the king hath commanded vpon paine of death that they should not plant either wine or oile there but should alwayes stand in need of them to be brought out of Spaine although there would more grow there in foure yeeres then there groweth in Spaine in twenty it is so fertile a countrey And the king to keepe the countrey alwayes in subiection and to his owne vse hath streightly prouided by lawe vpon paine of death and losse of goods that none of these countreys should traffique with any other nation although the people themselues doe much now desire to trade with any other then with them and would vndoubtedly doe if they feared not the perill ensuing thereupon About Mexico and other places in Noua Hispania there groweth a certeine plant called magueis which yeeldeth wine vineger hony and blacke sugar and of the leaues of it dried they make hempe ropes shooes which they vse and tiles for their houses and at the ende of euery leafe there groweth a sharpe point like an awle wherewith they vse to bore or pearce thorow any thing Thus to make an end I haue heere set downe the summe of all the chiefest things that I haue obserued and noted in my seuenteene yeres trauell in those parts A relation of the commodities of Noua Hispania and the maners of the inhabitants written by Henry Hawks merchant which liued fiue yeeres in the sayd countrey and drew the same at the request of M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire of Eston in the county of Hereford 1572. SAint Iohn de Vllua is an Island not high aboue the water where as now the Spanyards vpon M. Iohn Hawkins being there are in making a strong for t In this place all the ships that come out of Spaine with goods for these parts do vnlade for they haue none other port so good as this is The comming into this place hath three chanels and the best of all is the Northermost which goeth by the maine land and on euery side of the chanels there are many small rocks as big as a small barrell they wil make men stand in doubt of them but there is no feare of them There is another Island there by called The Island of sacrifices where as the Spanyards did in times past vnlade their goods and for that they say there are vpon it spirits or deuils it is not frequented as it hath bene In these places the North wind hath so great dominion that oftentimes it destroyeth many ships and barks This place is giuen to great sicknesse These Islands stand in 18 degrees and a halfe and about the same is great plenty of fish Fiue leagues from S. Iohn de Vllua is a faire riuer it lieth Northwest from the port and goeth to a little towne of the Spanyards called Vera Cruz and with small vessels or barks which they call frigats they cary all their merchandize which commeth out of Spaine to the said towne and in like maner bring all the gold siluer cochinilla hides and all other things that the shippes cary into Spaine vnto them And the goods being in Vera Cruz they cary them to Mexico and to Pueblo de los Angeles Sacatecas and Saint Martin and diuers other places so farre within the countrey that some of them are 70 miles off and some more and some lesse all vpon horses mules and in waines drawen with oâ—en and in carres drawen with mules In this towne of Vera Cruz within these twenty yeres when women were brought to bed the children new borne in continently died which is not so now in these dayes God be thanked This towne is inclined to many kinde of diseases by reason of the great heat and a certeine gnat or flie which they call a musquito which â—iâ—â—th both men and women in their sleepe and assoone as they are bitten incontinently the flesh swelleth as though they had bene bitten with some venimous worme And this musquito or gnat doth most follow such as are newly come into the countrey Many there are that die of this annoyance This towne is situated vpon the riuer aforesayd and compassed with woods of diuers maners and sorts and many fruits as orenges and limons guiaues and diuers others and birds in them popiniayes both small and great and some of them as big as a rauen and their tailes as long as the taile of a fezant There are also many other kinde of birds of purple colour and small munkeys maruellous proper This hote or sicke countrey coutinueth fiue and forty miles towards the city of Mexico and the fiue and forty miles being passed then there is a temperate countrey and full of tillage but they water all their corne with riuers which they turne in vpon it And they gather their Wheat twise a yere And if they should not water the ground where as their corne is sowen the country is so hote it would burne all Before you come to Mexico there is a great towne called Tlaxcalla which hath in it aboue 16000 households All the inhabitants thereof are free by the kings of Spaine for these were the occasion that Mexico was woonne in so short time and with so little losse of men Wherefore they are all gentlemen and pay no tribute to the king In this towne is all the cochinilla growing Mexico is a great city it hath more then fifty thousand households whereof there are not past fiue or sixe thousand houses of Spanyards all the other are the people of the countrey which liue vnder the Spanyards lawes There are in this city stately buildings and many monasteries of friers and nunnes which the Spanyards haue made And the building of the Indians is somewhat beautifull outwardly and within full of small chambers with very small windowes which is not so comly as the building of the Spanyards This city standeth in the midst of a great lake and the water goeth thorow all or the most part of the streets and there come small boats which they call canoas and in them they bring all things necessary as wood and coales and grasse for their horses stones and lime to build and corne This city is subiect to many earthquakes which oftentimes cast downe houses and kil people This city is very well prouided of water to drinke and with all maner of victuals as fruits flesh and fish bread hennes and capons Guiny cocks and hennes and all other fowle There are in this city euery weeke three Faires or Markets which are frequented with many people aswell Spanyards as the people of the countrey There are in these Faires or Markets all maner of things that may be inuented to sell and in especiall things of the countrey The one of these Faires is vpon the Munday which is called S. Hypolitos faire and S. Iames his faire is vpon the Thursday and vpon Saturday is S. Iohns faire In this city is alwayes the kings gouernour or viceroy and there are
sixe degrees 40 minutes Then we went north and by West because we would not come too nigh the land and running that course foure houres we discouered and had sight of Rost Islands ioining to the main land of Finmarke Thus continuing our course along the coast of Norway and Finmark the 27 day we tooke the Sunne being as farre shot as Lofoot and had the latitude in 69 degrees And the same day in the afternoone appeared ouer our heads a rainebow like a semicircle with both ends vpwarde Note that there is between the said Rost Islands Lofoot a whirle poole called Malestrand which from halfe ebbe vntill halfe flood maketh such a terrible noise that it shaketh the ringes in the doores of the inhabitants houses of the sayd Islands tenne miles off Also if there commeth any Whale within the current of the same they make a pitifull crie Moreouer if great trees be caried into it by force of streams and after with the ebbe be cast out againe the ends and boughs of them haue bene so beaten that they are like the stalkes of hempe that is bruised Note that all the coaste of Finmarke is high mountaines and hils being couered all the yere with snow And hard aboord the shoare of this coast there is 100 or 150 fadomes of water in depth Thus proceeding and sailing forward we fell with an Island called Zenam being in the latitude of 70 degrees About this Island we saw many Whales very moÌ„strous about our ships some by estimation of 60 foot long and being the ingendring time they roared and cried terriblie From thence we fell with an Island called Kettelwicke This coast from Rost vnto Lofoot lieth North and south and from Lofoot to Zenam Northeast and southwest and from Zenam to Kettelwike Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest From the said Kettelwike we sailed East and by North 10 leagues and fell with a land called Inger sound where we fished being becalmed and tooke great plenty of Cods Thus plying along the coast we fell with a Cape called the North Cape which is the Northermost land that wee passe in our voyage to S. Nicholas and is in the latitude of 71 degrees and ten minutes and is from Inger sound East and to the Northwards 15 leagues And being at this North Cape the second day of Iuly we had the sunne at North 4 degrees aboue the Horizon The third day wee came to Wardhouse hauing such mists that we could not see the land This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Island 2 miles from the maine of Finland subiect to the king of Denmarke and the Eastermost land that he hath There are two other Islands neere adioining vnto that whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth The inhabitants of those three Islands liue onely by fishing and make much stockefish which they dry with frost their most feeding is fish bread and drinke they haue none but such as is brought them from other places They haue small store of cattell which are also fed with fish From Wardhouse we sailed Southsoutheast ten leagues and fell with a Cape of land called Kegor the Northermost part of the lande of Lappia And betweene Wardhouse and the said Cape is a great Bay called Dommes haff in the South part whereof is a Monasterie of Monkes of the Russes religion called Pechinchow Thus proceeding forward and sayling along the coast of the said land of Lappia winding Southeast the fourth day through great mists and darkenes we lost the company of the other three ships and met not with them againe vntill the seuenth day when we fell with a Cape or headland called Swetinoz which is the entring into the Bay of S. Nicholas At this Cape lieth a great stone to the which the barkes that passed thereby were wont to make offrings of butter meale and other victuals thinking that vnlesse they did so their barkes or vessels should there perish as it hath bene oftentimes seene and there it is very darke and mistie Note that the sixt day we passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughbie with all his company perished which is called Arzina reca that is to say the riuer Arzina The land of Lappia is an high land hauing snow lying on it commonly all the yere The people of the Countrey are halfe Gentiles they liue in the summer time neere the sea side and vse to take fish of the which they make bread and in the winter they remoue vp into the countrey into the woods where they vse hunting and kill Deere Beares Woolues Foxes and other beasts with whose flesh they be nourished and with their skinnes apparelled in such strange fashion that there is nothing seene of them bare but their eies They haue none other habitation but onely in tents remouing from place to place according to the season of the yeere They know no arte nor facultie but onely shooting which they exercise dayly as well men as women and kill such beasts as serue them for their foode Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid the ninth day of Iuly wee came to Cape Grace being in the latitude of 66 degrees and 45 minutes and is at the entring in of the Bay of S. Nicholas Aboord this land there is 20 or 30 fadoms water and sundry grounds good to anker in The current at this Cape runneth Southwest and Northeast From this Cape wee proceeded along vntill we came to Crosse Island which is seuen leagues from the sayd Cape Southwest and from this Island wee set ouer to the other side of the Bay and went Southwest and fell with an headland called Foxenose which is from the sayd Island 25 leagues The entring of this Bay from Crosse Island to the neerest land on the other side is seuen leagues ouer From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the sayd moneth of Iuly all our foure ships arriued in safetie at the road of Saint Nicholas in the land of Russia where we ankered and had sailed from London vnto the said roade seuen hundred and fifty leagues The Russian ambassadour and his company with great ioy got to shore and our ships here forthwith discharged themselues and being laden againe and hauing a faire winde departed toward England the first of August The third of the sayd moneth I with other of my company came vnto the citie of Colmogro being an hundred versâ—es from the Bay of Saint Nicholas and in the latitude of 64 degrees 25 minutes I carried at the said Colmogro vntill the fifteenth day and then I departed in a little boate vp the great riuer of Dwina which runneth very swiftly and the selfe same day passed by the mouth of a riuer called Pinego leauing it on our lefte hand fifteene verstes from Colmogro On both sides of the mouth of this riuer Pinego is high land great rockes of Alablaster great woods and Pineapple trees lying along within the ground
good and as you may most conueniently and from Willoughbies land you shall proceed Westwards alongst the tract of it though it incline Northerly euen so farre as you may or can trauell hauing regard that in conuenient time you may returne home hither to London for wintering And for your orderly passing in this voyage and making obseruations in the same we referre you to the instructions giuen by M. William Burrough whereof one copie is annexed vnto the first part of this Indenture vnder our seale for you Arthur Pet another copie of it is annexed to the second part of this Indenture vnder our seale also for you Charles Iackman and a third copy thereof is annexed vnto the third part of this Indenture remaining with vs the saide companie sealed and subscribed by you the said Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman And to the obseruing of all things contained in this Commission so neere as God will permit me grace thereunto I the said Arthur Pet doe couenant by these presents to performe them and euery part and parcell thereof And I the said Charles Iackman doe for my part likewise couenant by these presents to performe the same and euery part thereof so neere as God will giue me grace thereunto And in witnes thereof these Indentures were sealed and deliuered accordingly the day and yeere first aboue written Thus the Lorde God Almightie sende you a prosperous voyage with happie successe and safe returne Amen Instructions and notes very necessary and needfull to be obserued in the purposed voyage for discouery of Cathay Eastwards by Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman giuen by M. William Burrough 1580. VVHen you come to Orfordnesse if the winde doe serue you to goe a seabord the sands doe you set off from thence and note the time diligently of your being against the saide Nesse turning then your glasse whereby you intende to keepe your continuall watch and apoint such course as you shal thinke good according as the wind serueth you and froÌ„ that time forwards continually if your ship be lose vnder saile a hull or trie do you at the end of euery 4. glasses at the least except calme sound with your dipsin lead and note diligently what depth you finde and also the ground But if it happen by swiftnes of the shippes way or otherwise that you cannot get ground yet note what depth you did proue and could finde no ground this note is to be obserued all your voyage as well outwards as home wards But when you come vpon any coast or doe finde any sholde banke in the sea you are then to vse your leade oftener as you shal thinke it requisite noting diligently the order of your depth and the deeping and sholding And so likewise doe you note the depthes into harboroughs riuers c. And in keeping your dead reckoning it is very necessary that you doe note at the ende of euery foure glasses what way the shippe hath made by your best proofes to be vsed and howe her way hath bene through the water considering withall for the sagge of the sea to leewards accordingly as you shall finde it growen and also to note the depth and what things worth the noting happened in that time with also the winde vpon what point you finde it then and of what force or strength it is and what sailes you beare But if you should omit to note those things at the end of euery foure glasses I would not haue you to let it slip any longer time then to note it diligently at the end of euery watch or eight glasses at the farthest Doe you diligently obserue the latitude as often and in as many places as you may possible and also the variation of the Compasse especially when you may bee at shoare vpon any land noting the same obseruations truely and the place and places where and the time and times when you do the same When you come to haue sight of any coast or land whatsoeuer doe you presently set the same with your sailing Compasse howe it beares off you noting your iudgement how farre you thinke it from you drawing also the forme of it in your booke howe it appeares vnto you noting diligently how the highest or notablest part thereof beareth off you and the extreames also in sight of the same land at both ends distinguishing them by letters A. B.C. c. Afterwards when you haue sailed 1. 2. 3. or 4. glasses at the most noting diligently what way your barke hath made and vpon what point of the Compasse do you againe set that first land seene or the parts thereof that you first obserued if you can well perceiue or discerne them and likewise such other notable points or signes vpon the land that you may then see and could not percâ—iue at the first time distinguishing it also by letters from the other and drawing in your booke the shape of the same land as it appeareth vnto you and so the third time c. And also in passing alongst by any and euery coast doe you drawe the maner of biting in of euery Bay and entrance of euery harborow or riuers mouth with the lying out of euery point or headland vnto the which you may giue apt names at your pleasure and make some marke in drawing the forme and border of the same where the high cliffs are and where lowe lande is whether sande hils or woods or whatsoeuer not omitting to note any thing that may be sensible and apparant to you which may serue to any good purpose If you carefully with great heede and diligence note the obseruations in your booke as aforesaid and afterwards make demonstration thereof in your plat you shall thereby perceiue howe farre the land you first sawe or the parts thereof obserued was then from you and consequently of all the rest and also how farre the one part was from the other and vpon what course or point of the Compasse the one lieth from the other And when you come vpon any coast where you find floods and ebs doe you diligently note the time of the highest and lowest water in euery place and the slake or still water of full sea and lowe water and also which way the flood doeth runne how the tides doe set how much water it hicth and what force the tide hath to driue a ship in one houre or in the whole tide as neere as you can iudge it and what difference in time you finde betwene the running of the flood and the ebbe And if you finde vpon any coast the currant to runne alwayes one way doe you also note the same duely how it setteth in euery place and obserue what force it hath to driue a ship in one houre c. Item as often and when as you may conueniently come vpon any land to make obseruation for the latitude and variation c. doe you also if you may with your instrument for trying of distances obserue the platforme
fault and followe mine aduise Thus with much labour I gat out of the Mole of Chio into the sea by warping foorth with the helpe of Genoueses botes and a French bote that was in the Mole and being out God sent mee a speciall gale of winde to goe my way Then I caused a peece to be shotte off for some of my men that were yet in the towne with much a doe they came aboord and then I set sayle a little before one of the clocke and I made all the sayle I could and about halfe an houre past two of the clocke there came seuen gallies into Chio to stay the shippe and the admirall of them was in a great rage because she was gone Whereupon they put some of the best in prison and tooke all the men of the three ships which I left in the port and put them into the Gallies They would haue followed after mee but that the townes men found meanes they did not The next day came thither a hundred more of Gallies and there taried for their whole companie which being together were about two hundred 50 sayle taking their voyage for to surprise the Iland of Malta The next day after I departed I had the sight of Candia but I was two dayes after or euer I could get in where I thought my selfe out of their daunger There I continued vntill the Turkes armie was past who came within the sight of the towne There was preparation made as though the Turks had come thither There be in that Iland of Candia many banished men that liue continually in the mountaines they came downe to serue to the number of foure or fiue thousand they are good archers euery one with his bowe and arrowes a sword and a dagger with long haire and bootes that reach vp to their grine and a shirt of male hanging the one halfe before and the other halfe behinde these were sent away againe assoone as the armie was past They would drinke wine out of all measure Then the armie being past I laded my shippe with wines and other things and so after I had that which I left in Chio I departed for Messina In the way I found about Zante certaine Galliots of Turkes laying abord of certaine vessels of Venice laden with Muscatels I rescued them and had but a barrell of wine for my powder and shot and within a few dayes after I came to Messina I had in my shippe a Spanish pilot called Noblezia which I tooke in at Cades at my comming foorth he went with me all this voyage into the Leuant without wages of good will that he bare me and the shippe he stoode me in good steede vntill I came backe againe to Cades and then I needed no Pilot. And so from thence I came to London with the shippe and goods in safetie God be praysed And all those Mariners that were in my sayd shippe which were besides boyes threescore and tenne for the most part were within fiue or sixe yeeres after able to take charge and did Richard Chanceller who first discouered Russia was with me in that voyage and Mathew Baker who afterward became the Queenes Maiesties chiefe ship-wright The voyage of M. Iohn Locke to Ierusalem IN my voyage to Ierusalem I imbarked my selfe the 26 of March 1553 in the good shippe called the Mathew Gonson which was bound for Liuorno or Legorne and Candia It fell out that we touched in the beginning of Aprill next ensuing at Cades in Andalozia where the Spaniardes according to their accustomed maner with all shippes of extraordinarie goodnes and burden picked a quarrell against the company meaning to haue forfeited or at the least to haue arrested the said shippe And they grew so malicious in their wrongfull purpose that I being vtterly out of hope of any speedie release to the ende that my intention should not be ouerthrowen was inforced to take this course following Notwithstanding this hard beginning it fell out so luckily that I found in the roade a great shippe called the Caualla of Venice wherin after agreement made with the patron I shipped my selfe the 24. of May in the said yere 1553 and the 25 by reason of the winde blowing hard and contrary we were not able to enter the straits of Gibraltar but were put to the coast of Barbarie where we ankered in the maine sea 2. leagues from shore and continued so vntill two houres before sunne set and then we weighed againe and turned our course towards the Straits where we entered the 26 day aforesayd the winde being very calme but the current of the straites very fauourable The same day the winde beganne to rise somewhat and blew a furthering gale and so continued at Northwest vntill we arriued at Legorne the third of Iune And from thence riding ouer land vnto Venice I prepared for my voyage to Ierusalem in the Pilgrimes shippe I Iohn Locke accompanied with Maister Anthony Rastwold with diuers other Hollanders Zelanders Almaines and French pilgrimes entered the good shippe called Fila Cauena of Venice the 16 of Iuly 1553. and the 17 in the morning we weighed our anker and sayled towardes the coast of Istria to the port of Rouigno and the said day there came aboard of our ship the Perceuena of the shippe named Tamisari for to receiue the rest of all the pilgrimes money which was in all after the rate of 55. Crownes for euery man for that voyage after the rate of fiue shillings starling to the crowne This done he returned to Venice The 19 day we tooke fresh victuals aboard and with the bote that brought the fresh prouision we went on land to the Towne and went to see the Church of Sancta Eufemia where we sawe the bodie of the sayd Saint The 20 day wee departed from Rouignio and about noone we had sight of Monte de Ancona and the hilles of Dalmatia or else of Sclauonia both at one time and by report they are 100. miles distant from ech other and more The 21 we sayled still in sight of Dalmatia and a litle before noone we had sight of a rocke in the midst of the sea called in Italian il Pomo it appeareth a farre off to be in shape like a sugarloafe Also we sawe another rocke about two miles compasse called Sant Andrea on this rocke is onely one Monasterie of Friers we sayled betweene them both and left S. Andrea on the left hand of vs and we had also kenning of another Iland called Lissa all on the left hande these three Ilands lie East and West in the sea and at sunne setting we had passed them Il pomo is distant from Sant Andrea 18 miles and S. Andrea from Lissa 10 miles and Lissa from another Iland called Lezina which standeth betweene the maine of Dalmatia and Lissa tenne miles This Iland is inhâ—bited and hath great plentie of wine and frutes and
his booke he dedicated to the Cardinall of Sens keeper of the great seale of France It appeareth by the sayd booke that he had read the works of sundry Phylosophers Astronomers and Cosmographers whose opinions he gathered together But touching his owne trauell which he affirmeth I refer to the iudgement of the expert in our dayes and therefore for mine owne part I write of these Canaria Ilands as time hath taught me in many yeres The Iland of Canaria THe Iland of Canaria is almost equal in length and bredth containing 12 leagues in length touching the which as principall and the residue the Spanyards holde opinion that they discouered the same in their nauigation toward America but the Portugals say that their nation first found the sayd Ilands in their nauigation toward Aethiopia and the East Indies But truth it is that the Spanyards first conquered these Ilands with diuers English gentlemen in their company whose posterity this present day inioyeth them Some write that this Iland was named Canaria by meane of the number of dogs which there were found as for example Andrew Theuet sayth that one Iuba carried two dogs from thence but that opinion could I neuer learne by any of the naturall people of the countrey although I haue talked with many in my time and with many of their children For trueth it is that there were dogs but such as are in all the Northwest lands and some part of the West India which serued the people in stead of sheepe for victuall But of some of the conquerors of those Ilands I haue heard say that the reason why they were called the Canaria Ilands is because there grow generally in them all fouresquare canes in great multitude together which being touched will cast out a liquour as white as milke which liquor is ranke poison and at the first entry into these Ilands some of the discouerers were therewith poisoned for many yeeres after that conquest the inhabitants began to plant both wine and sugar so that Canaria was not so called by sugar canes The people which first inhabited this land were called Canaries by the conquerors they were clothed in goat skinnes made like vnto a loose cassocke they dwelt in caues in the rocks in great amity and brotherly loue They spake all one language their chiefe feeding was gelt dogges goates and goates milke their bread was made of barley meale and goates milke called Gofia which they vse at this day and thereof I haue eaten diuers times for it is accounted exceeding holesome Touching the originall of these people some holde opinion that the Romans which dwelt in Africa exiled them thither aswell men as women their tongues being cut out of their heads for blasphemy against the Romane gods But howsoeuer it were their language was speciall and not mixed with Romane speech or Arabian This Iland is now the principallest of all the rest not in fertility but by reason it is the seat of iustice and gouernment of all the residue This Iland hath a speciall Gouernour for the Iland onely yet notwithstanding there are three Iudges called Auditours who are superiour Iudges and all in one ioyntly proceed as the Lord Chanceller of any realme To this city from all the other Ilands come all such by appeale as haue sustained any wrong and these good Iudges do remedy the same The city is called Ciuitas Palmarum it hath a beautifull Cathedrall church with all dignities thereunto pertaining For the publike weale of the Iland there are sundry Aldermen of great authority who haue a councell house by themselues The city is not onely beautifull but the citizens curious and gallant in apparell And after any raine or foule weather a man may goe cleane in Ueluet slippers because the ground is sandy the aire very temperate without extreame heat or colde They reape wheat in February and againe in May which is excellent good and maketh bread as white as snow This Iland hath in it other three townes the one called Telde the second Galder and the third Guia. It hath also twelue sugar houses called Ingenios in which they make great quantity of good sugar The maner of the growth of sugar is in this sort a good ground giueth foorth fruit nine times in 18 yere that is to say the first is called Planta which is layd along in a furrow so that the water of a sluce may come ouer euery roote being couered with earth this root bringeth foorth sundry canes and so consequently all the rest It groweth two yeeres before the yeelding of profit and not sixe moneths as Andrew Theuet the French man writeth Then are they cut euen with the ground and the tops leaues called Coholia cut off and the canes bound into bundels like faggots and so are caried to the sugar house called Ingenio where they are ground in a mill and the iuyce thereof conueyed by a conduct to a great vessell made for the purpose where it is boiled till it waxe thicke and then is it put into a fornace of earthen pots of the molde of a sugar loafe and then is it carried to another house called a purging house where it is placed to purge the blacknesse with a certaine clay that is layd thereon Of the remainder in the causoron is made a second sort called Escumas and of the purging liquor that droppeth from the white sugar is made a third sort and the remainder is called Panela or Netas the refuse of all the purging is called Remiel or Malasses and thereof is made another sort called Refinado When this first fruit is in this sort gathered called Planta then the Cane-field where it grew is burned ouer with sugar straw to the stumps of the first canes and being husbanded watred and trimmed at the end of other two yeeres it yeeldeth the second fruit called Zoca The third fruit is called Tertia Zoca the fourth Quarta Zoca and so orderly the rest til age causeth the olde Canes to be planted againe This Iland hath singular good wine especially in the towne of Telde and sundry sorts of good fruits as Batatas Mellons Peares Apples Orenges Limons Pomgranats Figs Peaches of diuers sorts and many other fruits but especially the Plantano which groweth neere brooke sides it is a tree that hath no timber in it but groweth directly vpward with the body hauing maruelous thicke leaues and euery leafe at the toppe of two yards long and almost halfe a yard broad The tree neuer yeeldeth fruit but once and then is cut downe in whose place springeth another and so still continueth The fruit groweth on a branch and euery tree yeeldeth two or three of those branches which beare some more and some lesse as some forty and some thirty the fruit is like a Cucumber and when it is ripe it is blacke and in eating more delicate then any conserue This Iland is sufficiently prouided of Oxen Kine Camels Goats Sheepe Capons Hens
there being in case that they might haue dispatched all their ware for gold if the vntame braine of Windam had or could haue giuen eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had and more might haue had if he had taried about the Mina commanding the said Pinteado for so he tooke vpon him to lead the ships to Benin being vnder the Equinoctial line and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina where he looked to haue their ships laden with pepper and being counselled of the said Pinteado considering the late time of the yeere for that time to go no further but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold wherby they might haue bene great gainers Windam not assenting hereunto fell into a sudden rage reuiling the sayd Pinteado calling him Iew with other opprobrious words saying This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places as are not or as he cannot bring vs vnto but if he do not I will cut off his eares and naile them to the maste Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell to go no fuâ—ther for the safegard of the men and their liues which they should put in danger if they came too late for the Rossia which is their Winter not for cold but for smothering heate with close and cloudie aire and storming weather of such putrifying qualitie that it roâ—ted the coates of their backs or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat of the sunne which caused them to linger in the way But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the riuer of Benin where riding at an Anker they sent their pinnas vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues from whence certaine of the marchants with captaine Pinteado Francisco a Portugale Nicholas Lambart gentleman and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained ten leagues from the riuer side whither when they came they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king who being a blacke Moore although not so blacke as the rest sate in a great huge hall long and wide the wals made of earth without windowes the roofe of thin boords open in sundry places like vnto louers to let in the aire And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king it is such that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ we should remooue from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and impietie So it is therfore that when his noble men are in his presence they neuer looke him in the face but sit cowring as we vpon our knees so they vpon their buttocks with their elbowes vpon their knees and their hands before their faces not looking vp vntil the king command them And when they are comming toward the king as far as they do see him they do shew such reuerence sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before Likewise when they depart from him they turn not their backs toward him but goe creeping backward with like reuerence And now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall tongue which he had learned of a child Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand vp and demanded of them the cause of their comming into that countrey they answered by Pinteado that they were marchants traueiling into those parties for the commodities of his countrey for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his people The king theÌ„ hauing of old lying in a certaine store-house 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper euery kintall being an hundred weight willed them to looke vpon the same and againe to bring him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought with them And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the waters side with other to bring the ware from the pinnas to the court Who when they were returned and the wares seen the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with pepper And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper he promised to credite them to their next returne and thereupon sent the country round about to gather pepper causing the same to be brought to the court So that within the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues but eating without measure of the fruits of the countrey and drinking the wine of the Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same and in such extreme heate running continually into the water not vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations then the which nothing is more dangerous were thereby brought into swellings and agues insomuch that the later time of the yeere comming on caused them to die sometimes three sometimes 4 or 5 in a day Then Windam perceiuing the time of the 30 daies to be expired and his men dying so fast sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado the rest to come away and to tary no longer But Pinteado with the rest wrote backe to him againe certifying him of the great quantity of pâ—pper they had alreadie gathered looked daily for much more desiring him furthermore to remeÌ„ber the great praise and name they should win if they came home prosperously and what shame of the contrary With which answere Windam not satisfied and many of their men dying dayly willed and commaunded them againe either to come away forthwith or els threatened to leaue them behinde When Pinteado heard this answere thinking to perswade him with reason hee tooke his way from the court toward the ships being conducted thither with men by the kings commandement In the meane season Windam all raging brake vp Pinteados Cabin brake open his chestes spoiled such prouision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health and left him nothing neither of his instruments to saile by nor yet of his apparell and in the meane time falling sicke himselfe died also Whose death Pinteado comming aboord lamented as much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the world But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face some calling him Iewe saying that he had brought them thither to kill them and some drawing their swords at him making a shew to slay him Then he perceiuing that they wouâ—d needs away desired them to tary that he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court but they would not grant this request
fearefull a noise that they had no great will to tarie long after And this was done more to make them know our force then to doe them any hurt at all Nn Suuday the 12 of August Captaine Fenton trained the company and made the souldiers maintaine skirmish among themselues as well for their exercise as for the countrey people to behold in what readines our men were alwaies to be found for it was to be thought that they lay hid in the hilles thereabout and obserued all the manner of our proceedings On Wednesday the fourteenth of August our Generall with two small boates well appointed for that hee suspected the countrey people to lie lurking thereabout went vp a certaine Bay within the Countesses sound to search for Ore and met againe with the countrey people who so soone as they saw our men made great outcries and with a white flag made of bladders sowed together with the guts and sinewes of beasts wafted vs amaine vnto them but shewed not aboue three of their company But when wee came neere them wee might perceiue a great multitude creeping behinde the rockes which gaue vs good cause to suspect their traiterous meaning whereupon we made them signes that if they would lay their weapons aside and come foorth we would deale friendly with them although their intent was manifested vnto vs but for all the signes of friendship we could make them they came still creeping towards vs behind the rocks to get more aduantage of vs as though we had no eyes to see them thinking belike that our single wits could not discouer so bare deuises and simple drifts of theirs Their spokesman earnestly perswaded vs with many intising shewes to come eate and sleepe ashore with great arguments of courtesie and clapping his bare hands ouer his head in token of peace and innocencie willed vs to doe the like But the better to allure our hungry stomackes he brought vs a trimme baite of raw flesh which for fashion sake with a boat-hooke wee caught into our boate but when the cunning Cater perceiued his first cold morsell could nothing sharpen our stomacks he cast about for a new traine of warme flesh to procure our appetites wherefore he caused one of his fellowes in halting maner to come foorth as a lame man from behind the rockes and the better to declare his kindnes in caruing he hoised him vpon his shoulders and bringing him hard to the water side where we were left him there limping as an easie prey to be taken of vs. His hope was that we would bite at this baite and speedily leape ashore within their danger wherby they might haue apprehended some of vs to ransome their friends home againe which before we had taken The gentlemen and souldiers had great will to encounter them ashore but the Generall more carefull by processe of time to winne them then wilfully at the first to spoile them would in no wise admit that any man should put himselfe in hazard ashore considering the matter he now intended was for the Ore and not for the Conquest notwithstanding to prooue this cripples footemanship he gaue liberty for one to shoote whereupon the cripple hauing a parting blow lightly recouered a rocke and went away a true and no fained cripple and hath learned his lesson for euer halting afore such cripples againe But his fellowes which lay hid before full quickly then appeared in their likenesse and maintained the skirmish with their slings bowes and arrowes very fiercely and came as neere as the water suffred them and with as desperate minde as hath bene seene in any men without feare of shotte or any thing followed vs all along the coast but all their shot fell short of vs and are of little danger They had belayed all the coast along for vs and being dispersed so were not well to be numbred but wee might discerne of them aboue an hundreth persons and had cause to suspect a greater number And thus without losse or hurt we returned to our ships againe Now our worke growing to an end and hauing onely with fiue poore Miners and the helpe of a few gentlemen and souldiers brought aboord almost two hundreth â—unne of Ore in the space of twenty dayes euery man there withall well comforted determined lustely to worke a fresh for a bone voyage to bring our labour to a speedy and happy ende And vpon Wedâ—esday at night being the one and twentieth of August we fully finished the whole worke And it was now good time to leaue for as the men were well wearied so their shooes and clothes were well worne their baskets bottoms â—orne out their tooles broken and the ships reasonably well filled Some with ouer-straining themselues receiued hurts not a little dangerous some hauing their bellies broken and others their legs made lame And about this time the yce began to congeale and freeze about our ships sides a night which gaue vs a good argument of the Sunnes declining Southward put vs in mind to make more haste homeward It is not a little worth the memorie to the commendation of the gentlemen and souldiers herein who leauing all reputation apart with so great willingnesse and with couragious stomackes haue themselues almost ouercome in so short a time the difficultie of this so great a labour And this to be true the matter if it bee well weyed without further proofe now brought home doth well wituesse Thursday the 22 of August we plucked downe our tents and euery man hasted homeward and making bonefires vpon the top of the highest Mount of the Island and marching with Ensigne displayed round about the Island wee gaue a vollie of shotte for a farewell in honour of the righ honourable Lady Anne Countesse of Warwicke whose name it beareth and so departed aboord The 23 of August hauing the wind large at West we set saile from out of the Countesses sound homeward but the wind calming we came to anker within the point of the same sound againe The 24 of August about three of the clocke in the morning hauing the wind large at West we set saile againe and by nine of the clocke at night wee left the Queenes Foreland asterne of vs and being cleere of the Streites we bare further into the maine Ocean keeping our course more Southerly to bring our selues the sooner vnder the latitude of our owne climate The wâ—nd was very great at sea so that we lay a hull all night had snow halfe a foote deepe on the hatches From the 24 vntil the 28 we had very much wind but large keeping our course Southsoutheast and had like to haue lost the Barkes but by good hap we met againe The height being taken we were in degrees and a halfe The 29 of August the wind blew much at Northeast so that we could beare but onely a bunt of our foresaile and the Barkes were not able to cary any sayle at all The Michael lost
attâ—mpt any thing into Florida and those regions inclining towards the North they proued moâ—t vnhappy and were at length discouraged vtterly by the hard and lamentable successe of many both religious and valiant in armes â—ndeuouring to bring those Norâ—herly regions also vnder the Spaâ—ish iurisdicâ—ion as if God had prescribed lâ—â—â—ts vnâ—o the Spanish nation which they might not exceed as by their owne gests recorded may be aptly gatherâ—d The French as they can pretend lesse title vnto these Northerne parts then the Spanyard by how much the Spanyard made the first discouery of the same continent so far Northward as vnto Florida and the French did â—ut reuiew that before discouered by the English nation vsurping vpon our right and imposing names vpon countreys riuers bayes capes or headlands as if they had bene the first finders of those coasts which iniury we offered not vnto the Spanyards but left off to discouer when we approched the Spanish limits euen so God hath not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent vpon anothers right notwithstanding their manifolde attempts in which theâ— issue hath bene no lesse tragicall then that of the Spanyards as by their owne reports is extant Then sâ—eing the English nation onely hath right vnto these countreys of America from the cape of Florida Northward by the priuilege of first discouery vnto which Cabot was authorised by regall authority and set forth by the expense of our late famous king Henry the seuenth which right also seemeth strongly defended on our behalfe by the powerfull hand of almighty God withstanding the enteâ—prises of other nations it may greatly incourage vs vpon so iust ground as is our right and vpon so sacred an intent as to plant religion our right and intent being meet foundations for the same to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countreys apperteining vnto the crowne of England the same as is to be coniectured by infallible arguments of the worlds end approching being now arriued vnto the time by God prescribed of their vocation if â—uer their calling vnto the knowledge of God may be expâ—cted Which also is very probable by the reuolution and course of Gods word and religion which from the beginning hath moued from the East towards at last vnto the West where it is like to end vnlesse the same begin againe where it did in the East which were to expect a like world againe But we are assured of the contrary by the prophesie of Christ whereby we gather that after his word preached thorowout the world shal be the end And as the Gospel when it descended Westward began in the South and afterward spread into the North of Europe euen so as the same hath begunne in the South countreys of America no lesse hope may be gathered that it will also spread into the North. These considerations may helpe to suppresse all dreads rising of hard euents in attempts made this way by other nations as also of the heauy successe and issue in the late enterprise made by a worthy gentleman our countryman sir Humfrey Gilbert knight who was the first of our nation that caried people to erect an habitatioâ— and gouernment in those Northerly countreys of America About which albeit he had consumed much substance and lost his life at last his people also perishing for the most part yet the mystery thereof we must leaue vnto God and iudge charitably both of the cause which was iust in all pretence and of the person who was very zealous in prosecuting the same deseruing honourable remembrance for his good minde and expense of life in so vertuous an enterprise Whereby neuerthelesse least any man should be dismayd by example of other folks calamity and misdeeme that God doth resist all attempts intended that way I thought good so farre as my selfe was an eye witnesse to deliuer the circumstance and maner of our proceedings in that action in which the gentleman was so infortunately incumbred with wants and woorse matched with many ill disposed people that his rare iudgement and regiment premedicated for those affaires was subiected to tolerate abuses in sundry extremities to holde on a course more to vpholde credit then likely in his owne conceit happily to succeed The issue of such actions being alwayes miserable not guided by God who abhorreth confusion and disorder hath left this for admonition being the first attempt by our nation to plant vnto such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be discouraged from it but to make men well aduised how they handle his so high and excellent matters as the cariage is of his word into those very mighty and vast countreys And action doubtlesse not to be intermedled with base purposes as many haue made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarse iustifiable which doth excite Gods heauy iudgements in the end to the terrifying of weake mindes from the cause without pondering his iust proceedings and doth also incense forren princes against our attempts how iust soeuer who can not but deeme the sequele very dangerous vnto their state if in those parts we should grow to strength seeing the very beginnings are entred with spoile And with this admonition denounced vpon zeale towards Gods cause also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honourable vnto this action of planting Christian people and religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America vnto whom I wish all happinesse I will now proceed to make relation briefly yet particularly of our voyage vndertaken with sir Humfrey Gilbert begun continued and ended aduersly When first Sir Humfrey Gilbert vndertooke the Westerne discouery of America and had procured from her Maiesty a very large commission to inhabit possesse at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince the same commission exemplified with many priuileges such as in his discretion he might demand very many gentlemen of good estimation drew vnto him to associate him in so commendable an enterprise so that the preparation was expected to grow vnto a puissant fleet able to encounter a kings power by sea neuerthelesse amongst a multitude of voluntary men their dispositions were diuers which bred a iarre and made a diuision in the end to the confusion of that attempt euen before the same was begun And when the shipping was in a maner prepared men ready vpon the coast to go aboord at that time some brake consort and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before pretended Others failed of their promises contracted and the greater number were dispersed leauing the Generall with few of his assured friends with whom he aduentured to sea where hauing tasted of no lesse misfortune he was shortly driuen to retire home with the losse of a tall ship and more to his griefe of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan Hauing buried onely in a
drawing three fathoms water may enter in at a full sea and at a low water there is nothing but a chanell of a foote deepe or thereabout On both sides of the said Riuer tâ—ere are very good and faire grounds full of as faire and mightie trees as any be in the world and diuers sorts which are aboue tenne fathoms higher then the rest and there is one kind of tree aboue three fathoms about which they in the Câ—untrey call Hanneda which hath the most excellent vertue of all the trees of the world whereof I will make mention hereafter Moreouer there are great store of Okes the most excellent that euer I saw in my life which were so laden with Mast that they cracked againe besides this there are fairer Arables Cedars Beethes and other trees thâ—n grow in France and hard vnto this wood on the South side the ground is all couered with Uines which we found laden with grapes as blacke as Mulbertes but they be not so kind as those of France because the Uines bee not tilled and because they grow of their owne accord Moreuer there are many white Thornes which beare leaues as bigge as oken leaues and fruit like vnto Medlers To bee short it is as good a Countrey to plow and mannure as a man should fiâ—d or desire We sowed seedes here of our Countrey as Cabages Naueaus Lettises and others which grew and sprong vp out of the ground in eight dayes The mouth of the riuer is toward the South and it windeth Northward like vnto a snake and at the mouth of it toward the East there is a high and steepe cliffe where we made a way in maner of a payre of staires and aloft we made a Fort to keepe the nether Fort and the ships and all things that might passe aswell by the great as by this small riuer Moreouer a man may behold a great extension of ground apt for tillage straite and handsome and somewhat enclining toward the South as easie to be brought to tillage as I would desire and very well replenished with faire Okes and other trees of great beauty no thicker then the Forrests of France Here wee set twenty men to worke which in one day had laboured about an acre and an halfe of the said ground and sowed it part with Naneaâ—s or small Turneps which at the ende of eight dayes as I said before sprang out of the earth And vpon that high cliffe wee found a faire fountaine very neere the sayd Fort adioyning whereunto we found good store of stones which we esteemed to be Diamants On the other side of the said mountaine and at the foote thereof which is towards the great Riuer is all along a goodly Myne of the best yron in the world and it reacheth euen hard vnto our Fort and the sand which we tread on is perfect refined Myne ready to be put into the fornace And on the waters side we found certaine leaues of fine gold as thicke as a mans nayle And Westward of the said Riuer there are as hath bene sayd many faire trees and toward the water a goodly Medow full of as faire and goodly grasse as euer I sawe in any Medowe in France and betweene the sayd Medow and the Wood are great store of Uines and beyond the said Uines the land groweth full of Hempe which groweth of it selfe which is as good as possibly may be seene and as strong And at the ende of the sayd Medow within an hundred pases there is a rising ground which is of a kind of state stone blacke and thicke wherein are veines of mynerall matter which shewe like gold and siluer and throughout all that stone there are great graines of the sayd Myne And in some places we haue found stones like Diamants the most faire pollished and excellently cut that it is possible for a man to see when the Sunne shineth vpon them they glister as it were sparkles of fire How after the departure of the two shippes which were sent backe into Britaine and that the Fort was begun to be builded the Captaine prepared two boates to goe vp the great Riuer to discouer the passage of the three Saults or falles of the Riuer THe sayd Captaine hauing dispatched two ships to returne to carry newes according as hee had in charge from the king and that the Fort was begun to be builded for preseruation of their victuals and other things determined with the Uicount of Beaupâ—e and other Gentlemen Masters and Pilots chosen for counsayle to make a voyage with two boates furnished with men and victuals to goe as farre as Hochelaga of purpose to view and vnderstand the fashion of the Saults of water which are to be passed to goe to Saguenay that hee might be the readier in the spring to passe farther and in the Winter time to make all things needefull in a readinesse for their businesse The foresaid boates being made ready the Captaine and Martine de Painpont with other Gentlemen and the remnant of the Mariners departed from the sayd place of Charlesburg Royal the seuenth day of September in the yeere aforesayd 1540. And the Uicount of Beaupre stayed behind for the garding and gouernement of all things in the Fort And as they went vp the riuer the Captaine went to see the Lord of Hochelay which dwelleth betweene Canada and Hochelaga which in the former voyage had giuen vâ—to the said Captaine a little girle and had oftentimes enformed him of the treasons which Taignoagny and Domagaya whom the Captaine in his former voyage had caried into France would haue wrought against him In regard of which his curtesie the said Captaine would not passe by without visiting of him and to let him vnderstand that the Captaine though himselfe beholding vnto him hee gaue vnto him two yong boyes and left them with him to learne their language and bestowed vpon him a cloake of Paris red which cloake was set with yealow and white buttons of Tinne and small belles And with all hee gaue him two Basins of Laton and certaine hachets and kniues whereat the sayde Lord seemed highly to reioyce and thanked the Captaine This done the Captaine and his company departed from that place And wee sailed with so prospercus a wind that we arriued the eleuenth day of the moneth at the first Sault of water which is two leagues distant from the Towne of Tutonaguy And after wee were arriued there wee determined to goe and passe as farre vp as it was possible with one of the boates and that the other should stay there till it returned and wee double manned her to rowe vp against the course or streame of the sayde Sault And after wee had passed some part of the way from our other boate wee found badde ground and great rockes and so great a current that wee could not possibly passe any further with our Boate. And the Captaine resolued
him brought me to Portsmouth where they set me on land the 2. day of December last past 1590. From thence I was sent by M. Muns the lieutenant of Portsmouth with letters to the R. honorable the Earle of Suffex who commanded his secretary to take my name and examination how long I had bene â—ut of England and with whom I went which he did And on Christmas euen I took my leaue of his honor and came to Redriffeâ— The Computation of my imprisonment I suffered imprisonment in Mexico two yeeres In the Contratation house in Siuill one yeere In the Inquisition house in Triana one yeere I was in the Gallies twelue yeeres In the euerlasting prison remediles with the coat with S. Andrews crosse on my back 4. yeres And at libertie I serued as a drudge Hernando de Soria 3. yeeres which is the full complement of 23. yeeres Since my departure from England vntill this time of my returne I was siue times in great danger of death besides the many perils I was in in the Gallies First in the Port of S. Iohn de Vllua where being on shore with many other of our company which were all slaine sauing I and two other that by swimming got aboord the Iesus of Lubek Secondly when we were robbed by the wild Indians Thirdly after we came to Mexico the viceroy would haue hanged vs. Fourthly because he could not haue his mind to hang vs he would haue burnt vs. Fiftly the Generall that brought vs into Spaine would haue hanged vs at sea Thus hauing truely set downe vnto you my trauels misery and dangers endured the space of 23. yeeres I ende A relation of the Hauen of Tecuanapa a most conuenient place for building of ships situate vpon the South sea not farre from Nicaragua which was sent vnto the viceroy of Mexico or to the king of Spaine wherein are described the riuers of Ometepec Tlacamama and Tlacolula falling into the said Hauen with the townes people and mountaines adioyning to the said riuers and other things fit for the building and victualling of ships THe Port and small harbour of Tecuanapa hath in the briest time of Sommer in the chanell little lesse then one fathome at low water and at full sea one fathome and an halfes in the time of raine with the increasing of the land-water it hath three fathoms and more It lyeth toward the West and there the Bishopricks of Guaxacan and Tlarcali are separated From hence toward the point called Punta de Intla and Dordaci there is a Bay 2. leagues distant which though it be no special harbour yet vpon an extremity ships may come and ride there as in times past they haue done This Bay on the right hand toward the North maketh a lake somewhat large towards the midst of the chanell and in some parts deepe but specially on the side of Cuahintla but on either side it is but shallow As you passe betweene the sea certaine great and large woods of orenge trees and trees of other nature which grow along the sea coast which are of no great bredth al the countrey appeareth very open howbeit on the side of Cuahintla the mountaines haue many creeks and a small lake called Tulaningo and the countrey cannot be trauelled except you take the way betweene the sea and the end of this lake which may be about two leagues of sandy way And on the North side there is another small creeke And going by the sands side one quarter of a league you come to the way that leadeth vnto Quacapotla a mansion of Intla The riuer of Ometepec being the principal riuer which commeth to this halâ—en hath his head in the mountaines of Xicayan de Touer about 24. leagues froÌ„ this hauen from diuers brooks which come out of the mountaines of Cacatepec and beneath a towne called Suchistlahuaca litle more then 3. leagues all the brooks ioyne together and from that place you may passe downe to the sea with Canoâ—s and Lighters and you might come farther but for the fall of a furious streame or current which ruÌ„neth between two great rocks passing from Cocahulapa a mansion of Ometepec vnto Yanguitle a mansion of the said Ometepec These inconueniences being past which in my iudgement may be about one league the riuer is more nauigable so that you may sayle in the same about 12. leagues During the space of which 12. leagues about a league and a halfe distance from the waters side and in many other parts of the same riuer it hath great quantitie of woods which vse to grow in hot soiles fiâ— for ship-timber as Hubertrees Suchicuhitil whereof they of Nicaragua make great profit Also there be white okes and Tehegurtes in great quantitie and many other kinds of timber and in the mountaines there be firre-trees okes and cork-trees which easily may bee caried downe the riuer because they may be cut some 2 3 4 and 5. leagues from the riuer and may be brought downe to the waters side with the seruice and helpe of those that dwell in the townes thereabout At the head of these brooks where the riuer beginneth is the towne which is called Xicaian belonging to the heires of Francis de Touer y de Guillen containing about 350. Indians of rude speech and of little policie being 24. leagues from the sea little more or lesse The place it selfe is hot although the mountaines round about be cold A little from this is the towne of Aioanapa possessed by the heires of Perez Gomez hauing in it about 300. Indians of the selfe same speach and qualitie The countrey is more subiect to heate then cold yet hath it neere it cold countreys and mountaines It is distant from Xicaâ—â—â— de Toâ—er 4. leagues and from the sea 20. leagues Sire leagues downeward toward the South is the towne of Suchistlahuaca on the said riuer and the inhabitants are of the same speach and qualities The countrey is more subiect to heaâ—e then cold It is in the charge of Gonzaluo Fernandez a citizen of Mexico and hath about 150. Indians and is 15. leagues distant from the sea From this towne vnto the towne of Ometepec are 6. leagues The place is very hoat and in the same gouernment and is situate betweene certaine hils one league from the riuer â—e and his followers haue vnder them about 700. Indians which speake the Ayacastecan Amulgan and Niciecan tongâ—es and this place is from the sea nine leagues From this towne vnto Ihualapa are two great leagues it is in the gouernment of the heires of Laurence de Castro of the foresaid temperature and the people vse the said language and are of the like stature and it standeth three leagues from the riuer and from the sea ten leagues These are the best townes and of the best traffique that are vpon all this coast The Indians are rich in Cacao and victuals and in
onely one halfe houre the Minion was made readie to auoide and so leesing her hedfaâ—ls and hayling away by the sterâ—â—fastes she was gotten out tâ—us with Gods helpâ— she dâ—fendeâ— the violence of the first brunt of these three hundred men The Minion being past out they came aboâ—rd the Iesus which also with very much a doe and the losse of manie of our men were defended and kept out Then were there also two other ships that assaulted the Iesus at the same instant so that she had hard getting loose but yet with some time we had cut our head-fastes and gotten out by the sterne-fastes Nowe when the Iesus and the Minion were gottâ—n about two shippes length from the Spanish fleete the fight beganne so hotte on all sides that within one houre the Admirall of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunke their Uiceadmirall burned and one other of their principall ships supposed to be sunke so that the shippes were little able to annoy vs. Then is it to be vnderstood that all the Ordinance vpon the Ilande was in the Spaniardes handes which did vs so great annoyance that it cut all the mastes and yardes of the Iesus in such sort that there was no hope to carrie her away also it sunke our small shippes wereupon we determined to place the Iesus on that side of the Minion that she might abide all the batterie from the land and so be a defence for the Minion till night and then to take such reliefe of victuall and other necessaries from the Iesus as the time would suffer vs and to leaue her As we were thus determining and had placed the Minion from the shot of the land suddenly the Spaniards had fired two great shippes which were comming directly with vs and hâ—uing no meanes to auoide the fire it bredde among our men a maruellous feare so that some sayd let vs depart with the Minion other said let vs see whither the winde will carrie the fire from vs. But to be short the Minions men which had alwayes theâ—r sayles in a readinesse thouâ—ht to make sure worke and so without either consent of the Captâ—ine or Master cut therâ— saile so that very hardly I was receiued into the Minion The most part of the men that were left a liue in the Iesus made shift and followed the Minion in a small boat the rest which the little bâ—ate was not able â—o receiue were inforâ—â—d â—â— abide the mercie of the Spaniards which I doubt was very little so with the Minion only and the â—udith a small barke of 50 tunne we escaped which barke the same night forsooke vs in our great miserie we were now remooued with the Minion from the Spanish ships two bow-shâ—oâ—es and there rode all that night the next morning we recouered aâ— Iland a mile from the Spaniardes where there tooke vs a North winde and being left onely with two ankers and two cables for in this conflict we lost three cables and two ankers we thought alwayes vpon death which euer was present but God preserued vs to a longer time The weather waxed reasonable and the Saturday we set saile and hauing a great number of men and little victuals our hope of life waxed lesse and lesse some desired to yeeld to the Spaniards some rather desired to obtaine a place where they might giue themselues to the Infidels and some had rather abide with a little pittance the mercie of God at Sea so thus with many sorowfull hearts we wandred in an vnknowen Sea by the space of 14 dayes till hunger inforced vs to seeke the land for hides were thought very good meat rats cats mice and dogs none escaped that might be gotten parrats and monkeyes that were had in great price were thought there very profitable if they serued the turne one dâ—nner thus in the end the 8 day of October we came to the land in the boâ—ome of the same bay of Mexico in 23 degrees and a halfe where we hoped to haue found inhabitants of the Spaniards reliefe of victuals and place for the repaire of our ship which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies and brused with shooting off our owne ordinance that our wearie and weake armes were scarce able to defende and keâ—pe out water But all things happened to the contrary for we found neither people victuall nor hauen of reliefe but a place where hauing faire weather with some perill we might land a boat our people being forced with hunger desired to be set on land whereunto I consented And such as were willing to land I put them apart and such as were desirous to goe homewardes I put a part so that they were indifferently parted a hundred of one side and a hundred of the other side these hundred men we set a land with all diligence in this little place before said which being landed we determined there to take in fresh water and so with our little remaine of vâ—ctuals to take the sea The next day hauing a land with me fiftie of our hundreth men that remained for the speedier preparing of our water aboord there arose an extreame storme so that in three dayes we could by no meanes repaire aboord our ship the ship also was in such perill that euery houre we looked for shipwracke But yet God againe had mercie on vs and sent faire weather we had aboord our water and departâ—d the siâ—teenth day of October after which day we had faire and prosperous weather till the siâ—teenth day of Nouâ—mber which day God be praysed we were cleere from the coast of the Indies and out of â—hâ— chanell and gulfe of Bahama which is betweene the Cape of Florida and the Ilandes of Iucayo After this growing neere to the colde countrey our men being oppressed with famine died continually and they that were left grew into such weaknesse that we were scantly able to manage our shippe and the winde being alwayes ill for vs to recouer England we determined to goe with Galicia in Spaine with intent there to relieue our companie and other extreame wantes And being arriued the last day of December in a place neere vnto Vigo called Ponce Vedra our men with excesse of fresh meate grew into miserable disseases and died a great part of them This matter was borne out as long as it might be but in the end although there were none of our men suffered to goe a land yet by accesse of the Spaniards our feeblenesse was knowen to them Whereupon they ceased not to seeke by all meanes to betray vs but with all speede possible we departed to Vigo where we had some helpe of certaine English ships and twelue fresh mâ—n wherewith we repaired our wants as we might and departing the 20 day of Ianuary 1568 arriued in Mounts bay in Cornewall the 25 of the same moneth praised be God therefore If all the miseries and troublesome affâ—ires of this sorowfull voyage
the landing place being but one and that vnder the fâ—uour of many platformes well furnished with great ordinance to depart with the receit of many their Canon-shot some into our ships and some besides some of them being in very deede full Canon high But the only or chiefe mischiefe was the dangerous sea-surge which at shore all alongst plainly thrâ—atned the ouerthrow of as many pinnesses and boates as for that time should haue attempted any landing at all Now seeing the expectation of this attempt frustrated by the causes aforesaid we thought it meeter to fall with the Isle Hierro to see if we could find any better fâ—rtune and comming to the Island we landed a thousand men in a valley vnder a high mountaine where we stayed some two or three houres in which time the inhabitants accompanied with a yong fellow borne in England who dwelt there with them came vnto vs shewing their state to be so poore that they were all ready to starue which was not vntrue and therefore without any thing gotten we were all commanded presently to imbarke so as that night wee put off to sea Southsoutheast along towards the coast of Barbary Upon Saturday in the morning being the 13. of Nouember we fell with Cape Blanke which is a low land and shallow water where we catched store of fish and doubling the Cape â—e put into the Bay where we found certaine French ships of warre whom wee entertained with great courtesie and there left them This afternoone the whole fleet assembled which was a little scattered about their fishing and put from thence to the Isles of Cape Verde sailing till the 16. of the same moneth in the morning on which day we discried the Island of S. Iago and in the euening we ankered the fleet between the towne called the Playa or Praya and S. Iago where we put on shore 1000. men or more vnder the leading of M. Christopher Carleil Lieutenant general who directed the seruice most like a wise commander The place where we had first to march did affourd no good order for the ground was mountainous full of dales being a very stony and troublesome passage but such was his industrious disposition as he would neuer leaue vntill wee had gotteÌ„ vp to a faire plain where we made stand for the assembling of the army And when we were al gathered together vpon the plaine some 2 miles from the town the liâ—utenant general thought good not to make atteÌ„pt til daylight because there was not one that could serue for guid or giuing knowledge at al of y e place And therfore after hauing wel rested euen halfe an houre before day he commanded the army to be diuided into 3 speciall parts such as he appointed wheras before we had marched by seueral coÌ„panies being therunto forced by the badnesse of the way as is aforesaidâ— Now by the time wee were thus ranged into a very braue order daylight began to appearâ— and being aduanced hard to the wall we saw no enemie to resist whereupon the Lieutenant generall appointed Captaine Sampson with thirtie shot and Captaine Barton with other thirtie to goe downe into the towne which stood in the valley vnder vs and might very plainely bee viewed all ouer from that place where the whole Army was now arriued and presently after these Capâ—aines was sent the great ensigne which had nothing in it but the plaine English crosse to be placed towardes the Sea that our Fleet might see Saint Georges crosse storish in the enemies fortresse Order was giuen that all the ordinance throughout the towne and vpon all the platformes which were aboue fiftie pieces all ready charged should be shot off in honour of the Queenes Maiesties coronation day being the seuenteenth of Nouember after the yeerely custome of England which was so answered againe by the ordinance out of all the ships in the fleete which now was come neere as it was strange to heare such a thundering noyse last so long together In this meane while the Lieutenant generall held still the most part of his force on the hill top till such time as the towne was quartered out for the lodging of the whole Armie which being done euery captaine tooke his owne quarter and in the euâ—ning was placed such a sufficient gard vpon euery part of the towne that we had no cause to feare any present enemie Thus we continued in the citie the space of 14. dayes taking such spoiles as the place yeelded which were for the most part wine oyle meale and some such like things for victuall as vineger oliues and some such other trash as merchandise for their Indians trades But there was not found any treasure at all or any thing else of worth besides The situation of S. Iago is somewhat strange in forme like a triangle hauing on the East and West sides two mountaines of rocke and cliffe as it were hanging ouer it vpon the top of which two mountaines were builded certaine fortifications to preserue the towne from any harme that might bee offered as in a plot is plainely shewed From thence on the South side of the towne is the maine sea and on the North side the valley lying betweene the foresayd mountaines wherein the towne standeth the said valley towne both do grow very narrow insomuch that the space betweene the two cliffes of this end of the towne is estimated not to be aboue 10. or 12. score ouer In the middest of the valley commeth downe a riueret rill or brooke of fresh water which hard by the sea side maketh a pond or poole whereout our ships were watered with very great ease and pleasure Somewhat aboue the towne on the North side betweene the two mountains the valley wareth somewhat larger then at the townes end which valley is wholly conuerted into gardens and orchards well replenished with diuers sorts of fruites herbes and trees as lymmons orenges sugar-canes cochars or cochos nuts plantans potato-rootes cucumbers small and round onions garlicke and some other things not now remembred amongst which the cochos nuts and plantans are very pleasant fruites the saide cochos hath a hard shell and a greene huske ouer it as hath our walnut but it farre exceedeth in greatnesse for this cochos in his greene huske is bigger then any mans two sistes of the hard shell many drinking cups are made here in England and set in siluer as I haue often seene Next within this hard shell is a white rine resembling in shewe very much euen as any thing may do to the white of an egge when it is hard boyled And within this white of the nut lyeth a water which is whitish and very cleere to the quantitie of halfe a pynt or thereaboutes which water and white rine before spoken of are both of a very coole fresh tast and as pleasing as any thing may be I haue heard some hold opinion that it is very restoratiue The plantan groweth in cods somewhat like
otherwise must haue bene done by resting But as we came within some two miles of the towne their horsemen which were some hundred met vs and taking the alarme retired to their town ward againe vpon the first volley of our shot that was giuen them for the place where wee encountred being wooddy and bushy euen to the water side was vnmeete for their seruice At this instant we might heare some pieces of Artillerie discharged with diuers small shot towards the harbour which gaue vs to vnderstand according to the order set downe in the Euening before by our Generall that the Uice-admirall accompanied with Captaine Venner Captaine White and Captaine Crosse with other sea Captaines and with diuers Pinnesses and boates should giue some attempt vnto the litle Fort standing on the entrie of the inner Hauen neere adioyning to the towne though to small purpose for that the place was strong and the entry very narrow was chainedouer so as there could be nothing gotten by the attempt more then the giuing of them an alarme on that other side of the Hauen being a mile and a halfe from the place we now were at In which attempt the Uice-admirall had the rudder of his skiffe stroken through with a Saker shot and a litle or no harme receiued elsewhere The troopes being now in their march halfe amyle behither the Towne or lesse the ground we were on grewe to bee streight and not aboue fiftie paces ouer hauing the maine Sea on the one side of it and the harbour-water or inner sea as you may tearme it on the other side which in the plot is plainely shewed This streight was fortified cleane ouer with a stone wall and a ditch without it the sayd wall being as orderly built with flanking in euery part as can be set downe There was onely so much of this streight vnwalled as might serue for the issuing of the horsemen or the passing of caryage in time of neede but this vnwalled part was not without a very good Barricado of wine-buts or pipes filled with earth full and thicke as they might stand on ende one by another some part of them standing euen within the maine sea This place of strength was furnished with sixe great peeces Demi-culuerius and Sakers which shette directly in front vpon vs as wee approched Now without this wall vpon the inner side of the streight they had brought likewise two great Gallies with their prowes to the shore hauing planted in them eleuen peeces oâ— ordinance which did beate all crosse the streight and flanked our comming on In these two Galleis were planted three or foure hundred small shot and on the land in the guard onely of this place three hundred shot and pikes They in this their full readinesse to receiue vs spared not their shot both great and small But our Leiutenant generall taking the aduantage of the darke the day light as yer not broken out approched by the lowest ground according to the expresse direction which himselfe haâ— formerly giuen the same being the sea-wash shore where the water was somewhat fallen so as most of all their shot was in vaine Our Lieutenant generall commanded our shot to forbeare shooâ—ing vntill we were come to the wall side â—nd so with pikes roundly together we approched the place where we soone found out the Barricados of pipes or buts to be the meetest place for our assault which notwithstanding it was well furnished with pikes and shot was without staying attempted by vs downe went the buts of earth and yell mell came our swordes and pikes together after our shot had first giuen their volley euen at the enemies nose Our pikes were somewhat longer then theirs and our bodies better armed for very few of them were armed with which aduantage our swordes and pikes grew too hard for them and they driuen to giue place In this surious entry the Lieutenant generall siew with his owne hands the chiefe Ensigne bearer of the Spaniards who fought very manfully to his liâ—es end We followed into the towne with them and giuing them no leasure to breath we wanne the Market-place albeit they made head and fought a while before we got it and so wee being once seazed and assured of that they were content to suffer vs to lodge within their towne and themselues to goe to their wiues whom they had caryed into other places of the countrey before our comming thither At euery streetes end they had rassed vâ—â—y fine Baricados of earth-workes wich trenches without them as well made as euer we saw any worke done at the entring whereof was some litle resistance but soone ouercome it was with few slaine or hurt They had ioyned with them many Indians whom they had placed in corners of aduantage all bowmen with their arrowes most villariously empoysoned so as if they did but breake the skinne the partie so touched died without great maruell some they flew of our people with their arrowes some they likewise mischieued to death with certaine pricks of small sticks sharply pointed of a foote and a halfe long the one ende put into the ground the other empoysoned sticking fast vp right against our comming in the way as we should approch from our landing towardes the towne whereof they had planted a wonderfull number in the ordinaire way but our keeping the sea-wash shore missed the greatest part of them very happily I ouerpasse many particular matters as the hurting of Captaine Sampson at sword blowes in the first entring vnto whom was committed the charge of the pikes of the Uantguard by his lot and turne as also of the taking of Alonso Brauo the chiefe commander of the place by Captaine Goring after the said captaine had first hurt him with his sword vnto which Captaine was committed the charge of the shot of the sayd Uantguard Captaine Winter was likewise by his turne of the â—antguard in this attempt where also the Lieutenant generall marched himselfe the said Captaine Winter through a great desire to serue by land hauing now exchanged his charge by sea with Captaine Cecil for his band of footemen Captaine Powel the Sergeant maior had by his turne the charge of the foure companies which made the battaile Captaine Morgan who at S. Domingo was of the Uantguard had now by turne his charge vpon the companies of the Rereward Euery man as well of one part as of another came so willingly on to the seruice as the enemie was not able to endure the furie of such hot assault We stayed here sixe weekes and the sicknesse with mortalitie before spoken of still continued among vs though not with the same furie as at the first and such as were touched with the sayde sicknesse escaping death very few or almost none could recouer their strenght yea many of them were much decayed in their memorie insomuch that it was growen an ordinarie iudgement when one was heard to speake foolishly to say he had bene sicke of the Calâ—ntura
and from those mountaines they brought it when they would hâ—uâ— it but they made no great account of it for they neither buy nor sell and amongst them is nothing but change In this countery they eate bread of rootes and Maiz and they eate certaine rootes which they call Aies and Batatas but the Batatas bee better then the other rootes and being rawe they haue a smell of Chestnuts they are to be eaten rosted These Indians doe make wine of the fruit of Date-trees which fruit is yellow in colour and is as great as a little Doues egge and being in season is good to be eaten and of it proceedeth good wine and is preserued for a long time These kinde of people do make their houses with vpper roomes and they sleepe in them as also al their habitation is in the vpper roomes and that which is belowe they leaue open and also they vse certaine mantels of cotten wooll and these they tie at the endes with ropesâ— and the one ende of of the rope they make fast to one part of the house and the other ende to the other part of the house and in these they lye which bee their beddes and these kinde of beds bee vsed in all India and there is not in any part of India any chambers that the people do vse to lodge in aloft fâ—om the ground nor they make any hie roomes but only in this part of India in al other places they make their houses without any loftes or chambers and they couer their houses with the leaues of date trees and of grasse And from this fresh water-sea vnto Paria the coast lyeth West Northwest and is so ful of sholds that the ships cannot come neer to the land There are froÌ„ this riuer to Paria 250 leagues In this fresh water sea the tydes do ebbe flow as much as they do in Britayne and it standeth in 6 degrees and a halfe Paria standeth on the other side of the Equinoctial toward the North in seuen degrees In Paria the sea floweth but little and from Paria towards the West the sea doth not flow From the entry of the gulfe of Paria vnto the Cape that lyeth towards the West are 35 leagues and froÌ„ thence the coast turneth towardes the Northeast other 35 leagues from thence the coast turneth toward the West Before this gulfe standeth the Island of Trinidad and towards the West doeth appeare the gulfe of Paria like to halfe a round circle after the fashion of a Diameter and at the end of this circle is the entery in of Paria at this entery there is betweene the land and the Island 8 leagues and on the other side there is but litle space betweene the Iland and the land but it is deepe and hath a good entry this Iland of Trinidad hath in length 25 leagues and as many in bredth and standeth in eight degrees and is inhabited of many people and as yet not vnder subiection Here the Indians do vse to shoote with bowes and arrowes which are of a fathome in length made of reeds which grow in that Countrey and at the ende of them is artificially ioyned a piece of wood very strong vnto the which piece of wood at the end of it they put a bone of a fish in place of an arrow head these kinde of bones bee harder then Diamonds and euery one of them be three or foure fingers long they are taken out of a fish that hath three of these bones one vpon the backe another vnder euery wing but that which groweth vpon the backe is the strongest and the greatest In this Island the people saith that there groweth golde and in this Island and in Paria growe reedes so great that they make staues of them and cary of them into Spaine Likewise there bee Popiniayes very great and gentle and some of them haue their foreheads yellow and this sort do quickly learne to speak and speak much There be likewise in the gulfe of Paria pearles although not many but very good and great CERTAINE VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS AND Traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasil together with a Ruttier for all that coast and two intercepted letters which reueale many secrets of the state of that Countery the rest of our Voyages to Brasil which haue bene either intended or performed to the Riuer of Plate the streight of Magellan the South sea or farther that way being reserued for the geuerall heades next insuing A briefe relatioÌ„ of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plimmouth father to Sir Iohn Haukins knight late Treasurer of her Maiesties Nauie in the yeere 1530 and 1532. OLde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth a man for his wisedome valure experience and skill in sea causes much esteemed and beloued of K. Henry the 8 and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time not contented with the short voyages commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe armed out a tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes called the Paule of Plimmouth wherwith he made three long and famous voyages vnto the coast of Brasil a thing in those dayes very rare especially to our Nation In the course of which voyages he touched at the riuer of Sestos vpon the coast of Guinea where hee traffiqued with the Negros and tooke of them Elephants teeth and other commodities which that place yeeldeth and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil he vsed there such discretion and behaued himself so wisely with those sauage people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them Insomuch that in his second voyage one of the sauage kings of the countrey of Brasil was contented to take ship with him and to be transporâ—ed hither into England whereunto M. Haukins agreed leauing behinde in the Countâ—ry as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth This Brasilian king being arriued was brought vp to London and presented to K. Henry the 8. lying as then at White-hall at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle maruaile and not without cause for in his cheekes were holes made according to their sauage maner and therein small bones were planted standing an inch out from the said holes which in his owne Countrey was reputed for a great brauerie He had also another hole in his nether lip wherein was set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease All his apparel behauiour and gesture were very strange to the beholders Hauing remained here the space almost of a whole yeere and the king with his sight fully satisfied M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment purposed to conuey him againe into his countrey but it fell out in the way that by change of aire and alteration of diet the said Sauage king did
Pedro Aluarez tooke possession of this land for the king of Portugall whereupon the king Don Emanuel hearing newes thereof sent presently shippes to discouer the whole countrey and found it to be part of America otherwise called The West Indies for which cause there grewe some controuersie betweene him and the king of Spaine but being kinsmen and great friends one to another they agreed in the end that the king of Portugall should holde all the countrey that he had discouered the which was as I haue said from the riuer of Marannon to the riuer of Plate albeit the Spaniards affirme that it stretcheth no further then the Iland of Santa Catelina whereupon there haue risen many controuersies betweene the Portugales and Spaniardes which haue cost many men their liues There came into the said riuer of Plate in the yeere 1587 two English ships and a Pinnesse of the right Honourable the Earle of Cumberland which were bound for the streights of Magellan and ankored ten leagues within the said riuer before a little Iland lying hard by another called Seal-Iland On which Iland the Captaine of one of the ships called Christopher Lister and his whole company landing found the king of Portugales armes grauen on a rocke by the sea side which are thought to haue beene there engrauen by one Martin Alonso de Souza who was sent by the king Don Emanuel to discouer this coast Therefore I thinke the Portugales haue reason for that which they alleage concerning the extension of the said coast of Brasil Wherfore the king of Portugall gaue this land to diuerse of his gentlemen to inhabite Most of the naturall inhabitants of this countrey are very rude and goe starke naked both men and women and are man-eaters for which cause they make warres one against another to get men to eate they are stout and good bow-men The first place inhabited on this coast beyonde the riuer of Marannon is called Fernambuck so named by the Indians but in Portugall it is called Villa de Olinda Before you come to this place there is a port called Paraiua vnto which port not many yeeres past the Frenchmen hearing of the troubles which were then in Portugall resorted and built there a fort whereunto certaine French ships made yeerely voyages to lade Brasill-wood But they of Fernambuck with the helpe of the Spaniardes went and burnt fiue french shippes within the port and tooke the fort it selfe and the Frenchmen that were there fled part into the mountaines and part of them were slaine so that since that time the Spaniardes haue inhabited there till this present Nowe to returne to Fernambuck inhabited by a Portugall Captaine called Duarre Coelio it is the greatest towne in all that coast and hath abouâ— three thousand houses in it with seuentie Ingenios for sugar and great store of Brasill-wood and abundance of cotton yet are they in great want of victuals for all their victuals come either from Portugall or from some places vpon the coast of Brasill The harbour of this towne is a barred harbour and fit onely for small barkes this place belongeth as yet vnto the sonne of Duarte Coëlio Beyond this towne lyeth the Cape of Sant Augustin and next thereunto is the riuer of Sant Francisco which is a great riuer Betweene this riuer and Bayha it is all a wildernesse inhabited with cruell saluages for whomsoeuer they take they kill and eate him The towne of Bayha belongeth to the king and therefore the gouernour of all the coast keepeth his residence in the same as also the bishop It containeth 1000 houses 40 Ingenios for sugar and hath much cotton but no Brasill-wood at all The sea runneth vp into the countrey here 14 or 15 leagues where they get some yeres good store of Amber-griese Here is great plentie of victuals and although the countrey be hot yet is it healthfull the aire holesome The next towne vpon the coast called As Ilhas or The Iles is but a small towne containing not aboue 150 houses and but three Ingenios for sugar Most of the inhabitants are labouring men which vse to carry victuals in their small barkes vnto Fernambuck their Lord is called Lucas Giraldo The next place vnto this is called Puerto Seguroâ— it consisteth of 4 small townes which containe not in all aboue 300 houses The inhabitants of this towne also liue by carrying of victuals along the coast and the towne it selfe belongeth to the Duke de Auero. Hard by this port begin the sholdes which they call Abrolhos and these sholdes lie aboue 25 leagues into the sea The next habitation of Christians beyond these sholdes is Espirito Santo which consisteth of two townes both of them contayning about 300 houses and they belong to a gentleman called Vasques Fernandes de Coutinho From hence you passe along the coast to the riuer of Ienero which hath about three hundred houses In this place the Frenchmen first inhabited whose Captaine was called Monsieur de Villegagnon The said Captaine made here a fort and planted good ordinance thereon and laded euery yeere great store of Brasill-wood from hence and had great friendship with the saluage people who did him good seruice by reason whereof the Frenchmen reaped much benefite out of this countrey But the king of Portugall sent out a power against the Frenchmen who first tooke the french shippes by sea and then landed and besieged the fort and at length tooke it and the Captaine thereof vnto whom because he was a gentle person and neuer hurt the Portugales they gaue thirtie thousand ducats for his ordinance and for all other things that were in the fort and so sent him for France Since which time the Portugales haue inhaâ—â—ted this riuer There are at this present onely two Ingenios but great store of Brasill-wood with plentie of victuals From this riuer of Ienero they passe along the coast to Sant Vincente which hath 4 townes the greatest whereof is called Santos and consisteth of foure hundred houses there are also three Ingenios A fewe yeeres past there came two English ships into this harbour which were going for the Streights of Magellan Who being in this port there came thither three of the king of Spaines ships and fought with the Englishmen but the Englishmen sunke one of their ships and therefore the king commanded a fort to be made to the ende that no English shippes that were bound for the streights of Magellan should victuall there the which fort standeth on the mouth of the harbour This countrey belongeth to a Gentleman called Martin Alonso de Souza this is the last inhabited place vpon all the coast of Brasill This coast of Brasill is very full of mountaines and hath much raine falling vpon it for which cause they cannot goe from towne to towne by land all the habitations of this countrey are by the sea side From Sant Vincente the coast
The ninth day wee departed from Pengwin Ilande and ranne South Southwest to King Philips citie which the Spaniards had built which Towne or citie had foure Fortes and euery Fort had in it one cast peeâ—e which pâ—â—â—es were buryed in the ground the cariages were standing in their places vnburied wee digged for them and had thâ—m all They had contriâ—ed their Citie veâ—y well and seated it in the best place of the Stâ—eights for wood and water they hâ—d builded vp their Churches by themselues they had Lawes very seuere among themselues for they had â—recâ—ed a Gibeâ— whereon they had done execution vpon some of their company It seemed vnto vs that thâ—ir whole liuing for a greaâ— space was altogethâ—r vpon muskles and lympits for there was not any thing else to bee had except some Deere which came out of the mâ—untaines downe to the fresh riuers to drinke These Spaniards which were there were only come to forâ—â—fie the Streights to the ende that no other nation should haue passage through into the Sâ—uâ—h sea sauing onely their owne but as it appeared it was not Gods will so to haue it For during the time that they were there which was two yeeres at the least they could neuer haue any thing to growe or in any wise prosper And on the other side the Indians oftentimes preyed vpon them vntill their victuals grewe so short their store being spent which they had brought with them out of Spaine and hauing no meanes to renew the same that they dyed like dogges in their houses and in their clothes wherein we found them still at our comming vntill that in the ende the towne being wonderfully taynted with the smell and the sauour of the dead people the rest which remayned aliue were driuen to burie such things as they had therein their towne either for prouision or for furniture and so to forsake the towne and to goe along the sea-side and seeke their victuals to preserue them from steruing taking nothing with them but euery man his harquebuze and his furniture that was able to cary it for some were not able to cary them for weakenesse and so liued for the space of a yeere and morâ— with rootes leaues and sometimes a foule which they might kill with their peece To conclude they were determined to haue trauailed towards the riâ—â—r of Plate only bâ—ing left aliue 23. persons wâ—â—reof two were wâ—men which were the râ—mâ—inder of 4. hundred In this place we watered and woodded wâ—ll and quietly Our Generall named this towne Port famine it standeth in 53. degrees by obseruation to the Southward The 14. day we departed from this place and ran South southwest and from thence southwest vnto cape Froward 5. leagues West Southwest which Cape is the Southermost part of all the streights and standeth in the latitude of 54. degrees Frâ—m which cape we ran Wâ—st and by north 5. leagues and put into a bay or Coue on the south side which we called Muskle-Coâ—e because there were great store of them we ridde therein 6. dayes the wind being still Westerly The 21. day of Ianuarie we departed from Muskle-â—oue and went Northwest and by West 10. leagues to a very faire sandie Baye on the North side which our Generall called Elizabeth Baye and as wee ridde there that night one of our men dyed which went in the Hugh Gallant whose name was Grey a Carpenter by his occupation and was buryed there in that Baye The 22. wâ—e departed from Elizabeth Bay in the afternoone and went about 2. leagues from that place where there was a fresh water riuer where our Generall went vp with the ship-boate about three myles which riuer hath very good and pleasant ground about it and it is lowe and champion soyle and so we saw none other ground els in all the Streights but that was craggie rocks and monstrous high hilles and mountaines In this riuer are great store of Sauages which wee sawe and had conference with them They were men-â—aterâ— and fedde altogâ—ther vpon rawe flesh and other filthie foode which people had preyed vpon some of the Spaniardes before spoken of For they had gotten kniues and peeces of Rapiers to make darces of They vsed all the meanes they could possibly to haue allured vs vp farther into the riuer of purpose to haue betrayed vs which being espyed by our Generall hee caused vs to shoote at them with our harquebuzes whereby we killed many of them So wee sayled from this riuer to the Chaneâ—l of Saint â—erome which is 2. leagues off From the riuer of Saint Ierome about three or foure leagues wee ranne West vnto a Cape which is on the North side and from that Cape vnto the mouth of the Streights the course lyeth Northwest and by West and Northwest Betweene which place and the mouth of the Streights to the Southward we lay in Harborough vntill the three and twentieth of Februarie by reason of contrary windes and most vile and filthie fowle weather with such rayne and vehement stormie windes which came downe from the mountaines and high hilles that they hazarded the best cables and anchors that we had for to holde which if they had fayled wee had bene in great danger to haue bene cast away or at the least famished For during this tâ—me which was a full moneth we fedde almost altogether vpon muskles and limpits and birds or such as we could get on shore seeking euery day for them as the fowles of the ayre doe where they can finde foode in continuall raynie weather There is at euery myle or two myles ende an Harborough on both sides of the land And there we betweene the riuer of Saint Ierome and the mouth of the Streights going into the South sea about 34. leagues by estimation So that the length of thâ— whole Sreights is about 90. leagues And the said mouâ—h of the Streights standeth in the same hâ—â—ght that the entrance standeth in when we passe out of the North sea which is about 52. degrees and â…” to the Southward of the line The 24. day of February wee entred into the South sea and on the South side of the going out of the Streights is a faire high Cape with a lowe poynt adioyning vnto it and on the North side are 4. or 5. Ilands which lye 6. leagues off the mayne and much broken and sunken ground about them by noone the same day wee had brought these Ilands East of vs 5. leagues off the winde being Southerly The first of March a storme tooke vs at North which night the ships lost the company of the Hugh Gallant beeing in 49. ½ and 45. leagues from the land This storme continued 3. or 4. dayes and for that time we in the Hugh Gallant being separated from the other 2. ships looked euery houre to sinke our barke was so leake and our selues so diluered and weakened with freeing it of water that
night in a most desert path in the woods vntill such time as hee came to the place where as it seemed they had kept watch either at the waters side or at the houses or else at both and were newly gone out of the houses hauing so short warning that they left the meate both boyling and rosting at the fire and were fledde with their treasure with them or else buried it where it could not bee found being also in the night Our companie tooke hennes and such things as wee thought good and came away The 29 day of May our Generall went in the ship-boate into a little Iland there by whereas the sayd Casique which was the lord of Puna had caused all the hangings of his chambers which were of cordouan leather all guilded ouer and painted very faire and rich with all his houshold stuffe and all the ships tackling which was riding in the road at our comming in with great store of nailes spikes of yron and very many other things to be conueyed all which wee found and brought away what our Generall thought requisite for the ships businesse This Iland is very pleasant for all things requisite and fruitful but there are no mines of gold nor siluer in it There are at the least 200 houses in the towne about the Casiques pallace and as many in one or two townes more vpon the Iland which is almost as bigge as the I le of Wight in England There is planted on the one side of the Casiques house a faire garden with all herbes growing in it and at the lower end a well of fresh water and round about it are trees set whereon bombasin cotton groweth after this maner The tops of the trees grow full of cods out of which the cotton groweth and in the cotton is a seede of the bignesse of a pease and in euery codde there are seuen or eight of these seedes and if the cotton bee not gathered when it is ripe then these seedes fall from it and spring againe There are also in this garden fig-trees which beare continually also poÌ„pions melons cucumbers radishes rosemarie and thyme with many other herbes and fruits At the other end of the house there is also another orchard where grow orenges sweete and sower limmons pomegranates and lymes with diuers other fruits There is very good pasture ground in this Iland and withall many horses oxen bullockes sheepe very fat and faire great store of goates which be very tame and are vsed continually to bee milked They haue moreouer abundance of pigeons turkeys and ducks of a maruellous bignesse There was also a very large and great church hard by the Casiques house whither hee caused all the Indians in the Iland to come and heare masse for he himselfe was made a Christian when he was maried to the Spanish woman before spoken of and vpon his conuersion he caused the rest of his subiects to be Christened In this church was an high altar with a crucifixe and fiue belles hanging in the nether end thereof We burnt the church and brought the belles away By this time wee had haled on ground our admirall and had made her cleane burnt her keele pitched and tarred her and had haled her on flote againe And in the meane while continually kept watch and ward in the great house both night and day The second day of Iune in the morning by and by after breake of day euery one of the watch being gone abroad to seeke to fetch in victuals some one way some another some for hennes some for sheepe some for goats vpon the sudden there came down vpon vs an hundred Spanish souldiers with muskets and an ensigne which were landed on the other side of the Iland that night and all the Indians of the Iland with them euery one with weapons and their baggage after them which was by meanes of a Negro whose name was Emmanuel which fled from vs at our first landing there Thus being taken at aduantage we had the worst for our companie was not past sixteene or twentie whereof they had slaine one or two before they were come to the houses yet we skirmished with them an houre and an halfe at the last being sore ouercharged with multitudes we were driuen down from the hill to the waters side and there kept them play a while vntil in the end Zacharie Saxie who with his halberd had kept the way of the hill and slaine a couple of them as hee breathed himselfe being somewhat tired had an honourable death and a short for a shot strooke him to the heart who feeling himselfe mortally wounded cryed to God â—or mercie and fell downe presently dead But soone after the enemie was driuen somewhat to retire from the bankes side to the greene and in the ende our boate came and carried as many of our men away as could goe in her which was in hazard of sinking while they hastened into it And one of our men whose name was Robert Maddocke was shot through the head with his owne peece being a snap-hance as hee was hasting into the boate But foure of vs were left behinde which the boate could not carrie to wit my selfe Francis Pretie Thomas Andrewes Steuen Gunner and Richard Rose which had our shot readie and retired our selues vnto a cliffe vntill the boate came againe which was presently after they had carried the rest abourd There were sixe and fortie of the enemies slaine by vs whereof they had dragged some into bushes and some into aide houses which wee found afterward Wee lost twelue men in maner following Slaine by the enemie 1 Zacharie Saxie 2 Neales Iohnson 3 William Geirgifield 4 Nicolas Hendie 5 Henry Cooper 1 Robert Maddocke killed with his peece 2 Henry Mawdley burnt drowned 1 Edward the gunners man 2 Ambrose the mustrian taken prisoners 1 Walter Tilliard 2 Edward Smith 3 Henry Aselye The selfe same day being the second of Iune we went on shoare againe with â—â—â—ntie men and had a fresh skirmish with the enemies and draue them to retire being an hundred Spaniards seruing with muskets and two hundred Indians with bowes arrowes and darts This done wee set fire on the towne and burnt it to the ground hauing in it to the number of three hundred housesâ— and shortly after made hauocke of their fieldes orchards and gardens and burnt foure great ships more which were in building on the stockes The third of Iune the Content which was our viceadmirall was haled on ground to graue at the same place in despight of the Spaniards and also our pinnesse which the Spaniards had burned was new trimmed The fift day of Iune wee departed out of the roade of Puna where wee had remained eleuen dayes and turned vp for a place which is called Rio dolce where wee watered at which place also wee sunke our rereadmirall called The Hugh Gallant for want of men being a barke
these vermine but the more we laboured to kill them the more they increased so that at the last we could not sleepe for them but they would eate our flesh and bite like Mosquitos In this wofull case after we had passed the Equinoctiall toward the North our mâ—n began to fall sick of such a monstrous disease as I thinke the like was neuer heard of for in their ankles it began to swell from thence in two daies it would be in their breasts so that they coulâ— not draw their breath and then fell into their cods and their cods and yardes did swell most grieuously and most dreadfully to behold so that they could neither stand lie nor goe Whâ—reupon our mâ—n grew mad with griefe Our captain with extreme anguish of his soule was in such wofull case that he desired only a speedie end and though he were scarce able to speake for sorrow yet he perswaded them to patience and to giue God thankes like dutifull children to accept of his chastisemâ—nt For all this diuers grew raging mad some diâ—d in most lothsome furious paine It were incredible to write our misery as it was there was no man in perfect health but the captaine one boy The master being a man of good spirit with extreme labour bore out his griefe so that it grâ—w not vpon him To be short all our men died except 16 of which there were but 5 able to mooue The captaine was in good health the master indifferent captaine Cotton and my selfe swolne and short winded yet better then the rest that were sicke and one boy in health vpon vs 5 only the labour of the ship did stand The captaine and master as occasion serued would take in and heaue out the top-sailes the master onely attended on the sprit-saile and all of vs at the capsten without sheats and tacks In fine our miscrie and weaknesse was so great that we could not take in nor heaue out a saile so our top-saile sprit-sailes were torne all in pieces by the weather The master and captaine taking their â—urnes at the helme were mightily distressed and monstrously grieued with the most wofull lamentation of our sick men Thus as lost wanderers vpon the sea the 11 of Iune 1593. it pleased God that we arriued at Bear-hauen in Ireland and there ran the ship on shore where the Irish men helped vs to take in our sailes and to more our ship for flooting which slâ—nder paines of theirs cost the captaine some ten pounds before he could haue the ship in safetie Thus without vicâ—uals sailes men or any furniture God onely guided vs into Ireland where the captaine left the master and three or foure of the company to keepe the ship and within 5 dayes afâ—â—r he and ceâ—taine others had passage in an English fisher-boat to Padstow in Cornewall In this maner our small remnant by Gods onely mercie were preserued and restored to our counâ—rey to whom be all hâ—nour and glory world wâ—thout end The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1596 vnto the great Emperor of China by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield marchants of the citie of London who were embarqued in a fleet of 3 ships to wit The Beare The Beares whelpe and the Beniamin set forth principally at the charges of the honourable knight Sir Roberâ— Duddeley and committed vnto the command and conduct of M. Beniamin Wood a man of approoued skill in nauigation who together with his ships and company because we haue heard no certaine newes of them since the moneth of February next after their departure we do suppose may be arriued vpon some part of the coast of China and may there be stayed by the said Emperour or perhaps may haue some treacherie wrought against them by the Portugales of Macao or the Spaniards of the Philippinas ELizabetha Dei gracia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Regina verae christianae fidei contra omnes falso Christi nomen profitentes inuictissima propugnatrix c. Altissimo Serenissimoque Principi potentissimo magni regni Chinae dominatori summo in illis Asiae partibus Insulisque adia centibus imperatori magno in orientalibus mundi regionibus Monarchae salutem multosque cum omni optimarum reruÌ„ copia affluentia laetos foelices annos Cum honesti fideles subditi nostri qui has literas nostras ad serenitatem vestram perferunt Richardus Allot Thomas Bromefield ciuitatis nostrae Londini iâ— dicto nostro regno Angliae mercatores impensè a nobis efflagitauerint vt eorum studia ad imperij vestri regiones commercij gracia nauigandi commendaremus Cumque regni vestri fortitèr prudenterque administrati fama per vniuersam terraruÌ„ orbem disseminata diuulgata subditos hos nostros inuitauerit non solum vt dominationis vestrae regiones inuisant sed vt regni vestri legibus institutis dum in illis mundi partibus coÌ„morati fuerint regendos se moderandos permittant prout mercatores decet qui mercimonioruÌ„ commurandorum causa ad tam longè dissitas nec adhuc nostro orbi satis cognitas regiones penetrate cupâ—unt illud vnum spectantes vt mercimonia sua mercimonioruÌ„que quorundam quibus ditionis nostrae regiones abundant exemplaria quaedaÌ„ siue specimina serenitatis vestrae subditorumque vestroruÌ„ conspectui offerant diligenter cognoscere studeant si quae aliae sint apud nos merces quae vestro vsui inseruiant quas honesto vbique terrarum licito commercij ritu alijs mercibus quarum in imperij vestri regionibâ— tam artis quam naturae beneficio magna copia est commutare possint Nos equissimis honestorum hominum precibus acquiescentes quia nihil ex iustissimo hoc mercaturae vsu incommodi siue dispendij oâ—â—turum sed plurimuÌ„ potius emolumenti vtriusque regni tum principibus tum subditis prouenturum existimamus dum earuÌ„ rerum quibus ahundamus exportatione aliarum quibus egemus inuectione aequissimis precijs iâ—uari vtrinque locupletari possimus Serenissimam Maiestatem vestram rogamus vt subditis his nostris cum mercimoniorum vendendorum permutandorum gratia ad imperij vestri stationes pottus loca oppida ciuitates accesserint eundi redeundi cum subditis vestris negotiandi plena libera fiat potestas Illisque huiusmodi libertates immunitates priuilegia quae aliorum principum sâ—bditis apud vos mercaturam exercentibus concedi solent serenitatis vestrae clementia inuiolota conseruentur nos vicissim non tantùm omnia amicae principis officia serenitati vestrae deferemus sed ad maiorem communis inter nos â—ubditosque nostros amicitiae coÌ„mercij propagationem subditis vestris omnibus singulis si serenissime Maiestati vestrae ita visum fuerit plenam integram in ditionis nostre quascunque regiones veniendi commorandi negotiandi reuertendi