he answered them that he would not steal Victory which Darius was afraid of and therefore contained his men in Arms all the night which not a little inâ—ured his affairs the day following All the night Alexander passed without sleep being careful for the main chance but about the morning watch fell so fast asleep that it being full day he could hardly be awaked and to his friends demanding the cause thereof he replyed that now he was eased by Darius of all his care seeing he had gathered all his Forces into one place and therefore in one day he hoped to put an end to his daily labours and danger His whole force consisted of about 7000 Horse and 40000 Foot over which his chiefest Captains were Parmenio with Philotas and Nicanor his Sons whereof this commanded the Foot Regiment of the Argyraspides or Silver-Shields Coenus who commanded the Elimiots Perdiccas Captain of the Orestae and Lyncestae Meleager Polysperchon Hephaestion Captain of his Life-guard Menidas Philip the Son of Balaccus Craterus Erâ—gyus the Mitylenaean Philippus that had the Thessalian Troups and Clytus the black who lead the Kings Regiment He himself commanded the right wing and in both caused the battel to bee made something bending-wise lest they should bee incompassed with the multitudes of the Persians 59. Darius having marshalled his men according to their several Nations took the command of the wing opposit to Alexander and lead on against him After a sound to the charge on both sides and a great shout the Armies met and in the first place the scythed Chariots being driven with great fury upon the Macedonians The battel of Gaugamela struck them with great consternation for that Mazaeus the General of the Horse following the Chariots close made the charge the more terrible But the Macedonian phalange according to the King's order beating their Targets with their Spears made such a noise that the Horses skared therewith bore backwards and tetreated for the most part and though some went still forwards yet the Macedonians parting asunder made a lane and let them passe through yet with the losse of many whom the Scythes had caught After the Arrows and Darts were spent the Armies came to handstrokes wherein the Horse was first ingaged Darius in the left wing was stoutly defended by his followers who fighting under his eye laboured all they could with their multitudes to oppresse the Macedonians And Mazaeus in the left wing charging with great valour at the first onset did great execution Then sent he a Party of 2000 Caducians and 1000 of the choicest Scythian Horse to fall upon the Enemies Camp where a great tumult following some of the captive women took their opportunity and betook themselves to their friends but Sisygambis Mother to Darius refused to stir and kept her self quiet in the same place not thinking it fit to trust her self to the doubtful fortune of an escape or shew any ingrateful disrespect to Alexander the Scythians plundred most of the baggage and departed 60. In the mean while part of the Horse that fought about Darius with their multitudes pressed sore upon the Macedonians and forced them back whereby the second time the Victory seemed to incline towards the Persians Alexander seeing how he was concernd to relieve his men broke out with his own Regiment upon Darius himself and with a Dart slew his Chariot-driver The Courtiers hereupon crying out those that were further off supposed the King himself to have been slain and therewithall betook themselves to their heels which the next seeing fled also for company The ranks also about Darius began to be broken Darius flieth till at length all one side was bared and then he accounted it also time to fly and therewithall such a dust was raised Alexander with his Troops giving the chase that it could not be discovered which way he fled using great celerity therein and for that purpose mounted a Mare that had lately foaled as he had done before at the battel at Issus Whilst these things were thus carried in the left wing Mazaeus in the right sore pressed upon his adversaries which Parmenio with the Thessalian Horse and other for a time sustained but being put sore to it he sent to Alexander for speedy relief But he could not be found so that he was forced to use his utmost skil in making the Thessalians endure the brunt and at length put the Barbarians to flight after they were disheartned with the report of their Princes fortune 61. Darius with a few in his company came to the River Lycus which having passed when some advised him to break down the Bridge lest the Enemy should make use thereof in the pursute knowing that if he should do so he must leave many thousands of his men as a prey to him he answered that he had rather afford way to the pursuers than take it from those that fled Here Alexander immediately pursued him but not being able to reach him he returned and fought a more sharp encounter than ever with some Parthians Indians and many of the valiantest of the Persians wherein though he had the better yet he lost Sixty of his followers and Hephaestion with Coenus and Mendas were wounded Of the Barbarians (a) Diodorus one maketh above 90000 to have been slain of the Macedonians 500 and many wounded The number 〈◊〉 Another (b) Arrianus counteth of the former 300000 to have been slain and a greater number taken with all the Elephants and such Chariots as were not broken Yet of Alexander's men but 100 at most with 1000 horses partly killed outright and partly broken in the chase A (c) Curtius third reckoneth 40000 Persians and lesse than 300 Macedonians to have been lost This battel was fought at Gaugamela a Village situate upon the River Bumâ—lus which being but an obscure place the Macedonians to innoble their Victory gave out that it was at Arbela a Town of good note some fifteen miles distant beyond the River Lycus A. M. 3674. Olymp. 112. an 4. V.C. 423. Darii 6. Alexand. 6. Alexander obtained the Victory on the fifth day of the moneth Boëdromion in the sixth year of his reign as also the sixth of Darius Aristophanes not Aristophontes his Successor as some mistook bein Archon at Athens in the second year of the 112th Olympiad A. M. 3674. 62. Darius fled from the River Lycus to Arbela where he arrived about midnight and then concluding that Alexander would maâ—ch to Babylon and Susa resolved to flie into the utmost borders of his Kingdom there to renew the War and accordingly withdrew himself into Media beyond the Mountaines of Armenia About midnight Alexander set forwards for Arbela hoping to take him there with all his treasure but arriving there the next day he found not him but met with much treasure with his Bow and Target Now seemed the Empire of the Persians to all men to be dissolved and thereupon Alexander was declared
Italy now called Rimini lying upon the River Rubicon hearing of Annibal's coming into Etruria purposed to go and joyn with his Collegue but finding that difficult chose out 4000 men whom he sent to his aid under conduct of C. Centenius by some called Centronius whom he commanded if possible to reach him before the fight Hannibal hearing of this supplie after the battel sent out Maharbal with a party which cutting off one half forced the other to an hill where they also yielded themselves 37. The Romans struck with consternation at these losses upon mature deliberation resolved there was need of a General with absolute authority But the Consul who alone had power and that in the Roman Dominions to name a Dictator being absent and incompassed with the Carthaginian Forces so that no message could conveniently be sent to him and the People having no power to create a Dictator they created as a Prodictator or Vice Dictator Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus whose Master of the Horsemen was M. Minutius Rufus Whereupon Fabius Maximus is made Vice Dictator who by delaying breaketh Annibal's success Fabius matched Annibal in policy breaking his successe by delaying to fight which others had increased by their temerity so that he obtained the name of * Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem Ennius Cunctator Hannibal was hereof very sensible being by him put to his shifts wanting provisions exceedingly and lying in an Enemies Country But the Master of Horse-men being something hot and rash in Fabius his absence got the better in certain skirmishes and hereby procured so much favour from the multitude which now accounted the worthy Dictator lazie and fearful that beyond all example his power was made equal to that of his Minutius puffed up herewith sought to improve his authority by further rashnesse so as to ingage with the Enemy in which action he and his party had been overthrown but that Fabius in good time came in and saved him This so convinced him of his former folly that he confessed his fault to the Dictator whom he called his Father and renouncing his new power again subjected his office to the Dictatorship 38. Fabius when his six moneths were out laid down his Office and was badly requited the Tribunes and others calumniating him with the Nobility as wilfully lengthening the War which procured Terentius Varro a rash hot and inconsiderable man for the next year to be created Consul He though joyned with a prudent person L. Aemilius Paulus so far prevailed as to joyn battel with Annibal at the place of Cannae an ignoble Village of Apulia which the year before had been destroyed and onely the Castle remained on which Annibal had lately seized The Romans brought into the field 80000 Foot and about 6000 Horse the Carthaginians not much above 40000 Foot and 10000 Horse Florus writeth that for the destruction of the unhappy Army both General Earth Heaven the day and the whole nature of things conspired For Annibal not content with the sending of those who counterfeiting a revolt fell upon the backs of the Romans observing the nature of the place so chose out his ground that besides his Army they must needs fight with wind dust and Sun But from others it appeareth that the Romans fighting with their faces toward the South and the Carthaginians toward the North the Sun-beams offended neither However the abilities of the Punick General were seen so far in this as in other battels that he overmatched them in skill who exceeded him in numbers making such slaughter of them that at length wearied he commanded his Soldiers to forbear as Florus telleth us Of the Romans were slain 50000 men say Plutarch and Appian 70000 saith Polybius and Livy hath 40000 Foot and 2600 Horse Amongst these was Aemilius the Consul who unwilling to survive the defeat refused to flie 2 Quaestors Who yet giveth the Romans a most grievous overthrow at Cannae 21. Tribunes 80 of Senatorian degree divers of Consular dignity and so many Equites or Knights that as Pliny writeth A. M. 3789. Ol. 141. ann 1. V.C. 538. Ant. Mag. 8. Ptol. Philop. 7. Belli Punici 3. Hannibal sent three bushels of gold rings to Rome which were the Ensignes of that order though Pliny from this number endeavoureth to prove that the use of them at this time was promiscuous else a vast number must there have been of them but Livy writeth that more likely report held there were but one bushel Hannibal lost 5700 of his men Varro the Consul fled to Venusia with 70 Horse whither also escaped 4000 Foot and Horse which leading to Cannusium where were already 10000 men he made up a shew of a Consular Army which by the help of walls though not of arms seemed able to defend it self 39. Had Hannibal taken his opportunity and marched to Rome in all probability he might have made an end of the War And enervateth his Army by wintring at Capua and of the Roman Empire both together but this great Soldier knew as Maharbal Captain of his Horse truly told him how to get but not how to use and improve a Victory For he loitered all this Summer Livius lib. 23. and having Capua a wealthy and luxurious Citie given up into his hands by the Towns-men there he took up his Winter quarters and Capua became a Cannae to his Soldiers For hereby he utterly spoyled an excellent Army which now was so enervated by the pleasures and effeminatenesse of the place as ever after it became impatient of labour and its antient Military Discipline so that before this it was harder for the Romans not to be overcome by Hannibal than afterwards to overcome him His fortune presently began to change He was worsted at Nola by Marcellus the Praetor and repulsed at Casilinum a very small Castle for a good space At this time though there was a Dictator in the Camp M. Junius Pera whose Master of the Hors-men was Tib. Sempronius yet the Senate being exhausted by the War Two Dictators at the same time M. Fabius Buleo was named Dictator by Terentius the Consul for filling it up without a Master of Hors-men He coming into the Rostra said he did not approve that there should be two Dictators at one time which never before had been known nor that he was created without a Master of Hors-men neither that the power of Censorship should twice be permitted to one man nor that power for six moneths should be given to any Dictator except for the War What extream necessity had procured he said he would moderate For he would not remove any Senator which C. Flaminius and L. Aemilius the late Censors had chosen onely transcribe and cause them to be read over lest the credit and esteem of Senators should be in the power of one man and so he would supply the places of the dead that this man before that and not one order should seem preferred above another
years or 20 with odd moneths Xerxes murdered though some there be that cut off nine years from that number Usher Their ground is for that Themistocles the Athenian being banished his Country came to Artaxerxes then the new King of Persia according to Thucydides so that Xerxes must at that time have been dead Now the same Author placeth this flight of Themistocles betwixt the Siege of Naxus which the Athenians subdued and the former exploits of Cimon so that his Expedition must have happened also not in the dayes of Xerxes as we have fixed it according to Diodorus but in the reign of Artaxerxes his successor and Eusebius placing the flight of Themistocles in the fourth year of the 76th Olympiad though Diodorus in the second of the 77th hence it must follow that the beginning of the reign of Artaxerxes must be placed higher by near to nine years The authority of that grave Author is in no wise to be despised yet notwithstanding this shortning of the reign Xerxes which must necessarily follow is not agreeable to the testimony of other Writers especially it is to be considered what difficulty will arise hereby to the Chronology of the sacred story it being most probable that the seventy weeks of Daniel commencing in the seventh year of Artaxerxes end at the death of Jesus Christ which cannot be if their beginning be to be assigned nine years higher This may incline us to believe that some reason Diodorus had who could not but have opportunity to see and compare several histories not to follow Thucydides and make us rather subscribe to the number of years by general consent ascribed unto the reign of Xerxes SECT 3. SECT III. From the death of Xerxes and the beginning of Artaxerxes Longimanus to the death of Artaxerxes Mnemon containing the space of 103 years 1. XERXES left three sons Darius and Artaxerxes Diodorus ibid. both of them at the time of his death resident in his Court and Hystaspes who was absent in his Government of Bactria See Justin Artabanus having murdered their Father presently in the dead time of the night went to Artaxerxes and made him believe that his elder brother Darius had made him away out of ambition to reign himself counselled him to provide for his own safety and honour Artaxerxes before he should establish himself and offered him the guard to rid him of him whereby he being perswaded sent and slew his brother When this was done Artabanus called his sons together telling them this was the time of obtaining the Kingdom and drew his sword with an intention now also to kill Artaxerxes But he being onely lightly wounded laid so about him that he slew him upon the place as we have it from one though others with more reason defer the time of Artabanus his death to whom also seven moneths in the Empire are attributed by * Eusebius In Chron. 2. It is probable that for that time the treason of Artabanus not being discovered or for some reasons winked at he might by a Vicegerency govern the Kingdom By his means came Artaxerxes to it in his youth a Prince of a great spirit and yet of a mild nature Sirnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Longimanus because his right hand was longer than the other in the fourth year of the 78th Olympiad or in the beginning of the 79th Lysitheus being then Archon at Athens A. M. 3540 463 years before the birth of Christ Within a while Artabanus laid in wait for his life also communicating his design to Megabyzus who had married the daughter of Xerxes Ctesias and for her loose life was fallen into a discontent Megabyzus swore secrecie as well as he Artabanus put to death but revealed the whole matter so that Artabanus finding not the same successe as in his other treasons was sent the same way and by the same means with which he intended to dispatch Artaxerxes Now came out the whole truth concerning Xerxes and his son Darius and Spamitres or Aspamitres the Eunuch who was accessary to the murders was tortured to death Justin telleth us how the King fearing the number and power of Artabanus his Sons commanded his Soldiers to be ready armed the next morning both for a muster and to exercise them Amongst the rest appeared he according to his place with whom Artaxerxes desired to change his coat-armour pretending his was too short for him which to do he first putting his off the King took the advantage and ran him thorow with his sword 3. After his death his party being strong great troubles ensued which ended at length in the destruction thereof three of his sons falling in fight and Megabyzus who opposed them being sorely wounded for whom now great lamentation was made through the Court till at length he escaped the danger by the skill and industry of Apollonides the Physician native of the Island Cos. The Bactrians also according to Ctesias revolted with another of the King's Officers named Artabanus who seemeth to have had some other command than over Bactria For we are told elsewhere that Hystaspes the son of Xerxes was Satrapas or Governour of that Province and thence may almost conclude him to have been the principal cause of the revolt out of indignation that being the second brother the youngest of all the three should be preferred before him Two battels were fought in this quarrel in the latter of which the wind being full in the faces of the Bactrians so disturbed them that thereby Artaxerxes became Victor and reduced all that Country into obedience Bactria recovered Diodorus ad Olymp. 79 an 2. Thucyd. lib. 1. Artaxerxes having thus revenged his Father's and Brother's death and brought Artabanus and his complices to condign punishment and recoverd Bactria setled the affairs of his Kingdom He took care of his revenue setled the Militia displaced suspicious Governours of Provinces and carrying all things with much moderation and Justice gained great Authority from his subjects In the mean while the Egyptians hearing of the death of Xerxes and in what disturbance the affairs of the Persians were out of desire to recover their liberty hearkned to the Counsel and perswasions of one Inarus King of Libya the son of Psammetichus so that the greater part of the Countrey revolted and making him their Prince sent about to crave aid The Egyptians revolt and amongst others to the Athenians They thought it their interest to impair all wayes possible the interest of Persia and concluding it not amisse to get some footing in Egypt resolved upon sending three hundred ships and prepared for the setting of them forward with all earnestnesse Artaxerxes hearing on the other hand how things went in Egypt determined to overmatch the revolters in provisions for the War and for that end levied Forces throughout his Dominions Rigged his Fleet and omitted nothing requisite for an expedition of that moment 4. He thought first of going
grounds being seized on by the Thebans This was the fortune of the Plataeans who thought they might have had some favour shewed them for the merits of their Ancestors in the Median War after they had continued 93 years in the society with Athens and no more is to bee heard of them till Plataea was rebuilt by Alexander the Great A lamentable sedition at Corcyra 17. During these things a most lamentable sedition hapned at Corcyra part of the Citizens being for Popular Government and the rest for that of a few or the most potent the former trusting to the aid of the Athenians as conformable to their policy and the other to the Peloponnesians Twice within the City did they fight and both the Athenians and Peloponnesians sent their Fleets to the assistance of their Friends but the Athenians being stronger at Sea and sending 60 Gallies more to the help of the former Navy the Peloponnesian withdrew themselves having onely lightly skirmished with the Enemy in the sight of Corcyra before the latter Fleet arrived Then those for the Popular Government strengthned by the assistance of the Athenians cruelly raged against their adversaries no mercy being shewn to such as took Sanctuary or hung upon the Altars neither from Parents to their own Children insomuch that the City was almost shaken to pieces and made desolate and a grievous Sedition indeed came afterwards proverbially to be termed a Corcyraean And it was not onely fatal to Corcyra but to all Greece besides being drawn into example by other States which afterwards broke out into factions Stirs in Sicilie of which the Athenians make advantage 18. At the same time the Greek Cities in Sicilie fell into dissentions some being of the Dorick and others of the Ionick faction the head of the former Syracuse and of the latter Leontium which two made War upon each other The Leontines craved aid of the Athenians for that they were not onely of the Ionian stock but conjoyned with them in an ancient League of confederacy The Athenians willingly took the opportunity to get some footing in Sicilie to hinder thereby the exportation of Corn thence into Peloponnesus and especially to make way for their power and dominion there At the end of Summer they sent thither twenty Gallies In Winter these ships assisted with ten more from Rhegium in Italy invaded the Aeolian Islands near to Sicilie and wasted such as refused to yield At the same Season the Plague began again at Athens which took away a great number of Soldiers but much greater of the common people Earthquakes also hapned in several places And with this Winter the fifth year of the Peloponnesian War ended 19. In the beginning of the next Summer the Peloponnesians came the sixth time to the Isthmus The sixth Summer of the War with intent to invade Attica under the conduct of Agis the Spartan King but being affrighted with the frequent Earthquakes they returned In the mean while the War in Sicily variously proceeded Laches the Athenian Captain taking some Towns The Athenians sent out one Fleet to infest Peloponnesus and another the Island Melus which stubbornly withstood their commands both which did nothing of very great concernment The Spartans planted the Colony of Heraclea in the platform of old Trachinia a City in Thessalie being for the convenience of it's situation upon the Sea and the Haven very fit for carrying on the War against the Athenians These received a great losse from the Aetolians but in Winter thrice overthrew the Ambraciots who were forsaken by their friends the Peloponnesians which made them now imbrace a Peace with their adversaries the Acarnanians and Amphilochians who called in the Athenians against them and entred into a league and society for ten years with them The war proceeding all this while in Sicily a greater Fleet was sent under conduct of Eurymedon and Sophocles Aetna breaketh out into flames to oppose the Syracusians towards the end of Winter at which time the Hill Aetna belched out great store of fire into the Territories of Catana 50 years after it had the last time so done Thus the sixt year of the Peloponnesian War ended 20. In the beginning of the next Thucyd. lib. 4. the Peloponnesians under the command of Agis the Son of Archidamus the Spartan King again invaded Attica The Athenians having furnished 40 ships for Sicilie gave order to the Captains in their way to have an eye to the Corcyraeans who were much infested by their own exiles Attica the sixth time invaded and were in fear of 60 Peloponnesian Gallies sent thither and to Demosthenes was given the command of some ships wherewith he should infest Peloponnesus As all the ships sailed by Laconia Demosthenes a man of a prompt and earnest disposition advised the other Captains to fortifie Pylus which is a ragged Promontory joyned to the main by a little neck of Land Before it lies a small barren Island of lesse than two miles compasse and within that a Creek which is a good harbour for ships the force of weather being born off by the head-land and Isle The Promontory having anciently belonged to the Messenians and now desolate he pressed sore that they might seize upon and make their own being very convenient for the wasting of Laconia but the other Captains dissented from him hasting for Corcyra when in the mean time such a tempest arose as forced them to take into the Harbour Pylus fortified â—y Demosthenes â—he Athenian Then did he again urge his former advice and though he nothing more profited with the Captains yet the Soldiers desirous to make some stay there and seeing the commodiousnesse of the Haven fell upon fortifying the place and with wonderful diligence and pains perfected the wall in six dayes Then was Demosthenes left there to keep it with five ships and the rest directed their course for Corcyra 21. The news of these doings at Pylus drew the Peloponnesians in all hast thither out of Attica fifteen dayes after their arrival and they brought their whole Force both by Land and Sea to recover this piece of ground which they well foresaw how bad a neighbour it might prove in time Draweth the Peloponnesians out of Attica and being sorely laid at the Peloponnesians are worsted In the Island named Sphacteria they placed a number of men all Spartans which were to keep it by their turns and stopped up the Haven on both sides that there might be no entrance in for the Athenian ships then furiously did they assault Pylus both by Land and Sea but it was as valiantly defended by Demosthenes So that with several new onsets the storm was continued till the next day and then the Peloponnesians drew off to recruit themselves and provide for a new onset In the mean time came in fourty Athenian ships to which Demosthenes had before-hand sent to acquaint them with his condition and with them some belonging to their Allies which
first offered fight to the Peloponnesians in the open Sea but that being refused set upon them in the Haven brake and sunk many of their Vessels took some and forced the rest to run themselves on ground about which afterwards ensued a great contention whilest the Athenians would become masters of them and the Spartans out of shame and grief for their friends in the Island laboured with more earnestnesse to get them off which they effected by some and the rest fell as prize to the Enemy who now closely besieged the Spartans that were left in the Island 22. Pylus being now secure but the Spartans in the Island as good as lost the Magistrates were sent for from Lacedaemon into the Camp as the custom was in great dangers who perceiving that there was no other way to rescue their Citizens The Lacedaemonians desire a Truce than by composition with the Enemies took Truce for a time with the Captains till they might send to Athens about a peace The conditions of the Truce were that the Peloponnesians should deliver up to the other all their ships as well such as were upon the Coast of Laconia as there to be restored to them if the peace should not succed and that they should attempt nothing upon the Fort nor the Athenians against their Camp That a certain quantity of victuals should be daily carried into the Island but no ships should passe into it secretly that the Truce should end at the return of the Ambassadors and if in the mean time it should be broken in any one point it should be esteemed utterly void in all The Ambassadors coming to Athens put the people in mind of that moderation all men ought to shew in prosperity And send to Athens about a peace which Cleon crosseth with what credit they might now at their request make a peace But Cleon a man very vehement and much in request with-stood it so that in stead of a peace on equal terms and recompence for harm received the Athenians demanded certain Cities which had been by the Spartans long before this War taken from them and refused to continue the Treaty except the Spartans in the Isle were delivered up to them as prisoners The Ambassadors returned without successe and the Truce being ended both sides betook themselves to their Weapons again about Pylus 23. The Peloponnesians demanding their sixty ships which they had given up and now at the end of the Truce were to be restored to them in as good a condition were put off under pretence that they had broken the Truce The Island was also afresh besieged and the Spartans valiantly standing out things went on but slowly so that Cleon himself who much vaunted what he could do was by the people who now began to relent of their not imbracing a peace forced whether he would or not to command a new supply of men thither He and Demosthenes whom he chose for his Collegue first offered conditions to the Spartans The Spartans in the Island Sphacteria yield to mercy and then upon their refusal forced them after the losse of 128. to yield themselves to mercy The number of those that yielded were 292. whereof 120 of the Nobility of Sparta which were carried to Athens and being closely imprisoned it was resolved that when the Peloponnesians next invaded Attica they should all be slain and then was a Garrison of Messenians the old Inhabitants and bitter Enemies to the Spartans sent into Pylus The Lacedaemonians sorely discouraged by these Events and fearing worse things sent to Athens again about the liberty of the prisoners and delivery of Pylus but the Ambassadors were often rejected and nothing done the Athenians being still more puffed up by their good successe This Summer they overthrew the Corinthians in the Isthmus A Fleet being also sent for Sicily The Sedition of Corcyra endeth assisted the Corcyraeans in their way against their Exiles who having got footing in the Mountains annoyed them and by their help they now utterly subdued them and using them with unwonted cruelty the sedition here had an end Anachorium a Town of Corinth upon the Bay of Ambracta they also took In Winter Artaphernes a Persian being sent from his Prince to Lacedaemon was intercepted in Thrace and brought to Athens where his Letters being opened and read they contained no secret and he was sent back with Ambassadors to Ephesus to the King of Persia Artaexerxes Longimanus concerning whom they there had intelligence that he was dead and so the Ambassadors returned home The Inhabitants of Chius being suspected by the Athenians were commanded to demolish their new Wall with these things the seventh year of the War ended A partial Eâ—â—â—se of the 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of March. 24. In the beginning of the eighth year hapned a partial Eclypse of the Sun which the Astronomical Tables shew to have falln out on the 21st day of March after the Julian account before noon half of the Diameter or above being obscured the fourth year of the 88 Olympiad now drawing to an end and an Earth-quake hapned on the first of the Moneth Munichion which some make to fall in with the same day The Athenians this year fell upon the Island Cythera lying near to Laconia and inhabited by a Spartan Colony which they took and putting therein a Garrison for a time thence made excursions into Laconia Afterwards they took thence a great part of the Colony and took and burnt Thyrea standing upon the Confines of Laconia and Argolis given by the Spartans to the Aeginetans whom now they took away and plundring the Town set it on fire Carrying their prisoners to Athens the Aeginetans were condemned to death and the Cytheraeans being dispersed throughout the Islands such as they left in Cythera were subjected to a great Tribute An Universal peace in Sicily But in Sicily at this time an Universal peace was made and imbraced by all the Cities through the earnest perswasion of Hermocrates a Syracusian so that the Athenian Forces were driven to quit the Island for which at their return two of the Generals were unjustly banished and the third underwent a great fine 25. The Exiles of Mitylene with others of Lesbus and some Mercenaries seizing upon Rhetium in Asia took Antandrus but selling the former again to the Inhabitants they were drawn out of the later to fight by Aristides and Demodocus or Symmachus as Diodorus calleth him who overthrew them and took the Town from them These two were Captains of the Fleet which gathered Tribute from the Islands their Collegue Lamachus being gone into Pontus against the Heracleans who being in League with the Persian King denied Tribute His ships by the vehemency of water which ran down the River were shattered and he lost the greatest part both of them and his Forces so that he could not move thence either by Sea or Land whereupon the Heracleans thinking it a more honorable part to do good than
against their wills 't is said Dionys lib. 6. drawn in by the interest of Mamilius but the later with all cheerfulnesse imbraced the opportunity The Romans thought fit a Dictator should be Created and accordingly Virginius the Senior Consul named A. Posthumius his Collegue who chose for Master of hors-men T. Ebutius Helva and hasting his Levies divided his Forces into four parts whereof one he kept to himself assigned the second to Virginius the third to Ebutius and the fourth to Sempronius The Latines overthrown at the Lake Regillus who therewith was to defend the Citie News being come that the Latines had taken the Field the Dictator with speed marched to the Lake Regillus at this day called Il Lago di Santa Severa in the Countrey of Tusculum where he fortified his Camp against the Enemy who as yet had not united his forces expected assistance from the Volsci The Roman Army divided into three parts incompassed the Latines who indeavoured to beat off Ebutius from an Hill he had seized on betwixt them and home but he kept his ground in despight of them and fortified himself The Latines hereupon being hindred from all Provisions resolved to fight the Dictator at first was minded to end the War without bloud by famishing his Enemies but understanding that the Volsci were expected within three dayes changed his resolution The right Wing of the Latines was led by Mamilius the left by Sextus Tarquinius and the middle battel by Titus Tarquinius his other son On the other side against Mamilius stood Virginius Ebutius was opposite in the right Wing to Sextus Tarquinius and the Dictator led the middle battel against Titus and the Roman Exiles The Romans brought into the field 24000 foot 1000 horse but the Latines 40000 foot and 3000 horse When they joyned both parties missed of their expectation for the one trusting to their numbers and the other to their valour thought to bear all down before them The Dictator gave the first opportunity of victory by over-powering Titus after which though Mamilius and Sextus omitted nothing requisite to valiant and able Captains yet both losing their lives their followers were discouraged and overthrown scarce 10000 escaping home of the whole number Of the Romans fell M. Valerius whose dead body his two Nephews by his brother Poplicola Publius and Marcus endeavouring to get off were also slain in the attempt 33. After the fight the Volsci whom the Latines had expected arrvied at the Camp which seeing full of dead bodies and learning the issue of the battel some of them were for falling on the Romans now weary but another party prevailed to send Messengers to the Dictator to tell him they came to his assistance thereby to ingratiate themselves with the Conquerours But the Dictator convinced them of falshood by their Letters which he had intercepted and giving leave to the Messengers to return whom the multitude would have pulled in pieces resolved on the morrow to fall on them but in the night they deserted their Camp and fled From the place of this action the Dictator obtained the sirname of Rhegillensis The Latines sent to deprecate the anger of the Roman State laying all the blame upon their Nobility The Ambassadors managed their work with such earnestnesse and humility casting themselves at the Feet of the Senate and making great lâ—mentations that the motion of Largius prevailed in their behalf for the former League to be renewed This was the end of the War which in behalf of the Tarquinii had been carried on for fourteen years Tarquinius himself being onely left behind of all his stock now almost ninety years old for that the Latines Hetruscans and Sabines refused to harbour him as also all other neighbouring Cities which were free went into Campania to Aristodemus the Prince of Cumae with whom he shortly after died Of the man we may judge charitably because his story was onely related to posterity by his bitter Enemies However his banishment our religion must censure as rebellion And such were the stirs seditions and tumults afterwards and so many changes and rechanges as if the Reader seriously consider them he will see that the Romans suffered much for want of Monarchy and the contrary Government did not contribute to their happinesse That this may appear he hath here a fuller view of their changes than in any other modern Writer 34. The Romans now freed from this War fell into a grievous sedition in the Citie Great stirs in the Citie the Courts of Justice being again opened by the Senate and the processe against debtors revived The Plebeians alleged they were not able to pay their debts by reason of their losses sustained in the late Wars through want of tillage and plundring of their Cattel by the Enemy Their Creditors replied that these losses had also befallen them which made the remission of the debts impossible and so neither sort would yield at all but many tumults were raised wherein the parties did not abstain from blows Posthumius the Dictator perceiving some expedition to be necessary for the quiet of the Citie created Consuls for the following year and laid down his Office The Consuls were Appius Claudius the Sabine and P. Servilius Priscus who being of the Dictators mind as to the War resolved to go out against the Volsci who had assisted the Latines against the State and now were making new preparations for War when they came to make Levies none of the Plebeians would give their names complaining that they having already undergone the heat and danger of the War both for liberty and dominion they were by their fellow Citizens at home kept in bondage it being the custom then for Creditors to make use of them as Slaves bound in fetters and many times cruelly beaten till they could pay their debts They cried out that the security of the common sort was more provided for in War and amongst their Enemies than in peace and with their friends The disagreement of the Consuls amongst themselves added to the present distemper Servilius being willing to comply something with the desire of the poor but Appius inveighing against them with great bitternesse and earnestly urging force and rigour to be the most suitable means for appeasing these tumults Diverted by War The Senate was forced to betake it self to the popularitie of Servius who with fair words drew the people out against the Sabines and when he had by this good service deserved a Triumph the honour was denied him through the suggestions of his Collegue to the Fathers for that by bearing with the multitude he impaired the Dignity of their Order 35. After the finishing of the War the common sort thought again of their own concernments and expecting performance of what Servilius had promised Appius exacted the payment of debts as rigorously as ever This doubled the people's rage and made them carry on all things by force so that they rescued their Companions out of the