay called The Bay of Castelâ— where we had purposed to meete stay together the 15 of the said moneth In this place theâ—efore we looked for our fellowes that is to say the other two ships till the 26 of the moneth on which day both came together So soone as our fellowes were come we set our ships in a readines taking in both water wood other necessaries And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth early in the morning we hoised saile to passe on further sayling along the Northerne coast that runneth Northeast and Southwest til two houres after Sun-set or thereabouts then we crossed along two Islands which doe stretch further foorth then the others which we called S. Williams Islands being distant about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest All the coast from the Castels to that place lieth East West Northeast Southwest hauing betweene it sundry little Islands altogether barren and full of stones without either earth or trees except certain valleyâ— only The next day being the 30 of Iuly we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe among which there is a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes where many good harboroughs seeme to be them we named S. Marthas Islands from which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous shallow wherein are fiue rockes which lie from Saint Marthas Islands about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands on the East on the West side to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues â—thwart a cape of the lower Islands which we named S. Germans Islands Southeastward from which place about three leagues there is a very dangerous shallow Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas about two leagues from the sayd Islands there lyeth a banke of sand vpon which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe and therefore seeing the danger of the coast we strucke saile and went no further that night The next day being the last of Iuly we went all along the coast that runneth East and West and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about with Islands and drie sands and in trueth is very dangerous The length from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without any signe or shew of harboroughs till we came to Cape Thiennot which treÌ„deth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage and therefore we sailed on all that night West and Westnorthwest till it was day and then the wind turned against vs wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might harbour our ships and by good hap found one fit for our purpose about seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot that we named S. Nicholas Hauen it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea Upon the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse But note by the way that this crosse must be brought Northeast then bending toward it leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water and within the hauen foure Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane outward halfe a league All this coast is full of shoulds and very dangerous albeâ—t in sight many good hauens seeme to be there yet is there nought else but shelues and sands We staied and rested our selues in the sayd hauen vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday on which day we hoysed sayle and came toward land on the South side toward Cape Rabast distaâ—t from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast and Southsouthwest but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary winde and because we could find no hauen there toward the South thence we went coasting along toward the North beyond the aboue sayd hauen about ten leagues where we found a goodly great gulfe full of Islands passages and entrances toward what wind so euer you please to bend for the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape of lande stretching somewhat further foorth than the others and about two leagues within the land there is an hill fashioned as it were an heape of corne We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay The twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay or gulfe sayling Westward and discouered a Cape of land toward the South that runneth West and by South distant from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay about fiue and twenty leagues And of the two wilde men which wee tooke in our former voyage it was tolde vs that this was part of the Southerne coaste that there was an Island on the Southerly parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo where the yeere before we had taken them to Canada and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay on the North shore extending toward Canada and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape there is aboue a hundreth fadome water Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so many Whâ—les seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape The next day after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth hauing passed the Straight we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward the South which landes are full very great and high hilles and this Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption and one Cape of the said high countreys lyeth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest the distance betweene which is about fiue and twenty leagues The Countreys lying North may plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly more then thirty leagues in length We trended the sayd landes about toward the South from the sayd day vntill Tewesday noone following the winde came West and therefore wee bended toward the North purposing to goe and see the land that we before had spâ—ed Being arriued there we found the sayd landes as it were ioyned together and low toward the Sea And the Northerly mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East and West and
the Northside wherein are certaine high lands and thereabouts we thought to haue cast anker on purpose to stay the next tide but we could sound no ground in a 120 fadome within a flight shoâ—â— from shore so that we were constrained to winde backe to the said Iland where wee sounded againe and found 35 fadome The next morning we hoysed saile and went thence sayling further on where we had notice of a certaine kind of fish neuer before of any man seene or knowen They are about the bignesse of a Porpose yet nothing like them of body very well proportioned headed like Grayhounds altogither as white as snow without any spot within which riuer there is great quantitie of them they doe liue altogither betweene the Sea and the fresh water These people of the Countrey call them Adhothuys they tolde vs that they be very sauory and good to be eaten Moreouer they affirme noâ—e to be found elsewhere but in the mouth of that riuer The sixth of the month the weather being calme and faire we went about 15 leaguâ—s more vpward into the riuer and there lighted on an Iland that looketh Northward and it maketh a little haueâ— or creeke wherein are many and innumerable great Tortoyzes continually lying about that Iland There are likewise great quantitie of the said Adhothuys taken by the inhabitours of the countrey and there is as great a current in that place as is at Bordeux in France at euery tide This Iland is in length about three leagues and in bredth two and is a goodly and fertile plot of ground replenished with many goodly and great trees of many sorts Among the rest therâ— are many Filberd-trees which we found hanging full of thâ—m somewhat bigger and better in sauour then ours but somewhat harder and therefore we called it The Iland of Filberds The seuenth of the moneth being our Ladies euen after seruice we went from that Iland to goe vp higher into the riuer and came to 14 Ilands seuen or eight leagues from the Iland of Filberds where the countrey of Canada beginnethâ— one of which Ilands is ten leagues in length and fiue in bredth greatly inhabited of such men as onely liue by fishing of such sorts oâ— fishes as the riuer affordeth according to the season of them After we had cast anker betwene the said great Iland the Northerly coast we went on land and tooke our two wild men with vs meeting with many of those countrey people who would not at all approch vnto vs but rather fled from vs vntill our two men began to speake vnto them telling them that they were Taignoagny and Domagaia who so soone as they had taken acquaintance of them beganne greatly to reioyce dancing and shewing many sorts of ceremonies and many of the chiefest of them came to our boats broughâ— many Eeles and other sorts of fishes with two or three burdens of great Millet where with they make their bread and many great muske millious The same day came also many other boâ—tes sull of those countreymen and weomen to see and take acquaintance of our two men all which â—ere as courteously receiued and friendly entertained of our Captaine as possibly could be And to haue them the better acquainted with him and make them his friends hee gaue them many small gifts but of small value neuerthelesse they were greatly contented with them The nexâ— day following the Lord of Canada whose proper name was Donnacona but by the name of Lord they call him Agouhanna with â—welue boats came to our ships accompanied with many people who causing ten of his boates to goe backe with the other two approched vnto vs â—iâ—h sixteene men Then beganne the said Agouhanna ouer against the smallest of our ships according to their maner and fashion to frame a long Oration moouing all his bodie and members after a strange fashion which thing is a ceremonie and signe of gladnesse and securitie among them and then comming to the Generals ship where Taignoagny and Domagaia were he spake with them they with him where they began to tell and shew vnto him what they had seene in Franceâ— and what good entertainement they had had hearing which things the said Lord seemed to be very glad thereof and prayed our Captaine to reach him his arme that he might kisse it which thing he did their Lord taking it laid it about his necke for so they vse to doe when they wilâ— make much of one Then our Captaine entred into Agouhannas boat causing bread and wâ—ne to be brought to make the said Lord and his companie to eate and drinke which thing they did and were greatly thereby contented and satisfied Our Captaine for that time gaue them nothingâ— because he looked for a fitter opportunity These things being done ech one tooke leaue of othâ—rs and the said Lord went with his boats againe to his place of adobe Our Captaine then causâ—â— our boates to be set in order that with the next tide he might goe vp higher into the riuer to find some safe harborough for our ships and we passed vp the riuer against the streame about tenne leagues coasting the said Iland at the end whereof we found a goodly and pleasant sound where is a little riuer and hauen where by reason of the flood there is about three fadome waâ—er Tâ—is place seemed to vs very fit and commodious to harbour our ships therein and so we did verâ— safâ—ly we named it the holy Crosse for on that day we came thither Neere vnto it there is a village whereof Donnacona is Lord and there he keepeth his abode it is called Stadacona as goodly a plot of ground as possibly may be seene and there withall very fruitfull full of goodly trees euen as in France as Okes Elmes Ashes Walnut trees Maple tres Cydrons Uines and white Thornes that bring foorth fruit as bigge as any damsons and many other sortes of trees vnder which groweth as faire tall hempe as any in France without any seede or any mans worke or labour at all Hauing considered the place and finding it fit for our purpose our Captaine withdrew himselfe on purpose to returne to our ships but behold as we were comming out of the riuer we met comming against vs one of the Lords of the said village of Stadacona accompanied with many others as men weamen and children who after the fashion of their countrey in signe of mirth and ioy began to make a long Oration the women still singing and dancing vp to the knees in water Our Captaine knowing their good will and kindnesse toward vs caused the boat wherein they were to come vnto him and gaue them certaine trifles as kniues and beades of glasse whereat they were maruellous glad for being gone about three leagues from them for the pleasure they conceiued of our comming we might heare them sing and see them dance for all they were so farre How our Captaine
other remedy began to call vnto them to take them at whole crie and voice all his men came forth and tocke the sayd Lord with the others whom they had appointed to take The Canadians seeing their Lord taken began to run away euen as sheepe before the woolfe some crossing ouer the riuer some through the woods each one seeking for his owne aduantage That done we reâ—â—red our selues and laid vp the prisoners vnder good guard and safety How the said Canadians the night following came before our ships to seeke their men crying and howling all night like Woolues of the talke and conclusion they agreed vpon the next day and of the gifts which they gaue our Captaine Chap. 19. THe night following they came before our ships the riuer being betwixt vs striking their breasts and crying and howling like woolues still calling Agouhanna thinking to speake with him which our Captaine for that time would not permit neither all the next day till noone whereupon they made signes vnto vs that we had hanged or killed him About noone there came as great a number in a cluster as euer we saw who went to hide themselues in the Forest except some who with a loud voice would call and trie to Donnacona to speake vnto them Our Captaine then commanded Donnacona to be brought vp on high to speake vnto them and bade him be merrie for after he had spoken and shewed vnto the King of France what hee had seene in Saguenay and other countreys after ten or twelue moneths he should returne againe and that the King of France would giue him great rewards whereat Donnacona was very glad and speaking to the others told it them who in token of ioy gaue out three great cryes and then Donnacona and his people had great talke together which for want of interpreters cannot be described Our Captaine bade Donnacona that hee should cause them to come to the other side of the riuer to the end they might better talke together without any feare that he should assure them which Donnacona did and there came a boate full of the chiefest of them to the ships and there anew began to talke together giuing great praise to our captaine and gaue him a present of foure and twenty chaines of Esurgny for that is the greatest and preciousest riches they haue in this world for they esteeme more of that then of any gold or siluer After they had long talked together and that their Lord sawe that there was no remedy to auoide his going into France hee commanded his people the next day to bring him some victuals to serue him by the way Our Captaine gaue Donnacona as a great present two Frying pannes of copper eight Hatchets and other small trifles as Kniues and Beades whereof hee seemed to be very glad who sent them to his wiues and children Likewise he gaue to them that came to speake with Donacona they thanked him greatly for them and then went to their lodgings How the next day being the fift of May the sayd people came againe to speake vnto their Lord and how foure women came to the shore to bring him victuals Chap. 20. VPon the fifth of May very early in the morning a great number of the sayd people came againe to speake vnto their Lord and sent a Boate which in their tongue they call Casnoni wherein were onely foure women without any man for feare their men should be retained These women brought great store of victuals as great Millet which is their corne that they liue withall flesh fish and other things after their fashion These women being come to our shippes our Captaine did very friendly entertaine them Then Donnacona prayed our Captaine to tell those women that hee should come againe after ten or twelue moneths and bring Donnacona to Canada with him this hee sayd onely to appease them which our captaine did wherefore the women as well by words as signes seemed to be very glad giuing our Captaine thanks and told him if he came againe and brought Donnacona with him they would giue him many things in signe whereof each one gaue our Captaine a chaine of Esurgny and then passed to the other side of the riuer againe where stood all the people of Stadâ—cona who taking all leaue of their Lord went home againe On Saturday following being the sixt of the moneth we departed out of the sayd Port of Santa Croix and came to harborough a little beneath the Island of Orleans about twelue leagues from the Port of the Holy Crosse and vpon Sonday we came to the Island of Filberds where wee stayed vntill the sixteenth of that moneth till the fiercenesse of the waters were past which at that time ranne too swift a course and were too dangerous to come downe along the riuer and therefore we stayed till faire weather came In the meane while many of Donnaconas subiects came from the riuer of Saguenay to him but being by Domagaia aduertised that their Lord was taken to bee caryed into France they were all amazed yet for all that they would not leane to come to our ships to speake to Donnacona who told them that after twelue moneths he should come againe and that he was very well vsed by the Captaine Gentlemen and Mariners Which when they heard they greatly thanked our Captaine and gaue their Lord three bundles of Beauers and sea Woolues skinnes with a great knife of red copper that commeth from Saguenay and other things They gaue also to our Captaine a chayne of Esurgny for which our Captaine gaue them ten or twelue Hatchets and they gaue him hearty thankes and were very well contented The next day being the sixteenth of May we hoysed sayle and came from the said island of Filberds to another about fifteene leagues from it which is about fiue leagues in length and there to the end we might take some rest the night following we stayed that day in hope the next day we might passe and auoide the dangers of the riuer of Saguenay which are great That euening we went a land and found great store of Hares of which we tooke a great many and therefore we called it The Island of Hares in the night there arose a contrary winde with such stormes and tempest that wee were constrained to returne to The Island of Filberds againe from whence wee were come because there was none other passage among the sayde Islandes and there we stayed till the one and twentieth of that moneth till faire weather and good winde came againe and then wee sayled againe and that so prosperously that wee passed to Honguedo which passage vntill that time had not bene discouered wee caused our ships to course athwart Cape Prat which is the beginning of the Port of Chaleur and because the winde was good and conuenient we sayled all day and all night without staying and the next day we came to the middle of Brions Island which
diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer some what neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said That here is the land of Saguenay which is rich and wealthy in precious stones And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found wriâ—ten these two lines following in the said Carde enclining toward the Southwest Here in this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues which they call in their language Canodeta Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you it is made after the maner of a sea Chart which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael and Iohn which at this present are in Canada If at their returne which will be God willing about Magdalene tyde they haue learned any new thing worthy the writing I will not faile to aduertise you thereof Your louing Friend IAQVES NOEL Here followeth the course from Belle Isle Carpont and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roberual 1542. BElles Isles are in 51 degrees and â…“ Belles Isles and Carpont are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and they are ten leagues distant Carpont is in 52 degrees Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are Northeast and Southwest and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay is 7 leagues The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and a halfe and on the Northside therof there is a rocke halfe a league from the Isle ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke And when thou commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the starreboord side and also on the larboord side there are two or three small Isles and when thou commest out on the Northeast side ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there is a shold which lieth on thy starboord side and saile thou by the North coast and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South because there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea And when thou art come athwart the hauen of Butes run along the North shore about one league or an halfe off for the coast is without all danger Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay and the Isles of Blanc Sablon which are within the Grand Bay neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast West and Southwest the distance is 30 leagues The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer against the Bay des Chasteaux and from theuce forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from land to land And the land on the South shore is all low land along the sea coast The North shore is reasonable high land Blanc Sablon is in 51 degrees â— The Isles of Blanc Sablon the Isles de la Damoiselle are Northeast Westsouthwest and take a little of the Westsouthwest and they are distant 36 leagues these Iles are in 50. deg ¾ And there is a good hauen you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the Northeast and within the distance of a pike an half because of a rocke which lieth on your larrebord side you may ancre in 10 fathome water ouer against a litle nooke and from the great headland vnto the place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables And if thou wouldest go out by the West side thou must saile neere the Isle by the starrebord giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the comming forth and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side by reason of a suncken flatte which lieth on the starrebord and thou shalt saile so on to the Southsouthwest vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth which is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles and thou shalt leaue it on the larrebord and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues because that Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast Southsouthwest Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours and on this coast there are faulcons haukes and certaine foules which seeme to be seasants The Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot are Northeast Westsouthwest take a little of the Northeast and southwest they are distant 18. leagues Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and ¼ And there the sea is broadest And it may be to the end of Newfoundland which is at the entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues which is the greatest bredth of this sea And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot Cape Tienot hath in y e sea 5 or 6 leagues distant froÌ„ it a sunkeÌ„ Iâ—land dangerous for ships The Cape Tienot and the midst of the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest they are 22. leagues distant the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49 deg ½ The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeastâ— the Northwest end is in 50. degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfeâ— and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad and from the Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is not aboue seuen leagues broad but vnto the firme land on the South side are about 15. leagues Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention toward the Southeast are Northeast and Southwest and are distant 30. leagues The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of Ascension are East and West and take a little of the Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 34. leagues The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle and a goodly champion land without any hilles standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster all couered with trees vnto the Sea shore and there are al sorts of trees as there be in France and there be wild beasts as beares Luserns Porkespicks And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues The Northwest end of the Isle the Cape des Monts nostre Dame which is on the maine land towards the South are Northeast and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues The Cape is in 49. degrees which is a very high land The Cape and end of the
like things which I had giuen him for such purposes The sayde Indians departed very well pleased and said that whensoeuer hee would send for them ther and many others would come to doe whatsoeuer he would command them The entrance being thus prepared Frier Marco and his companion with the Negro and other slaues and Indians which I had giuen him went forward on their voyage 10. or 12. dayes after And because I had likewise aduertisement of a certaine Prouince called Topira situate in the mountainesâ— and had appoynted the gouernour Vazquez de Coronado that he should vse meanes to learne the state thereof he supposing this to be a matter of great moment determined himselfe to goe and search it hauing agreed with the sayd Frier that he should returne by that part of the mountaine to meete with him in a certaine valley called Valle de los Coraçones beeing 120. leagues distant from Culiacan The gouernour trauelling into this Prouince as I haue written in my former letters found great scarcity of victuals there and the mountaines so craggy that he could finde no way to passe forward and was inforced to returne home to Saint Michael so that aswell in chusing of the entrance as in not being able to finde the way it seemeth vnto all men that God would shut vp the gate to all those which by strengh of humane force haue gone about to attempt this enterprise and hath reueâ—led it to a poore and bare-footed Frier And so the Frier beganne to enter into the Land who because he found his entrance so well prepared was very well receiued and because he wrote the whole successe of his voyage according to the instruction which I had giuen him to undertake the same I wil not write any more at large but send your Maiestie this copy of all such things as he obserued in the same A relation of the reuerend father Frier Marco de Niça touching his discouery of the kingdome of Ceuola or Cibola situate about 30. degrees of latitude to the North of Nueua Espanna Chap. I. Frier Marco de Niça departeth from Saint Michael in the Prouince of Culiacan standing in 24. degrees of Northerly latitude and comming to the Towne of Petatlan receiued many courtesies of the Indians there Departing from thence he had information of many Islands and of a great countrey inhabited with ciuil people he commeth to Vacupa where during his aboad he heard newes of Ceuola and of the state of the 7. Cities and of other prouinces of the rich Islands of perles which extend north ward vpon the coast I Frier Marco de Niça of the order of S. Francis for the execution of the instruction of the right honourable lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Uice-roy and captaine Generall for the Emperors Maiestie in New Spaine departed from the towne of S. Michael in the prouince of Culiacan on Friday the 7. of March in the yeare 1539â— hauing for my companion Frier Honoratus and carying with me Stephan a Negro belonging to Andrew Dorantez and certaine of those Indians which the sayde lord Uice-roy had made free and bought for this purpose whom Francis Vazquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia deliuered me and with many other Indians and Petatlan and of the towne called Cuchillo which is some 50. leagues from Petatlan who came to the valley of Culiacan shewing themselues to bee exceeding glad because they were certified by the Indians which had bin set free whom the said gouernour had sent before to aduertise them of their libertie that none of them from thence forth should be made slaues and that no man should inuade them nor vse them badly signifying vnto them that the Emperors Maiesty had willed and commanded that it should be so With the foresaid company I went on my voyage vntill I came to the towne of Petatlan finding all the way great intertainment and prouision of victuals with roses flowres and other such things and bowers which they made for me of chalke and boughs platted together in all pleces where there were no houses In this towne of Petatlan I rested 3. dayes because my companion Honoratus fell so sicke that I was constrained to leaue him there behinde Then according to my said instruction I followed my iourney as the holy Ghost did leaue me without any merit of mine hauing in my company the said Stephan the Negro of Dorantez and certaine of the Indians which had bin set at liberty and many of the people of the countrey which gaue me great intertainment and welcome in all places where I came and made mee bowers of trees giuing me such victuals as they had although they were but small because as they said it had not rained there in 3 yeres and because the Indians of this countrey sought meanes rather to hide themselues then to sowe corne sor feare of the Christians of the towne of S. Michael which were wont to make in-roades euen to that place and to warre vpon them and to cary them away captiues In all this way which may be about 25 or 30. leagus from that part of Petatlan I saw nothing worthy the noting saue that there came to seeke me certaine Indians from the Island where Fernando Cortez the Marques of the valley had bin of whom I was informed that it was an island not firme land as some suppose it to be They came to y t firme land vpon certaine rafts of wood and from the maine to the island is but halfe a league by sea litle more or lesse Likewise certaine Indians of another island greater then this came to visit me which island is farther off of whom I was informed that there were 30. other smal islands which were inhabited but had smal store of victuals sauing 2. which haue Maiz or corne of the country These Indians had about their necks many great shels which were mother of Pearle I shewed them pearles which I carryed with me for a shew and they told me that there were in the Islands great store of them and those very great howbeit I saw none of them I followed my voyage through a desert of 4. dayes iourney hauing in my company both the Indians of the islands those of the mountaines which I had passed and at the end of this desert I found other Indians which maruelled to see me because they had no knowledge of any Christians hauing no traffike nor conuersation with those Indians which I had passed in regard of the great desert which was between them These Indians intermed me exceeding courteously gaue me great store of victuals sought to touch my garmeÌ„ts and called me Hayoâ—a which in their language signifieth A man come from heauen These Indians I aduertised by my interpreter according to my instructions in the knowledge of our Lord God in heauen of the Emperor In these countries in all places els by all wayes nd meanes possible I sought information where
Cedars to discouer the same and to seeke water and wood They are assailed of the Indians and many of them wounded with stones but at length getting the vpper hand they goe to their cottages and ranging farther vp into the Iland they find diuerse things which the Indians in their flight had left behind them ON Friday the 13 of Ianuary the Captaine commanded vs to hoise out our boates and to goe on shore which was done accordingly and we did row along the shore for the space of a good halfe league and entered into a valley for as I said all this country was full of high and bare hils of such qualitie as I mentioned before and in this and other small valleys we found some water which was brackish and not farre from thence certaine cottages made of shrubs like vnto broome like wise we found the â—ootings of Indians both small and great whereat we much maruelled that in so rough and wilde a countrey as farre as we could discerne there should be people Here we stayed all day making foure or fiue pits to take in water which we wanted which though it were bad and in small quantitie we refused not and so the euening being come we returned to our boates and so came vnto our ships which rode a good league from the shore The next day being Wednesday the fourteenth of the said moneth our Generall commanded vs to set saile and we sailed about the said Iland on the same side which we coasted when we came from Nueua Espanna for when we arriued on the coast we saw fiue or sixe fires wherefore he desired to see and learne whether it were inhabited and at the farthest ende of this inlet or bay where we rode there came out before vs a Canoa wherein were foure Indians which came rowing with certaine small oares and came very neere vs to see what we were whereupon we tolde our Generall that it were best to send some of vs out with our boates to take these Indians or some one of them to giue them something that they might thinke vs to be good people but hee would not consent thereto because he minded not to stay hauing then a prety gale of winde whereby he might saile about this Iland hoping that afterward we might finde and take some others to speake with them and giue them what we would to carry on shore and as we sayled neere the land we saw a great hill full of goodly trees of the bignesse of the trees and Cypresses of Castile We found in this Iland the footing of wilde beasts and coâ—ies and saw a peece of pinetree-wood whereof we gathered that there was store of them in that countrey Thus sayling neere vnto the shore we sawe another Canoa comming toward vs with other foure Indians but it came not very neere vs and as we looked forward we sawe toward a point which was very neere before vs three other Canoas one at the head of the point among certaine flattes and the other two more into the sea that they might descry vs without comming ouer neere vs. Likewise betweene certaine hilles which were neere the point there appeared here three and there foure of them and afterward we saw a small troope of some twentie of them together so that all of vs reioyced greatly to behold them On this side the land shewed greene with pieces of plaine ground which was neere the sea and likewise all those coasts of hils shewed greene and were couered with many trees although they grew not very thicke together Here at euening we rode neere the shore hard vpon the said point to see if we could speake with those Indians and likewise to see if we could get fresh water which now we wanted and still as soone as we were come to an anker we saw the Indians shew themselues on land neere vnto their lodgings comming likewise to descry vs in a Canoa by sixe and seuen at a time whereat we maruelled because we neuer thought that one of those Canoas would hold so many men In this wise we stayed looking still what would be the successe and in the place where we rode we were two small leagues distant from the shore where we found these Indians in their Canoas whereupon wee maruelled not a little to see so great an alteration in so small a distance of countrey as well because we still discouered pleasant land with trees whereas on the other side of the isle there were none as also because it was so well peopled with Indians which had so many Canoas made of wood as we might discerne and not raftes or Balsas for so they call those floats which are made all flat with canes The next day being Thursday the fifteenth of the said moneth about breake of day foure or fiue Indians shewed themselues at the head of that point who as soone as they had spyed vs retired behind the point and hid themselues among the bushes vpon certaine small hilles that were there from whence they issued forth and couered all the greenehils and mountaines which were along that coast wherâ— upon we gathered that they had their dwellings there in regard of the coÌ„moditie of the water and the defence against ill weather and the benefite of fishing At sun-rising we saw the Indians appeare in greater companies going vp vnto the hilles in small troopes and from thence they stood and beheld vs. Immediatly we saw fiue or sixe Canoas come out into the sea a good distance from vs and those which were in them stood often on their tip-toes to view and descry vs the better On the other side we stirred not at all for all these their gestures but stood still riding at anker and the Generall seemed not to be very willing to take any of them but this day in the morning very â—arly commanded the Masters mate to conueigh him to our other shippe caâ—â—â—â— The Trinitie Things passed in this sort when about ten of the clocke we saw three Canoas lanth farre into the sea to fish very neere vnto vs whereat we tooke great pleasure At 12 of the clocke the Generall returned from the Trinitie and commanded the boat men to be made readie as well souldiers as mariners and that we should goe on shore to see if we could get any wood and water and catch one of those Indians to vnderstand their language if it were possible anâ— so all the men that were readie went into the Admirals boate and went toward the Trinitie which by this time with the other ship had a small gale of wâ—nde wherewith they entered farther within the point and we discouered the lodgings and houses of the Indians saw neere the waters side those fiue or sixe Canoas which at the first came out to view vs drawen on shore and ouer against this place the ships cast anker in 30 and 35 fadome water and we were very neere the land whereat we maruelled much to find so
great depth of water so neere the shore Being gone abord our botes we made toward the shore ouer against a village of the Indians who as soone as they saw vs about to come on laud left an hill whereon they stood to behold what we did came downe to the shore where we were prepared to come on land but before they came against vs they caused their women and children to fly into the mountaines with their goods then came directly towards vs threatning vs with certaine great staâ—es which they carried in their handes some 3 yardes long and thicker then a mans wrest but perceiuing that for all this we ceased not to come neere the sea shore to come on land they began to charge vs with stones and to fling cruelly at vs and they hit 4 or 5 men among whom they smote the Generall with two stones In the meane while the other bote landed a little beneath whereupon when they saw that they were forced to diuide themselues to keepe the rest of our company from comming on land they began to be discouraged and did not assaile the Generals boate so fiercely who began to cause his people to goe on shore with no small trouble for albeit he was neere the land yâ—â— as soone as they leape out of the boat they sunke downe because they could finde no fall footing and thus swimming or otherwise as they could first a souldier called Spinosa got on land and next to him the General and then some of the rest and began to make head against the Indians and they came hastily with those staues in their hands for other kinds of weapons we saw none sauing bowes and arrowes of pine-tree After a short combate they brake in pieces the targets of the Generall and of Spinosa In the meane while those of the other boat were gotten on land but not without much difficultie by reason of the multitude of stones which continually rained downe vpon them and they stroke Terazzo on the head a very shrowd blow and had it not bene for our targets many of vs had beene wounded and in great distresse although our enemies were but few in number In this maner all our company came on shore with swimming and with great difficultie and if they had not hoâ—pen one another some of them had bene drawned Thus we landed and within a while after those of the other bote were come on land the Indians be tooke themselues to flight taking their way toward the mountaines whether they had sent their women children and goods on the other side we pursued them one of those Indians which came to assaile the Generals boat was slaine vpon the strand two or three others were wounded and some said more While we pursued them in this maner our mastiue dogge Berecillo ouertooke one of them not farre from vs who because we were so wet could not run very fast and pulled him downe hauing bitten him cruelly and doubtlesse he had held him till we had come vnlesse it had happened that another of his companions had not followed that Indian which the dogge had pulled downe who with a staffe which he had in his hands gaue the dogge a cruell blow on the backe and without any staying drew his fellow along like a Deere and Berecillo was faine to leaue him for paine neither had he scarse taken the dogge off on him but the Indian got vp and fled so hastily towarde the mountaine that within a short while hee ouertooke his fellowe which had saued him from the pawes of the dogge who as it appeared betooke him Iustily to his heeles and thus they came vnto their fellowes which descended not downe to the shore being about some twentie and they were in all about fiftie or sixtie After we had breathed our selues a while we viewed their houses where they stood which were certaine cottages couered with shrubs like broome and rosemary with certaine stakes pight in the ground and the Generall willed vs to march all together without dispersing of our selues a little way vp those mountaines to see if there were any water and wood because we stood in great neede of them both And while we marched forward we saw in certaine little vallies the goods which the women had left there behind them in their flight for the Indians as soone as they saw vs pursue them ouertooke the women and for feare charged them to flie away with their children leauing their stuffe in this place We went vnto this booty and found good store of fresh-fish and dried fish and certaine bags containing aboue 28 pound weight full of dried fish ground to pouder and many seal-skins the most part dressed with a faire white graine vpon them and others very badly dressed There were also their instruments to fish withall as hookes made of the prickes of certaine shrubs and trees Here we tooke the said skins without leauing any one in the place and then we returned to the sea because it was â—ow night or at least very late and found our botes waiting for vs. Chap. 13. A description of the Canoas of the Indians of the I le of Cedars and how coasting the same to find fresh water they found some and desiring to take thereof they went on shore and were diuersly molested with the weapons of the Indians They christen an old Indian and returne vnto their ships THe Canoas which they had were certaine thicke trunkes of Cedars some of them of the â—hicknesse of two men and three fadome long being not made hollow at all but being laid along and fastened together they shoue them into the sea neither were they plained to any purpose for we found no kind of edge-toole sauing that there were certaine sharp stones which we found vpon certaine rockes that were very keene wherewith we supposed that they did cut flea those seales And neere the shore we found certaine water wherewith we filled certaine bottles made of the skins of those seales contayning ech of them aboue a great paile of water The next day our Generall commanded vs so set saile whereupon saâ—ling with a fresh gale about 2 leagues from the shore of this Iland trending about the same to see the end thereof and also to approch neere the firme land to informe our selues of the state thereof because we had seene 5 or 6 fires we compassed the same about for by this meanes we performed 2 or 3 good actions namely we returned to our right course and searched whether any riuer fell out of the coast of the firme land or whether there were any trees there or whether any store of Indians did shew themselues or no. In this maner proceeding on our way all the Friday being the 16 of Ianuary at euening and seeking to double the point of the Iland so fierce and contrary a Northren winde encountered vs that it draue vs backe that night ouer against the lodgings and
Cuba and from thence to Hauana lying hard by which is the chiefest port that the king of Spaine hath in all the countreys of the Indies and of greatest importance for all the ships both from Peru Hunduras Porto rico S. Domingo Iamaica and all other places in his Indies arriue there in their returne to Spaine for that in this port they take in victuals and water and the most part of their lading here they meet from all the foresayd places alwayes in the beginning of May by the kings commandement at the entrance of this port it is so narrow that there can scarse come in two ships together although it be aboue sixe fadome deepe in the narrowest place of it In the North side of the comming in there standeth a tower in which there watcheth euery day a man to descrie the sailes of ships which hee can see on the sea and as many as he discouereth so many banners he setteth vpon the tower that the people of the towne which standeth within the port about a mile from the tower may vnderstand thereof Under this tower there lieth a sandy shore where men may easily go aland and by the tower there runneth a hill along by the waters side which easily with small store of ordinance subdueth the towne and port The port within is so large that there may easily ride a thousand saile of ships without anker or cable for no winde is able to hurt them There inhabit within the towne of Hauana about three hundred Spanyards and about threescore souldiers which the king mainteineth there for the keeping of a certeine castle which hee hath of late erected which hath planted in it about twelue pieces of small ordinance and is compassed round with a small ditch wherethorow at their pleasure they may let in the sea About two leagues from Hauana there lieth another towne called Wanabacoa in which there is dwelling about an hundred Indians and from this place 60 leagues there lieth another towne named Bahama situate on the North side of the Island The chiefest city of this Island of Cuba which is aboue 200 leagues in length is also called Sant Iago de Cuba where dwelleth a bishop about two hundred Spanyards which towne standeth on the South side of the Island about 100 leagues from Hauana All the trade of this Island is cattell which they kill onely for the hides that are brought thence into Spaine for which end the Spanyards mainteine there many negroes to kil their cattell and foster a great number of hogs which being killed and cut into small pieces they dry in the Sun and so make it prouision for the ships which come for Spaine Hauing remained in this Island two moneths I tooke shipping in a frigat and went ouer to Nombre de Dios and from thence by land to Panama which standeth vpon the South sea From Nombre de Dios to Panama is 17 leagues distance from which towne there runneth a riuer which is called the riuer of Chagre which runneth within 5 leagues of Panama to a place called Cruzes thorow which riuer they cary their goods and disimbarke them at the sayd Cruzes and from thencâ— they are conueyed on mules backs to Panama by land where they againe imbarke them in certeine small shippes in the South sea for all the coast of Peru. In one of these ships I went to Potossi and from thence by land to Cusco and from thence to Paita Here I remained the space of seuen moneths and then returned into the kingdome of Guatimala and arriued in the prouince of Nicoia and Nicaragua From Nicaragua I trauelled by land to a prouince called Nicamula which lieth toward the North sea in certaine high mountaines for that I could not passe thorow the kingdome of Guatimala at that time for waters wherewith all the Low countreys of the prouince of Soconusco lying by the South sea are drowned with the raine that falleth aboue in the mountaines enduring alwayes from April to September which season for that cause they call their Winter From this prouince I came into another called De Vera Paz in which the chiefest city is also called after that name where there dwelleth a bishop and about forty Spanyards Among the mountaines of this countrey toward the North sea there is a prouince called La CaÌ„dona where are Indian men of war which the king can not subdue for that they haue townes and forts in a great lake of water aboue in the sayd mountaines the most part of them goe naked and some weare mantles of cotton wooll Distant from this about 80 leagues I came into another prouince called the prouince of Chiapa wherein the chiefest city is called Sacatlan where there dwelleth a bishop and about an hundred Spanyards In this countrey there is great store of Cottâ—n wooll whereof the Indians make fiue linnen cloth which the Christians buy and cary into Noua Hispania The people of this prouince pay their tribute to the king all in Cotton wooll and Feathers Foureteene leagues from this city there is another called Chiapa where are the finest gennets in all the Indies which are caried hence to Mexico 300 leagues from it From this city I trauelled still thorow hilles and mountaines till I came to the end of this prouince to a hill called Ecatepec which in English signifieth The hill of winde for that they say it is the highest hill that euer was discouered for from the top of it may be discouered both the North and the South seas and it is in height supposed to be nine leagues They which trauell ouer it lie alwayes at the foot of it ouer night and begin their iourney about midnight to trauell to the top of it before the Sunne rise the next day because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards that it is impossible for any man to goe vp from the foot of this hill to Tecoantepec the first towne of Noua Hispania are about fifteene leagues And so from hence I iourneyed to Mexico By and by after I came to Mexico which was in the yere 1572 in the company of another Spanyard which was my companion in this iourney we went together toward the prouince of Panuco which lieth vpon the coast of the North sea and within three dayes iourney we entred a city called Mestitlan where there dwelt twelue Spanyards the Indian inhabitants there were about thirty thousand This city standeth vpon certaine hie mountaines which are very thicke planted with townes very holesome and fruitfull hauing plentifull fountaines of water running thorow them The high wayes of these hilles are all set with fruits and trees of diuers kindes and most pleasant In euery towne as we passed thorow the Indians presented vs with victuals Within twenty leagues of this place there is another city called Clanchinoltepec belonging to a gentleman where there inhabit about fourty thousand Indians and
would performe it and thereupon pledges were giuen on both parts Our Generall bearing a godly and Christian minde voyde of fraude and deceit iudged the Spanyards to haue done the like deliuered to them sixe gentlemen not doubting to haue receiued the like from them but the faithlesse Spanyardes in costly apparell gaue of the basest of their company as afterwardes it was well knowen These things finished proclamation was made on both sides that on payne of death no occasion should be giuen whereby any quarel should grow to the breach of the league and then they peaceably entred the port with great triumph on both sides The Spaniards presently brought a great Hulke a ship of sixe hundred and mored her by the side of the Minion and they cut out ports in their other ships planting their ordinance towards vs in the night they filled the Hulke with men to lay the Minion aboord as the sequel did shew which made our General doubtful of their dealings wherefore for that he could speake the Spanish tongue he sent Robert Barret aboord the Vice-roy to knowe his meaning in those dealings who willed him with his company to come in to him whom he commanded presently to be set in the bilbowes and forthwith a Cornet for a watchword among the false Spaniards was sounded for the enterprising of their pretended treason against our Generall whom Augustine de villa noua sitting at dinner with him should then presently haue killed with apoynado which hee had priuily in his sleeue which was espyed and preuented by one Iohn Chamberlayne who tooke the poynado out of his sleeue Our General hastily rose vp and commanded him to be put prisoner in the Stewards roome to be kept with two men The faithlesse Spanyards thinking all things to their desire had bene finished suddenly sounded a Trumpet and therewith three hundred Spaniards entred the Minion whereat our General with a loude and fierce voyce called vnto vs saying God and Saint George vpon those traiterous villaines and rescue the Minion I trust in God the day shal be ours and with that the Mariners souldiers leapt out of the Iesus of Lubeck into the Minion and beat out the Spanyards and with a shot out of her fiered the Spaniards Uice admirall where the most part of 300. Spanyards were spoyled and blowen ouer boord with powder Their Admirall also was on fire halfe an houre we cut our cables wound off our ships and presently fought with them they came vpon vs on euery side and continued the fight from ten of the clocke vntil it was night they killed all our men that were on shore in the Iland sauing three which by swimming got aboord the Iesus of Lubeck ship called the Angel and tooke the Swallow the Spaniards Admirall had aboue threescore shot through her many of his men were spoyled foure other of their ships were sunke There were in that fleete and that came from the shore to rescue them fifteene hundred we sâ—ew of them fiue hundred and fourtie as we were credibly informed by a note that came to Mexico In this fight the Iesus of Lubeck had fiue shotte through her mayne Mast her fore-mast was strooke in sunder vnder the hounds with a chayne shotte and her hull was wonderfully pearced with shorte therefore it was vnpossible to bring her away They set two of their owne Shippes on fire intending therewith to haue burnt the Iesus of Lubeck which we preuented by cutting our cables in the halfe and winding off by our sternefast The Minion was forced to set saile and stand off from vs and come to an anker without shot of the Island Our Generall couragiously cheered vp his souldiers and gunners and called to Samuel his page for a cup of Beere who brought it him in a siluer cup and hee drinking to all men willed the gunners to stand by their Ordinance lustily like men He had no sooner set the cup out of his hand but a demy Culuerin shot stroke away the cup and a Coopers plane that stoode by the maine mast and ranne out on the other side of the ship which nothing dismaid our Generall for he ceased not to incourage vs saying feare nothing for God who hath preserued me from this shot will also deliuer vs from these traitours and villaines Then Captaine Bland meaning to haue turned out of the port had his maine mast stroke ouer boord with a chaineshot that came from the shore wherefore he ankered fired his ship tooke his pinnesse with all his men and came aboord the Iesus of Lubek to our Generall who said vnto him that he thought he would not haue runne away from him he answered that he was not minded to haue run away from him but his intent was to haue turned vp and to haue laid the weathermost ship of the Spanish fleete aboord and fired his ship in hope there with to haue set on fire the Spanish fleete hee said if he had done so he had done well With this night came on Our Generall commanded the Minion for safegard of her masts to be brought vnder the Iesus of Lubecks lee he willed M. Francis Drake to come in with the Iudith and to lay the Minion aboord to take in men and other things needefull and to goe out and so he did At night when the wind came off the shore wee set sayle and went out in despite of the Spanyards and their shot where wee ankered with two ankers vnder the Island the wiâ—d being Northerly which was wonderfull dangerous and wee feared euery houre to be driuen with the lee shore In the end when the wind came larger we waied anker and set saile seeking the riuer of Panuco for water whereof we had very little and victuals were so scarce that we were driuen to eate hides cats rats parrâ—ts munkies and dogges wherefore our Generall was forced to diuide his company into two parts for there was a mutinie among them for want of victuals and some said that they had rather be on the shore to shift for themselues amongst the enemies then to sterue on ship-boord He asked them who would go on shore and who would tarry on ship-boord those that would goe on shore he willed to goe on foremast and those that would tarrie on bafâ— mast fourescore and sixteene of vs were willing to depart Our Generall gaue vnto euery one of vs sixe yards of Roane cloth and money to them that demanded it When we were landed he came vnto vs where friendly imbracing euery one of vs he was greatly grieued that he was forced to leaue vs behind him he counselled vs to serue God and to loue one another and thus courteouâ—ly he gaue vs a sorowful farewell and promised if God sent him safe home he would do what he could that so many of vs as liued should by some means be brought into England so he did Since my returne into England I haue heard that many misliked that he
disturbance Thus hauing made trafique in the harborough vntill the 28. our Captaine with his ships intended to goe out of the roade and purposed to make shew of his departure because nowe the common sort hauing imployed their money the rich men were come to towne who made no shew that they were come to buy so that they went about to bring downe the price and by this pollicie the Captaine knew they would be made the more eger for feare least we departed and they should goe without any at all The nine and twentie wee being at ancker without the road a French ship called the Greene Dragon of Newhauen whereof was Captaine one Bon Temps came in who saluted vs after the maner of the Sea with certaine pieces of Ordinance and we resaluted him with the like againe with whom hauing communication he declared that hee had beene at the Mine in Guinie and it as beaten off by the Portugals gallies and inforced to come thither to make sale of such wares as he had and further that the like was happened vnto the Minion besides the Captaine Dauie Carlet and a Marchant with a dozen Mariners betrayed by the Negros at their first arriuall thither and remayning prisoners with the Portugals and besides other misaduentures of the losse of their men happened through the great lacke of fresh water with great doubts of bringing home the ships which was most sorowfull for vs to vnderstand Thus hauing ended our trafique here the 4. of May we departed leauing the French man behinde vs the night before the which the Caribes whereof I haue made mention before being to the number of 200. came in their Canoas to Burboroata intending by night to haue burned the towne and taken the Spaniards who being more vigilant because of our being there then their custome was perceiuing them comming raised the towne who in a moment being a horsebacke by meanes their custome is for all doubts to keepe their horses ready sadled in the night set vpon them tooke one but the rest making shift for themselues escaped away But this one because he was their guide and was the occasion that diuers times they had made inuasion vpon them had for his traueile a stake thrust through his fundament and so out at his necke The sixt of May aforesaide wee came to an yland called Curaçao where wee had thought to haue anckered but could not find ground and hauing let fal an ancker with two cables were â—aine to weigh it againe and the seuenth sayling along the coast to seeke an harborew and finding none wee came to an ancker where we rode open in the Sea In this place we had trafique for hides and found great refreshing both of beefe mutton and lambes whereof there was such plentie that sauing the skinnes we had the flesh giuen vs for nothing the plentie whereof was so abundant that the worst in the ship thought scorne not onely of mutton but also of sodden lambe which they disdained to eate vnrosted The increase of cattell in this yland is marueilous which from a doozen of each sort brought thither by the gouernour in 25. yeres he had a hundreth thousand at the least of other cattel was able to kill without spoile of the increase 1500. yeerely which hee killeth for the skinnes and of the flesh saueth onely the tongues the rest hee leaueth to the foule to deuoure And this I am able to affirme not onely vpon the Gouernours owne report who was the first that brought the increase thither which so remaineth vnto this day but also by that I saw my selfe in one field where an hundred oxen lay one by another all whole sauing the skinne and tongue taken away And it is not so marueilous a thing why they doe thus cast away the flesh in all the ylands of the West Indies seeing the land is great and more then they are able to inhabite the people fewe hauing delicate fruites and meates ynough besides to feede vpon which they rather desire and the increase which passeth mans reason to beleeue when they come to a great number for in S. Domingo an yland called by the finders thereof Hispaniola is so great quantitie of cattell and such increase therof that notwithstaÌ„ding the daily killing of them for their hides it is not possible to asswage the number of them but they are deuoured by wilde dogs whose number is such by suffering them first to range the woods and mountaines that they eate and destroy 60000. a yeere and yet small lacke found of them And no marueile for the said yland is almost as bigge as all England and being the first place that was founde of all the Indies and of long time inhabited before the rest it ought therefore of reason to be most populous and to this houre the Uiceroy and counsell royall abideth there as in the chiefest place of all the Indies to prescribe orders to the rest for the kings behalfe yet haue they but one Citie and 13 villages in all the same yland whereby the spoile of them in respect of the increase is nothing The 15. of the foresaid moneth wee departed from Curaçao being not a little to the reioycing of our Captaine and vs that wee had there ended our trafique but notwithstanding our sweete meate wee had sower sauce for by reason of our riding so open at sea what with blasâ—es whereby our anckers being a ground three at once came home and also with contrary windes blowing whereby for feare of the shore we were faine to hale off to haue anker-hold sometimes a whole day and a night we turned vp and downe and this happened not once but halfe a dozen times in the space of our being there The 16. wee passed by an yland called Aruba and the 17. at night anckered sire houres at the West ende of Cabo de la vela and in the morning being the 18. weighed againe keeping our course in the which time the Captaine sailing by the shore in the pinnesse came to the Rancheria a place where the Spaniards vse to fish for pearles and there spoke with a Spaniard who tolde him how far off he was from Rio de la Hacha which because he would not ouershoot he ankered that night againe the 19. came thither where hauing talke with the kings treasurer of the Indies resident there he declared his quiet trafique in Burboroata shewed a certificate of the same made by the gouernour thereof therefore he desired to haue the like there also but the treasurer made answere that they were forbidden by the Uiceroy and councill of S. Domingo who hauing intelligence of our being on the coast did sende expresse commission to resist vs with all the force they could insomuch that they durst not trafique with vs in no case alleaging that if they did they should loose all that they did trafique for besides their bodies at the magistrates
of the Towne with his other boates and all his men unarmed and without weapons it was to be iudged he ment him little good hauing that aduantage of him that comming vpon the sudden hee might haue mischieued many of his men but the Captaine hauing vnderstanding thereof not trusting to their gentlenesse if they might haue the aduantage departed aboord his ships and at night returned againe and demanded amongst other talke what they ment by assembling their men in that order they answered that their Captaine being come to towne did muster his men according to his accustomed maner But it is to be iudged to bee a cloake in that comming for that purpose hee might haue done it sooner but the trueth is they were not of force vntill then whereby to enterprise any matter against vs by meanes of pikes and harquebuzes whereof they haue want and were now furnished by our Captaine and also 3. Faulcons which hauing got in other places they had secretly conueyed thither which made them the bolder and also for that they saw now a conuenient place to do such a feat and time also seruing thereunto by the meanes that our mâ—n were not onely vnarmed and vnprouided as at no time before the like but also were occupied in hewing of wood and least thinking of any harme these were occasions to prouoke them thereunto And I suppose they went about to bring it to effect in that I with another gentleman being in the towne thinking of no harme towards vs and seeing men assembling in armour to the treasurers house whereof I marueiled and reuoking to minde the former talke betweene the Captaine and him and the vnreadinesse of our men of whom aduantage might haue bene taken departed out of the Towne immediatly to giue knowledge thereof but before we come to our men by a flight-shot two horsemen riding a gallop were come neere vs being sent as wee did gesse to stay vs least wee should cary newes to our Captaine but seeing vs so neere our men they stayed their horses comming together and suffering vs to passe belike because wee were so neere that if they had gone about the same they had bene espied by some of our men which then immediatly would haue departed whereby they should haue bene frustrate of their presence and so the two horsemen ridde about the bushes to espie what we did and seeing vs gone to the intent they might shadow their comming downe in post whereof suspition might bee had fained a simple excuse in asking whether he could sell any wine but that seemed so simple to the Captaine that standing in doubt of their courtesie he returned in the morning with his three boats appointed with Bases in their noses and his men with weapons accordingly where as before he caried none and thus dissembling all iniuries conceiued of both parts the Captaine went ashore leauing pledges in the boates for himselfe and cleared all things betweene the treasurer and him sauing for the gouerners debt which the one by no meanes would answere and the other because it was not his due debt woulde not molest him for it but was content to remit it vntill another tune and therefore departed causing the two Barkes which rode neere the shore to weigh and go vnder saile which was done because that our Captaine demanding a testimoniall of his good behauiour there could not haue the same vntill hee were vnder saile ready to depart and therefore at night he went for the same againe receiued it at the treasurers hand of whom very courteously he tooke his leaue and departed shooting off the bases of his boat for his farewell and the townesmen also shot off foure Faulcons and 30. harquebuzes and this was the first time that he knew of the conueyance of their Faulcons The 31. of May wee departed keeping our course to Hispaniola and the fourth of Iune wee had sight of an yland which wee made to be Iamaica marueiling that by the vehement course of the Seas we should be driuen so farre to leeward for setting our course to the West end of Hispaniola we fel with the middle of Iamaica notwithstanding that to al mens sight it shewed a headland but they were all deceiued by the clouds that lay vpon the land two dayes together in such sort that we thought it to be the head land of the said yland And a Spaniard being in the ship who was a Marchant and inhabitant in Iamaica hauing occasion to go to Guinie and being by treason taken of the Negros afterwads bought by the Tangomangos was by our Captaine brought from thence and had his passage to go into his countrey who perceiuing the land made as though he knew euery place thereof and pointed to certaine places which he named to be such a place and such a mans ground and that behinde such a point was the harborow but in the ende he poiâ—ted so from one point to another that we were a leeboord of all places and found our selues at the West end of Iamaica before we were aware of it and being once to leeward there was no geâ—ting vp againe so that by trusting of the Spaniards knowledge our Captaine sought not to speake with any of the inhabitants which if he had not made himselfâ— sure of he would haue done as his custome was in other places but this man was a plague not onely to our Captaine who made him loose by ouershooting the place 2000. pounds by hides which hee might haue gotten but also to himselfe who being three yeeres out of his Countrey and in great misery in Guinie both among the Negros and Tangomangos and in hope to come to his wife and friendes as he made sure accompt in that at his going into the pinnesse when he went to shore he put on his new clothes and for ioy flung away his old could not afterwards finde any habitation neither there nor in all Cuba which we sailed all along but it fell out euer by one occasion or other that wee were put beside the same so that he was faine to be brought into England and it happened to him as it did to a duke of Samaria when the Israelites were besieged and were in great misery with hunger being tolde by the Prophet Elizaeus that a bushell of flower should be sold for a sickle would not beleeue him but thought it vnpossible and for that cause Elizaeus prophesied hee should see the same done but hee should not eate thereof so this man being absent three yeeres and not euer thinking to haue seene his owne Countrey did see the same went vpon it and yet was it not his fortune to come to it or to any habitation whereby to remaine with his friends according to his desire Thus hauing sailed along the coast two dayes we departed the seuenth of Iune bâ—ing made to beleeue by the Spaniard that it was not Iamaica but rather Hispaniola of which opinion the Captaine also was because
the arriuall of the Spanish fleete which was dayly looked for there might no cause of quarrell rise betweene vs and them but for the better maintenance of amitie their commandement might be had in that behalfe This message being sent away the sixteenth day of September at night being the very day of our arriuall in the next morning which was the seuenteenth day of the same moneth we sawe open of the Hauen thirteene great shippes and vnderstanding them to bee the fleete of Spaine I sent immediatly to aduertise the Generall of the fleete of my being there doing him to vnderstand that before I would suffer them to enter the Port there should some order of conditions passe betweene vs for our safe being there and maintenance of peace Now it is to be vnderstood that this Port is made by a little Iland of stones not three foote aboue the water in the highest place and but a bow-shoot of length any way this Iland standeth from the maine land two bow shootes or more also it is to be vnderstood that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships to arriue in safety because the North winde hath there such violence that vnlesse the shippes be very safely morâ—d with their ankers fastened vpon this Iland there is no remedie for these North windes but death also the place of the Hauen was so little that of necessitie the shippes must ride one aboord the other so that we could not give place to them nor they to vs and here I beganne to bewaile that which after followed for now said I I am in two dangers and forced to receiue the one of them That was either I must haue kept out the fleete from entring the Port the which with Gods helpe I was very well able to doe or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed treason which they neuer faile to execute where they may haue opportunitie to compasse it by any meanes if I had kept them out then had there bene present shipwracke of all the fleete which amounted in value to sixe Millions which was in value of our money 1800000. li. which I considered I was not able to answere fearing the Queenes Maiesties indignation in so waightie a matter Thus with my selfe reuoluing the doubts I thought rather better to abide the Iutt of the vncertainty then the certaintie The vncertaine doubt I account was their treason which by good policie I hoped might be preuented and therefore as chusing the least mischiefe I proceeded to conditions Now was our first messenger come and returned from the fleete with report of the arriuall of a Viceroy so that hee had authoritie both in all this Prouince of Mexico otherwise called Nueua Espanna and in the sea who sent vs word that we should send our conditions which of his part should for the better maintenance of amitie betweene the Princes be both fauourably granted and faithfully performed with many faire wordes how passing the coast of the Indies he had vnderstood of our honestâ— behauiour towardes the inhabitants where we had to doe aswell elsewhere as in the same Port the which I let passe thus following our demand we required victuals for our money and licence to sell as much ware as might furnish our wants and that there might be of either part twelue gentlemen as hostages for the maintenance of peace and that the Iland for our better safetie might be in our owne possession during our abode there and such ordinance as was planted in the same Iland which were eleuen peeces of brasse and that no Spaniard might land in the Iland with any kind of weapon these conditions at the first he somewhat misliked chiefly the guard of the Iland to be in our owne keeping which if they had had we had soone knowen our fare for with the first North winde they had cut our cables and our ships had gone ashore but in the end he concluded to our request bringing the twelue hostages to ten which with all speede of either part were receiued with a writing from the Uiceroy signed with his hande and sealed with his seale of all the conditions concluded forthwith a trumpet blowen with commandement that none of eiâ—her part should be meane to violate the peace vpon paine of death and further it was concluded that the two Generals of the fleetes should meete and giue faith ech to other for the performance of the premisses which was so done Thus at the end of 3 dayes all was concluded the fleete entered the Port saluting one another as the maner of the sea doth require Thus as I said before thursday we entred the Port Friday we saw the fleete and on munday at night they entered the Port then we laboured 2 daies placing the English ships by themselues the Spanish ships by themselues the captaines of ech part inferiour men of their parts promising great amity of al sides which euen as with all fidelitie it was ment on our part so the Spaniards ment nothing lesse on thâ—ir parts but from the maine land had furnished themselues with a supply of men to the number of 1000 and ment the next thursday being the 23 of September at dinner time to set vpon vs on all sides The same Thursday in the morning the treason being at hand some appearance shewed as shifting of weapon from ship to ship planting and bending of ordinance from the ships to the Iland where our men warded passing too and fro of companies of men more then required for their necessary busines many other ill likelihoods which caused vs to haue a vehement suspiâ—ion and therewithall sent to the Uiceroy to enquire what was ment by it which sent immediatly straight commandement to vnplant all things suspicious and also sent word that he in the faith of a Uiceroy would be our defence from all villanies Yet we being not satisfied with this answere because we suspected a great number of men to be hid in a great ship of 900 tunnes wâ—ich wâ—s mored next vnto the Minion sent againe to the Uiceroy the master of the Iesus which had the Spanish tongue and required to be satisfied if any such thing were or not The Uicâ—roy now seâ—ing that the treason must be discoueredâ— foorthwith stayed our master blew the Trumpet and of all sides set vpon vs our men which warded a shore being stricken with sudden feare gâ—ue placâ— fled and sought to recouer succour of the ships the Spaniardes being before prouided for the purposâ— landed in all places in multitudes from their ships which they might easily dâ—e without boates and slewe all our men a shore without mercie a fewe of them escaped aboord the Iesus The great ship which had by the estimation three hundred men placed in her secretly immâ—diatly fell aboord the Minion but by Gods appointment in the time of the suspicion we had which was
soldados por galera para que los pueden repartir en las ocho que estan aca Y en caso que esto se ay que la armada Inglesa no passe a las Indias y se ocupen en lo deste Reyno porque haure nauios de Ingleses que acuden a lo vno y a lo otro sera forçoso hazer otra armada para lo de las Indias de doze naos quatro patajes y mil y quinjentos soldados Todo esto me paresce conuiene al seruicio de su Maiestad se preueÌ„ga y apercibiese con mucha diligencia y cuidado proueiendo del dinero necessario para ello sin que se aguarde lo vno a lo otro sino que todo sehaga sin deserirlo Remitiendo me en todo a mejor parescer Hecha en Lisboa a 26 de Otubre de 1585. Annos The opinion of Don Aluaro Baçan Marques of Santa Cruz and high Admirall of Spaine touching the armie of sir Francis Drake lying at the Isles of Bayona in Galicia written in Lisbon the 26 of October after the account of Spaine in the yere 1585. THat which it seemeth vnto me that the English army may doe if they seâ—ke to passe vnto the West Indies and enter into the South sea as Francis Drake hath done once before with their thirty ships and galeons and many pinnesses and shalops with oares which they haue with them and 5000 men oâ— warre which they of Bayona thinke to be in the fleete is as followeth They may take their course to the riuer of Ienero which is on the coast of Brasil in 23 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial line It is an hauen capable of many ships and very safe where there is water wood and flesh and likewise Drake may haue corne of Maiz in a towne two or three leagues from the sayd hauen which is called S. Vincente And because the course is by the Isles of Madera the Canaries and Cape verde he may sacke those Islands the time seruing him for that purpose From Bayona to the Isle of Madera with the Northerne winds which now wil begin to blow when the Westerne winds be past which presently doe blowe because that it beginneth to raine on the coast of Spaine the fleete may run in 6 daies and from thence to the Canaries in foure and from the Canaries to the Isles of Cape Verde in eight which all together make eighteene dayes and he may stay as much time more as shall serue him to sacke the Islands in He may saile from Cape Verde to the riuer of Ienero in 40 dayes which in the whole amount vnto two moneths So that the fleete remaining all this moneth of October on the coast of Galicia it may come to the riuer of Ienero in the end of December At the entry of the bay of the riuer of Ienero there is a flat low Island where a fort may very easily be made wherin aboue 500 men may be left and placing his artillery therein he may keepe the hauen the fort wil be able to hold out all assault because that on the Southwest and Northeast sides are two chanels whereby the ships come into the hauen wherein Francis Drake may repaire his army and leaue there some people and depart with so much of the rest as shal seeme good vnto him to enter into the South sea go on vpon his voyage to the streight of Magelan which is 550 leagues from the foresaid hauen and standeth in 52 degrees a halfe toward the South and may enter by the streight into the South sea all the moneth of February so may to goe to the citie of Lima otherwise called the citie de los Reys which standeth on the sea coast hauing two thousand inhabitants in it But in respect that they be no warlike people nor exercised in armes and because the place is open and without fortresse artillery he may take and sacke it and make himself master on the land afterward taking those ships which are in that sea our people can haue no succour of ships out of Spaine but by the streight of Magelan which is a long way about It is also very credible that he will be able to take Panama If he seeke not to take this course he may deuide his army into two parts sacke the Isle of S. Domingo Puerto Rico the coast of Tierra firma vnto Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. And from the riuer of Chagre which is fifteene leagues from Nombre de Dios he may send his footemen in shalops with oares and in the vessels which carrie goods vp and downe the riuâ— whereof there are aboue fiftie there and passe vp to the lodging of the Crosses called in Spanish Venta de Cruzes which is fiue leagues from Panama which because it is an vnwalled towne may easily be taken And Hauana also will bee in great danger which albeit it haue a fortresse yet it is but little and weake and bringing his great ordinance on shore hee may take the same with great facilitie And besides these domages which he may do according to this discourse it will not be the least to cut off the nauigation of the Indies to take the West Indian fleet if they chance to be there What course is to be taken to preuent these mischiefes TO dispatch Carauels with all possible diligence to the viceroyes and gouenours of the Indias aduertising them of the newes of the English army that they may be prouided and make themselues ready for them Albeit considering the number of ships which haue bene set foorth out of England I assure my selfe that some part of them are gone out of those parts vnto Newfoundland For the Queene hath taken carefull order to send to intercept the ships of the fishermen that goe to Baccalaos And it is likâ—wise to be thought that shee hath done the like for the intercepting of the fleet of the Indies And considâ—ring that according to our intelligence out of England aboue fourescore shippes and the army of Drake haue bene set foorth from thence it is meete that his maiestie should prepare another army to seeke the English fleete and to fight with it commanding that the Galeons which belong to the crowne of Portugall and those of his maiestie which lye in the riuer of Siuill bee prepared to send against them and to giue them the Carena that they may bee in a readinesse for any voyage howe long soeuer it bee And likewise to arrest a Galeon of the Duke of Florence which is very well armed and furnished with great ordinance and passed lately from Alicante toward Cadiz and to make vp the number of fortie great shippes which are to bee had in Biscay and Guipuscoa and that beeing rigged armed and set in good order they bee victualled for eight moneths and that foorthwith there bee
and from thence arriued at the mouth of the riuer of Santo Domingo And as we sailed to Cape Tiburon three leagues to the Westward of Santo Domingo we tooke a boat of fifteene tunnes which had certeine iarres of malosses or vnrefined sugar with three men which men with their boat wee caried with vs to Cape Tiburon which in respect of seruice done vnto vs in furnishing vs with fresh water we dismissed Thus contrary to other Englishmens courses we shaped ours to the Southward of Iamaica and our shallop with 12 men ranged the coast but sound nothing Thence we ranged the three islands of the Caimanes and landed at Grand Caiman being the Westermost where we found no people but a good riuer of fresh water and there we turned vp threescore great tortoises and of them we tooke our choise to wit fifteene of the females which are the best and fullest of egges whereof two serued an hundred men a day And there with stones we might kill turtle doues wilde geese other good fowles at our pleasures Thence we came to Cape de Corrientes on Cuba to water and from thence to Cape S. Antonio and so went ouer for the Tortugas without taking of any new prize and thence cut ouer to Rio de puercos on the coast of Cuba There we tooke a small barke of twenty tunnes with foure men and forty liue hogs with certeine dried porke cut like leather ierkins along and dried hogs tongues and neats tongues and 20 oxe hides Then passing thence within foure dayes we tooke a ship of 80 tunnes laden with hides indico salsa perilla North of an headland called Corugna theâ—ce the current set vs to the East to the old chanel There we tooke a frigat of 20 tunnes hauing certeine pieces of Spanish broad cloth other small pillage there continuing off the Matanças 12 dayes with the winde so Westerly that we could hardly recouer Hauana in the moneth of May. Here we tooke two boats laden with tortoises which we sunke sauing some of the tortoises setting the men on shore Then at length we recouered vp to Hauana where we came so neere to the forts that for one houres fight they ouer-reached vs with their long ordinance Then came out the two gallies hauing 27 banks on a side and fought with vs another houre which for that time left vs by reason of the increasing of the winde Then passing alongst nine leagues to the Westward we found out an excellent harbour hauing three fadome water at the flood able within to receiue a thousand saile where we found hog-houses which they terme coralles and tooke away certeine hogs and pigs As we came out of this harbour the weather being calme we were incountered by the gallies which had followed vs and fought with them three houres oftentimes within caliuer shot but wee made such spoile of their men and oares that they beganne to be weary and gaue vs ouer with their great losse Here within foure dayes after as we lay to the Northward sixe leagues off this harbour of Cauannas we met with master captaine Lane Generall of master Wats his fleet and captaine Roberts in the Exchange a ship of Bristol of an hundred and forty tunnes and master Beniamin Wood with his foure ships which were set out by my lord Thomas Howard with captain Kenel of Limehouse captaine of the Cantar of Weymouth All we being heere together espied a ship of some 50 tunne which we chased with their boats but my shallope first boorded her and tooke her which had in her sacke Canary-wine muscadell tent in iarres and good store oâ— oâ—le in iarres The ship we vnladed and burned the men ran on shore Hence wee came all together being about 13 sailes before Hauana but passing by we gaue chase to a ship of 60 tun which entred into an harbour a league to the Northwest of Hauana which with boats was boorded and found to be of Puerto de Cauallos in the bay of Honduras laden with tanned hides salsa perilla Indico raw hides and good store of balsamum and she had foure chests of gold which they got on land before we could come to them We brought this ship into England Thus spending a seuen night in lying off and on for purchase and finding nothing come I set saile for England and arriued at Douer about the tenth of Nouember 1592â— A briefe note of a voyage to the East Indies begun the 10 of April 1591 wherein were three tall ships the Penelope of Captaine Raimond Admirall the Merchant royall whereof was Captaine Samuel Foxcroft Viceadmirall the Edward Bonauenture whereof was Captaine M. Iames Lancaster Rereadmirall with a small pinnesse Written by Henry May who in his returne homeward by the West Indies suffred shipwracke vpon the isle of Bermuda wherof here is annexed a large description THe tenth of April 1591 we departed from Plymmouth with the ships aforesayd In May following wee arriued at Grand Canaria one of the fortunate Islands Also toward the end of this moneth we tooke a Portugall shippe being bound for Brasil within three degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall which serued greatly to our refreshing The 29 of Iuly following we came to Aguada Saldania a good harbour neere the cape of Buona Sperança where we stayed about a moneth with the Merchant royall which by reason of sicknesse in our fleet was sent home for England with diuers weake men Here we bought an oxe for a knife of three pence a sheepe for a broken knife or any other odde trifle of the people which were Negros clad in cloaks or mantles of raw hides both men and women The 8 of September the Penelope the Edward Bonauenture weyed anker and that day we doubled the cape of Buona Sperança The 12 following we were taken with an extreame tempest or huricano This euening we saw a great sea breake ouer our admirall the Penelope and their light strooke out and after that we neuer saw them any more In October following we in the Edward fell with the Westermost part of the isle of S. Laurence about midnight knowing not where we were Also the next day we came to an anker at Quitangone a place on the main land of Africa which is two or three leagues to the Northward of Moçambique where the Portugals of the isle of Moçambigue fetch all their fresh water Here we tooke â— pangaia with a Portugall boy in it which is a vessell like a barge with one mat saile of Coco nut leaues The barge is sowed together with the rinâ—es of trees and pinned with woodden pinnes In this pangaia we had certeine corne called millio hennes and some fardels of blew Calicut cloth The Portugall boy we tooke with vs and dismissed the rest From this place we went for an island called Comoro vpon the coast of Melinde which standeth about 11 degrees to the South of the equinoctial in which
Iewes-harps he did them assure me he had a Mine of gold and could refine it would trade with me for token whereof he sent me 3. or 4. Croisâ—ants or halfe moones of gold weighing a noble a piece or more and two bracelets of siluer Also he told them of another rich nation that sprinkled their bodies with the poulder of golde and seemed to be guilt and farre beyond them a great towne called El Dorado with many other things My men being satisfied and thinking their company too fewe to stay among these Sauages and their victuall spent returned This Balthazar my Indian their guide ranne from them which distresse caused them to borrow of Armago newe guides who brought them home another way through a Riuer called Braha by the highland of Paria and so to my ship They accompted Orocoa 150. miles distant so they rowed in my boate aboue 250. miles Their absence from mee was 16. dayes making but one nights aboad any where The report of this made mee attempt my company to goe with them againe But nowe they were worse then before for vnlesse I would haue gone my selfe alone not one man would goe with me no albeit I had had commission to hang or kill them for my men came home in very pitifull case almost dead for famine and indeed such was their misery as they dranke not in three dayes for so long they were out of the fresh Riuers before they recouered the shippe and yet the boat was filled with as much victuall as it could holde In this time of my boates absence there came to me a pinnesse of Plimmouth of which Captaine Popham before named was chiefe who gaue vs great comfort And if I had not lâ—st my pinnesses wherein I might haue caried victuals and some men we had discouered further the secrets of those places Also this Captaine and I stayed some sixe or eight dayes longer for Sir Walter Ralegh who as wee surmized had some purpose for this discouery to the ende that by our intelligence and his boates we might haue done some good but it seemed he came not in sixe or eight weekes after So Captaine Popham and I helde it not conuenient to stay any longer therefore new watering our selues at Paracoa we set saile to see further of the Indies leauing the yle of Trinidad the 12. day of March The 13. I tooke a small prize of sackes 25. leagues to the Northward of an yland which I sailed by called Granata This prize refreshed vs well yet meaning to sel her at the yle of Sant Iuan de Puerto rico and shaping our course thither by the ylands of Santa Cruz and Infierno I coasted all the South side of the said yle of S. Iohn till I came to an ancker at Cape Roxo where riding 14. dayes to expect S. Domingo men which oftentimes â—aâ—l with the yland of Mona and finding none neither would the Spaniards of S. Iuan de puerto rico buy my prize I vnladed her tooke in the goods and after burned her This ended I disemboqued where fewe Englishmen had done before by reason of the great dangers betweene this yland of S. Iuan de puerto rico and Hispaniola by a little yland called Zacheo And after carefully doubling the shouldes of Abreojos I caused the Master hearing by a Pilote that the Spanish fleete ment now to put out of Hauana to beare for the Meridian of the yle of Bermuda hoping there to finde the fleete dispersed The fleete I found not but foule weather enough to scatter many fleetes which companion left mee not in greatest extremitie till I came to the yles of Flores and Cueruo whither I made the more haste hoping to meete some great Fleete of her Maiestie my souereigne as I had intelligence and to giue them aduise of this rich Spanish fleet but finding none and my victuals almost spent I directed my course for England Returning alone and worse manned by halfe then I went foorth my fortune was to meete a great Armada of this fleete of some 600. tunnes well appointed with whom I fought board and board for two dayes being no way able in all possibilitie with fiftie men to board a man of warre of sixe hundreth tunnes And hauing spent all my powder I was constrained to leaue her yet in such distresse without sailes and mastes and hull so often shot through with my great Ordinance betweene winde and water that being three hundred leagues from land I dare say it was impossible for her to escape sinking Thus leauing her by necessitie in this miserable estate I made for England where I arriued at S. Iues in Cornewall about the latter ende of May 1595 scaping most dangerously in a great fogge the rocks of Silly Thus by the prouidence of God landing safely I was kindely intertained by all my friends and after a short time learned more certaintie of the sinking of that great shippe being also reputed rich by diuers intelligences out of Spaine which we then supposed not were doubtfull whether she had bin of Biscay or S. Iohn de Luz in France laden with fish onely from Newfoundland In this voyage I and my fleete tooke sunke and burnt nine Spanish ships which was losse to them though I got nothing Here follow certaine wordes of the language of Trinidad which I obserued at my being there GVttemock A man Tabairo Dabarah Or Dabarra The heare of ones head Dessie The forehead Dasereth or Dacosi An eye Dalacoack The mouth Areheh The teeth Daria The gummes Desire The lips Dill The tongue Dudica The eares Dacan A hand Dacabbo The palme of the hand Dadena The wrist Dacurle A knee Daddano The calfe of the legge Dabodda The toes Dacutti The feete Cattie The moone Tauraroth A rope Arkeano A paire of â—izers Weeuah The heauen Harowa A stone good for the head acheâ— Mointiman Yron or steele Howa Munkeis in generall Carotta A thing like pappe Sakel It is well or I am well Techir A bracelet Bodad A boxe or chest Mentinie A tree Addehegaeno A glasse Calcouri Gold Perota Siluer Tacorao a green stone Arrara copper Caulpiri A white stone Casparo A sword Tibetebe cockles Marrahabo a bow Semaro an arrow Huculle A bow-string Halete A Potato roote Caerwoda A sweete root Maurisse Wheat Qucca A basket Yeddola A knife Sambolers A hat Beyou A pipe Callit Bread Oronuie Water Arguecona A paire of cizzers Heldaro A spoone Hemachugâ— A bread which they eate Hicket Fire Walrowa A parrot Vreit Tabacco Batudda A combe Addoth A slicke Barrennaire A button or beads Curaballa Sibath for 2 sundry stoâ—es but Sibath in general signifieth a stone Tolletilleâ—o bels Vllasâ—o a Tuny-fish Bohery A flying sâ—â—h Bara Water Haddalle The Sunne Babage-Canoaseen The maner of the Indians hatling of a ship calling it after the name of their Canoas Non quo Or I know not Or Non quapa I cannot tell The
fish to be taken with hookes and nets also we stayed on shore and fowled Here sir Iohn Hawkins was extreme sicke which his sicknes began vpon newes of the taking of the Francis The 18 day wee weyed and stoode North and by East into a letter sound which sir Francis in his barge discouered the night before and ankored in 13 fadoms hauing hie steepe hils on either side some league distant from our first â—iding The 12 in the morning we weied and set sayle into the sea due South through a small sâ—reit but without danger and then stode West and by North for S. Iuan de Puerto rico and in the after noone left the 3 small Islands called The passages to the Southward of vs and that night came vp to the Eastermost end of S. Iohn where sir Iohn Hawkins departed this life â—pon whose decease sir Thomas Baskcruil presently went into the Garland At 2 of the clocke we came to anker at the estermost side of the chiefe towne called Puerto rico in a sandie bay 2 miles off â—here we receiued from their forts and places where they planted Ordinance some 28 great shot the last of whiâ—h strake the admâ—rall through the misâ—n and the last but â—ne strake through her quarter into the sterage the Generall being there at supper and strake the stoole from vndâ—r him but hurt him not but hurt at the same table sir Nicholas Clifford M. Browne captaine Stratford with one or two more Sir Nicholas Clifford and master Browne died of their hurts Then wee set sayle and stood to the Eastward and at midnight tacked about to the West and in the morning came to an anker before the point without the towne a little to the Westwards by the 3 Islands The 13 we rode still vntill night when in the beginning with twenty fiue pinnesses boats and shallops manned and furnished with fire-workes and small shot wee went into the rode within the great castels and in despite of them fired the fiue Zabras or frigats all ships of two hundreth tunnes the piece or more quite burning the Rere admirall downe to the water which was the greatest shippe of them all and also mightily spoiled the admirall and viceadmirall notwithstanding the castles and ships gaue vs a hundreth eightie and fiue great shot besides small shot abundance They had also sunke a great shippe in the mouth of the chanell and rafted it ouer with hâ—r mastes almost to the very fortes and castles so as they thought it impregnable The frigats had in each of them twenty pieces of brasse and a hundreth barrels of powder Their chiefe lading that they brought thither was silke oyle and wine The treasure which they went to fetch which was brought thither in a ship called the Vigonia was conueyed into the strongest and surest castell of defence being as one of the prisoners câ—nfessed three millions of ducats or fiue and thirty tunnes of siluer Also they had sent all the women children and vnable persons into the woods and left none but souldiers and fighting men in the towne The fight on our side was resolute hote and dangerous wherein wee lost some forty or fifty men and sâ— many were hurt There was also great death of the Spaniards aboord the frigats with burning drowning and killing and besides some taken prisoners The 14 we rode stil being within shot of the vttermost castell but they fearing the neâ—t night we would come in againe began to warpe vp the other 4 frigats beginning first with the Admirall which whether by chance or their owne willes wee saw to sinke and as wee suppose so did they with all the rest or else by stealth got vp farther within their chiefest forces The 15 also we rode still and at afternoone wee espied a carauell comming from the castell point but before our pinnesses could fetch her vp she ranne on shore where our boates could noâ— come at her because of the breach and also many of the Islandâ—rs came downe to guard her with shot The beginning of this night we weyed and stoode one houre to the East and then tacked about to the West The 16 being Sunday and the 17 also we were becalmed The 18 we ankered a little to the Southward of the Southwest point of the Island giuing the point a birth because of a shoald of sand that lieth some two cables length off there we rode iâ— foure fiue and siâ—e fadomes faire white sand where wee set vp more pinnesses washed our ships and refreshed our men on shore Here the Generall tooke a pinnesse of Hispaniola with diuers letters signifying that two Englishmen of warre had done great hurt along their Island The 20 the Generall rowed to the Pheniâ— the Delighâ— and the carâ—uell and caused them to wey and anker right against the mouth of a fresh riuer in two fâ—domes water in ozie sâ—nd to the Southward of the other ships some league or more The Generall went into this riuer three or fouâ—e leagues vp and tooke horses in the countrey Sir Thomas Baskeruil rowed vp the riuer and stayed there all night and went vp into the land three or foure leagues The 23 wee discharged a barker called the Pulpit and burnt her and at three of â—he clocke that afternoone when we were ready to set saile there came aboord â—he Defiance our Admiral a Spaniard with his wife who feared some great torment for not hauing repaâ—red to the towne according to the Generals commandement of that Island who had commanded that all able men of the fleete should repaire to the towne to defend it against vs. Then we stood againe West and by North because of a ledge of rocks that lie sunke 4 or 5 leagues off the Southside of the Island The 25 we stood away Southwest and saw Mona being a lowe flat Island betweene Hispaniola and S. Iuan de Puerto rico That day the Exchange of captaine Winter spent her boulâ—sprite and in the beginning of the night the Phenix was sent backe to seeke â—er which by Gods help that night met with her and kept her company vntil the neâ—t morning then taking in a small table from her for a towe but by 9 that morning she spent her maine mast and split her foreyard breaking also her tow so as they were faine to saue some trifles out of her and the men and to sinke the hull Then we stood away South and South and by West aâ—ter the fleete and the 26 in the morning had sight of the fleete againe The 29 we had sight of the Island called Curâ—çao within 8 leagues of the mâ—ineâ— and on the Northwest side came to an anker in very deepe water hard aboord the shore without any danger but the Generall weyed presently and stoode away Northwest by the West and Northnorthwest for the maine and that night saw Aruba being somewhat a lesse Island then the other we left it some three leagues to the Southward
degrees And the markes be these That on the West end it is lowest and the Eastermost is the highest And if thou fall with the middest of the Island then thou shalt goe a long it to the West vnto Cabo Roxo which is the end of the Isle And from thence the coast runneth North to Punta Aguada Cape Roxo hath certaine red cliffes Thou must steere West and by South from Cape Roxo to find Mona and so thou shalt haue sight of Mona And the marks thereof be these it is a low land lying East and West and on the East end it is highest it hath a slope towards the sea and standeth in 18â— degrees rather lesse then more And if it be by daâ— then thou shalt runne West and shalt see Saona which is an Island lying without Hispaniola and â—yeth East and West and is full of trees and hath certaine sandy bayes And if it bee cleere weather thou shalt see within the land of Hispaniola certaine hie hils called las Sierras de Yguey And being benighted vpon Mona then thou shalt steere West and by South because of certaine shoalds that lye off Saona but hauing day light and no sight of land thou shalt loofe vp Northwest and so passe by it and as thou goest along the coast of Hispaniola and seest the sea to be cast vp into the aire then thou shalt be about 10 leagues off the harbour of Santo Domingo and these mountings vp are called The Spoutes But I aduise thee that if thou bee benighted when thou fallest with Santo Domingo then thou must keepe the hils called Sierras de las minas viejas to the Northwest And if thou wouldest goe into Santo Domingo and meetest there with a forcible Northerly wind then the best way is to runne East till it be day And hauing daylight thou shalt cast abâ—ut and so thou must ply to wind-ward vntill the Northerly wind be done and when it is past make all the saile thou canst to hale with the sight of Calle de las Damas and when thou hast sight thereof thou shalt lye with thy stemme with a sandie Bay which lye thou the other side and then must take in thy maine saile and go so till thou bring thy selfe open with the midst of the riuer and so hauing opened the riuerâ— thou must go with great care in the middest of the same with all thy sailes vp except thy maine saile â—nd thou must haue thy boat out if it be needefull to sound or to tow thy ship if the cast too much to the loofe for the currents will cast here to the loofe wherefore bee sure to haue thy boat out to helpe thy steâ—rage and this is the way whereby thou must worke The course from Santo Domingo to go for Nueua Espanna I Aduise thee that if thou wilt goe from Santo Domingo for Nueua Espanna thou shalt goe Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Punta de Niçao which is a low point and is the end of the hilles called Sierras de las minas Vieias and towards the Northwest of them thou shalt see a lowe land and to goe into Hocoa thou shalt stirre from this poynt of Niçao Westnorthwest and thou shalt see the point of Puerto Hermoso and the Bay that it maketh and thou must be sure to keepe neere the shore to find a good road and feare â—ot to go neere the land for all is deepe water and cleare ground and let not fall thine anker till thou be past all the riuers and beware of the land for if thou ride much without thy anker wil come home because it is rocky and slatte ground And thou must be ready that when thine anker commeth home thou haue thy moarings readie in thy boat to carry on shore with foure or fiue men and if thou thinke good thou mayest let them fall on land with a rope And when thou are come to anker thou mayest send on shore to moare so shalt thou be best moared The course from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna GOing from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna thou shalt stirre Southwest and this way thou shalt and the Isles Beata and Alto velo Beata hath these marks It is a low land with the sea and full of trees and on the East side an high land or cliffe and Alto velo hath these markes A blacke round land and the Eastermost part thereof is highest and it hath a downefall When thou art North and South with * then thou shalt go West vntill thou be so farre shot as the Frailes and from thence goe West and by North and keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of Cape Tiburon And if by keeping this course thou haue sight of a little Island thou mayest make account it is the Isle of Baque and it is hard to the land and from thence thou shalt go West keeping thy selfe out vntill thou double a poynt that maketh as it were a great Bay and then thou must go West and by North till thou come to Cape Tiburon that hath a round blacke land and in some part thereof certaine white cliffes I aduise thee that when thou art against Cape de Tiburon thou stirre Northwest and so thou shalt haue sight of Cuba which lyeth East and West and thou shalt see certaine hilles which are called Sierras del Cobre and in the highest of them is the harbour of S. Iago de Cuba and finding thy selfe so thou mayest runne West vnto Cape de Cruz. And before thou seest Cape de Cruz thou shalt see the hils called Sierras de Tarquino and from these hils to Cape de Cruz the land wareth lower and lower and it is lowest of all at the Cape it selfe And if thou chance to haue the water troubled as though thy ship did raise vp the sand from the ground be not afraid for this place is called The nine fathoms for thou shalt find no lesse water vpon it and it is the shallowest water that thou shalt haue Thou must marke that Cape de Cruz maketh an eâ—de of the coast that commeth from the East to the West and beginneth the course that goeth North and South and standeth in 19. degrees rather more then lesse From Cape de Cruz thou must stirre Westnorthwest and this way thou shalt haue sight of the Isle de Pinos and if thou haue faire weather then thou must goe Northwest and by West because of the currents that will set thee out to sea And keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of an high land I tell thee it is the marke of the Isles called los Iardines and is commonly called the land of Zagneio and then thou shalt goe West and by South and if it bee by night then goe Westsouthwest vntill thou haue brought thy selfe out from The Iardines And being by day thou shalt keepe off the land and
suâ—e they are The Iardines and then stir out againe South till you bee cleare of them and when you haue brought them North of you then may you stirre away West if it bee by day if it bee bynight West and by South till you see the Island of Pinos The markes of Isla de Pinos THe Island of Pinos stretcheth it selfe East and West and it is full of homocks and if you chance to see it at full sea it will shewe like 3. Islands as though there weâ—e diuers soundes betweene them and that in the midst is the greatest and in rowing with them it will make all a firme lande and vpon the East side of these three homocks it will iâ—â—we all ragged and on the West side of them will appeare vnto you a lowe point euen with the sea and oftentimes you shall see the trees before you shall discerne the point Directions from the Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes IF you saile from the foresayde Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes stir away West and by North and before you come to the sayd Cape vpon the Northside of you you shall see certâ—ine mountaines all full of homocks which are called Las Sierras de Guanaguaâ—ico and that vpon the West part hath more homocks then that on the other Markes of Cape de Corrientes CApe de Corrientes is a lowe Cape though not so low as the other part of the land that lyeth along by it for it is more lowe and hath vpon it 4. or 5. great splats like vnto oxen and the very point of the Cape is all white sand and from thence Westward you shall discerne no lande for it maketh a great bay and from hence you must saile to Cape de Sant Anton. Markes of Cape de Sant Anton. THe cape of Sant Anton is lowe by the sea and all full of shrubs or trees and you shall see within the land a lake of fresh water and if you want water there you may water and vpon the North side of the said Cape you shall discerne a palme tree higher then the rest of the trees and it sheweth round like a bowle at the top like to the top of a ship and North from the Cape are certaine sholdes which are 2. or 3. leagues long Directions from the Cape de S. Anton to Nueua Espanna on the outside of the small Islands called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you will sayle from Cape Sant Anton to Nueua Espanna with a North winde then stirre away Westnorthwest from 21. to 22. degrees and then sound vpon the pracel or flat and if you see by this direction that you holde water then stir away Northwest vntill you lose the ground and then follow your course againe vntill you haue brought your selfe into 24. degrees and ½ and then saile West vntill you bring your selfe North and South with the Isle Veâ—meja or The red Isle then stir away Southwest and by this way you shall finde Villa rica on the coast of Nueua Espanna And if by going this course you be in 19. degrees and ½ and chance not to see the lande then stir away West vntill you see Villa rica and from thence saile you South for the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua and if you should be neere the land you must stir South and by West towardes the same harbour And if you chance to see the Volcan or burning hill to beare west by South from you then know that the harbour of S. Iuan de Vllua shal be East and west off you Markes of Villa rica VIlla rica standeth in 19. degres and ½ and the signes thereof are certaine high hilles full of homocks of many heads which haue on the top of theÌ„ certain white patches after the maner of white beaten wayes and these hils lie Northeast and Southwest And if you doubt whether these be the Sierras or hils of S. Martin wet your lead or sound and if you finde bottome they are the Sierras of Villa rica and saile you to the landward and looke by how much you come neerer the land so much will they seeme lower vnto you but so doe not the hilles of S. Martin for the neerer you come to them the higher will they appeare to you and likewise if they â—e the hilles of Sâ— Martin you shall not finde bottome but euen at land it selfe Markes of Rio de las palmas and of the riuer of mountaines called Rio de las montannas IF you should chance to fall with Rio de las palmas or The riuer of palmes or els with the riuer of Mountaines it is all of plaine lande and full of trees and certaine woodie homocks and among them certaine heapes of saâ—d and all this along by the sea side and if you went by land to the riuer of Panuco you shall haue many mouthes or openings of plaias or strands where also are many lizas or oazy places which â—â—retch to Rio Hermoso You must beware what part soeuer you happen of this coast to fall withall to discouer it and although you knowe it you must sound the depth because if the windes bee Easterly the current setteth there much to the North but if you should be 40. leagues at sea then this current setteth to the Northeast Markes of Rio Hermoso or The beautifull riuer IF you wil seeke the riuer talled Rio Hermoso looking well within the land you shal see three homocks of an high hill and those two which are to the landward within are rounder theÌ„ the other which is neerest the sea for that it is longer and bigger and lyeth North and South and you shall bâ— 4. leagues at sea when you shall see them and they are called The sierraâ— or mountaines of Tamaclipa and from thence to the riuer of Panuco there is no high land but all lowe and euen with the sea and full of palme trees and other trees Markes of the riuer of Panucâ— IF you fall with the riuer of Panuco betweene which and the foresayde Villa rica standeth the Island called Isla de Lobos or The Isle of seales the markes bee these From the mouth of the riuer it maketh a great day without and at the ende of this bay vpon the Northside there is oazy low and bare ground altogether without trees and at the out ende of the oazy lowe place vpon the West side it maketh a low homock like to a Lizards head and when you see the aforesayde cliffe you shall bee in the opening of the mouth of the sayd riuer and then shall you see a little low tower hauing on the top of it a crosse which the fishermen call Marien and this barre hath on it 2. fathom waterâ— and 2. and ½ and you neede not to stay for the tyde for that it floweth not there and that you may the better knowe whether you bee in this bay
The discouerie of Guiana ON thursday the 6. of February in the yere 1595. we departed England and the Sunday following had sight of the North cape of Spaine the winde for the most part continuing prosperous we passed in sight of the Burlings the Rocke and so onwards for the Canaries and fel with Fuerte ventura the 17 of the same moneth where we spent two or three dayes and relieued our companies with some fresh meat From thence we coasted by the Grand Canaria so to Tenerif and stayed there for the Lions whelpe your Lordships ship and for Captaine Amyas Preston and the rest But when after 7. or 8. dayes wee found them not we departed and directed our course for Trinidad with mine owne ship and a small barke of captaine Crosses onely for we had before lost sight of a smal Galego on the coast of Spaine which came with vs from Plimmouth we arriued at Trinidad the 22. of March casting ancker at point Curiapan which the Spaniards call punta de Gallo which is situate in 8. degrees or there abouts we abode there 4. or 5. dayes in all that time we came not to the speach of any Indian or Spaniard on the coast we saw a fire as we sailed froÌ„ the oaint Carao towards Curiapan but for feare of the Spaniards none durst come to speake with vs. I my selfe coasted it in my barge close abord the shore and landed in euery Coue the better to know the yland while the ships kept the chanell From Curiapan after a few dayes we turned vp Northeast to recouer that place which the Spaniards call Puerto de los Espannoles and the inhabitants Conquerabia and as before reuictualing my barge I left the ships and kept by the shore the better to come to speach with some of the inhabitants and also to vnderstand the riuers watering places ports of the yland which as it is rudely done my puâ—pose is to send your Lordship after a few dayes From Curiapan I came to a port and seat of Indians called Parico where we found a fresh water riuer but saw no people From thence I rowed to another port called by the naturals Piche and by the Spaniards Tierra de Brea In the way betweene both were diuers little brookes of fresh water and one salt riuer that had store of oisters vpon the branches of the trees and were very salt and well tasted All their oisters grow vpon those boughs and spraies and not on the ground the like is commonly seene in other places of the West Indies and elsewhere This tree is described by Andrew Theuet in his French Antarctique and the forme figured in the booke as a plant very strange and by Plinie in his 12. booke of his naturall historie But in this yland as also in Guiana there are very many of them At this point called Tierra de Brea or Piche there is that abundance of stone pitch that all the ships of the world may be therewith loden from thence and we made trial of it in trimming our shippes to be most excellent good and melteth not with the Sunne as the pitch of Norway and therefore for shippes trading the South parts very profitable From thence wee went to the mountaine foote called Annaperima and so passing the riuer Carone on which the Spanish Citie was seated we met with our ships at Puerto de los Espannoles or Conquerabia This yland of Trinidad hath the forme of a sheephooke and is but narrow the North part is very mountainous the soile is very excellent and will beare suger ginger or any other commoditie that the Indies yeeld It hath store of deare wilde porks fruits fish and foule it hath also for bread sufficient maiz cassaui and of those rootes and fruites which are common euery where in the West Indies It hath diuers beastes which the Indies haue not the Spaniards confessed that they found graines of golde in some of the riuers but they hauing a purpose to enter Guiana the Magazin of all rich mettals cared not to spend time in the search thereof any further This yland is called vp the people thereof Cairi and in it are diuers nations those about Parico are called Iaio those at Punta de Carao are of the Arwacas and betweene Carao and Curiapan they are called Saluajos betwene Carao and Punta de Galera are the Nepoios and those about the Spanish citie terme themselues Carinepagotes Of the rest of the nations and of other ports and riuers I leaue to speake here being impertinent to my purpose and meane to describe them as they are situate in the particular plot and description of the yland three parts whereof I coasted with my barge that I might the better describe it Meeting with the ships at Puerto de los Espannoles we found at the landing place a company of Spaniards who kept a guard at the descent and they offering a signe of peace I sent captaine Whiddon to speake with them whom afterward to my great griefe I left buried in the said yland after my returne from Guiana being a man most honest and valiant The Spaniards seemed to be desâ—rous to trade with vs and to enter into termes of peace more for doubt of their owne strength then for ought else and in the ende vpon pledge some of them came abord the same euening there stale also abord vs in a small Canoa two Indians the one of them being a Casique or Lord of the people called Canryman who had the yeere before bene with Captaine Whiddon and was of his acquaintance By this Canryman wee vnderstood what strength the Spaniards had howe farre it was to their Citie and of Don Antonio de Berreo the gouernour who was said to be slaine in his second attempt of Guiana but was not While we remained at Puerto de los Espannoles some Spaniards came abord vs to buy linnen of the company and such other things as they wanted and also to view our ships and company all which I entertained kindly and feasted after our maner by meanes whereof I learned of one and another as much of the estate of Guiana as I could or as they knew for those poore souldiers hauing bene many yeeres without wine a few draughts made them merrie in which mood they vaunted of Guiana and of the riches thereof and all what they knewe of the wayes and passages my selfe seeming to purpose nothing lesse then the enterance or discouerie thereof but bred in them an opinion that I was bound onely for the reliefe of those English which I had planted in Virginia whereof the bruite was come among them which I had performed in my returne if extremitie of weather had not forst me from the said coast I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes the one was to be reuenged of Berreo who the yere before 1594. had betraied eight of Captaine Whiddons men and tooke them while he
and from those mountaines they brought it when they would hâ—uâ— it but they made no great account of it for they neither buy nor sell and amongst them is nothing but change In this countery they eate bread of rootes and Maiz and they eate certaine rootes which they call Aies and Batatas but the Batatas bee better then the other rootes and being rawe they haue a smell of Chestnuts they are to be eaten rosted These Indians doe make wine of the fruit of Date-trees which fruit is yellow in colour and is as great as a little Doues egge and being in season is good to be eaten and of it proceedeth good wine and is preserued for a long time These kinde of people do make their houses with vpper roomes and they sleepe in them as also al their habitation is in the vpper roomes and that which is belowe they leaue open and also they vse certaine mantels of cotten wooll and these they tie at the endes with ropesâ— and the one ende of of the rope they make fast to one part of the house and the other ende to the other part of the house and in these they lye which bee their beddes and these kinde of beds bee vsed in all India and there is not in any part of India any chambers that the people do vse to lodge in aloft fâ—om the ground nor they make any hie roomes but only in this part of India in al other places they make their houses without any loftes or chambers and they couer their houses with the leaues of date trees and of grasse And from this fresh water-sea vnto Paria the coast lyeth West Northwest and is so ful of sholds that the ships cannot come neer to the land There are froÌ„ this riuer to Paria 250 leagues In this fresh water sea the tydes do ebbe flow as much as they do in Britayne and it standeth in 6 degrees and a halfe Paria standeth on the other side of the Equinoctial toward the North in seuen degrees In Paria the sea floweth but little and from Paria towards the West the sea doth not flow From the entry of the gulfe of Paria vnto the Cape that lyeth towards the West are 35 leagues and froÌ„ thence the coast turneth towardes the Northeast other 35 leagues from thence the coast turneth toward the West Before this gulfe standeth the Island of Trinidad and towards the West doeth appeare the gulfe of Paria like to halfe a round circle after the fashion of a Diameter and at the end of this circle is the entery in of Paria at this entery there is betweene the land and the Island 8 leagues and on the other side there is but litle space betweene the Iland and the land but it is deepe and hath a good entry this Iland of Trinidad hath in length 25 leagues and as many in bredth and standeth in eight degrees and is inhabited of many people and as yet not vnder subiection Here the Indians do vse to shoote with bowes and arrowes which are of a fathome in length made of reeds which grow in that Countrey and at the ende of them is artificially ioyned a piece of wood very strong vnto the which piece of wood at the end of it they put a bone of a fish in place of an arrow head these kinde of bones bee harder then Diamonds and euery one of them be three or foure fingers long they are taken out of a fish that hath three of these bones one vpon the backe another vnder euery wing but that which groweth vpon the backe is the strongest and the greatest In this Island the people saith that there groweth golde and in this Island and in Paria growe reedes so great that they make staues of them and cary of them into Spaine Likewise there bee Popiniayes very great and gentle and some of them haue their foreheads yellow and this sort do quickly learne to speak and speak much There be likewise in the gulfe of Paria pearles although not many but very good and great CERTAINE VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS AND Traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasil together with a Ruttier for all that coast and two intercepted letters which reueale many secrets of the state of that Countery the rest of our Voyages to Brasil which haue bene either intended or performed to the Riuer of Plate the streight of Magellan the South sea or farther that way being reserued for the geuerall heades next insuing A briefe relatioÌ„ of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plimmouth father to Sir Iohn Haukins knight late Treasurer of her Maiesties Nauie in the yeere 1530 and 1532. OLde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth a man for his wisedome valure experience and skill in sea causes much esteemed and beloued of K. Henry the 8 and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time not contented with the short voyages commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe armed out a tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes called the Paule of Plimmouth wherwith he made three long and famous voyages vnto the coast of Brasil a thing in those dayes very rare especially to our Nation In the course of which voyages he touched at the riuer of Sestos vpon the coast of Guinea where hee traffiqued with the Negros and tooke of them Elephants teeth and other commodities which that place yeeldeth and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil he vsed there such discretion and behaued himself so wisely with those sauage people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them Insomuch that in his second voyage one of the sauage kings of the countrey of Brasil was contented to take ship with him and to be transporâ—ed hither into England whereunto M. Haukins agreed leauing behinde in the Countâ—ry as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth This Brasilian king being arriued was brought vp to London and presented to K. Henry the 8. lying as then at White-hall at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle maruaile and not without cause for in his cheekes were holes made according to their sauage maner and therein small bones were planted standing an inch out from the said holes which in his owne Countrey was reputed for a great brauerie He had also another hole in his nether lip wherein was set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease All his apparel behauiour and gesture were very strange to the beholders Hauing remained here the space almost of a whole yeere and the king with his sight fully satisfied M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment purposed to conuey him againe into his countrey but it fell out in the way that by change of aire and alteration of diet the said Sauage king did
his right hand stood a page with a fanne in his hand breathing and gathering the ayre to the King The fanne was in length two foote and in bredth one foote set with 8. saphyres richly imbrodered and knit to a staffe 3. foote in length by the which the Page did hold and mooue it Our Gentlemen hauing deliuered their message and receiued order accordingly were licensed to depart being safely conducted backe againe by one of the kings Counsell This Island is the chiefest of all the Islands of Maluco and the King hereof is King of 70. Islands besides The king with his people are Moores in religion obseruing certaine new Moones with fastings during which fasts they neither eat nor drinke in the day but in the night After that our Gâ—ntlemen were returned and that we had heere by the fauour of the king receiued all necessary things that the place could yeeld vs our General considering the great distance and how farre he was yet off from his Countrey thought it not best here to linger the time any longer but waying his anchors set out of the Island and sayled to a certaine litle Island to the Southwards of Celebes where we graued our ship and continued there in that and other businesses 26. dayes This Island is throughly growen with wood of a large and high growth very straight and without boughes saue onely in the head or top whose leaues are not much differing from our broome in England Amongst these trees night by night through the whole land did shew themselues an infinite swarme of fiery wormes flying in the ayre whose bodies beeing no bigger then our common English flies make such a shew and light as if euery twigge or tree had bene a burning candle In this place breedeth also wonderfull store of Bats as bigge as large hennes of Crayfishes also heere wanted no plentie and they of exceeding bignesse one whereof was sufficient for 4. hungry stomacks at a dinner beeing also very good and restoring meate whereof we had experience and they bigge themselues holes in the earth like Conies When wee had ended our businesse here we waied and set saile to runne for the Malucos but hauing at that time a bad winde and being amongst the Islands with much difficultie wee recouered to the Northward of the Island of Celebes where by reason of contrary winds not able to continue our course to runne Westwards we were inforced to alter the sâ—me to the Southward againe finding that course also to be very hard and dangerous for vs by reason of infinite shoalds which lie off and among the Islands whereof wee had too much triall to the hazard and danger of our shippe and liues For of all other dayes vpon the 9. of Ianuarie in the yeere 1579. wee ranne suddenly vpon a rocke where we stucke fast from 8. of the clocke at night til 4. of the clocke in the afternoone the next day being indeede out of all hope to escape the danger but our Generall as hee had alwayes hitherto shewed himselfe couragious and of a good confidence in the mercie and protection of God so now he continued in the same and lest he should seeme to perish wilfully both he and we did our best indeuour to saue our selues which it pleased God so to blesse that in the ende we cleared our selues most happily of the danger We lighted our ship vpon the rockes of 3. tunne of cloues 8. peeces of ordinance and certaine meale and beanes and then the winde as it were in a moment by the speciall grace of God changing from the starreboord to the larboord of the ship we hoised our sailes and the happy gale droue our ship off the rocke into the sea againe to the no litle comfort of all our hearts for which we gaue God such prayse and thanks as so great a benefite required The 8. of Februarie following wee fell with the fruitfull Island of Barateue hauing in the meane time suffered many dangers by windes and shoalds The people of this Island are comely in body and stature and of a ciuill behauiour iust in dealing and courteous to strangers whereof we had the experience sundry wayes they being most glad of our presence and very ready to releeue our wants in those things which their Countrey did yeelde The men goe naked sauing their heads and priuities euery man hauing something or other hanging at their eares Their women are couered from the middle downe to the foote wearing a great number of bracelets vpon their armes for some had 8. vpon each arme being made some of bone some of horne and some of brasse the lightest whereof by our estimation waied two ounces apeece With this people linnen-cloth is good marchandize and of good request whereof they make rols for their heads and girdles to weare about them Their Island is both rich and fruitfull rich in golde siluer copper and sulphur wherein they seeme skilfull and expert not onely to trie the same but in working it also artificially into any forme and fashion that pleaseth them Their fruits be diuers and plentiful as nutmegs ginger long pepper lemmons cucumbers cocos figu sagu with diuers other sorts and among all the rest wee had one fruite in bignesse forme and huske like a Bay berry hard of substance and pleasant of taste which being sodden becommeth soft and is a most good and wholsome victuall whereof we tooke reasonable store as we did also of the other fruits and spices so that to confesse a trueth since the time that we first set out of our owne Countrey of England we happened vpon no place Ternate onely excepted wherein we found more comforts and better meanes of refreshing At our departure from Barateue we set our course for Iaua maior where arriuing we found great courtesie and honourable entertainment This Island is gouerned by 5. Kings whom they call Raiah as Raiah Donaw and Raiah Mang Bange and Raiah Cabuccapollo which liue as hauing one spirite and one minde Of these fiuâ— we had foure a shipboord atonce and two or three often They are wonderfully delighted in coloured clothes as red and greene their vpper parts of their bodies are naked saue their heads whereupon they weare a Turkish roll as do the Maluccians from the middle downward they weare a pintado of silke trailing vpon the ground in colour as they best like The Maluccians hate that their women should bee seene of strangers but these offer them of high courtesie yea the kings themselues The people are of goodly stature and warlike well prouided of swords and targets with daggers all being of their owne worke and most artificially done both in tempering their mettall as also in the forme whereof we bought reasonable store They haue an house in euery village for their common assembly euery day they meete twise men women and children bringing with them such victuals as
when the Indians had well eaten and drunke they departed thence and going somewhat farre from them one of the Indians cryed to them and sayde Magallanes Esta he minha Terra that is Magallanes this is my countrey and because the Englishmen followed them it seemed the Indians fledde vpward into the land and beeing somewhat farre off they turned backe againe and with their arrowes slewe two of the English shippers one being an Englishman the other a Netherlander the rest came backe againe and saued themselues in the boate wherewith they presently put off from the shore Here they stayed till the seuenteenth of August vpon the which day they set saile running along by the coast about a league and a halfe from the land for there it is all faire and good ground at twentie and fiue and twentie fathome deepe and were about foure or fiue dayes before they came to the mouth or entrie of the Streight but because the wind was contrary they stayed till the 24 of August before they entred The entrie or mouth of the Streight is about a league broad on both sides being bare and flatte land on the North side they sawe Indians making great fires but on the Southside they saw no people stirring The foure and twentieth day aforesayd they beganne to enter into the Streight with an Eastnortheast wind This Streight may bee about an hundred and tenne leagues long and in bredth a league About the entry of the Streight and halfe way into it it tunneth right foorth without any windings or turnings and from thence about eight or tenne leagues towards the ende it hath some boutes and windings among the which there is one so great a hooke or headland that it seemed to runne into the other land and there it is lesse then a league broad from one land to the other and from thence forward it runneth straight out againe And although you finde some crookings yet they are nothing to speake of The issue of the Streight lieth Westward and about eight or tenne leagues before you come to the ende then the Streight beguineth to bee broader and it is all high land to the ende thereof after you are eight leagues within the Streight for the first eight leagues after you enter is low flat land as I sayd before and in the entrie of the Streight you find the streame to runne from the South sea to the North sea And after they began to saile in with the Eastnortheast wind being entred they passed along without any let or hinderance either of wind or weather and because the high land on both sides lay couered with snow and that all the Streight is faire and cleare they helde their course a harquebuse-shot in length from off the North side hauing nine and tenne fathome depth with good ground as I said before where if neede require a man may anker the hilles on both sides being full of trees some of the hilles and trees reaching downe to the sea side in some places hauing plaine and euen land and there they sawe not any greâ—t riuers but some small riuers that issued out of the riffes and breaches of the land and in the countrey where the great Cape or crooking is on the South side they saw certaine Indian fishermen in their Canoas or skiffs being such as they saw first on the North side but more people they saw not on the South side Being out of the Streight on the other side vpon the sixt of September of the aforesaid yeere they held their course Northwest for the space of three dayes and the third day they had a Northeast wind that by force draue them Westsouthwest which course they held for the space of ten or twelue dayes with few sailes vp and because the wind began to be very great they toâ—ke in all their sailes and lay driuâ—ng till the last of September The 24 day of the same moneth hauing lost the sight of one of their shippes which was about an hundred tunne then againe they hoised saile because the winde came better holding their course Northeast for the space of seuen dayes and at the ende of the sayde seuen dayes they had the sight of certayne Islands which they made towards for to anker by them but the weather would not permit them and being there the wind fell Northwest whereupon they sailed Westsouthwest The next day they lost the sight of another ship of their company for it was very foule weather so that in the ende the Admirals shippe was left alone for the ship of Nuno da Silua was left in the Bay where they wintered before they entred into the Streights and with this foule weather they ranne till they were vnder seuen and fiftie degrees where they entred into a hauen of an Island and ankered about the length of the shot of a great piece from the land at twentie fathome deepe where they stayed three or foure dayes and the wind comming Southward they weyed anker holding their course Northward for the space of two daies and then they espied a small vnhabited Island where being arriued they stroke sailes and hoised out their boate and there they tooke many birds and Seales The next day they set saile againe holding their course Northnortheast and North to another Island lying fiue or sixe leagues from the firme land on the Northside of the Streight where they ankered about a quarter of a league from the land in twelue fathome water This Island is small and lowe land and full of Indians the Island being altogether possessed and inhabited by them where they hoysed out their boate wherein the Admirall and twelue Englishmen entred going to fetch fresh water and to seeke for victuals and being landed vpon the Island the Indians in exchange of other things brought two Spanish sheepe and a little Maiz or rootes whereof they make bread and because it was late they returned againe vnto their ship without doing any other thing for that day The next day the said Captaine with the aforesaid twelue men being harquebusiers rowed to land againe and set two of their company on shore with their vessels to fetch fresh water and by the place where they should fill their water there lay certaine Indians secretly hidden that fell vpon the two Englishmen and tooke them which they in the boat perceiuing went out to helpe them but they were so assailed with stones arrowes that all or the most part of them were hurt the Captaine himselfe being wounded with an arrow on the face and with another arrow in the head whereby they were constrained to tuâ—ne backe againe without once hurting any of the Indians and yet they came so neere the boate that they tooke foure of their oares from them This done they set saile againe running along the coast with a South winde sailing so for the space of sixe dayes passing by the hauen called Sant Iago and put into another hauen and
meane time our General discharged the fly-boat and ran her vpon on the maine where we broke her vp for fire-wood In the meane while there came about 30 of the countrey people downe to the sea side and when they were within 100 pases of our men they set themselues in array very orderly casting their companie into the forme of a ring euery man hauing his bow and arrowes who when they had pight a stalfe on the ground with certeine glasses beads and other trifles returned backe Then the countrey people came and tooke them and afterward approched neerer to our men shewing themselues very pleasantâ— insomuch that M. Winter daunced with them They were exceedingly delighted with the sound of the trumpet and vialles They be of a meane stature wel limined and os a duskish tawnie or browne colour Some of them hauing their faces spotted with diuers colours as red white and blacke Their apparel is a certaine â—kinne wherein they wrap themselues not reaching so low as to couer their priuy members all the rest of their bodies be naked sauing that they weare certaine roules vpon their heads whose ends haâ—g ouer their shoulders Euery one beareth his bow being an ell in length and arrowes made of reeds hauing heads framed very strangly cunningly of a flint stone They be much giuen to mirth and iollity and are very sly and ready to steale any thing that comes within their reach for one of them snatched our Generals cap from his head as he stouped being of skarlet with a golden band yet he would suffer no man to hurt any of them They eate rawe flesh for we found seales bones the raw flesh whereof they had gnawen with their teeth like dogs In this bay we watered and victualed with seales for there is such plentie that we slew aboue 200 in the space of one houre vpon a litle island The 3 of Iune we departed from thence and being at sea we were put backe againe to Cape Hope where we discharged our Canter and let her float in the sea Afterward wee ran to the 50 degree of the South pole where wee met with the winde Southerly and so turned backe againe to the Northward And as we ran along the shore we met with our Prize the 19 of Iune which we lost the 13 of May. The day following we found a harbour into the which we entred with all our fleet the same day This port is 49 degrees and an halfe in latitude and I suppose it to be the same which Magellan named Port S. Iulian for we found a gybbet on an hil whereupon they were executed that did conspire against Magellan and certaine bones also of their dead bodies The 22 of this moneth our Generall going to shore vpon the maine with 7 or 8 of his men met with 3 of the Patagons hauing bowes and arrowes who came neere to our meÌ„ making them signes to depart Whereupon a gentleman being there present and hauing a bowe and arrowes made a shot to the end to shew them the force our bowes with the which shot his string broke whereupon the Patagons presumed to encounter them directing their arrowes first at our M. Gunner who had a caliuer ready bent to shot at them but it would not take fire and as he leuelled his pecce one of them shot him through the brest and out at the backe wherewith he fell downe starke dead Also the gentleman that shot the arrow was so wounded that hee oyed the 2 day after and with the other was buryed in a litle island lying in the said port Our men left the slaine man on shore till night and then fetched him in a boat In the meane time the Patagons had stript him of all his clothes and viewed his body laying his clothes vnder his head and so left him vntouched sauing that they had stucke the English arrow in his left eye These men be of no such stature as the Spaniardes report being but of the height of English men for I haue seene men in England taller then I could see any of them But peraduenture the Spaniard did not thinke that any English men would haue come thither so soone to haue disproued them in this diuers others of their notorious lies wherefore thâ—y presumed more boldly to abuse the world The last of Iune M. Thomas Doughty wâ—s brought to his answere was accused and conuicted of certaine articles and by M. Drake condemned He was beheaded the 2 of Iuly 1578 whose body was buried in the said iâ—â—and neer to them which were sâ—aine We wintered in this port 2 moneths during which time we had such weather as is commonly in England in the depth of winter or rather colder After we had trimmed vp our ships and made prouision of fewell and fresh water we departed thence with 3 ships the 17 of August about noone And the 20 of the said moneth we seazed Cape Victorie by the which Cape is the way into the South sea called The streights of Magellan the first discouerer thereof Wee found the mouth of the streights to be 52 degrees ½ Southward of Equinoctial In this streight we found the sea to haue no such current as some do imagine following the course of the primum mobile from East to West but to eb and flow as ordinarily as vpoÌ„ other coasts rising 5 fathoms vpright The flood riseth out of the East ocean and stretcheth it selfe â—o far into the streights that it meetech the flood of the South sea neere about the midst of the streights where it bendeth like an elbow tending to the West-north-west into the South Sea whereas the East part from the mouth of the streights to this elbow lyeth South-wâ—st and by West or South-west â—o 53 degrees and â— 30 leagues within the streights there be 3 islands To the greatest our general gaue the name of Elizabeth to the 2 Bartholomew because we found it on S. Bartholomews day the 3 he named S. Georges island Here we staied one day victualled our selues with a kinde of foule which is plentifull in that isle and whose flesh is not farre vnlike a fat goose here in England they haue no wings but short pineons which serue their turne in swimming Their colour is somewhat blacke mixt with white spots vnder their belly and about their necke They walke so vpright that a farre off a man would take them to be litle children If a man aproch any thing neere them they run into holes in the ground which be not very deepe whereof the island is full So that to take them we had staues with hookes fast to the ends wherewith some of our men pullâ—d them out and others being ready with cudgels did knocke them on the head for they bite so cruellie with their crooked bils that none of vs was able to handle thâ—m aliue The land on both parts is very high but especially toward the South sea monstrous high
cast off another and filled our owne ships with the necessaries of them The 8 day wee put off to sea but yet with much adoe came againe to our ankoring place because of the weather The 10 day the admirall sent for vs to come aboord him and being come hee opened a Carde before all the company and tolde vs that my lords voyage for the South sea was ouerthrowen for want of able men and victuals and that therefore hee thought it best to plie for some of the Islands of the West India or the Açores to see if they could meete with some good purchase that might satisfie my lord These wordes were taken heauily of all the company and no man would answere him but kept silence for very griefe to see my lords hope thus deceiueâ— and his great expenses and costs cast away The common sort seeing no other remedie were contented to returne as well as he The 16 day wee espied a sayle whereupon our pinnesse and Dalamor gaue her chase and put her ashore vpon the Island where the men forsooke her and ran away with such things as they could conueniently carte our pinnesse boorded her and found little in her they tooke out of her nine chests of sugar and one hogge and 35 pieces of pewter and so left her vpon the sands From this time forward we began to plie Northwards and the first of Iuly fell with the land againe where we fished and found reasonable good store I tooke the latitude that day and found our selues in 10 degrees and 22 minutes The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck and wee came so neere it that Dalamor as he told vs espied some of the ships that were in the harbour yet notwithstanding we all fell to leeward of the riuer could not after that by any meanes recouer the height of it againe but we ceased not on all parts to endeuour the best we could oftentimes lost company for a day or two one of another but there was no remedie but patience for to Fernambuck we could not come hauing so much ouershot it to the Northward and the wind keeping at the South and Southwest The 20 day I tooke the Sunne in 5 degrees 50 minuts which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck and the further wee went the more vnto wardly did the rest of our ships worke either to come into hauen or to keepe company one with another And â—ruely I suppose that by reason of the froward course of the Admirall he meant of purpose to lose vs for I know not how the neerer we endeuoured to be to him the further off would he beare from vs and wee seeing that kept on our owne course and lookt to our selues as well as we could The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation for our best course some would goe for the West India some directly North for England and in conclusion the greater part was bent to plie for our owne countrey considering our necessities of victuals and fresh water and yet if any place were offered vs in the way not to omit it to seeke to fill water The 26 day in the morning we espied a lowe Island but we lost it againe and could descrie it no more This day we found our selues in 3 degrees and 42 minutes The 27 day we searched what water we had left vs and found but nine buts onely so that our captaine allowed but a pinte of water for a man a day to preserue it as much as might be wherâ—with euâ—ry man was content and we were then in number fiftie men and boyes The first of August we found our selues 5 degrees to the Northward of the line all which moneth we continued our course homâ—ward withoâ—t touching any where toward the end whereof a sorrowfull accident fell out in our hulke which being deuided from vs in a calme fell a fire by some great negligence and perished by that meanes in the seas wee being not able any wayes to helpe the ship or to saue the men The 4 day of September we had brought our selues into the height of 41 degrees 20 minutes somwhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores and thus bulting vp and downe with contrary winds the 29 of the same moneth we reachâ—d the coast of England and so made an end of the voyage A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal borne in the citie of Eluas continued vnto the yere 1587. Wherein among diuers rare things not hitherto deliuered by any other writer certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truâ—ly reported whâ—ch was intercepted with the author thereof at the riuer of Plate by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586. FRancis Drâ—ke an Englishman being on the sea and hauing knowledge of the small strength of the towne of Nombre de Dios came into the harborough on a night with foure pinnesses and landed an hundreth and fifty men and leauing one halfe of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there hee with the rest entred the towne without doing any harme till hee came at the market place and there his company discharging their calieuers and sounding their trumpets which made a great noyse in the towne were answered by their fellowes in the force who discharged and sounded in like maner This attempt put the townesmen in such extreme feare that leauing their houses they fled into the mountaines and there be thought themselues what the matter should be in the towne remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarme But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion ioyned foureteene or fifteene of them together with their pieces to see who was in the towne and getting to a corner of the market-place they discouered the Englishmen and perceiuing that they were but a few discharged thâ—ir pieces at them and their fortune was such that they slew the trumpetter and shot the captaine whose name was Francis Drake into the legge who feeling himselfe hurt retired toward the Fort where he had left the rest of his men but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet and being not answered againe and hearing the calieuers discharged in the towne thought that their fellowes in the towne had bene slaine and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses Now Francis Drake whom his men carried because of his hurt when he came to the fort where he left his men and saw them fled he and the rest of his company were in so great feare that leauing their furniture behinde them and putting off their hose they swamme waded all to their Pinnesses and departed forth of the harbour so that if the Spaniards had followed them they might haue slaine them all Thus Captaine Drake did no more harme at Nombre
with another of 80 leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sayled 150 leagues before they could knowe whither it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that contiâ—ent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellanâ— for they coasted it to eighteene â—egrâ—es and could not find the ende thereof The gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of golde hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the countrey and also for that the Indians were very stoue men and fought continually agaiâ—st them they could neuer leaue from whence that gold come nor yet what store was in the land These Indiâ—ns vse to goe to sea in great Canoas that will carrie 100 men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small pinnesse and two faleâ—ns a fewe may ouercome 100 of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whome on the sudden certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the ships boat and slewe all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too wary in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their pinnesse and burnt the towne and in this towne they found the small graines of gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the ende of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the wind continuing still in one place might bee an occâ—sion of longer tarying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-bourd and to lye nine moneths bearing it vp and downe in the sea before they could get into any harborow of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernement and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Streights of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needs runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as hogges hennes excellent almonds potatos sugar-canes with diuers other sortes fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of gold which the Indians will giue you in truck for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of gold brought home notwithstanding 40000 pezos with them besides great store of cloues and ginger and some sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the ende that the Spaniards supposing them to bee those Isles from whence Salomon fetched gold to adorne the temple at Ierusalem might bee the more desirous to goe and inhabite the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Isilands Captaine Drake entered the South sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the ende that such Englishmen and of other nations as passed the Streights of Magellan to goe to the Malâ—cos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people The admirable and prosperous Voyage of the worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire into the South sea and from thence round about the circumference of the wâ—ole earth begun in the yeere of our Lord 1586 and finishâ—d 1588. Written by Master Francis Pretty lately of Ey in Suffolke a Gentleman employed in the same action WEe departed out of Plimmouth on Thursâ—ay the 21. of Iuly 1586. with 3. sayles to wit The Desire a ship of 120. tunnes The Content of 60 tuns and the Hugh gallant a barke of 40. tunnes in which small Fleete were 123. persons of all sortes with all kinde of furniture and victuals sufficient for the space of two yeeres at the charges of the worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Tâ—â—mley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire beeing our Generall On Tuesday the 26. of the same moneth we were 45. leagues from Cape Finis terrae where wee mette with 5. sayles of Biskaynes comming from the Grande Bay in Newfound-land as we supposed which our Admirall shot at and fought with them 3. houres but wee tooke none of them by reason the night grew on The first of August wee came in sight of Forteuentura one of the Isles of the Canaries about ten of the clocke in the morning On Sunday being the 7. of August we were gotten as high as Rio del oro on the coast of Barbarie On Munday the 19. we fell with cape Blanco but the winde blew so much at the North that we could not get vp where the Canters doe vse to ride and fish therefore wee lay off 6. houres West Southwest because of the sand which lieth off the cape Southwest and by South The 15. day of the same moneth we were in the height of cape Verde by estimation 50. leagues off the same The 18. Sierra leona did beare East off vs beeing 45. leagues from vs and the same day the winde shifted to the Northwest so that by the 20. day of the sayd moneth we were in 6. degrees ½ to the Northward from the Equinoctiall line The 23. we put roome for Sierra leona and the 25. day wee fell with the poynt on the South side of Sierra leona which Master Brewer knew very well and went in before with the Content which was Uice-admirall and we had no lesse then 5. fathoms water when we had least and had for 14. leagues in Southwest all the way running into the harbour of Sierra leona 16 14. 12. 10 and 8. fathoms of water The 26. of the said moneth â—e put into the harborough and in going in we had by the Southermost point when we had least 5. fathoms water faire by the rocke as it lieth at the said point and after we came 2 or 3. cables length within the said rocke we neuer had lesse then 10.
fathoms vntill wee came vp to the roade which is about a league from the poynt borrowing alwayes on the South side vntill you come vp to the watering place in which Baye is the best roade but you must ride farre into the Baye because there run marueilous great tydes in the offâ—â— and it floweth into the road next of any thing at a Southeast and by East moone It is out of England to this place 930. leagues which wee ranne from the 21. of Iuly to the 26. of this moneth of August On Saturday being the 27. day there came 2. Negros aboord our Admiral from the shore and made signes vnto our Generall that there was a Portugal ship vp within the harborough so the Hugh Gallant beeing the Rere-admirall went vp 3 or 4. leagues but for want of a Pilot they sought no farther for the harborough runneth 3. or 4. leagues vp more and is of a marueilous bredth and very dangerous as we learned afterward by a Portugal On Sunday the 28. the Generall sent some of his company on shore and there as they played and daunced all the forenoone among the Negros to the end to haue heard some good newes of the Portugal ship toward their comming aboord they espied a Portugal which lay hid among the bushes whom we tooke and brought away with vs the same night and he tolde vs it was very dangerous going vp with our boates for to seeke the ship that was at the towne Whereupon wee went not to seeke her because we knew he told vs the trueth for we bound him and made him fast and so examined him Also he told vs that his ship was there cast away and that there were two more of his company among the Negros the Portugals name was Emmanuel and was by his occupation a Calker belonging to the Port of Portugal On Munday morning being the 29. day our Generall landed with 70. men or thereabout and went vp to their towne where we burnt 2. or 3. houses and tooke what spoyle wee would which was but litle but al the people fled and in our retiring aboord in a very litle plaine at their townes ende they shot their arrowes at vs out of the woods and hurt 3. or 4. of our men their arrowes were poysoned but yet none of our men miscaryed at that time thanked be God Their towne is marueilous artificially builded with mudde walles and built round with their yards pales in and kept very cleane aswell in their streetes as in their houses These Negros vse good obedience to their king as one of our men sayd which was with them in pawne for the Negros which came first There were in their towne by estimation about one hundred houses The first of September there went many of our men on shore at the watering place and did wash shirts very quietly all the day and the second day they went againe and the Negros were in ambush round about the place and the carpenter of the Admiral going into the wood to doe some speciall businesse espied them by good fortune But the Negros rushed out vpon our men so suddenly that in retiring to our boates many of them were hurt among whom one William Pickman a souldier was shot into the thigh who plucking the arrow out broke it and left the head behinde and he told the Chirurgions that he plucked out all the arrow because he would not haue them lance his thigh whereupon the poyson wrought so that night that hee was marueilously swollen and all his belly and priuie parts were as blacke as ynke and the next morning he died the peece of the arrow with the poyson being plucked out of his thigh The third day of the sayd moneth diuers of our fleete went vp 4. myles within the harbour with our boate and caught great store of fish and went on shore and tooke Limmons from the trees and comming aboord againe saw two Buffes The 6. day we departed from Sierra leona and went out of the harborough and stayed one tide 3. leagues from the point of the mouth of the Harborough in 6. fathoms and it floweth South Southwest On wednesday being the 7. of the same moneth wee departed from one of the Isles of Cape Verde alià s the Isles of Madrabumba which is 10. leagues distant from the poynt of Sierra leona and about fiue of the clocke the same night we anchored 2. miles off the Iland in 6. fathoms water and landed the same night and found Plantans only vpon the Ilande The 8. day one of our boats went out sounded round about the Iland they passed through a sound at the west end of the Iland where they found 5. fathoms round about the Iland vntil they came vnto the very gutte of the sound and then for a cast or two they had but 2. fathoms and presently after 6. fathoms and so deeper and deeper And at the East ende of the Iland there was a towne where Negros doe vse at sometimesâ— as we perceiued by their prouision There is no fresh water on all the South side as we could perceiue but on the North side three or foure very good places of fresh water and all the whole Iland is a wood saue certaine litle places where their houses stand which are inuironed round about with Plantan-trees whereof the fruit is excellent meat This place is subiect marueilous much to thunder raine and lightning in this moneth I thinke the reason is because the sunne is so neere the line Equinoctiall On saturday the tenth wee departed from the sayde Iland about 3. of the clocke in the afternoone the winde being at the Southwest The last of October running West Southwest about 24. leagues from Cape Frio in Brasile we fell with a great mountaine which had an high round knoppe on the top of it standing from it like a towne with two litle Ilands from it The first of Nouember wee went in betweene the Iland of Saint Sebastian and the mayne land and had our things on shore and set vp Forge and had our caske on shore our coopers made hoopes and so we remayned there vntill the 23. day of the same moneth in which time we fitted our things built our Pinnesse and filled our fresh water And while our Pinnesse was in building there came a Canoa from the riuer of Ienero meaning to goe to S. Vincent wherein were sixe naked slaues of the Countrey people which did rowe the Canoa and one Portugal And the Portugal knewe Christopher Hare Master of the Admirall for that Master Hare had bene at Saint Vincent in the Minion of London in the yeere 1581. And thinking to haue Iohn Whithal the Englishman which dwelleth at Saint Vincent come vnto vs which is twentie leagues from this Harborough with some other thereby to haue had some fresh victuals we suffered the Portugal to goe with a letter vnto him who promised to
we slept not in three dayes and three nights The 15. of March in the morning the Hugh Gallant came in betweene the Iland of S. Mary and the mayne where she met with the Admiral and the Content which had rid at the Iland called La Mocha 2. dayes which standeth in the Southerly latitude of 38. degrees at which place some of our men went on shore with the Uice-admirals boate where the Indians fought with them with their bowes and arrowes and were marueilous warie of their Caliuers These Indians were enemies to the Spaniards and belonged to a great place called Arauco and tooke vs for Spaniards as afterward we learned This place which is called Arauco is wonderfull rich and full of golde mynes and yet could it not be subdued at any time by the Spaniards but they alwayes returned with the greatest losse of men For these Indians are marueilous desperate and carelesse of their liues to liue at their owne libertie and freedome The 15. day aforesayde in the afternoone wee weighed anchor and ranne vnder the West side of Saint Marie Iland where we ridde very well in 6. fathoms water and very faire ground all that night The 16. day our General went on shore himselfe with 70. or 80. men euery one with his furniture there came downe to vs certaine Indians with two which were the principals of the Iland to welcome vs on shore thinking we had bin Spaniards for it is subdued by them who brought vs vp to a place where the Spaniards had erected a Church with crosses altars in it And there were about this Church 2. or 3. store houses which were full of wheate and barley ready threshed and madâ— vp in cades of strawe to the quantitie of a bushel of corne in euery cade The wheate and barly was as faire as cleane and euery way as good as any we haue in England There were also the like cades ful of potato rootes which were very good to eate ready made vp in the store houses for the Spaniards against they should come for their tribute This Iland also yeeldeth many sorts of fruits hogs and hens These Indians are held in such slauery by them that they dare not eate a hen or an hogge themselues But the Spaniards haue made them all in that Iland Christians Thus we fitted our selues here with corne asmuch as we would haue and as many hogges as we had salt to powder them withall and great store of hennes with a number of bags of Potato rootes and about 500. dried dogge-fishes and Guinie wheate which is called Maiz. And hauing taken as much as we would haue yet wâ— left marueilous great store behind vs. Our General had the two principals of the Iland aboord our shippe and prouided great cheere for them and made them merie with wine and they in the ende perceiuing vs to bee no Spaniards made signes as neere as our Generall could perceiueâ— that if wee would goe ouer vnto the mayne land vnto Arauco that there was much Golde making vs signes that we should haue great store of riches But because we could not vnderstand them our Generall made some haste and within 2. or thrâ—e dayes we furnished our selues The 18. day in the morning we departed from this place and ran all that day Northnortheast about 10. leagues and at night lay with a short sayle off and on the coast The 19. wee ranne in East Northeast with the land and bare in with a place called The Conception where wee anchored vnder an Iland and departed the next morning without going oâ— land The 20. wee departed from The Conception and went into a litle Baye which was sandie where we saw fresh water and cattell but we stayed not there The 30. day we came into the Bay of Quintero which standeth in 33. degrees 50 minutes The said day presently after we were come vnto an ancre in the Bay there was a Netcherd or one that kept cattle which lay vpon the point of the hill asleepe which when he awaked and had espied three shippes which were come into the Bay before wee could get on shore he had caught an horse which was feeding by and rode his may as fast as euer hee might and our Generall with 30. shot with him went on shore He had not bene on land one houre but there came 3. horsemen with bright swords towards vs so hard as they might ride vntill they came within some twentie or thirtie score of vs and so stayed and would come no neerer vnto vs so our Generall sent vnto them a couple of our men with their shotte and one Fernando which was the Spaniard that wee had taken vp at the mouth of the Streights which was one of the 400. that were sterued there But the Spaniards would not suffer our men to come neere with their shot but made signes that one of our men should come alone vnto them so the said Fernando the Spaniard went vnto them and our two men stood not farre from them They had great conference and in the end Fernando came backe from them and told our Generall that he had parled with them for some victuals who had promised as much as we would haue Our General sent him back againe with another message and another shotte with him and being come neere vnto them they would not suffer any more then one to approch them whereupon our men let the Spaniard goe vnto them alone himselfe who being some good distance from them they stayâ—d but a small time together but that the said Fernando leaped vp behind one of them and rid away with them for all his deepe and damnable othes which he had made continually to our general and alâ— his company neuer to forsake him but to die on his side before he would be false Our Generall seeing how he was dealt withall filled water all that day with good watch and caried it aboord and night being come he determined the next day to send into the countrey to find their towne and to haue taken the spoyle of it and to haue fired it if they could haue found it The last of March Captaine Hauers went vp into the Countrey with 50. or 60. men with their shot and furniture with them and we trauailed 7. or 8. miles into the land and as we were marching along we espied a number of the herdes of cattell of kine and bullockes which were wonderfull wilde we saw also great store of horses mares and coltes which were very wilde and vnhandled there is also great store of hares and conies and plenty of partriges and other wildfoules The countrey is very fruitful with faire fresh riuers all along full of wilde foule of all sorts Hauing trauailed so farre that we could goe no further for the monstrous high mountaines we rested our selues at a very fayre fresh Riuer running in and alongst faire lowe medowes at the foote of
the other ship was laden with wheate-meale and boxes of marmalade One of these ships which had the chiefe marchandise in it was worth twentie thousand pounds if it had bene in England or in any other place of Christendome where wee might haue solde it Wee filled all our ships with as much as wee could bestow of these goods the rest wee burnt aud the ships also and set the men and women that were not killed on shoare The 20 day in the morning wee came into the road of Paita and being at an anker our Generall landed with sixtie or seuentie men skinnished with them of the towne and draue them all to flight to the top of the hill which is ouer the towne except a few slaues and some other which were of the meaner sort who were commanded by the gouernours to stay below in the towne at a place which is in building for a fort hauing with them a bloodie ensigne being in number about one hundred men Nowe as wee were rowing betweene the ships and the shoare our gunner shot off a great peece out of one of the barkes and the shot fel among them and draue them to flie from the fort as fast as they might runne who got them vp vpon an hill and from thence shot among vs with their small shot After wee were landed and had taken the towne wee ran vpon them and chased them so fiercely vp the hilles for the space of an houre that wee draue them in the ende away perforce and being got vp the hilles wee found where they had layd all their stuffe which they had brought out of the towne and had hidden it there vpon the mountaines We also found the quantitie of 25 pounds weight in siluer in pieces of eight rials and abundance of houshold stuffe and storehouses full of all kinde of wares but our Generall would not suffer any man â—o carrie much cloth or apparell away because they should not cloy themselues with burthens for hee knew not whether our enemies were prouided with furniture according to the number of their men for they were fiue men to one of vs and wee had an English mile and an halfe to our ships Thus wee came dowâ—e in safetie to the towne which was very well builded and maruellous cleane kept in euery streete with a towne-house or Guild hall in the middest and had to the number of two hundred houses at the least in it Wee set it on fire to the ground and goods to the value of fiue or sixe thousand pounds there was also a barke riding in the roade which wee set on fire and departed directing our course to the Iland of Puna The 25 day of May wee arriued at the Iland of Puna where is a very good harbour where wee found a great shippe of the burthen of 250 tunnes riding at an anker with all her â—urniture which was readie to bee haled on ground for there is a speciall good place for that purpose Wee sunke it and went on shoare where the lord of the Iland dwelt which was by the waters side who had a sumptuous house maruellous well contriued with very many singular good roomes and chambers in it and out of euery chamber was framed a gallerie with a stately prospect into the sea on the one side and into the Iland on the other side with a maruellous great hall below and a very great storehouse at the one ende of the hall which was filled with botijas of pitch and bash to make cables withall for the most part of the cables in the South sea are made vpon that Iland This great Casique doth make all the Indians vpon the Iland to worke and to drudge for him and hee himselfe is an Indian borne but is married to a maruellous faire woman which is a Spaniard by reason of his pleasant habitation and of his great wealth This Spanish woman his wife is honoured as a Queene in the Iland and neuer goeth on the ground vpon her feete but holdeth it too base a thing for her But when her pleasure is to take the ayre or to goe abroad shee is alwayes carried in a shadowe like vnto an horse-litter vpon foure mens shoulders with a veile or canopie ouer her for the sunne or the winde hauing her gentlewomen still attending about her with a great troope of the best men of the Iland with her But both shee and the lorde of the Iland with all the Indians in the towne were newly fled out of the Iland before wee could get to an anker by reason wee were becalmed before wee could get in and were gone ouer vnto the maine lande hauing carried away with them to the summe of 100000 crownes which wee knew by a captaine of the Iland an Indian which was left there with some other vpon the Iland vnder him whom wee had taken at sea as wee were comming into the road being in a balsa or canoa for a spie to see what wee were The 27 our General himselfe with certaine shot and some targettiers went ouer into the maine vnto the place where this foresayde Indian captaine which wee had taken had tolde vs that the Casique which was the lord of all the Iland was gone vnto and had caried all his treasure with him but at our comming to the place which wee went to lande at wee found newly arriued there foure or fiue great balsas which were laden with plantans bags of meale and many other kinds of victuals Our Generall maruelled what they were and what they meant asking the Indian guide and commanding him to speake the trueth vpon his life being then bound fast hee answered being very much abashed as well as our companie were that hee neither knewe from whence they should come nor who they should bee for there was neuer a man in any one of the balsas and because hee had told our Generall before that it was an easie matter to take the sayd Casique and all his treasure and that there were but three or foure houses standing in a deseâ—t place and no resistance and that if hee found it not so hee should hang him Againe being demaunded to speake vpon his life what hee thought these Balsas should bee hee answered that hee coulde not say from whence they should come except it were to bring 60 souldiers which hee did heare were to go to a place called Guaiaquil which was about 6 leagues from the saide yland where two or three of the kings shippes were on the stocks in building where are continually an hundred souldiers in garisons who had heard of vs and had sent for sixtie more for feare of burning of the shippes and towne Our Generall uot any whit discouraged either at the sight of the balsas vnlooked for or for hearing of the threescore souldiers not vntill then spoken of with a braue courage animating his companie in the exployte went presently forward being in the
night in a most desert path in the woods vntill such time as hee came to the place where as it seemed they had kept watch either at the waters side or at the houses or else at both and were newly gone out of the houses hauing so short warning that they left the meate both boyling and rosting at the fire and were fledde with their treasure with them or else buried it where it could not bee found being also in the night Our companie tooke hennes and such things as wee thought good and came away The 29 day of May our Generall went in the ship-boate into a little Iland there by whereas the sayd Casique which was the lord of Puna had caused all the hangings of his chambers which were of cordouan leather all guilded ouer and painted very faire and rich with all his houshold stuffe and all the ships tackling which was riding in the road at our comming in with great store of nailes spikes of yron and very many other things to be conueyed all which wee found and brought away what our Generall thought requisite for the ships businesse This Iland is very pleasant for all things requisite and fruitful but there are no mines of gold nor siluer in it There are at the least 200 houses in the towne about the Casiques pallace and as many in one or two townes more vpon the Iland which is almost as bigge as the I le of Wight in England There is planted on the one side of the Casiques house a faire garden with all herbes growing in it and at the lower end a well of fresh water and round about it are trees set whereon bombasin cotton groweth after this maner The tops of the trees grow full of cods out of which the cotton groweth and in the cotton is a seede of the bignesse of a pease and in euery codde there are seuen or eight of these seedes and if the cotton bee not gathered when it is ripe then these seedes fall from it and spring againe There are also in this garden fig-trees which beare continually also poÌ„pions melons cucumbers radishes rosemarie and thyme with many other herbes and fruits At the other end of the house there is also another orchard where grow orenges sweete and sower limmons pomegranates and lymes with diuers other fruits There is very good pasture ground in this Iland and withall many horses oxen bullockes sheepe very fat and faire great store of goates which be very tame and are vsed continually to bee milked They haue moreouer abundance of pigeons turkeys and ducks of a maruellous bignesse There was also a very large and great church hard by the Casiques house whither hee caused all the Indians in the Iland to come and heare masse for he himselfe was made a Christian when he was maried to the Spanish woman before spoken of and vpon his conuersion he caused the rest of his subiects to be Christened In this church was an high altar with a crucifixe and fiue belles hanging in the nether end thereof We burnt the church and brought the belles away By this time wee had haled on ground our admirall and had made her cleane burnt her keele pitched and tarred her and had haled her on flote againe And in the meane while continually kept watch and ward in the great house both night and day The second day of Iune in the morning by and by after breake of day euery one of the watch being gone abroad to seeke to fetch in victuals some one way some another some for hennes some for sheepe some for goats vpon the sudden there came down vpon vs an hundred Spanish souldiers with muskets and an ensigne which were landed on the other side of the Iland that night and all the Indians of the Iland with them euery one with weapons and their baggage after them which was by meanes of a Negro whose name was Emmanuel which fled from vs at our first landing there Thus being taken at aduantage we had the worst for our companie was not past sixteene or twentie whereof they had slaine one or two before they were come to the houses yet we skirmished with them an houre and an halfe at the last being sore ouercharged with multitudes we were driuen down from the hill to the waters side and there kept them play a while vntil in the end Zacharie Saxie who with his halberd had kept the way of the hill and slaine a couple of them as hee breathed himselfe being somewhat tired had an honourable death and a short for a shot strooke him to the heart who feeling himselfe mortally wounded cryed to God â—or mercie and fell downe presently dead But soone after the enemie was driuen somewhat to retire from the bankes side to the greene and in the ende our boate came and carried as many of our men away as could goe in her which was in hazard of sinking while they hastened into it And one of our men whose name was Robert Maddocke was shot through the head with his owne peece being a snap-hance as hee was hasting into the boate But foure of vs were left behinde which the boate could not carrie to wit my selfe Francis Pretie Thomas Andrewes Steuen Gunner and Richard Rose which had our shot readie and retired our selues vnto a cliffe vntill the boate came againe which was presently after they had carried the rest abourd There were sixe and fortie of the enemies slaine by vs whereof they had dragged some into bushes and some into aide houses which wee found afterward Wee lost twelue men in maner following Slaine by the enemie 1 Zacharie Saxie 2 Neales Iohnson 3 William Geirgifield 4 Nicolas Hendie 5 Henry Cooper 1 Robert Maddocke killed with his peece 2 Henry Mawdley burnt drowned 1 Edward the gunners man 2 Ambrose the mustrian taken prisoners 1 Walter Tilliard 2 Edward Smith 3 Henry Aselye The selfe same day being the second of Iune we went on shoare againe with â—â—â—ntie men and had a fresh skirmish with the enemies and draue them to retire being an hundred Spaniards seruing with muskets and two hundred Indians with bowes arrowes and darts This done wee set fire on the towne and burnt it to the ground hauing in it to the number of three hundred housesâ— and shortly after made hauocke of their fieldes orchards and gardens and burnt foure great ships more which were in building on the stockes The third of Iune the Content which was our viceadmirall was haled on ground to graue at the same place in despight of the Spaniards and also our pinnesse which the Spaniards had burned was new trimmed The fift day of Iune wee departed out of the roade of Puna where wee had remained eleuen dayes and turned vp for a place which is called Rio dolce where wee watered at which place also wee sunke our rereadmirall called The Hugh Gallant for want of men being a barke
and their heades and sternes are both alike they are made out with raftes of canes and reedes on the starrebordside with maste and sayle their sayle is made of mattes of sedges squâ—re or triangle wise and they saile as well right against the winde as before the winde These Sauages followed vs so long that we could not be ridde of them vntill in the end our General commanded some halfe dozen harquebuzes to be made ready and himselfe strooke one of them and the rest shot at them but they were so yare and nimble that we could not discerne whether they were killed or no because they could fall backward into the sea and preuent vs by diuing The 14 day of Ianuary lying at hull with our ship all the middle watch from 12 at night vntil foure in the morning by the breake of day wee fell with an headland of the isles of the Philippinas which is called Cabo del Spirito Santo which is of very great bignes and length high land in the middest of it and very low land as the Cape lyeth East and West trending farre into the sea to the westward This cape or island is distant from the I le of Guana one of the Ladrones 310 leagues We were in sayling of this course eleuen dayes with skant windes and some foule weather bearing no sayle two or three nights This island standeth in 13 degrees and is a place much peopled with heathen people and all woodie through the whole land and it is short of the chiefest island of the Philippinas called Manilla about 60 leagues Manilla is well planted and inhabited with Spaniards to the number of sixe or seuen hundred persons which dwell in a towne vnwalled which hath 3 or 4 small blocke houses part made of wood and part of stone beeing indeede of no great strength they haue one or two small Gallies belong to the towne It is very rich place of golde and many other commodities and they haue yeâ—rely trafficke from Acapulco in Nueua Espanna and also 20 or 30 shippes from China and from the Sanguelos which bring them many sorts of marchandize The marchants of China and the Sanguelosâ— are part Moores and part heathen people They bring great store of gold with them which they trafficke and exchange for siluer and giue waight for waight These Sanguelos are men of marueilous capacitie in deuising and making all maner of things especially in all handie craftes and sciences and euery one is so expert perfect and skilfull in his facultie as fâ—we or no Christians are able to goe beyond them in that which they take in hand For drawing imbrodering vpon satten silck or lawne either beaste fowle fish or worme for liuelines and perfectnes both in silke siluer gold pearle they excell Also the 14 day at night wee entred the streights betweene the island of Luçon the iland of Camlaia The fifteenth of Ianuary wee fell with an island called Capul and had betwixt the sayd island and another island but an narrowe passage and a marueilous rippling of a very great tyde with a lâ—dge of rockes lying off the poynt of the island of Capul and no danger but water ynough a fayre bredth off and within the point a fayre bay and a very good harborough in foure fathomes water hard aboord the shore within a cables length About 10 of the clocke in the morning wee came to an anker Our shippe was no sooner come to an anker but presently there came a canoa rowing aboord vs wherein was one of the chief Casiques of the island whereof there be seueÌ„ who supposing that we were Spaniardes brought vs potato rootes which they call camotas and greene cocos in exchange whâ—reof we gaue his company pieces of linnen to the quantitie of a yard for foure Cocos and as much linnen for a basket of potato rootes of a quart in quantitie which rootes are very good meat and excellent sweete either rosted or boyled This Casiques skinne was carued and cut with sundry and many strakes and deuises all ouer his body We kept him still aboord and caused him to send those men which brought him aboord backe to the island to cause the rest of the principals to come aboord who were no sooner gone on shore but presently the people of the island came downe with their cocos and potato rootes and the rest of the principals likewise came aboord and brought with them hennes and hogges and they vsed the same order with vs which they doe with the Spaniardes For they tooke for euery hog which they cal Balboye eight rials of plate and for euery henne or cocke one riall of plate Thus we rode at anker all that day doing nothing but buying rootes cocos hennes hogges and such things as they brought refreshing our selues marueilously well The same day at night beeing the fifteenth of Ianuary 1588 Nicolas Roderigo the Portugal whom wee tooke out of the great Santa Anna at the Cape of California desired to speake with our General in secret which when our General vnderstood he sent for him asked hiâ— what he had to say vnto him The Portugal made him this answer that although he had offeÌ„ded his worship heretofore yet nowe hee had vowed his faith and true seruice vnto him and in respect thereof he neither could nor would coÌ„ceale such treason as was in working against him and his company and that was this That the Spaniard which was takâ—n out of the great â—ant Anne for a Pilote whose name was Thomas de Ersola had wriâ—ten a letter and secretly sealed it and locked iâ— vp in his cheste meaning to conuey it by the inhabitants of this island to Manilla the contents whâ—reof were That there had bene two English ships along the coast of Chili Peru Nueua Espanna and Nueua Galicia and that they had taken many shippes and marchandize in them and burnt diuers townes and spoiled all that euer they could come vnto and that they had taken the kings ship which came from Manilla and all his treasure with all the marchandize that was therein and had set all the people on shore taking himselfe away perforce Therefore he willed them that they should make strong their bulwaâ—ks with their two Gallies and all such prouision as they could possibly make He farther signified that wee were riding at an island called Capul which was at the end of the island of Manilla being but one shippe with small force in it and that the other ship as he supposed was gone for the North-west passage standing in 55 degrees and that if they could vse any meanes to surprize vs being there at an anker they should dispatch it for our force was but small and our men but weake and that the place where we roade was but 50 leagues from them Otherwise if they let vs escape within fewe yeeres they must make account to haue
their towne besieged and sacked with an armie of English This information being giuen our Generall called for him and charged him with these things which at the first he vtterly denyed but in the ende the matter being made manifest and knowen of certaintie by especiall tryall and proofes the next morning our Generall willed that he should be hanged which was accordingly performed the 16 of Ianuary We roade for the space of nine dayes about this island of Capul where we had diuerse kindes of fresh victuals with excellent fresh water in euery bay and great store of wood The people of this island go almost all naked and are tawny of colour The men weare onely a stroope about their wastes of some kinde of linnen of their owne weauing which is made of plantan leaues and another stroope comming from their backe vnder their twistes which couereth their priuie parts and is made fast to their girdles at their nauels These people vse a strange kinde of order among them which is this Euery man and man-childe among them hath a nayle of Tynne thrust quite through the head of his priuiâ— part being split in the lower ende and riuetted and on the head of the nayle is as it were a crowne which is driuen through their priuiâ—ies when they be yong and the place groweth vp againe without any great painâ— to the child and they take this nayle out and in as occasion serueth and for the truth thereof we our selues haue taken one of these nailes from a sonne of one of the kings which was of the age of 10 yeeres who did weare the same in his priuie member This custome was granted at the request of the women of the countrey who finding their men to be giuen to the fowle sinne of Sodomie desired some remedie against that mischiefe and obteined this before named of the magistrates Moreouer all the males are circumcised hauing the foreskinne of their flesh cut away These people wholly worship the deuill and often times haue conference with him which appeareth vnto them in most vgly and monstrous shape On the 23 day of Ianuary our Generall M. Thomas Candish caused al the principals of this island and of an hundred islands more which he had made to pay tribute vnto him which tribute was in hogges hennes potatoes and cocos to appeare before him and made himselfe and his company knowne vnto them that they were English men and enemies to the Spaniardes and therâ—upon spredde his Ensigne and sounded vp the drummes which they much maruelled at to conclude they promised both themselues and all the islands thereabout to ayde him whensoâ—uer hee shoulde come againe to ouercome the Spaniardes Also our Generall gaue them in token that wee were enemies to the Spaniardes money backe againe for all their tribute which they had payed which they tooke maruâ—ilous friendly and rowed about our shippe to shewe vs pleasure marueilous swiftly at the last our generall caused a saâ—er to be shot off whereat they wondered and with great contentment tooke their leaues of vs. The next day being the twentie foure of Ianuarie wee sette sayle aboute sixe of the clock in the morning and ran along the coast of the island of Manilla shaping our course Northwest betweene the isle of Manilla and the isle of Masbat The 28 day in the morning about 7 of the clocke riding at an anker betwixt 2 islands wee spied a Frigat vnder her two coarses comming out betweene 2 other islands which as we imagined came froÌ„ Manilla sayling close aboord the shore along the maine island of Panama we chasâ—d this frigat along the shore gat very fast vpon it vntil in the end we came so neere that it stood in to the shore close by a winde vntill shee was becalmed and was driuen to stricke her sayle and banked vp with her oares wherâ—vpon we came vnto an anker with our ship a league and an halfe from the place where the Frigate rowed in and manned our boat with halfe a dozen shot and as many men with swords which did row the boat thus we made after the Frigate which had hoysed saile and ran into a riuer which we could not find But as we rowed along the shore our boate came into very shallow water where many weares and sticks were set vp in diuers places in the sea from whence 2 or 3 canoas came forth whereof one made somewhat neere vnto vs with 3 or 4 Indians in it we called vnto them but they would not come neerer vnto vs but rowed from vs whom wee durst not followe too farre â—or feare of bringing our selues to much to the leewaâ—de of our ship Here as we looked about vs we espied anoâ—her Balsa or canoa of a great bignes which they which were in her did set along we do vsually set a barge with long staues or poles which was builded vp with great canes and below hard by the water made to row with oares wherein were about 5 or 6 Indians and one Spaniard nowe as wee were come almost at the Balsa wee ran a ground with our boate but one or two of our men leaped ouer-boord and freed it againe presâ—ntly and keeping thwarte her head we layed her aboord and tooke in to vs the Spaniard but the Indians leaped into the sea and diued and rose farre off againe from vs. Presently vpon the taking of this canoa there shewed vpon the sand a band of souldiers marching with an ensigne hauing a red Crosse like the flagge of England which were about 50 or 60 Spaniardes which were lately come from Manilla to that towne which is called Ragaun in a Barke to fetch a new shippe of the kings which was building in a riuer within the bay and stayed there but for certain yrons that did serue for the rudder of the said ship which they looked for euery day This band of mâ—n shot at vs from the shore with their muskets but hyt none of vs and wee shot at them againe they also manned a Frigate and sent it out after our boat to haue taken vs but we with saile and oares went from them and when they perceiued that they could not fetch vs but that they must come within danger of the ordinance of our ship they stood in with the shore againe and landed their men and presently sent their Frigate about the point but whether we knâ—w not So we came aboord with this one Spaniard which was neither souldier nor sayler but one that was come among the rest from Manilla and had bene in the hospital there a long time before and was a very simple soule and such a one as could answere to very little that hee was asked concer-cerning the state of the countrey Here wee roade at anker all that night and perceiued that the Spaniards had dispersed their band into 2 or 3 parts and kept great watch in
at the island of S. Andrew where we ankered in 17 fadoms water Item The 17 day of September we departed from the island of S. Andrew and the 24 day of September we put into the bay of Chiametlan where we ankered in 8 fadoms water and the 26 of September we departed from the bay of Chiametlan and the 28 day wee ankered vnder the islands of Chiametlan in 4 fadoms Item The 9 day of October wee departed from the islands of Chiametlan and crossing ouer the mouth of Mar vermejo the 14 day of October we had sight of the cape of California Item The 15 day of October we lay off the cape of S. Lucas and the 4 day of Nouember we tooke the great and rich ship callâ—d Santa Anna comming from the Philippinas and the 5 day of Nouember we put into the port of S. Lucas where we put all the people on shore and burnt the Santa Anna and we ankered in 12 fadoms water Item The 19 day of Nouember we departed from the port of S. Lucas and the 3 day of Ianuary wee had sight of one of the islands of the Ladrones which island is called The island of Iwana standing in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts Item The 3 day of Ianuary we departed from the iland of Iwana and the 14 day of Ianuarie we had sight of the cape of Spirito santo and the same day we put into the Streights of the Philippinas and the 15 day of Ianuary we ankered vnder the iland of Capul on the which iland we watered and wooded Item The 24 of Ianuary we departed from the iland of Capul and the 28 day of Ianuary we arriued in the bay of Lago grande which bay is in the island of Pannay where there were Spaniards building of a new ship Item The 29 of Ianuary wee departed from the bay of Lago grande and the same day at night wee were cleere from the islands of the Philippinas shâ—ping our course towards the ilands of Maluco Item From the 29 day of Ianuary vnto the first day of March we were nauigating between the West end of the island of Pannay and the West end of the island of Iaua minor Item The first day of March wee passed the Streights at the West head of the island of Iaua minor and the 5 day of March we ankered in a bay at the Wester end of Iaua maior where wee watered and had great store of victuals from the towne of Polambo Item The 16 day of March wee departed from the island of Iaua maior and the 11 day of May we had sight of the land 40 leagues vnto the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança the land being low land A note from the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the Northwards ITem The 21 day of May wee departed from the cape of Buena Esperança and the 8 day of Iune we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland of Santa Helenâ— where we watered and made our abode 12 dayes Item The 20 day of Iune at night wee departed from the island of Santa Helena and the 4 day of Iuly we passed vnder the Equinoctiall line Item The 20 day of Iune at night wee departed from the island of Santa Helena and the 25 day of August in the morning wee had sight of the islands of Flores and Coruo in the latitude of 40 degrees Item The 9 day of September 1588 wee arriued after a long and terriblâ— tempest in the Narrow seas in the hauen of Plimmouth in safetie by the gracious and most mercifull protection of the Almighty to whom therefore be rendered immortall praise and thankesgiuing now and for euer Amen A note of our ankering in those places where we arriued after our departure from England 1586. IN primis Wee ankered in the harborow of Sierra leona in 10 fadoms water and a Northwest winde in that rode is the woorst that can blow Item You may anker vnder the island that is called Ilha Verde in 6 fadoms water and the winde being at the Westnorthwest is the woorst winde that can blow Item You may anker vnder the island of S. Sebastian on the Northwest part in 10 fadoms and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in Port Desire in 5 fadoms water and a West and by South winde is the woorst Item You may anker vnder Cape Ioy without the mouth of the Streights of Magellan in 7 fadoms water Item You may anker within the Straights of Magellan vâ—till you come vnto the first narrowing in 25 or 30 fadoms water in the mid way of the Streights Item You may anker in the second narrow of the Strâ—ights in 16 fadoms water Item You may anker vnder Penguin island on which side you please in 6 or 7 fadoms water Item You may anker in Port Famine in 5 or 6 fadoms water and a Southsoutheast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in Muskle coue which coue is on the South side and is 7 leagues to the Southwards of Cape Froward and you shall ride in 12 fadoms Item You may anker in Elizabeth bay which bay is on the North side of the Streights in 8 fadoms water Item From Elizabeth bay vnto Cabo descado you may anker on both sides of the Streights in many places A note of our ankering after we were entred into the South sea IN primis You may anker in the bay of Mocha in 7 or 8 fadoms water and there a Northeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the North side of S. Mary island in nine fadoms water and there a Northnorthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Conception vnder one small island in 9 fadoms water and â— Northnorthwest winde is the woorst winde in that bay Item You may anker in the bay of Quintero in 7 fadoms water and a Northnorthwest wind is the worst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Arica in 6 fadoms and in that bay a Westnorthwest winde is the woorst winde Item You may anker in the bay of Pisca and Paraca in fiue fadoms and in that bay a Northnorthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the bay of Cherepe in 8 fadoms and there from the Northwest vnto the Southeast it is open Item You may anker in the bay of Paita in 7 fadoms water and there a Northnortheast wind is the woorst winde Item You may anker on the Northeast part of the island of Puna in 4 fadoms and a Northeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker at Rio dolce where wee watered vnto the Easâ—wards of the island of Puna in 10 fadoms A note of what depths we ankered in on the coast of New Spaine ITem You may anker in the port of
Aguatulco in sixe fadoms waâ—er and a Southsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the port of S. Iago in 6 fadoms water and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the port of Natiuidad in 8 fadoms water and a Southeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the bay of Xalisco in 9 fadoms water and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the Northwest part of the island of S. Andrew in 17 fadoms water Item You may anker vnder the island of Chiametlan in 4 fadoms water and a Southeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the port of S. Lucas on the Cape of California in 12 fadoms water and a Southeast winde is the woorst A note of what depths we ankered in among the ilands of the Philippinas ITem You may anker on the Southwest part of the island of Capul in 6 fadoms water and a Wesâ—southwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker all along the South part of the island of Panna in shoald water in the depth of 10 or 12 fadoms Item You may anker in the bay of Lago grande in seuen fadoms water which bay is on the South side of the island of Panna Item You may anker at the East end of Iaua maior in 16 fadoms water and an Eastsoutheast winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the North part of the island of Santa Helena in 12 fadoms water A note of our finding of the winds for the most part of our voyage 1586. IN primis From the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 19 day of August we found the winde at Northnortheast being in the latitude of 7 degrees Item From the 19 day of August vnto the 28 day of September wee found the wind for the most part betweene the West and the Southwest being in 24 degrees Item From the 28 day of September vnto the 30 day of October we found the windes betweene the Northeast and the Eastnortheast Item From the 23 of Nouember from the island of S. Sebastian vnto the 30 day of Nouember we found the winde betweene the Southeast and the Southsoutheast being in 36 degrees Item From the 30 day of Nouember vnto the 6 day of December we found the windes to be betweene the West and the Southwest Item From the 6 day of December vnto the first day of Ianuary we found the winds for the most part betweene the North and the Northeast bring then in the latitude of 52 degrees Item From the first day of Ianuary vnto the 23 day of February we found the windes to be betweene the Northwest and the Westsouthwest wee being all that time in the Streights of Magellan Item From the 23 day of February vnto the first day of March we found the winds to be betweene the South and the Southeast being then in the South sea in the latitude of 48 degrees Item From the first day of March vnto the 7 day of March we found the winde to be at the North and the Northnortheast in the latitude of 43 degrees Item From the 7 day of March vnto the 14 day of March wee found the windes to be betweene the South and the Southwest in the latitude of 37 degrees Item From the 14 day of March vnto the 28 day of May we found the winds to be betweene the South and the Southwest in the latitude of 3 degrees to the South of the Line A note of the varying of our windes to the North of the Equinoctiall line on the coast of New Spaine ITem From the 28 day of May vnto the 5 day of Iuly we found the winds for the most part to be betweene the Southsoutheast and the Southsouthwest being in the latitude of 10 degrees to the Northward of the Line on the coast of New Spaine Item From the 5 day of Iuly vnto the 14 day of October we found the windes for the most part to be at the Eastnortheast in the latitude of 23 degrees Northward and almost vnder the tropicke of Cancer A note of the windes which we found betweene the coast of New Spaine and Islands of the Philippinas on the coast of Asia IN the yeere of our Lord 1587 we departed from the cape of Santa Clara on the coast of California the 19 day of Nouember and we found the winds to be betweene the East and the Eastnortheast vntill the 29 day of Ianuary departing then from the ilands of the Philippinas being in the latitude of 9 degrees Item From the 29 day of Ianuary vnto the 19 day of March wee found the windes for the most part betweene the Northnortheast and the Northwest being then among the Ilands of Maluco in the latitude of 9 degrees Item From the 19 day of March vnto the 20 day of May wee found the windes for the most part betweene the South and the Eastsoutheast being then betweene the Ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança in the latitude of 34 degrees to the South of the Line Item From the 20 day of May vnto the 11 day of Iuly we found the winds for the most part betweene the South and the Southeast being then betweene the cape of Buena Esperança and and 15 degrees vnto the Southward of the line Item From the 11 day of Iuly vnto the 18 day of August we found the winds for the most part betweene the Northeast and Eastnortheast bring then betweene the latitude of 15 degrees to the Southward of the line and 38 degrees vnto the Northwards of the line A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the right honourable the Lord Hunsdon Lord Chamberlaine one of her Maiesties most honourable Priuy Councell touching the successe of his voyage about the world RIght honourable as your fauour heretofore hath bene most greatly extended towards me so I humbly desire a continuance thereof and though there be no meanes in me to deserue the same yet the vttermost of my seruices shall not be wanting whensoeuer it shall please your honour to dispose thereof I am humbly to desire your honour to make knowen vnto her Maiesty the desire I haue had to doe her Maiesty seruice in the performance of this voyage And as it hath pleased God to giue her the victory ouer part of her enemies so I trust yer long to see her ouerthrow them all For the places of their wealth whereby they haue mainteined and made their warres are now perfectly discouered and if it please her Maiesty with a very small power she may take the spoile of them all It hath pleased the Almighty to suffer mee to circompasse the whole globe of the world entring in at the Streight of Magellan and returning by the cape de Buena Esperança In which voyage I haue either discouered or brought certeine intelligence of all the rich places of the world that euer were knowen or discouered by any
his name in the countrey of Coray that the king thereof hath sent his ambassadors hither to â—eelde vnto him a kind of homage as he required which ambassadors are now in the city of Miacó And by this Peninsula of Coray he may passe with his army by land in fewe dayes iourney vnto the citie of Paqui being the principall citie where the king of China hath his residence And as the Chinians be weake and the people of Iapan so valiant and feared of them if God doth not cut him off in this â—xpedition it may fall out according to his expectation But whatsoeuer become of China it is held for a certaintie that his comming will cause great alterations in these partes of Ximo especially in this kingdom of Figen wherein are the princedomes of Arima and Oâ—uâ—a and all the â—orce of our Christianity and he told Don Protasio when he was with him once before that he would make him a great man in China and that he would remooue these lordesâ— and deliuer thâ—ir gouernments vnto lordes that were Gentiles which would be the ruine of all this Christianitieâ— neither should wâ— haue any place wherein to remaine For as it is the custome of Iapan in the alterations of estates and kingdomes which they call Cuningaia to remooue all the nobilitie and gentry and to leaue onely the base people and labourers committing them to the gouernment of Ethnicks wee shall hereby also leese our houses and the Christians shall be dispersed with their lordsâ— whom sometimes he handleth in such sort that he giueth them nothing to susâ—eine themselues and so they remaine with all their followers as men banished and vtterly ruined The second Testimonie contaiâ—ing the huge leuâ—es and preparations of Quabacondono as also his warres and conqueâ—ts and he sucâ—esse thereof in the kingdome of Coray Together with a description of the same kingdom and of their trafficke and maner of gouernment and also of the shipping of China Iapan and Coray with mention of certaine isles thereunto adjacent and other particulars very memorable Out of the Epistles of the aforesaid Father Fryer Luis Frois dated 1591 and 1592. ABout this time Quabacondono determining to put his warre against China in execution assembled sundry oâ— his nobles and captaines vnto whom he declared his intent who albeit they were all of a quite contrary opinion yet all of them without any pretense of difficulty approued his determination For he had giuen out that he would not abstaine â—rom this warre although his owne some should rise from death to life and request him yea whosoeuer would mooue any impediment or difficulty in that matter hee would put him to death Wherefore for certaine moneths there was nothing in all places to be seene but prouision of ships armour munition and other necessaries for the warres Quabacondono making a catalogue of all the lordes and nobles his subiects willed euery one of them not a man excepted to accompany him in this expedition inioyning and appointing to each one what numbers they should bring In all these kingdomes of Ximo he hath nominated 4 of his especiall fauourites whom to all mens admiration he will haue to be heads ouer all these new kingdomes notwithstanding that here are 4 others farre more mighty then they Of whom by Gods good prouidence two are Christians to wit Augustine Eucunocamindono gouernour of half the kingdom of Fiâ—ga Cainocami the sou of Quambioindono gouernour of the greater part of the kingdome of Bugen The other two are Ethniques namely Toranosuque gouernour of the halfe of the kingdom of Finga and Augustins mortall enemie and Iconocami gouernour of the residue of the kingdome of Bugen and an enemie both to Augustine and Caâ—nocami And Quabacondono hath commanded all the Christian lordes of Tâ—ximo to follow Christian gouernours Whereupon the lord Protasius was there with 2000 souldiers Omurandono the lord of Ceuxima and Augustins sonne in law which lately became a Christian with a thousand Also he appointed that the gouernours of Firando and Goto should follow Augustine who albeit they were Gentiles had many Christians to their subiects Wherefore Augustine was to conduct 15000 souldiers besides mariners slaues and other base people to cary the baggage of the army all which being as great a number as the former so soone as they arriued in the kingdom of Coray were made souldiers and bore armes Unto the said Augustine Quabacondono in token of singular fauour granted the first assault or inuasion of the kingdome of Coray to wit that he onely with his forces might enter the same the other lordes remaining in Ceâ—xima which is 18 leagues distant from Coray till they should bee aduertized from Augustine which thing procured vnto Augustine great enuie and disdaine from them all howbeit as you shall forthwith vnderstand it prooued in the end most honourable vnto him The other Christian gouernour Cainocami being but a yong man of 23 yeeres he commanded the king of Bungo to â—ollow with 6000 souldiers so that with the 4000 which hee had before his number amounted vnto 10000 besides mariners and others which caried burthens This was must ioyful newes to vs and to all the Christians Of the Ethnick lords Quabacondono appointed the gouernoâ—â— of Riosogo together with Foranosuque to march with 8000 and likewise the king of Saçeuma and Iconocami with as many And amongst all he gaue the first and chiefe place vnto Augustine All the other souldiers of Iapan hee caused to accompanie his owne person the number of all together as appeared out of a written catalogue amounting to three hundreth thousand persons of whom two hundred thousand were souldiers The order prescribed in this whole armie was that first they should make their entâ—ance by the kingdome of Coray which is almost an island one ende whereof ioyneth vpon the maine lande of China which though it be a seuerall kingdome of it selfe â— yet is it subiect and tributarie vnto the king of China And because this kingdom of Coray is diuided but by an aâ—me of the sea â—roÌ„ Iapan Quabacondono determined to subdue the same for that it so aboundeth with victuals that from thence he might the easâ—ier inuade China While all things were preparing it was commanded that at the chief port of Ximo called Nangoia being twelue leagues distant from Fiâ—ando there should be erected a mightie great castle where Quabacondono with all his fleet was minded to stay till newes were brought of the successe of the aforesaid 4 gouernours or captaines Hee appointed also another castle to bee built in Fuchinoxima which is another island situate betweene Nangoia and Ceuxima And he built a third castle in Ceuxima that his passage might be the more commodious The charge of building these castles he imposed vpon the 4 aforesaid gouernoursâ— and commanded the other lords of Ximo their associates to assist them all which so applyed that busines that in 6 moneths space it was wholly finished
great fight before Greueling the 29 of Iuly Three Spanish shippes sucke in the fight Two galeons taken and caried into Zeland A small shippe cast away about Blankenberg The dishonourable flight of the Spanish nauy and the prudent aduice of the L. Admirall The English returne home from the pursute of y e Spaniards the 4. of August The Spaniards consult to saile round about Scotland and Ireland and so to returne home The shippewracke of the Spaniardes vpon the Irish coast Of 134 ships of the Spanish fleet there returned home but 53. New coines stamped for the memory of the Spaniards ouerthrow The people of England and of the vnited prouinces piaâ— fast and giue thanks vnto God 1. King cap 5. 2. Chron. cap. 2. Triadum liber A.D. 1058. A.D. 1064. A.D. 1051. A.D. 1064 According to Florentius Wigorniensis A.D. 1051. A.D. 1102. When the author was writing of this history Hic etiam Gullielmus Tyrensis claruit sub Henrico primo Claruit sub Stephano 1147. Tempore regis Stephâ—â—i 1173. 1177. The citie of Iconium intended to haue bene besieged Certaine noble men of the king of England were with the Emperor in his battell against the Soldan of Iconium ¶ The oth of fidelitie betwixt King Richard and the French kingâ— The discipline and orders of the king Messana won by the English The Nauie of king Richard The Lord Chamberlaine of King Richard left gouernour of Cyprus A great ship of Saracens taken by king Richard King Richard arriued at Achon The forme of peace concluded betweene the Kings and the Princes of Achon The French kings shamefull returne home The captiues of the Saracens slaine by King Richard A notable victorie against the Saladine King Richard in possession of Syria 1193. King Richard returneth from Palaestina The iust iudgment of God vpon the Duke of Austria Ciuitas Ioppe 1240. ‖ Or Long-sword A foâ—â— woâ— by the Eâ—glishmeâ— A rich bootie also gotten by the Englishmen The iniurie of the Frenchmen to our English Will. Longspee iâ—â—tly â—oâ—saketh y e French king The worthy answere of William Longspe â—o Earle Robert The â—owardly flight of Earle Robert The valiant ende of William Longespe The arriuall of prince Edward at Acra Nazareth taken by the prince A â—ictoâ—iâ— agaâ—nâ—â— the Saracâ—nsâ— whâ—rein 1000 oâ—â—heÌ„ were slâ—iâ—e The princes of Cyprus acknowledge obedâ—â—â—ce to the kings of England Prince â—dwâ—â—d â—raâ—â—â—oâ—sly wouâ—ded This lord Edmund was the prince his brother 1305. Armenia maior Tauris ciuitas Persiâ— Suleania Vel Casâ—ibin Gest. Como Ormus Thana Malabaâ— Polumbrum ciâ—itas Adoratio bouis Combastio mortuotum Mobat regnum vel Maliapor Crudelissima Sutanae tyrannis caâ—nificina Platonica xâ—â—oriae Simolâ—ra vel Samoâ—ra Iâ—uâ— Vel Malasmi Mare quod semper currit versus meridiem Vela ex â—â—ndinibus facta Campa Testudines magnae Moâ—moran Ceilan inâ—ula Bodin Insula Vel Ceâ—scala Hi sunt alcatraâ—â—i vel onocratoli Vel Zaâ—â—on Vel Foquien Magnum flumen Alias Cansai vel Quiâ—â—ai Pythagorica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chilenâ—o Thalay Kakam Montu Caramoran Cambaleâ— Mandeuil cap. 33. Casan Tibec regio aliaÌ„â— Tebet Guillielmo de Rubricis Eadem historia de codem populo apud GuiltelmuÌ„ de Rubricis Mulierum parâ—i pedes Milestorite Pera. Trapesunda The citie of Azaron in Armenia maior Sobissacalo Tauris a citie of Persia. Or Sultania The Caspian sea Or Cassibin Geste Como The tower of Babel Ormus Thana whereof Frederick Câ—sar maketh mâ—ntion Malabar Or Alandrina Polumbrum The burning of their dead Mobar or Maliapor Perhaps he meaneth Comori Sumatra Iaua A sea running still Southward Sayles made of reedes Campa Tortoises Moumoran Or Dadin Or China Or Ceuskalâ— He meaneth Pellicans which the Spaniards cal Alcatâ—tarzi Or Zâ—iton A great riuer Foules catching fish Or Cansai or Qâ—inzai The Italian copy in Ramusius hath 11000. bridges Chilenfo Thalay Cakam Ianzu Karamoroâ— Sumacoto A lambe in a gourd His retuâ—ne Westward Casan ‖ Or Thebet The same story concerning the very same people is in William de Râ—brâ—cis Long nailes Melistorte In the reigne of Edward the third The Chronicles of Genoa 1394. Froyslare Thomas Walsingham Order taken for building of ships and gallies The taking of Belgrade Forren physicians become spies oftentimes A Portingale traitor Philip de Villiers great master Sir Ioh. Bourgh the English Turcoplier Harnest in April and May. A thousand more Turkes slaine before the English bulwarke Sir Will. Weston captaine of the English posterne hurt 64000. Turkâ— slaine at the siege of Rhodes He meaneth the Emperor the French king The Holy Crosse and the Mathew Gonson depart for Turkie The Mathew Gonson goeth into Turkie The Barke Aucher goeth for Leuant Mallorca Messina The Turke prepareth an army to besâ—ege Malta The Barke Aucher at Micone The towne of Chio is bound in 12000 ducats for the fafegard of the Barke Aucher The companie doe murmure against their Captaine The Turkes Gallies come to seeke the Barke Aâ—cher Fiue thousand banished men in Candia Master Richard Chancellour Master Mathew Baker The ship Fila Cauena departeth for Ierusalem Rouignio a port in Istria Sancta Eufemia Monte de Ancona Il pomo Sant Andrea Lissa an Iland Lezina Iland Catza Pelagosa Augusta Meleda Monte Sant Angelo Ragusa paâ—eth 14000. Sechinos to the Turke yerely Il Cromo Zupanna Isola de Mezo Sant Andrea Castle nouo Boca de Cataro The towne Cataro Budoa Antiueri Marcheuetti The end of Sclauonia and the beginning of Albania Puglia Cape Chimera Cape Otranto Il fano Corfu Palomide Cephalonia Morea Zante Iohn Locke and fiue Hollanders goe on land Santa Maria de la Croce The tombe of M. T. Cicero * Oi Aue. The descriptioÌ„ of the tombe Sant Elia bist one Frier The descriptioÌ„ of the Castle of Zante The Turke hath attempted the Iland of Zante The Castle of Torneste Twelue turks gallies at Modon and Coron and Candia Modon Coron Cauo Mattapan Candia Gozi Candia Cape Spada C. Salomon Ponta Malota Baffo Cauo Bianco Cauo de la garte Limisso Caualette in a certaine vernime in the Island of Cyprus The pilgrimes going to the Greeke churches A great currant A Cat fallen into the sea and recouâ—red They met with two Moores on land The two towers of Iaffa Scolio di Santo Petro. A messenger departeth for Ierusalem Mahomet is clothed in greene The Guardian of Ierusalem commeth to Iaffa with the Cady and Subassi A cloud called of the Italians Cion most dangerous A coniuration The pilgrimes returne from Ierusalem Mount Carmel Pesce columbini Cauo de la Griega Salini Arnacho di Salini Casalia Sixe horsemen to watch the salt pit Faâ—agusta Mozenigo Solde of Venice Castellani Saint Katherenâ— Chappel â—â— old Famagusta Diuers coines vnder ground Cornari a familie of Venice maried to king Iaques No vitalles must be sold our of the city of Famagusta Great ruines in Cyprus Cyprus 36. yeres disinhabited for lacke of water Cypr. ruinated by Rich. the 1. Nicosia A fountaine
day A full reuoluâ—ion of the Monne aboue their Horizon The colleagues of the fellowship for the discouery of the Northwest passage Free Denization granted This Patent remaiâ—ed in force fiue yeeres Authoritie to proceede at Sea against mutiners 1583. Musicians They depart from Silley Iuly Great store of whales The râ—uling of the yce together made a great roaring Yce turned into water The Land of Desolation Very blacke water Floting wood Colde by â—eason of yce They saile Northwestward aboue foure dayes Land in 64 degrees 15 min. The sound where our ships did ride was called Gilberts sound Musicians The people of the countrey came and conferred with our men Thirty seuen Canoas Their musike Great familiâ—rity with the Sauagesâ— Diuers sorts oâ— wood They may make much â—rame if they had meanes how to vse itâ— Moscouie glasse A fruit like corinths August Land in 66 degrees 40 min. Foure white beares A huge whiâ—e beare Timber sawen Fowle An image Probabilities for the passage Wee neuer came into any baâ— before or after but the waters colour was altered very blackish Faulcons Their returne September They saile from The land of desolation to England in 14. dayes Land discouered in 60. degrees Gentle and louing Sauages In 100 Canoâ—â— with diuers commodities Images trane ople and Seale skins in tan tubs A plaine champion countrey A goodly riuer A graue with a crosse layd ouer The Tartars and people of Iapon are also smal eyed Their manâ—r of kindling fire like to theirs in America A fire made of turfes Great theeues Their rude diet Their weapons Strange nets These Islanders warre with the people of the maine Copper oare Their language Muscles A strange whirlewinde Great Ilands Slings One oâ— the people taken which afteâ— dyed â— huge quantitie of yce in 63. degrees of latitudâ— The nature of foggâ—s Great heat 66. degrees 19. minutes Great hopâ— oâ— a passage 64. degr 20 min. A great â—urrent to the West Ilandsâ— They râ—nne 8. dayes Southward â—rom 67 to 57. degrees vpon the coast A harborough in 56. degrees Faire woods Store of cod A perfect hope oâ—â—he passage about 54. degrâ—es and an halfe Two oâ— our men slaine by the Sauages May. M. Dauis in the latitude of 60. deg diuideth his fleete into 2. parts The 7. of Iune Island descryâ—d 66. degrees Their commodities Their dwellings Their boats M. Iohn Roydon of Ipâ—wich They departed from Island Northwest Iuly Groneland diâ—â—couered The land of Desolation Groenland coasted from â—he 7. till the last of Iuly August The houses of Gronland Our men play at footeball with the Sauages Sweete wood found A skirmish between the Sauages and our men September The pinnesse neuer reâ—urned home Land descrâ—â—â—â— Salt kerned oâ— the rockes Isles in 64. degrees Store oâ— Whales in 67. degrees 7â— deg 12. min. The great variation of the compasse London coast Betweene Gâ—onland the Noâ—th of America aboue 40. leagues A mighâ—ie banke of yeâ— lying North and South Extreme heatâ— of the Sunne They were driuen West sixe points out of their course in 67. degrees 45. minutes Mount Raleigh The Earle oâ— Cumbeâ—lands Isles The variation of the compasse 30. deg Westward The land trendeth from this place Southwest and by South My lord Lumleys Inlet Warwicks Foreland A very forciblâ— current Westward â—â—idleys cape The lord Daâ—cies Island The fishing place betweene 54 and 55 degrees of latitude Abundance of whales in 52 degrees They arriue at Dartmouth the 15 of September The 1. voyage The 2. voyage The North parts of Americâ— all Islands The 3. voyage The ship of M. N. Zeno casâ— away vpon â—risland in Annâ— 1380. A forraine prince hapning to be in Frisland with armed men when M. Zenâ— suffered shipwracke therâ— came vnto him and spakâ— Latine Zichmni princâ— of Poâ—land or Duke of Zorani â—risland the â—ing oâ— Norâ—ayeâ— N. Zeno made â—night by Zichmni Ships laden with fish at Frisland â—or Flanders Bâ—itain England Scotland Noâ—way and Denmarke But not to bâ— proued that eâ—er any came thence A letter sent by M. N. Zeno from fâ—Fâ—island to his brother M. Antonio in Venice The end of the first letter Engâ—onâ—lâ—nâ— Pâ—eaching Fryâ—rs of Saint Thomâ—â— Winter oâ— 9. moneths Trade in summer â—ime from Trondon to S. Thomas Friers in Groneland Resâ—â—t of Fryâ—rs from Norway and Sueden to the Monastery in Engroneland called S. Tho. M. Fâ—obisheâ— brought these kinde of boats from â—hese parâ—s inâ—â— England In the Monastery of Saint Thomâ—s most of them spake the Latine tongue The end of the â— letter N. Zeno dyed in Frisland The discouerie of Estoâ—iland Westward Sixe fishermen taken Fishermen of Frisland speake Latine Sixe were fiue â—â—eres in Esâ—otiland One of the fisherâ— of Frisland reporteth of Estotiland Estotiland rich abounding with all â—he commodities of the world Abundance of golde Trade from Estotilâ—nd to Engroneland â— Skins brimstone and pitch golde corne and â—eere or ale Many cities and castles A countrey called Doâ—gio The 6 fishermen of Frisland onâ—ly saued by shewing the maner to take fish The chiefest oâ— the 6 fishers specified before and his companions In the space of 13 yeeres he serued 25 lords of Drogio He returned from Estotiland to Frisland Zichmni minded to send M. Antonio Zeno with a fleete towards thâ—sâ— parts of Esâ—otiland The 4 letter The fisherman dyed that should haue bene interpreter Certaine mariners taken in his sâ—eede which came with him from Estotiland Isle Ilose Zichmni his discouerie of the Island Icaâ—ia An Island man in Icaâ—ia The kings of of Icaria called Icari after the name of the first king of that place who as they report was sonne to Dedalus king of Scots Icarian Sâ—a The people of Icaria destrous of the Italian tongue Ten men of ten sundry nations Infinite multitudes of armed men in Icaâ—iâ— Zichmni departed from Icaria Wâ—stwards 100 men sent to discrie the countreâ— The 100 souldiers returned which had bene through â—he Island report what they saw and found M. Anâ—onio Zeno made chiefâ— captaine of those ships which went back to Frâ—sland The 5 letter Estotiland first discouered The second discouerie thereof Dâ—ogio M. Aâ—migil Wade Cape Briâ—on The Island of Penguin standeth about the latitude of 30. degrees M. Dawbneys report to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Temple They beheld the Sauges â—f Newfounland Extrâ—me famine Our men â—aâ—e one another foâ— famine The Capâ—aines Oration The English surprise a French ship wherein they returned home Haâ—kes and other foules Foules supposed â—o be storkes The French royally recompencâ—d by king Henry the 8. English Spaniards Portugals French Britons The fertility of Newfoundland Seueral sortes â— of fish Called by the Spaniards Anchunas and by the Portugals Capelinas 〈◊〉 Albioâ— Hugo Willobeius eques auratus Martinus Fâ—obisherus eques â—uratuâ—â— Antonius Ienkinsonuâ— Franciscus Dracus eques 〈◊〉 Sebastianuâ— Cabotus The coasts froÌ„ Fâ—orida Northward fiâ—â— discouâ—red bâ— the English natioÌ„ A 〈◊〉 consideration Probable confectâ—â—â— y t these lands North of Florida are
that land to the end you may winter there the first yeere if you be let by contrary winds and to the end that if we may in short time come vnto Cambalu and vnlade and set saile againe for returne without venturing there at Cambalu that you may on your way come as farre in returne as a port about Noua Zembla that the summer following you may the sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East commodities and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners if you cannot go forward and backe in one selfe same Summer And touching the tract of the land of Noua Zembla toward the East out of the circle Arcticke in the more temperate Zone you are to haue regard for if you finde the soyle planted with people it is like that in time an ample vent of our warme wollen clothes may be found And if there be no people at all there to be found then you shall specially note what plentie of whales and of other fish is to be found there to the ende we may turne our newe found land fishing or Island fishing or our whale fishing that way for the ayde and comfort of our newe trades to the Northeast to the coasts of Asia Respect of fish and certaine other things ANd if the aire may be found vpon that tract temperate and the soile yeelding wood water land and grasse and the seas fish then we may plant on that maine the offals of our people as the Portingals do in Brasill and so they may in our fishing in our passage and diuers wayes yeelde commoditie to England by harbouring and victualling vs. And it may be that the inland there may yeeld masts pitch tarre hempe and all things for the Nauie as plentifully as Eastland doth The Islands to be noted with their commodities and wants TO note the Islands whether they be hie land or low land mountaine or flat grauelly clay chalkie or of what soile woody or not woody with springs and riuers or not and what wilde beastes they haue in the same And whether there seeme to be in the same apt matter to build withall as stone free or rough and stone to make lime withall and wood or coale to burne the same withall To note the goodnesse or the badnesse of the hauens and harborowes in the Islands If a straight be found what is to be done and what great importance it may be of ANd if there be a straight in the passage into the Scithian seas the same is specially and with great regard to be noted especially if the same straight be narrow and to be kept I say it is to be noted as a thina that doeth much import for what prince soeuer shall be Lorde of the same and shall possesse the same as the king of Denmarke doeth possesse the straight of Denmarke he onely shall haue the trate out of these regions into the Northeast parts of the world for himselfe and for his priuate profit or for his subiects onely or to enioy wonderfull benefit of the toll of the same like as the king of Denmarke doth enioy of his straights by suffring the merchants of other Princes to passe that way If any such straight be found the eleuation the high or lowe land the hauens neere the length of the straights and all other such circumstances are to be set downe for many purposes and al the Mariners in the voyage are to be sworne to keepe close all such things that other Princes preuent vs not of the same after our returne vpon the disclosing of the Mariners if any such thing should hap Which way the Sauage may bee made able to purchase our cloth and other their wants IF you find any Island or maine land populous and that the same people hath need of cloth then are you to deuise what commodities they haue to purchase the same withall If they be poore then are you to consider of the soile and hâ—w by any possibilitie the same may be made to inrich them that hereafter they may haue something to purchase the cloth withall If you enter into any maine by portable riuer and shall find any great woods you are to note what kind of timber they be of that we may know whether they are for pitch tarre mastes deale-boord clapboord or for building of ships or houses for so if the people haue no vse of them they may be brought perhaps to vse Not to venture the losse of any one man YOu must haue great care to preserue your people since your number is so small and not to venture any one man in any wise To bring home besides merchandize certaine trifles BRing home with you if you may from Cambalu or other ciuil place one or other yong man although you leaue one for him Also the fruites of the Countreys if they will not of themselues dure drie them and so preserue them And bring with you the kernels of peares and apples and the stones of such stonefruits as you shall find there Also the seeds of all strange herbs flowers for such seeds of fruits and herbs comming from another part of the world and so far off will delight the fansie of many for the strangenesse and for that the same may grow and continue the delight long time If you arriue at Cambalu or Quinsay to bring thence the mappe of that countrey for so shall you haue the perfect description which is to great purpose To bring thence some old printed booke to see whether they haue had print there before it was deuised in Europe as some write To note their force by sea and by land If you arriue to Cambalu or Quinsay to take a speciall view of their Nauie and to note the force greatnesse maner of building of them the sailes the tackles the ankers the furniture of them with ordinance armour and munition Also to note the force of the wals and bulwarks of their cities their ordonance and whether they haue any calâ—uers and what powder and shot To note what armour they haue What swords What pikes halberds and bils What horses of force and what light horses they haue And so throughout to note the force of the Countrey both by sea and by land Things to be marked to make coniectures by TO take speciall note of their buildings and of the ornaments of their houses within Take a speciall note of their apparell and furniture and of the substance that the same is made of of which a Merchant may make a gesse as well of their commoditie as also of their wants To note their Shoppes and Warehouses and with what commodities they abound the price also To see their Shambles and to view all such things as are brought into the Markets for so you shall soone see the commodities and the maner of the people of the inland and so giue a gesse of many things To note their fields of graine and their trees of fruite and how they
12 or 14 miles but the towne of Cephalonia from the towne of Zante is distant fortie miles This night we went but little forward The 30 day we remained still turning vp and downe because the winde was contrary and towards night the winde mended so that we entered the channell betweene Cephalonia Zante the which chanell is about eight or tenne miles ouer and these two beare East and by South and West and by North from the other The towne of Zante lieth within a point of the land where we came to an ankerâ— at nine of the clocke at night The 31 about sixe of the clocke in the morning I with fiue Hollanders went on land and hosted at the house of Pedro de Venetia After breakfast we went to see the towne and passing along we went into some of the Greeke churches wherein we sawe their Altares Images and other ornaments This done wee went to a Monasterie of Friers called Sancta Maria de la Croce these are westerne Christians for the Greekes haue nothing to doe with them nor they with the Greekes for they differ very much in religion There are but 2. Friers in this Friery In this Monasterie we saw the tombe that M. T. Cicero was buried in with Terentia Antonia his wife This tombe was founde about sixe yeeres since when the Monastery was built there was in time past a streete where the tombe stoode At the finding of the tombe there was also found a yard vnder ground a square stone some what longer then broad vpon which stone was found a writing of two seuerall handes writing the one as it seemed for himselfe and the other for his wife and vnder the same stone was found a glasse somewhat proportioned like an vrinall but that it was eight square and very thicke wherein were the ashes of the head and right arme of Mar. T. Cicero for as stories make mention he was beheaded as I remember at Capua for insurrection And his wife hauing got his head and right arme which was brought to Rome to the Emperour went from Rome and came to Zante and there buried his head and arme and wrote vpon his tombe this style M. T. Cicero Haue Then folfoweth in other letters Et tu Terentia Antonia which difference of letters declare that they were not written both at one time The tombe is long and narrowe and deepe walled on euery side like a graue in the botome whereof was found the sayd stone with the writing on it the said glasse of ashes and also another litle glasse of the same proportion wherein as they say are the teares of his friendes that in those dayes they did vse to gather and bury with them as they did vse in Italy and Spaine to teare their haire to bury with their friendes In the sayde tombe were a fewe bones After dinner we rested vntill it drew towards euening by reason of the heat And about foure of the clocke we walked to another Frierie a mile out of the towne called Sant Elia these are white Friers there were two but one is dead not sixe dayes since This Frierie hath a garden very pleasant and well furnished with Orenges Lemons pomegranates and diuers other good fruites The way to it is somewhat ragged vp hill and downe and very stonie and in winter very durtie It standeth very pleasantly in a clift betweene two hilles with a good prospect From thence we ascended the hill to the Castle which is situated on the very toppe of a hill This Castle is very strong in compasse a large mile and a halfe which being victualed as it is neuer vnfurnished and manned with men of trust it may defend it selfe against any Princes power This Castle taketh the iust compasse of the hill and no other hill neere it it is so steepe downe and so high and ragged that it will â—yre any man or euer he be halfe way vp Uery nature hath fortified the walles and hulwarkes It is by nature foure square and it commandeth the towne and porte The Uenetians haue alwayes their Podesta or Gouernour with his two Counsellours resident therein The towne is well inhabited hath great quantitie of housholders The Iland by report is threescore and tenne miles about it is able to make twentie thousand fighting men They say they haue alwayes fiue or sixe hundred horsemen readie at an houres warning They say the Turke hath assayed it with 100. Gallies but he could neuer bring his purpose to passe It is strange to mee how they should maintaine so many men in this Iland for their best sustenance â—â— wine and the rest but miserable The first of August we were warned aboord by the patron and towards euening we set sayle and had sight of a Castle called Torneste which is the Turkes and is ten miles from Zante it did belong to the Uenetians but they haue now lost it it standeth also on a hill on the sea side in Morea All that night we bare into the sea because we had newes at Zante of twelue of the Turkes gallies that came from Rhodes which were about Modon Coron and Candia for which cause we kept at the sea The second of August we had no sight of land but kept our course and about the third watch the winde scanted so that we bare with the shore and had sight of Modon and Coron The third we had sight of Cauo Mattapan and all that day by reason of contrary windes which blew somewhat hard we lay a hull vntill morning The fourth we were still vnder the sayd Cape and so continued that day and towardes night there grewe a contention in the ship amongst the Hollanders and it had like to haue bene a great inconuenience for we had all our weapons yea euen our kniues taken from vs that night The fift we sayled by the Bowline and out of the toppe we had sight of the Iland of Candia and towardes noone we might see it plaine and towards night the winde waxed calme The sixt toward the breake of day we saw two small Ilands called Gozi and towards noone we were betweene them the one of these Ilands is fifteene miles about and the other 10 miles In those Ilands are nourished store of cattell for butter and cheese There are to the number of fiftie or sixtie inhabitants which are Greeks and they liue chiefly on milke and cheese The Iland of Candia is 700 miles about it is in length from Cape Spada to Cape Salomon 300 miles it is as they say able to make one hundred thousand fighting men We sayled betweene the Gozi and Candia and they are distant from Candia 5 or 6 miles The Candiots are strong men and very good archers and shoot neere the marke This Ilande is from Zante 300 miles The seuenth we sayled all along the sayd Iland with little winde and vnstable and the eight day towards
night we drew to the East end of the Iland The 9 and 10 we sayled along with a prosperous winde and saw no land The 11 in the morning we had sight of the Iland of Cyprus and towards noone we were thwart the Cape called Ponta Malota and about foure of the clocke we were as farre as Baffo and about sunne set we passed Cauo Bianco and towards nine of the clocke at night we doubled Cauo de le garte and ankered afore Limisso but the wind blew so hard that we could not come neere the towne neither durst any man goe on land The towne is from Cauo de le garte twelue miles distant The 12. of August in the morning wee went on land to Limisso this towne is ruinated and nothing in it worth writing saue onely in the mids of the towne there hath bene a forâ—resse which is now decayed and the wals part ouerthrowen which a Turkish Rouer with certaine gallies did destroy about 10. or 12. yeeres past This day walking to see the towne we chanced to see in the market place a great quantitie of a certaine vermine called in the Italian tongue Caualette It is as I can learne both in shape and bignesse like a grassehopper for I can iudge but little difference Of these many yeeres they haue had such quantitie y t they destroy all their corne They are so plagued with them y t almost euery yeere they doe well nie loose halfe their corne whether it be the nature of the countrey or the plague of God that let them iudge that best can define But that there may no default be laied to their negligence for the destruction of theÌ„ they haue throughout the whole land a constituted order that euery Farmor or husbandman which are euen as slaues bought and sold to their lord shall euery yeere pay according to his territorie a measure full of the seede or egges of these forenamed Caualette the which they are bound to bring to the market and present to the officer appointed for the same the which officer taketh of them very straight measure and writeth the names of the presenters and putteth the sayd egges or seed into a house appointed for the same and hauing the housefull they beate them to ponder and cast them into the sea and by this palicie they doe as much as in them lieth for the destruction of them This vermine breedeth or ingendereth at the time of corne being ripe and the corne beyng had away in the clods of the same ground do the husbandmen find y e nestes or as I may rather terme them cases of the egges of the same vermine Their nests are much like to the keâ—es of a hasel-nut tree when they be dried and of the same length but somewhat bigger which case being broken you shall see the egges lie much like vnto antes egges but somewhat lesser Thus much I haue written at this time because I had no more time of knowledge but I trust at my returne to note more of this island with the commodities of the same at large The 13. day we went in the morning to the Greekes church to see the order of their ceremonies of their communion of the which to declare the whole order with the number of their ceremonious crossings it were to long Wherefore least I should offend any man I leaue it vnwritten but onely that I noted well that in all their Communion or seruice not one did euer kneele nor yet in any of their Churches could I euer see any grauen images but painted or portrayed Alâ—o they haue store of lampes alight almost for euery image one Their women are alwayes seperated from the menâ— and generally they are in the lower ende of the Church This night we went aboord the ship although the wind were contrary we did it because the patrone should not find any lacke of vsâ— as sometimes he did when as tarying vpon his owne businesse he would colour it with the delay of the pilgrimes The 14. day in the morning we set saile and lost sight of the Island of Cyprus and the 15. day we were likewise at Sea and sawe no land and the 16. day towards night we looked for land but we sawe none But because we supposed our selues to be neere our port we tooke in all our sailes except onely the foresaile and the missen and so we remained all that night The 17. day in the morning we were by report of the Mariners some sixe miles from Iaffa but it prooued contrary But because we would be sure wee came to an anker seuen mileâ— from the shore and sent the skiffe with the Pilot and the master gunner to learne the coast but they returned not hauing seen tree nor house nor spoken with any man But when they came to the sea side againe they went vp a little hill standing hard by the brinke whereon as they thought they sawe the hill of Ierusalem by the which the Pilot knew after his iudgement that wee were past our port And so this place where we rode was as the mariners sayd about 50. mile from Iaffa This coast all alongst is very lowe plaine white sandie and desert for which cause it hath fewe markes or none so that we rode here as it were in a gulfe betweene two Capes The 18. day we abode still at anker looking for a gale to returne backe but it was contrary and the 19. we set saile but the currant hauing more force then the winde we were driuen backe insomuch that the ship being vnder saile we cast the sounding lead notwithstanding the wind it remained before the shippeâ— there wee had muddie ground at fifteene fadome The same day about 4. of the clocke wee set saile againe and sayled West alongst the coast with a fresh side-winde It chanced by fortune that the shippes Cat lept into the Sea which being downe kept her selfe very valiauntly aboue water notwithstanding the great waues still swimming the which the master knowing he caused the Skiffe with halfe a dosen men to goe towards her and fetch her againe when she was almost halfe a mile from the shippe and all this while the shippe lay on staâ—es I hardly beleeue they would haue made such haste and meanes if one of the company had bene in the like perill They made the more haste because it was the patrons cat This I haâ—e written onely to note the estimation that cats are in among the Italians for generally they esteeme their cattes as in England we esteeme a good Spaniell The same night about tenne of the clocke the winde calmed and because none of the shippe knewe where we were we let fall an anker about 6 mile from the place we were at before and there wee had muddie ground at twelue fathome The 20 it was still calme and the current so strong still one way that we were not able to stemme
out of England by Sea standeth a matter of great consequence it behoueth that all humanitie and curtesie and much forbearing of reuenge to the Inland people be vsed so shall you haue firms amitie with your neighbours so shall you haue their inland commodities to mainteine traffique and so shall you waxe rich and strong in force Diuers and seuerall commodities of the inland are not in great plenty to be brought to your hands without the ayde of some portable of Nauigable riuer or ample lake and therefore to haue the helpe of such a one is most requisite And so is it of effect for the dispersing of your owne commodities in exchange into the inlands Nothing is more to be indeuoured with the Inland people then familiarity For so may you best discouer all the natural coÌ„modities of their countrey also all their wants al their strengths all their weaknesse and with whom they are in warre and with whom confederate in peace and amitie c. which knowen you may worke many great effects of greatest consequence And in your planting the consideration of the clymate and of the soyle be matters that are to be respected For if it be so that you may let in the salt sea water not mixed with the fresh into flats where the sunne is of the heate that it is at Rochel in the Bay of Portugal or in Spaine then may you procure a man of skill and so you haue wonne one noble commoditie for the fishing and for trade of marchandize by making of Salt Or if the soyle and clymate be such as may yeeld you the Grape as good as that at Burdeaux as that in Portugal or as that about Siuil in Spaine or that in the Islands of the Canaries then there resteth but a workeman to put in execution to make Wines and to dresse Resigns of the sunne and other c. Or if ye finde a soyle of the temperature of the South part of Spaine or Barbarie in the which you finde the Oliue tree to growe Then you may be assured of a noble marchandize for this Realme considering that our great trade of clothing doeth require oyle and weying how deere of late it is become by the vent they haue of that commoditie in the West Indies and if you finde the wilde Oliue there it may be graffed Or if you can find the berrie of Cochenile with which we colour Stammelles or any Roote Berrie Fruite wood or earth fitte for dying you winne a notable thing fitte for our state of clothing This Cochenile is naturall in the West Indies on that firme Or if you haue Hides of beasts fitte for sole Lether c. It will be a marchandize right good and the Sauages there yet can not tanne Lether after our kinde yet excellently after their owne manner Or if the soyle shall yeeld Figges Almonds Sugar Canes Quinces Orenges Lemonds Potatos c. there may arise some trade and traffique by Figs Almonds Sugar Marmelade Sucket c. Or if great woods be found if they be of Cypres chests may be made if they be of some kinde of trees Pitch and Tarre may be made if they be of some other then they may yeeld Rosin Turpentine c. and all for trade and traffique and Caskes for wine and oyle may be made likewise ships and houses c. And because traffique is a thing so materiall I wish that great obseruation be taken what euery soyle yeeldeth naturally in what commoditie soeuer and what it may be made to yeelde by indeuour and to send vs notice home that thereupon we may deuise what meanes may be thought of to raise trades Now admit that we might not be suffered by the Sauages to enioy any whole country or any more then the scâ—pe of a citie yet if we might enioy traffique and be assured of the same we might be much inriched our Nauie might be increased and a place of safetie might there be found if change of religion or ciuil warres should happen in this realme which are things of great benefit But if we may enioy any large territorie of apt soyle we might so vse the matter as we should not depend vpon Spaine for oyles sacks resignes orenges lemonds spanish skins c. Nor vpon France for woad baysalt and Gascoyne wines nor on Eastland for flaxe pitch tarre masles c. So we should not so exhaust our treasure and so exceedingly inrich our doubtfull friends as we doe but should purchase the commodities that we want for halfe the treasure that now wee doe and should by our owne industries and the benefites of the soyle there cheaply purchase oyles wines salt fruits pitch tarre flaxe hempe mastes boords fish golde siluer copper tallow hides and many commodities besides if there be no flatts to make salt on if you haue plentie of wood you may make it in sufficient quantitie for common vses at home there If you can keepe a safe Hauen although you haue not the friendship of the neere neighbours yet you may haue traffique by sea vpon one shore or other vpon that firme in time to come if not present If you find great plentie of tymber on the shore side or vpon any portable riuer you were best to cut downe of thesame the first winter to be seasoned for ships barks boates and houses And if neere such wood there be any riuer or brooke vpon the which a sawing mill may be placed it would doe great seruice and therefore consideration would be had of such places And if such port chosen place of setling were in possession and after fortified by arte although by the land side our Englishmen were kept in and might not enioy any traffique with the next neighbours nor any victuals yet might they victuall themselues of fish to serue very necessitie and enter into amitie with the enemies of their next neighbours and so haue vent of their marchandize of England also haue victual or by meanes hereupon to be vsed to force the next neighbours to amitie And keeping a nauy at the setling place they should find out along the tract of the land to haue traffique and at diuers Islands also And so this first seat might in tune become a stapling place of the commodities of many countreys and territories and in time this place might become of all the prouinces round about the only gouernour And if the place first chosen should not so well please our people as some other more lately found out There might be an easie remoue and that might be rased or rather kept for others of our nation to auoyd an ill neighbour If the soyles adioyning to such conuenient Hauen and setling places be found marâ—hie and boggie then men skilful in drayning are to be caryed thither For arte may worke wonderful effects therein and make the soyle rich for many vses To plant vpon an Island in the mouâ—h of some notable riuer or vpon the point of the land entring into the
we were not minded to doe to the end wee might shorten our way These two lands lie Northwest and Southeast and are about fiftie leagues one from another The sayd Island is in latitude 47 degrees and a halfe Upon Thursday being the twenty sixe of the moneth and the feast of the Ascension of our Lord we coasted ouer to a land and shallow of lowe sandes which are about eight leagues Southwest from Brions Island aboue which are large Champaines full of trees and also an enclosed sea whereas we could neither see nor perceiue any gappe or way to enter there into On Friday following being the 27 of the moneth because the wind did change on the coast we came to Brions Island againe where wee stayed till the beginning of Iune and toward the Southeast of this Island wee sawe a lande seeming vnto vs as an Island we coasted it about two leagues and a halfe and by the way we had notice of three other high Islands lying toward the Sande after wee had knowen these things we returned to the Cape of the sayd land which doeth deuide itselfe into two or three very high Capes the waters there are very deepe and the flood of the sea runneth so swift that it cannot possibly be swifter That day we came to Cape Loreine which is in forty seuen degrees and a halfe toward the South on which cape there is a low land and it seemeth that there is some entrance of a riuer but there is no hauen of any worth Aboue these lands we saw another cape toward the South we named it Saint Paules Cape it is at 47 degrees and a quarter The Sonday following being the fourth of Iune and Whit sonday wee had notice of the coaste lying Eastsoutheast distant from the Newfoundland about two and twenty leagues and because the wind was against vs wee went to a Hauen which wee named S. Spiritus Porte where we stayed till Tewesday that we departed thence sayling along that coast vntill wee came to Saint Peâ—ers Islands Wee found along the sayd coast many very dangerous Islands and shelues which lye all in the way Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwestâ— about three and twenty leagues into the sea Whilest we were in the sayd Saint Peters Islands we met with many ships of France and of Britaine wee stayed there from Saint Barnabas day being the eleuenth of the moneth vntil the sixteenth that we departed thence came to Cape Rase and entred into a Port called Rognoso where wee tooke in fresh water and wood to passe the sea there wee left one of our boates Then vpon Monday being the nineteenth of Iune we went from that Port and with such good and prospâ—rous weather we sailed along the sea in such sorte that vpon the sixt of Iuly 1536 we came to the Porte of S. Malo by the grace of God to whom we pray here ending our Nauâ—gation that of his infinite mercy he will grant vs his grace and fauour and in the end bring vs to the place of euerlasting felicitie Amen Here followeth the language of the countrey and kingdomes of Hochelaga and Canada of vs called New France But first the names of their numbers Secada 1 Tigneni 2 Hische 3 Hannaion 4 Ouiscon 5 Indahir 6 Aiaga 7 Addigue 8 Madellon 9 Assâ—m 10 Here follow the names of the chiefest partes of man and other words necessary to be knowen the Head aggonzi the Browe hegueniascon the Eyes higata the Eares abontascon the Mouth esahe the Teeth esgongay the Tongue osnache the Throate agonhon the Beard hebelim the Face hegouascon the Haires aganiscon the Armes aiayascon the Flanckes atssonne the Stomacke aggruascon the Bellie eschehenda the Thighes hetnegradascon the Knees agochinegodascon the Legges agouguenehonde the Feete onchidascon the Hands aignoascon the Fingers agenoga the Nailes agedascon a Mans member aâ—moascon a Womans member eastaigne an Eele esgueny a Snaile vndeguezi a Tortois henlenxinia Woods conda leaues of Trees hoga God cudragny giue me some drink quaz â—hoaquea giue me to breakfast quaso hoa quascaboa giue me my supper quaza hâ—a quat frian let vs goe to bed casigno agnydahoâ— a Man aguehâ—m a woman agâ—uaste a Boy addegesta a Wench agniaquesta a Child exiasta a Gowne cabata a Dublet caioza Hosen hemondoha Shooes atha a Shirt amgona a Cappe castrua Corne osizi Bread carraconny Water ame Flesh quahouascon Reisins queion Damsons honnesta Figges absconda Grapes ozoba Nuttes quahoya a Hen sahomgahoa a Lamprey zisto a Salmon ondacon a Whale ainne honne a Goose sadeguenda a Streete adde Cucumber seede casconda to Morrowe achide the Heauen quenhia the Earth damga the Sunne ysmay the Moone assomaha the Starres stagnehoham the Winde cohoha good morrow aâ—gnag let vs go to play casigno caudy come speak with me assigniquaddadiâ— â—ooke vpon me quagathoma hold your peace aista let vs go with y t boat casigno casnouy giue me a knife buazahca agoheda a Hatchet adogne a Bow ahenca a Darte quahetan let vs goe a hunting Casigno donnascat a Stagge aionnesta a Sheepe asquenondo a Hare Sourbanda a Dogge agaya a Towne canada the Sea agogasy the waues of the sea coda an â—sland cohena an Hill agacha the yce honnesca Snow camsa Colde athau Hotte odazani Fier azista Smoke quea a House canoca Beanes sahe Cinnamom adhotathny my Father addathy my Mother adunahot my Brother addagrim my Sister adhoasseue They of Canada say that it is a moneths sayling to goe to a lande where Cinnamom and Cloues are gathered Here endeth the Relation of Iames Cartiers discouery and Nauigation to the Newfoundlands by him named New France The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier 1540. vnto the Countreys of Canada Hochelaga and Saguenay KIng Francis the first hauing heard the report of Captaine Cartier his Pilot generall in his two former Uoyages of discouery as wâ—ll by writing as by word of mouth touching that which hee had found and seene in the Westerne partes discouered by him in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga and hauing also seene and talked with the people which the sayd Cartier had brought out of those Countreys whereof one was king of Canada whose name was Donnacona and others which after that they had bene a long time in France and Britaine were baptized at their owne desire and request and died in the sayd countrey of Britaine And albeit his Maiestie was aduertized by the sayd Cartier of the death and decease of all the people which were brought ouer by him which were tenne in number sauing one little girle about tenne yeeres old yet he resolued to send the sayd Cartier his Pilot thither againe with Iohn Francis de la Roche Knight Lord of Roberual whome hee appointed his Lieutenant and Gouernour in the Countreys of Canada and Hochelaga and the sayd Cartier Captaine generall and leader of the shippes that they might discouer more then was done before