practice of Arms. A man must seek not only all occasions of presenting himself at all rencounters and Batâ—els but must moreover be curious to hear and careful to retâ—in the opinions and arguments of experiencâ—d men concerning the faults and oversights committed by Commanders and the loss or advantages to the one side and the other ensuing thereupon for it is good to learn to be wise and to become a good Master at another mans expence The Kingdom of France has long bewailed this unfortunate day with the losses we have sustain'd besides the captivity of this brave Prince who thought to have found fortune as favourable to him here as she was at his Battel with the Swisse but she play'd the baggage and turn'd her tail making him to know how inconvenient and of how dangerous consâ—quence it is to have the person of a King expos'd to the uncertain event of Battel considering that his loss brings along with it the ruine of his Kingdom Almighty God nevertheless was pleas'd to look upon this with an â—ye of pity and to preserve it for the Conquerors dazled with the rayes of victory lost their understanding and knew not how to follow their blow otherwise had Monsieur de Bourbon turn'd his Forces towards France he would have put us all to our Trumps The Munday following Monsieur de Bourbon gave order that such as were taken prisoners and had not wherewithal to pay their ransom should avoid the Camp and return home to their own houses Of which number I was one for I had no great treasure he gave us indeed a Troop of horses and a Company of Foot for our safe conduct but the Devil a penny of money or a bit of bread insomuch that not one of us had any thing but Turnips and Cabbage-stalks which we broyl'd upon the coals to â—at 'till we came to Ambrun Before our departure Monsieur le Mareschal commanded me to commend him to Captain Carbon and the rest of his friends whom he entreated not to be dejected at this misfortune but to rouse up their spirits and â—ndâ—avour to do better than ever and that they should go and joyn themselves to Monsieur de Lautrec his Brother After which he made me a very notable remonstrance which was not ended without many tears and yet deliver'd with a strong accent and an assured coâ—tenance though he was very sore wounded and so much that the Friday following he died I travell'd on foot as far as Redorte in Languedoc where his Company then lay whereof Monsieur d Lautrec after his death gave one Tertia to Captain Carbon a command that he did not long enjoy for soon after a Villain native of Montpellier who had favour'd the Camp of Monsieur de Bourbon kill'd him behind as he was riding post upon the Road near unto Lumel As great a loss as has been of any Captain who has died these hundred years and one that I do believe had he lived to the Wars that we have since seen would have performed wonders and many would have been made good Captains under his command For something was every day to be learn'd by following him he being one of the most vigilant and diligent Commanders that I ever knew a great undertaker and very râ—solute in the execution of what he undertook Another Tertia was given to Captain â— ignac of Auvergne who also did not keep it keep it long for he shortly after fâ—ll blind and died The third Tertia he gave to Monsieur de Negrepelisse the Father to him now living of which a Cosen German of mine called Captain Serillac carried the Ensign In the mean time Madame the Queen Regent Mother to the King and with her all the confederate Princes of the Crown had set several Treaties on foot and laboured on all hands the Kings deliverance with great integrity and vigour and to so good effâ—ct that in the end this mighty Emperor who in his imagination had swallow'd up the whole Kingdom of France gain'd not so much as one inch of earth by his victory and the King had the good fortune in his affliction to derive assistance even from those who at other times were his Enemies yet to whom the Emperors greatness stood highly suspected His Majesty being at last returned home and mindful of the injuries and indignities had been offer'd to him during his captivity having in vain tryed all other ways to recover his two Sons out of the Emperors hands was in the end constrain'd to have recourse to Arms and to recommence the War And then it was that the expedition of Naples was set on foot under the command of Monsieur de Lautrec who as I have already said dispatch'd a Courrier to me into Gascony to raise a Company of Foot which I also in a few days perform'd and brought him betwixt seven and eight hundred men of which four or five hundred were Harquebusiers though at that time there was but very few of them in France Of these Monsieur de Ausun entreated of me the one half for the compleating of his Company which I granted to him and we made our division near to Alexandria which at this time was surrendred to the said Monsieur de Lautrec who from thence sent Messieurs de Gramont and de Montpezat to besiege the Castle de Vigâ—â—e before which place as we were making our approaches and casting up trenches to plant the Artillery I was hurt with a Harquebuze shot in my right leg of which shot I remain'd lame a long time after insomuch that I could not be at the storming of Pavie which was carried by assault and half burnt down to the ground Nevertheless I caused my self to be carried in a Litter after the Camp and before Monsieur de Lautrec departed from Plaisance to march away to Boulongne I again began to walk Now near unto Ascoly there is a little town called Capistrano seated upon the top of a Mountain of so difficult access that the ascent is very sleep on all sides saving on those of the two Gates into which a great number of the Soldiers of the Country had withdrawn and fortified themselves The Count Pedro de Navarre who was our Collonel commanded our Gascon Companies to attaque this Post which we accordingly did and assaulted the place We caus'd some Manteletts to be made wherewith to approach the Wall in which we made two holes of capacity sufficient for a man easily to enter in about fifty or threescore paces distant the one from the other whereof I having made the one I would my self needs be the first to enter at that place The Enemy on the other side had in the mean time pull'd up the planks and removed the boards and tables from the roof of a Parlour into which this hole was made and where they had plac'd a great tub full of stones One of the Companies of Monsieur de Luppé our Lieutenant Colonel and mine prepar'd to
Aire we made a new appointment to meet at a Village the name whereof I have forgot and there all those who were at Proian accordingly met where we fell to debating of what remedies might be found out which was a matter of great difficulty for the aforegoing reasons for the present evil and in the end concluded together that I should write unto the Mareschal to tell him that if he would be pleas'd to come so far as Viques I would there wait upon him to resolve upon what he should think we were best to do for the defence of Guienne I accordingly writ and in answer thereunto had word from him back again that upon a certain day which he nam'd he would not fail to be there which was two or three dayes after I will here in the mean time give an account of what I did at Aire within five leagues of the Enemy and in an open Town having no more but the five Companies commanded by Captain Castella and one of Vicount de Labatut who was also come thither which because it may be of use to some one in time to come I will here set down and peradvenâ—ure some Apprentice in our Trade may learn something out of it that hereafter may be of some advantage to him The three Companies of Gens-d'arms were in a Village on this side the Dou towards Gasâ—ony I discover'd my design to Messieurs de Gondrin de Fontenilles and de Madaillan telling them that I would try my fortune and see iâ— I could order it so as to fight Montgommery at my own advantage with those few that we were that to this end I would send away all the Gentlemens Baggage that we had with us to Nogâ—arol so that nothing should be left behind but our Horses and Arms I would then that every night they should come an hour after midnight with the three Companies before Aire on that side the River towards Gascony I had besides those four Companies of Argoulets which in all might be about three hundred Harquebuzeers who in like manner were to come at the same time to Millas a Village on the brink of the River Our six Ensigns of Foot were quarter'd at Masâ— d' Aire which lies above Aire on that side towards the Enemy who were every night at the same hour to present themselves in Battalia upon the Banks of the River without the Village and in case of an Alarm without Drum or Trumpeâ— were to retire by Aire and pass over the Bridg at which time we who were quarter'd at the said Aire were to foard it over for the River was foardable and that in the mean time twenty Horse should every night go the Patrouille upon the three Highwayes by which the Enemy could only come to us which Horse should have intelligence one with another to give one another notice if they came that so they might all at once retire to Aire without giving any Alarm and might come and tell our Foot and consecutively us and that the said twenty Horse should advance a long league or a league and a half upon those Highwayes to the end that we might not be constrain'd to draw off our men in disorder but might have time to have made half a league towards our place or retreat which was to Noguarol before the Enemy could be arriv'd at Aire I then calculated the length of the night for I fear'd not their coming by day by reason that I kept a Gentleman call'd Captain Bahuâ— in an enclosed Village a league and a half distant from Aire towards Morlas who kept Scouts all the day upon all the wayes by which the Enemy could come to us and had three or fourscore Soldiers with him with twenty or five and twenty Argoulets I also represented to them that when the Enemy should have marcht five long leagues of that Country chiefly the Foot and especially in the night the Foot must of necessity stay to eat and drink at Aire to which place also they could not come till almost day when men are the most enclin'd to sleep especially Foot who have marcht all night so that they would never be able to get one Foot Soldier out of Town and that the most of the Harquebuzeers on horseback would stay with them and that then by the Rule of War the Horse would pass on forwards after us supposing that we retreated for fear and that I design'd our Encounter to be half a league from Aire which as I had computed the time would happen to be betwixt break of day and sunrise that so soon as we should see them approach us we should cover all our Foot with our Cavalry and give them a swinging Charge and that in so doing I made no doubt but we should defeat them They all approv'd of my dâ—sign concluding with me that we should defeat and break them for our horses would be â—resh and their weary and our Foot coming up a good round â—rot after us seeing the victory ours and that their Foot were yet in Aire sleeping or eating would also fall in upon them who seeing their Cavalry defeated and put to rout there was no question to be made but that every one would shift for himself the best he could and endeavour to escape without offering to fight Thus are we to represent things to our selves when we are to undertake an Enterprize and to hear one anothers reasons and opinions upon the same We lay nine dayes at Aire in reference to this Stratagem during which time we were everyâ—night in Battalia after this manner expecting when the Enemy should fall into our Quarters thinking to susprize us but I think had we stayd till they had come we had been there till now The tenth day having receiv'd an answer from the Mareschal that he would in three dayes be at Auch we retiâ—'d towards Marsiac to rally with Monsieur de Bellegarde to whom I gave all the men I had and with twenty horse only went away to Auch marching nine long leagues that day which are as much as twenty French leagâ—es the next morning being the time appointed by the Mareschal for our meeting In my life I was never so weary for it was excessively hot and I there found Monsieur de Negrepelisse who was come thither the day before having heard that the Mareschal would be there as also to rally what was left of his Company which had been with Monsieur de Terride The next morning instead of coming himself the Mareschal sent thither Monsieur de Ioyeuse and we held the Consultation at Monsieur de Negrepelice his house he being ill of the Gout There Monsieur de Ioyeuse acquainted us with the Mareschal's intention which was that he was going to repass the Garonne and to employ his time in his own Government considering the charge the Country was at of defraying the expence of the War We controverted this determination of his arguing that the Enemy were in Guienne
their Harquebuzeers on horseback and that in the close of the Evening Monsieur de Noâ— should depart with five Gens-d'arms and the said du Plex and Pommies with their Harquebuzeers on horseback with him taking one of the Messengers in their Party and the rest of the Light-horse which might be about ten and the fourteen of my Company should go with the said Captain Bengue and Captain Lauba with him and should stay at a place appointed within a quarter of a league of the Town where if Monsieur de Noé could enter in he should give notice to Captain Bengue if not he should retreat to him and I with fourteen or fifteen Gentlemen who were with me and some fourscore Harquebuzeers on foot would halâ— about half a quarter of a league short of the said Captain Bengue at a Gentlemans house call'd Monsieur de Ganet where they were to send me intelligence of all that passed I order'd it thus to the end that in case the Enemy should come to hinder Captain Noé from entring the Town Captain Bengue and he might rally together and I also would shew my self in the field to amuze the Enemy and to make them think that we were three Parties in the field I knew very well that they would soon have intelligence from those who playd the good Subjects by staying at home in their own houses under the protection of the Kings Edict and therefore caus'd all the three Parties to go away by night to defeat those Intelligencers of the knowledge of how few men we were Monsieur de Noé came an hour after midnight to the Gates of Castel-geloux where there arose a great dispute amongst those of the Town wheâ—her or no they should let him in some said I and some said no insomuch that they made him wait two long hours before they could conclude but in the end the Catholicks ran to the Gate of the Town and made themselves Masters of it and offer'd it to him who so soon as he was got in advertiz'd Captain Bengue thereof sending him word to retreat to me as it had been order'd he should which he accordingly did and by this time it was sun-rise About break of day two Hugonots Towns-born Brats came before Castel-geloux to enquire if their relief was at hand and whether they were determin'd to let the Captains enter according to their Capitulation telling them that the said Sieur de Peyre was with his forcâ—s within a quarter of a league of the Town where he had made a halâ— and waited in expectaâ—ion of their return When as some of those within held them in discourse some Horse sallied out and took one of them but the other made his escape and carried news to Monsieur de Peyre that his Companion was taken and that they that took him were Gens-d'arms in yellow Cassocks Monsieur de Peyre then perceiv'd that I was got up before him and retreated to Mas. Monsieur de Fontenilles was come in the night at the pâ—ecise time appointed to Buset a quarter of a league from Damasan to which place I was retir'd after I had given order for them to march away by night telling me by the way as we went that the Mareschal was not pass'd over the River Garonne to go over into Languedoc as Monsiâ—ur de Ioyeuse had assur'd us he would but was marching towards Muret to ease the Country so that I receiv'd that night two great satisfactions the first and the chiefest that the Mareschal had thought better with himself and was not cross'd the River by which means I hop'd we should be able to do some good for the Kings service and for the defence of the Country and the other that I had reliev'd Castel-geloâ—x which was of singular advantage to us as well in Bourdelois as in Bazadois Which I thought fit to commit to writing to shew that with the little power I had I did all I was able to do without lying idle at home and suffering all things to go at random Captains although these be no great Conquests nor famous Battels you may yet by them as well as in other places of my Book learn what a great diligence can effect I am alwayes touching upon this string and I cannot too often repeat it and that it is good to run a hazard sometimes in a case of necessity When I crost the River twenty men might have hindred my passage had they stayd in the Houses of the Port de Pascau for I must of necessity land betwixt the two great Houses and if I would have stood to consult about the reason of my passage not a man with me would have been of opinion that I ought to adventure to pass By which you may note that the necessity of war will have it so thaâ— a man must sometimes venture when the affair is of great importance and not alwayes go by the reason of war but I must also tell you that if you are long in designing and tedious in making preparation for the execution of your design you may then lose more in venturing than you are likely to win for a man that is resolv'd to hazard must keep his design very close and his execution must be sudden that the Enemy may have no inkling of what you intend to do till you come just to the push for if you give him time to discover your intention or to prevent your design you must imagine he has understanding and judgment as you have and will so well provide for you that instead of surprizing him you your selves will be surpriz'd and defeated Do not alwayes choose the easiest way but deceive your Enemy making a shew to put your selves into one place to get convenience of going into another As to what concerns diligence Monsieur de Noé stay'd not two hours to bait at Damasan but the night was upon him nevertheless he departed at the first word without making any dispute of the business How many Captains are there who would have given their Horse time to baiâ— and rest that night at least till within an hour or two of day considering that they had been all day on horseback at the passage of the River in excessive heat Which had I order'd it so here Monsieur de Noé would then have found the Enemy in the Town as they did him wherefore I would alwayes advise you to remember the Motto of Alexander the Great Leave not that till to-morrow which you may do to day After a long march you shall repose at your â—ase and acquire honor You must oft-times make your horses quail under their burthen you will get more horses enow but your honor once lost is never to be regain'd 'T is a thing that is not to be found by the high-way but to be acquir'd by valour and for which you wear your swords by your sides So soon as I return'd back to Damasan I presently retir'd to Buset a house belonging to the
plant himself behind the Bavins as before although Granuchin was something long in opening the Gate both because he would clearly see and observe whether the Priest made any sign and also for that he had a mind those of the City should see them enter when so soon as it was broad day he opened the Postern telling them that the Soldiers who came in with the Priest were laid to sleep being tir'd out with the long labour they had sustein'd the day before and so soon as they were all in the Scot suddainly clap'd to the Gate and as suddainly Captain Favas start up and fell upon them without giving them time saving a very few to give fire to their Harquebuzes as ours did who had them all ready nevertheless they defended themselves with their Swords so that six of mine were hurt and fifteen or sixteen of this Company were slain upon the place of which Corporal Ianin was one which was a very great misfortune to us together with a Brother of his the rest were led into the Cellar ty'd two and two together for there were already more prisoners in the Castle than Soldiers of our own Now this fight continuing longer than the former the Enemy in fighting stâ—ll cry'd out Imperi and ours France insomuch that their cries reach'd down into the City and especially the rattle of the Harquebuze shot so that to avoid being so soon discovered their design being to Train the Count thither for to that end tended all the Farce they all got upon the walls of the Castle and from thence cryed out Imperi and Savoy having on their red crosses as I said before Now the Country fellow that had been sent with the Letter to the Count did not return with those men up to the Castle but staid at his Master's Country house by the way wherefore he was again suddainly sent for and another Letter deliver'd to him by the hands of the Priest to carry to the said Count to Fossan wherein he gave him to understand that Corporal Ianin was so weary he could not write but that he had given him in charge to render him an account of all and that he was laid down to sleep So soon as the Count had read this Letter he put on a resolution to go not the next day which was Tuesday but the Wednesday following when God intends to punish us he deprives us of our understandings as it happened here in the case of this Gentleman The Count in the first place was reputed one of the most circumspect and as wise as valiant Leaders they had in their whole Army which notwithstanding he suffered himself to be gull'd by two Letters from this Priâ—st especially the last which he ought by no means to have relyed upon nor to have given credit to any thing without having first seen something under his Corporal 's own hand and should have consider'd whether or no it were a plausible excuse to say that the said Corporal was laid down to sleep But we are all blind when we have once set our hearts upon any thing of moment Believe me Gentlemen you that are great undertakers of Enterprizes you ought maturely to consider all things and weigh every the least circumstance for if you be subtle your Enemy may be as crafty as you A Trompeur trompeur et demy says the Proverb Harm watch harm catch And The cunning ' stsnap may meet with his match But that which most of all deceived the Count was that the Tuesday those of the Town who thought themselves to be become Imperialists and yet in some doubt by reason of the various cries they had heard during the fight had sent five or six women to the Castle under colour of selling Cakes Apples and Chesnuts to see if they could discover any thing of Treason for all those that remain'd in the Town had already taken the Red Cross whom so soon as our people saw coming up the Hill they presently suspected their business and resolving to set a good face on the matter went to let down the little draw bridge to let them in My Soldiers then fell to walking up and down the base Court with their red crosses all saving three or four that spake very good Spanish who fell to talk with the Women and bought some of their Wares taking upon them to be Spaniards insomuch that they afterwards returning to the Town assur'd the Inhabitants that there was no deceit in the business and moreover brought a Letter which la Mothe writ to a friend in the Town wherein he entreated him to go to Monsieur de Botieres and to tell him that he had never consented to Granuchin's treachery which Letter he delivered to one of the Women knowing very well that the party to whom it was directed was not there to be found but would be one of the first to run away as being a very good French man but their design was that the Letter should fall into the hands of those of the Imperial party as accordingly it did As the Count was coming on Wednesday morning our people in the Castle discover'd him marching along the plain and the people of the Town went to meet him without the Gate where being come he ask'd them if it were certainly true that the Castle was in his hands to which they made answer that they believed it so to be but that at the entrance of his men the first time there were a great many Harquebuzes shot off within and a very great noise was made and that on the Munday morning when the others entred they likewise heard a very great noise that continued longer than the former and that they once thought they heard them cry one while France and another Imperi and Duco but that notwithstanding they had yesterday sent their Wives into the Castle with Fruit Bunns and Chesnuts whom they had permitted to enter where they saw all the Soldiers with red crosses The Count hearing this commanded his Liesutenant to alight and to refresh his horses and men bidding those of the Town speedily get something ready for him to eat for so soon as he had taken order in the Castle he would come down to dinner after which he would take their Oath of Fidelity and so return back again to Fossan Now you must know it is a very steep and uneasie ascent from the Town to the Castle by reason whereof the Count alighted and walk'd it up on foot accompanied with a Nephew of his another Gentleman and his Trumpet So soon as he came to the end of the Bridge which was let down and the Gate shut but the Wicket left open so that a man might easily pass and lead his horse after him Granuchin and the Priest being above in the window saluting him desir'd him to enter to which nevertheless he made answer that he would advance no further till he had first spoken with Corporal Ianin seeing then that he refused to enter Granuchin
Monsieur Salcâ—de with his Company in Garrison there â—e being one of the Captains belonging to the Admiral which being done he march'â— with all his Horse and Foot towards the plain of Caâ—uge to see if Don Ferrand might not be upon his way to relieve the Castle but he had there intelligence that he was yet at Verseil whereupon the said Mareschal return'd to Quiers and I return'd to Montcallier where I fifteen dayes kept my bed of my hip and do verily believe that had I not so bestirr'd my limbs in this action it had never been cur'd This fellow Captains ought to teach you never to trust one or two to discover a place and without relying on your own judgment to call those to your assistance whom you conceive to be men not of the greatest experience only but moreover of the greatest courage for what one cannot see another may perhaps discern Neither must you refuâ—e to take pains where you discover a little difficulty in the thing in order to the execution of a brave exploit and learn to be wise at your enemies expence When you have taken up a resolution to defend a place take notice to smooth and cut off all the resting places that shall happen to be in any of the avenues for wherever Canon shall find such places to repose in as will allow the men time to pant and take breath they will in the end infallibly mountâ— them Neitherwithout this convenience could I possibly have brought what I had undertaken to pass The taking of this place depriv'd the Enemy of a mighty advantage and vvas very convenient for us in order to the prosecution of this War Some time after the Princes seeing no likelihood of Don Ferrand de Gonzaga's being drawn to a Battail nor hearing of any preparation he made for the assaulting of any Town return'd back to Court. And soon after their departure the Mareschal by the advice of President Birague Signior Ludovico and Francisco Bernardin deliberated to go take certain places about Tvrâ—é to keep those in Yvrcé the better in aw He was a General every way worthy his Command always in action never idle and I do think that sleeping his fancy was evermore at work and that he was ever dreaming of undertaking and executing some notable enterprize To the forementioned end we march'd with all the Army directly to St. Martin wherein was a Company of Italians and where the Castle was batter'd and taken together with the Castle of Pons Casteltelle Balpergue and some others about Yvreé and we began to fortiâ—ie the said Castle of St. Martin Now Messieurs de Bassé and de Gordes had taken Sebe wherefore so soon as the Fort of St. Martin was brought into a pretty good condition the Mareschal went to Quiers that he might be nearer to Monsieur de Bassé to assist him in time of need for he had already received intelligence that Don Aâ—bro de Cendé gathered together the Army in Alexandria and I think Don Ferrand was at that time sick which made the Mareschal doubt that he might have some deâ—â—gu upon Sebe and therefore left Monsieur de Bonnivet Signior Francisco and me making Signior Ludovico to retire to Chevas and Bourlengue to have an eye to those places of which also he was Governour Eight dayes were not past before the Mareschal sent orders to Monsieur de Bâ—â—nivet and to me that we should march in all diligence day and night directly to Montdevi with five or six French Companies we had at St. Martin leaving Signior Francisco to pursue the Fortification which accordingly he did marching night and day as it was necessary we should for the Mareschal was engag'd in Sebe for the relief of Monsieur de Bassé but when Don Arbro heard of our coming that we had drawn another Company out of Savillan by the way and that he saw us arriv'd at the corner of the Town he presently drew off and having recover'd a Bridg of brick began to pass over his Baggage whether Signior Ludovico de Biraga was with us or no I am not able to say because vve had some Italian in our Company The Mareschal seeing himself disengag'd â—allyed out of the Town with all the Forces he had brought with him and went to attaque the Enemy at the Bridge vvhere it appeared Don Arbro had an intention to have encamped for we there found many Huts ready set up The skirmish was great and smart on both sides nevertheless I am of opinion that had we charg'd him home horse and foot and all we had put him very hardly to 't and perhaps given him a shrewd blow for after he had past the Bridge he was to climb a steep mountain where the way was so narrow that they could only go one by one But he made us know that he was a very able Soldier for he first past over all his horse fearing that ours would charge and overturn them upon his foot then he past over his Germans and himself remain'd behind with a thousand or twelve hundred Harquebuzeers with which he still made good the Bridge by the favour of three houses that stood at the end of it vvhich vve could never gain from him he having opened them so that they flanck't and defended one another On the top of the Mountain there was a Plain that extended it self to a little Town they held being about the length of 1000 paces or thereabouts vvhere he first caus'd his people to make a halt and afterwards retyr'd But at his departing from the houses we had thought to have fallen in amongst them which we also attempted and there were in that place some men slain both on the one side and the other and we continually followed in their Rear up the forementioned narrow path still plying them with our Harquebuz shot for we saw not the preparation he had made for us on the top of the mountain Messieurs de Bonivet and de la Moth Gondrin and I were all on horse-back and amongst the Harquebuzeers to encourage them when so soon as vveâ—came to the top he gave us a charge vvith a 1000 or 1200 Harquebuzeers vvhich sent us back vvith a rattle directly to the Bridge and full drive upon the Mareschal Monsieur de la Moth's horse was kill'd under him and mine so hurt that he died five or six days after and God was assisting to us in having put it into our minds to draw our men into two divisions on the right and left hand of the way though the ascent was very difficult and steep for by that means we lost but very few of our men whereas had we been all clutter'd together in the narrow path vve had received a very great defeat and had our selves remained upon the place Take notice of this young Captains vvhen you shall happen to be in the like Ground upon the like occasion for the old and circumspect have been often snapt in such places as
these and know well enough how to avoid them The Mareschal then withdrew with all his Army about Sebe and the next day carried away the Canon that Messieurs de Bassâ— and de Gordes had brought along with them vvhen they took it â—â—aving there three Companies two French and one Italian and so retired by Montdevi towards Turin and Quiers How Sebe was after lost I do not remember but lost it was for we return'd a year after to recover it vvhen it was much better defended and longer disputed than before as hereafter you shall hear Sometime after Don Ferrand set an Army on foot by much exceeding all the forces the Mareschal could make he having neither Swiss nor German Foot wherefore being advertized by the Signeurs Ludovico de Birague and Francisco Bernardin that this Army was design'd for the retaking of St. Martin and the other Castles we had taken before and also to take Cassal some seven leagues distant from Turin and to fortifie it to the end that Turin might receive no relief from the mountains and valleys of Lans and especially from Cassal from whence we had most of the fruit and wood that vvas brought to Turin So soon as Don Ferrand's Army was ready to march directly to St. Martin the Mareschal call'd a Council of his Officers to deliberate vvhat he should do concerning Cassal seeing it was neither fortified nor tenable who amongst them concluded to quit â—t and to dismantle it though the dismantling could signifie nothing forasmuch as Don Ferrand would soon have repair'd it again I was the same night advertized at Montcalliâ—r of this determination which was the reason that I went early the next morning to the Mareschal to Turin where I made bold to ask him if it were true that he had taken a resolution to abandon Cassal vvho told me that yes because he could find no one who would hazard his life and reputation in putting himself into it and that therefore they had concluded in the Council to put only one Company of Italian Foot into it which was to surrender the Town so soon as they should see Don Ferrand approach with an intention to attaque it I then told him that that would signifie very little for the Captain himself would however tell the Soldiers as much to make them willing to stay but that he must Garrison it in good earnest and not after this manner And who said he would you have so senseless as to undertake the defence of it to which I made answer that I would be the man He then told me that he had rather lose the best part of his estate than to suffer me to engage my self in it considering that the place could not in a years time be fortified to resist Canon To which I made answer Sir the King does entertain and pay us for three things only one to win him a Battail to the end that he may overrun a great space of ground and subdue several strong holds to his obedience another to defend a Town for no Town can be lost but a great deal of ground goes along with it and the third to take a Town for the taking of a Town brings a great number of people into subjection all the rest are only skirmishes and rencounters that signifie nothing to any body but our selves to make us known unto and esteemed of our Superiors and to acquire honor to our own particular persons for the King has by this no advantage at all nor by any other effect of war saving by the three ferementioned services wherefore before this place shall be so quitted I will lose my life in its defence The Mareschal hereupon disputed it very strongly with me to divert me from this intention but seeing me resolv'd at last gave me leave to do as I would He was a man that would be govern'd by reason without relying too much upon his own judgment as did Monsieur de Lautrec who was ever observed to be guilty of that fault as I think I have said elsevvhere Cassal is a little City enclâ—sed with a rough wall of Flints without any one Axler stone amonâ—st them a Graffe that environs it into which the water comes and goes so that the Graâ—le can neither be made deeper nor the water retain'd in any place to be much above knee deep There was no manner of Trench either within or without neither were the four Flankers fill'd at all so that the Enemy having once batter'd me a Courtain by the Canton they might afterwards batter me in the flank I demanded of the Mareschal 500 Pioneers of the Mountain which he sent presently to raise so that within four dayes they were all at Cassal I demanded likewise a great number of Instruments and iron Tools wherewith to furnish my Soldiers also for the work which he also suddenly sent me together with great store of grain bacon lead powder and match I demanded moreover the Baron de Chipy la Gard Nephew to the Baron de la Gard le Mas Martin and my own Company All these five Companies were exceeding good and their Captains also who having understood that I had made choice of them of my own accord took it for a great reputation and a high honour to them I demanded of him also le Gritti a Venetian who had a Company of Italian foot all which were granted to me In the morning then I went to put my self into it and at night all the Companies arrived Monsieur de Gye eldest Son of Monsieur de Maugiron was there in Garrison with the men at arms belonging to his Father to whom the Mareschal sent order to march away and to carry his Company to Montcallier but he writ an answer back that he had not continued so long in Garrison at Cassal to abandon it at a time when a Siege was going to be laid before it especially when so old a Captain as I had undertaken the defence thereof and that therefore he was resolv'd there to live and die with me The Mareschal would not take this answer for currant pay for the next day betimes in the morning he came himself to Cassal having Monsieur d' Aussun Monsieur de la Mothe-Gondrin and the Vicount de Gourdon in company with him I had there already assign'd all the Quarters for the Foot without dislodging the Gens d' Arms forasmuch as I saw Monsieur de Gye and all his Company obstinately resolute to stay And although the Mareschal himself was come in person yet could he never prevail with Monsieur de Gye to depart the Town who plainly told him that he if he so pleased might command his Company away from him but for what concern'd himself he was resolv'd not to stir a foot which was the reason that the Mareschal returned very much dissatisfied with himself that he had granted me leave to take upon me the defence of that place which was conceived to be so
that Quarter where their houses stood and to assist the Captains of the said Pioneers Now I had ever determin'd that if ever the Enemy should come to assault us with Artillery to entrench my self at a good distance from the Wall where theâ— Battery should be made to let them enter at pleasure and made account to shut up the two ends of the Trench and at either end to plant four or five pieces of great Canon loaden with great chains nails and pieces of iron Behâ—nd the Retirade I intended to place the Muskets together with the Harquâ—buzeers and so soon as they should be entred in to cause the Artillery and small shot to fire all at once and we at the two ends then to run in upon them with Pikes and Halâ—erts two banded Swords short Swords and Targets This I resolved upon as seeing it altogetâ—er impossible for the King to send us relief by reason that he was engaged in so many places that it would not be possible for him to set on foot Forces sufficient to raise the Siege neither by sea nor by land and Monsieur de Strozzy had no means to relieve us wherefore I would permit them to enter and make little defence at the Breach to the end that I might give them battail in the Town after they had past the fury of our Canon and smaller shot For to have defended the Breach had in my opinion been a very easie matter but then we could not have done the Enemy so much mischief as by letting them enter the breach which we would have pretended to have quit onely to draw them on to the â—ight For five or six dayes before the Artillery came I every night sent out two Peasants and a Captain or a Serjeant as Centinels perdues which is a very good thing and of great safety but take heed whom you send for he may do you a very ill turn So soon as the night came the Captain set a Peasant Centinel at some fifty or sixty paces distant from the Wall and either in a ditch or behind a hedge with instructions that so soon as he should hear any thing he should come back to the Captain at the foot of the Wall which Captain had in charge from me that immediately upon the Peasant's speaking to him they should clap down upon all four and so creep the one after the other to the place where the Peasant had heard the noise or rather fall down upon their bellies close to the earth to discover if there were not three or four who came to view that place and to observe if they did not lay their heads together to confer for this is a certain sign that they came to view that place in order to the bringing up of Artillery To do which as it ought to be done they ought to be no other than the Master of the Ordnance the Colonel or the Camp-Master of the Infantry or the Engineer the Master Carter and a Captain of Pioneers to the end that according to what shall be resolved upon by the Master of the Ordnance the Colonel and Canoncer the Master Carter may also take notice which way he may bring up Artillery to the place and the Canoneer ought to shew the Captain of the Pioneers what is to be done for the Esplanade or plaining of the way according to the determination of the rest And this is the discovery that is to be made by night after you have discover'd a little at distance by day for if those within be an Enemy of any spirit they ought either by skirmiâ—hes or by their Canon to keep you from coming to discover at hand The Captain had order to come give me a present account of what he and the Peasants had heard or seen and to leave the Peasants still upon their perdue and a Soldier in his own place till his return Three times the Enemy was discover'd after this manner and immediately upon the notice having also the List of the Eight Quarters and of the Eight of War who commanded those Quarters I suddenly acquainted Signior Cornelio who could presently tell me both the Quarter against which it was and the Gentleman of the Eight of War that commanded it I had never discover'd my intention to any one but to Signior Cornelio onely who was a man of great wisdom and valour and in whom I reposed a very great confidence who so soon as he knew that I meant to give them Battail in the City we did nothing of one whole day but walk the round both within and without taking very good observation of all the places where the Enemy could make a Battery and consequently by that knew where to make our Retirade And so soon as ever notice was given me by the Captain who stood Centinel without the City I presently advertized the Commander of that Quarter and he his Deputy and his Deputy the Captain of the Pioneers so that in an hours time you might have seen at least a thousand or twelve hundred persons beginning the Retirade Now I had order'd the City to make great provision of Torches so that those who had discover'd were hardly return'd to the Marquis but that they saw all that part within the Town cover'd with torches and people insomuch that by break of day we had very much advanc't our Trench and in the morning sent back those to rest calling in another Quarter to the work till noon and another from noon till night and consequenty others till midnight and so till break of day by which means in a little time we performed so great a work that we could by no means be surpriz'd After this manner I still turn'd the defences of the Town towards the Marquis his attempts who lodg'd at the house of Guillet the Dreamer and Signior Fernando de Sylva brother to Signior Rigomez who commanded on that side towards the little Observance with whom I had some discourse upon the publick faiâ—h the Friday before we departed out of the City betwixt their Quarters and the Fort Camoglia told me that the Marquis had some jealousie that some one of their Council betray'd to me all their deliberations seeing he had no sooner design'd to batter any part but that we alwayes fortified against that place for by night the least noise is easily heard and so great a bustle cannot be concealed and because he told me that he had compiled a Book of the particularities of the Siege of Sienna he entreated me to tell him by what means I so continually discover'd their intentions whereupon I told him the truth But to return to our subject the Marquis in the end came and planted his Artillery upon a little Hill betwixt Port Oville and the great Observance The choice of this place put me who thought my self so cunning almost to a nonplus forasmuch as at Port Oville there is a very spatious Antiport where the houses of the City do almost
you and also if you know it not to day you will know it to morrow and thereupon gave me the relation of his death and how Monsieur de Guise had forbid them to tell me fearing my grief would hinder me the next day from performing my duty in the fight To which I reply'd That it was true no man under Heaven was more afflicted for his death than I was yet that I would endeavour to forget him for that night and the day following but it should be to lament him ever after whilst I had an hour to breath Count Theophile and the Sieur Adrian stay'd with me all this night during which we past together our lamentations and by break of day began to play our Canon at the Hole Monsiâ—ur de Guise had caus'd an Engine of planks above a foot thick to be made to put before the Canon so soon as it had fiâ—'d to the end that the Enemy from their Loop-holes might not kill our Canonâ—erâ— At the foot of this Engine there were two little wheels for it to move upon and it was drawn with a little cord which so cover'd the mussel of the Canon that no Harquebuz shot could pierce it After this manner we made twenty shot at this Hole which we broke thorough and made so wide that a man might easily pass thorough but the Canon could do no hurt to their Casemats forasmuch as they were a little on the right hand and no man could approach the Hole without being kill'd or wounded Monsieur de Guise then sent me order that I should try to lodge three or four hundred men betwixt the Tower and the Ravelin and that he would to that purpose send me Gabions and Pioneers He had caus'd Manâ—elets to be made to place from the great Tower to the River which might be some seven or eight paces and from thence our Harquebuzeers shot at those who appear'd upon the Courtine our Ensigns planting themselves all along by the wall from the Tower to the Raveline Those upon the Platform saw all along by the Courtine and ours who were by this Raveline on that side by the Hole fiâ—'d at them whilst I made them shoot from behind the Mantelets Monsieur de Nevers the Father of these three daughters now living was come thither and stood by our Traverse that was at the foot of the Great Tower and Monsieur de Guise was on the other side of the River by the Artillery Poton Seneschal of Agenois commanded one of the four Culverines who made very brave shots and did us great service for he play'd continually upon the top of the Courtine and the Platform at those who shew'd themselves to shoot at our people below and this continued four or five hours at least Monsieur de Guise then sent to me by Monsieur de Cipierre to try if we could by any means place the Gabions he had sent me betwixt the wall and the Hole but all those who presented themselves to plant the Gabions were either kill'd or hurt I then bethought my self to put a hundred or sixscore Pioneers into the water under the bank of the River to cast up a Trench all along by the water side towards the Ravaline Monsieur de Cipierre saw the great difficulty and impossibility there was in executing the Dukes command and found Captain Bordeziere dead and his Ensign wounded who dyed after You could have seen nothing but wounded men carrying off to be drest and the Mantelets shatâ—er'd all to pieces with stones so that we lay all open shooting at one another as one shoots at a mark I had order'd our affairs pertty well for I had plac'd most of the Harquebuzeers by hundreds so that as one hundred had spent all their powder another hundred came to supply their rooms and still all the danger and mischief fell where I was for as well the Culverines that plaid from the other side of the River as those men of ours that shot openly and without shelter kept the Enemy in such aw that not one durst pop up his head to shoot at our people who were under the wall below but plaid continually upon us who were almost in a level right over against them Monsieur de Bourdillon then at the bidding of Monsieur de Nevers came and caught me by the arms behind and hal'd me above six paces backwards saying What will you do â—an in the name of God what do you intend to do do you not see that if you be kill'd all this labour 's lost and that the Souldiers will be discouraged to which disengaging my self from him I reply'd and do you noâ— also see that if I be not with the Souldiers they will abandon this post and the Enemy will kill all those that are under the wall for then they will stand up at their case and shoot plum down upon them Monsieur de Nevers then call'd to me also from the other side of the hole to make me retire which nevertheless I would not do but said to Monsieur de Bourdillon these words What God will do with me this day is already determin'd I cannot avoid it and if this place be appointed for my grave it is in vain to shun my destiny and so without saying any more to him return'd back to the place from whence he had drawn me when on a sudden I bethought my self of an Enterprize bidding Captain Volumat to take six Harquebuzeers and two Halberts and go place himself behind a Canton of the Wall that remain'd of the Tower when it was beaten down and there trie if suddenly leaping out from behind this Wall he could not throw himself headlong upon the Casemats a design grounded upon my belief that they could not be cover'd with any thing but plancks for they made them after the same manner that we maâ— le the Hole or else that they were totally open But be it how it would I intreated him without dispute to throw himself upon them assuring him that I would go make another Captain fall on by the path of the Traverse which lead up to the top of the Tower and that both of them at the same time should throw themselves headlong upon the Casemates I then call'd to me a French Captain I do not remember his name and said to him in the presence of Monsieur de Nevers and Monsieur de Bourdillon the same things I had said to Captain Volumat and that so soon as ever he should be up without pawsing upon the matter he should throw himself upon the Casemats desiring Monsieur de Nevers and Monsieur de Bourdillon to encourage the Soldiers to follow this Captain whilst I went to Captain Volumat to do the same But so soon as ever this poor Captain thrust up his head he was kill'd by those of the great Platform and another after him so that they fell dead betwixt the legs of Monsieur de Nevers and Monsieur de Bourdillon I
you knowing you to be of a liberal nature and that you reserve nothing to your self Now as I was standing at the head of our Battalion and every one of our Captains in his place the Prince of Ioinville who is now Duke of Guise came up to me together with the Son of Monsieur d' Aumale both little boyes and delicately handsome having their Governors and three or four Gentlemen attending on them They were mounted upon two little Pad Nags to whom I said Go to little Princes alight from your horses for I have been bred up in the family from whence you are descended which is the house of Lorrain where I was a Page and I will be the first who shall lay a Pike upon your shoulders Upon which their Governors presently alighting caused them also to alight they had little Taffata Ribbons over their shoulders which I took off laying each of them a Pike upon his neck and saying to them I hope God will give you the grace to resemble your Ancestors and that I shall bring you good fortune for being the first that has laid arms upon your shoulders They have hitherto been favourable to me and God make you as valiant as you are handsome and the Sons of brave and generous Fathers And so I made them march side by side at the head of and before the Battalions and return againto the same place Their Governors and all the Captains were so ravisht to see these pretty Children march so gracefully as they did that there was not one who did not look upon that action as a happy presage But I fail'd in one which was that of Monsieur d' Aumale for he dy'd presently after and yet as I have been told this little Prince was as sound within as any child could possibly be but I think Physicians kill Princes with keeping too much clutter about them in their sickness they are men as we are and yet they will have them to have something particular from others Monsieur de Guise is yet living and I hope will accomplish the good fortune we that day wish'd him The beginning is good and hopeful I hope the end will crown it that so since God has been pleas'd to take one he may remain sole Heir to that happiness that at that time we joyntly wish'd to his Cousin and to him I have ever conceiv'd great hopes from the little knowledge I have had of this young Prince neither was there ever Poltron of that brave Race which is rarely seen in a numerous Family In brief our Army was a very brave one and the King was very much pleas'd with the sight of it A few days after his Majesty was advertis'd that the King of Spain had taken the Field and was marching his Army in all diligence towards the borders which made his Majesty doubt that he was going to surprize either Corbie or Dourlans or else Amiens never a one of which having above two Foot Companies in Garison The night that this news was brought they did nothing but dispute upon the means to relieve these places but concluded it impossible in the end considering that the King of Spain was so far advanc'd Monsieur de Guise upon this occasion staid that night at Marches and sent back Messieurs de Bourdillon and de Tavannes to Pierre-pont It was my constant custom to go every day to give Monsieur de Guise the good morrow and thence to return back to my Tent not stirring of all day after from my command neither did I use to spend much time in Courtship That has never been my Trade for which both the King the Duke of Guise and all the Princes of the Army lik'd me the better and were pleas'd to say that no disorder could happen on our side The next morning I went to give the good morrow to Monsieur de Guise believing that he had return'd overnight to Pierre-pont but at my entring into the Town I met Messieurs de Bourdillon and de Tavannes and d' Estree on horseback going out and ask'd them whither they were going to which they made answer that they were returning to the Council at Marches being that over night they had not been able to resolve upon the means to relieve Corbie for the King of Spain was marching in all diligence that way and that Monâ—ieur de Guise had staid all night at Marches I then ask'd him how far it might be from thence to Corbie and I think they told me thirty Leagues or more Whereupon I said to them I pray gallop away full speed and tell the King that it is not now a time to insist upon Councils and Consultations and that perhaps whilst he is in debate what to do the Enemy is upon his march but that he must suddenly resolve and that if he please I will take seven Ensigns and march night and day to put my self into it and tell him that no grass shall grow under my feet but that I will make such haste that I will be there before the King of Spain or any part of his Army And tell Monsieur de Guise that I will only ask him five and twenty Mules laden with bread for I will carry along four Wagons of wine of the Merchants Volunteers of our Regiments to make our Souldiers eat and drink upon their march without entring into either Town or Village and that therefore he give present order to Monsieur de Serres speedily to send me the Mules loaden with bread In the mean time I will run to the Regiment to choose out the seven Ensigns so that at your return you shall find me ready to depart but you must make very great haste and the King must suddenly resolve for if they do not immediately conclude without further delay I will not undertake it Monsieur de Bourdillon then began to say that the King would think it a matter of great difficulty that the relief could be there so soon as the King of Spain at which I flew out into a rage and said swearing I see very well that when you come there you will spend all the day in disputes but in despite of disputes and consultations let the King but leave it to me and I will relieve it or break my heart for haste Monsieur d' Estree then said Let us go let us go the King cannot but like of it and so they spur'd away directly to Marches and I streight to my own Regiment So soon as I came thither I suddenly made choice of my seven Ensigns bidding them presently to take some repast and telling them that without baggage they must immediately depart to perform a good piece of Service I gave them not half an hour to eat in but drew them out presently into the Field one part of the Harquebuzeers before and another in the rear of the Pikes I then took four Wagons loaden with wine of those that had the best Horses which I plac'd in
la Sampoy and as far as Condom for succours to come in to besiege them which every one did so that there came in to him above two thousand men He dispatcht away a Courier to me also in all haste giving me to understand that if I would come thither with the Artillery we might take Lectoure for that all the good men that belong'd to it he kept shut up in Terraube to the number of four hundred men together with the two Begolles Nephews to Monsieur d'Aussun who were also coop't up with the rest I shewed the Letter to Monsieur de Burie and we had some dispute upon it he being unwilling to suffer me to take any of the Foot Companies but in the end he granted me the Baron of Clermont my Nephew to whom I had given a Company of recruit and Monsieur d'Ortobie and de Fredeville immediately yoked three pieces of Canon and went before to Moissac to prepare the Boats so that when the Canon came they found the Boats all ready and all night long we did nothing but pass the River I then sent a Quarter-Master from Village to Village to get Oxen ready to relieve the others which having done I gallop'd away before and found that Captain Montluc had besieg'd the Town and that the four hundred men which were in Terraube had surrendred to him upon Quarter for life Captain Mesmes advanc't as far as the River Baise within a League of the said Terraube when hearing the others were besieg'd he went back the same way he came and retir'd himself into a little Village called Roquibrune near unto Viefezensac My Nephew Monsieur de Gohas who had been Lieutenant to Monsieur de la Moth-Gondrin in Piedmont and had married his Daughter hearing of his motion had taken the Field with some Gentlemen his Neighbours and some Country-fellows whom he had call'd together by the ringing of a Bell and putting himself in his Rear had constrain'd him to take into Roquebrune for his safety where the Peasants impatient of lying all night to besiege him almost all of them stole away so that Captain Mesmes went away in the morning towards Bearn from whence he was come to tell his friends there the news of the fine frights he had been in Now Monsieur d' Ortobie made so good haste that the next morning two hours before day he was got over the River and come before Lectoure At break of day he Monsieur de Fredeville Monsieur de la Mothe-Rouge and I went to view where we should plant the Artillery and concluded to plant it on a little Hill on that side by the River where there was a Windmill to batter the Town on that side by the Fountain And here we battered it all day long and to so good effect that a Breach was made betwixt seven and eight paces wide They had entrencht themselves within and had Bastion'd the ends of the Streets with the way that went all along by the Wall and pierced two or three houses that lookt into the Breach In the interim that the Canon was batterâ—ng I was busie causing Ladders to be made wherewith to assault the Bulwark that â—lanckt the Breach to hinder those that mann'd that Bulwark from shooting into the Breach but being they had environ'd the Bulwark with Pipes and Gabions fill'd with earth and that also the Breach was not yet reasonable I would not this night do that which I did the night after The next morning I caused the Artillery to play upon these Pipes and Gabions and to widen the Breach and lay it lower and the night following we put our selves into Camisâ—do where I ordered that Captain Montluc should assault the Breach with the two Câ—mpanies of the Baron de Clermont that of the Baron de Pourdeac and such Gentlemen as would go along with him of which the Count de Candalle was one a young Lord full of noble courage who also has since lost his life in a Breach in Languedoc as I have been told and as for me I was by the Ladders to storm the Bulwark with the Sieur de Batternau's Company and another with my own Company of Gens d'arms whom I had dismounted for that purpose This order being concluded I caused them to take up the Ladders putting Captain Montluc and his men before and marching my self in their Rear to see what would be the issue of their assault and after me came the Ladders and my fellows They carried the Breach with very great boldness and bravery entred thorough it and began to dispute the Rampires they had cast up in the streets and were already almost Masters of one Now the Enemy the night before had made a Ditch betwixt the Breach and the Rampires and had put a very great train of powder into it to which they were to give fire from within a House in the Town We set up our Ladders and two Ensigns mounted up to the very top of the Bastion I was making the Soldiers still to mount and to rear the rest of the Ladders when just as our people of the Breach were as good as Masters of the Rampires some of those who came after clapping a foot into the ditch of the Train which was cover'd over with Bavins began to cry out we are in the Train and took such a fright that they overturn'd one another upon the Breach Upon this accident the formost who were diâ—puting the Rampires had no other remedy but to retire and there Captain la Rocque was hurt Lieutenant and Kinsman to the Baron de Pourdeac who died the next day one of the bravest Gentlemen that these fifty years has come out of Gascony Others also were slain there and some of those were hurt who storm'd by the Ladders when seeing those of the Breach retir'd I also drew off mine very glad to have escap'd so good cheap for had they sprung the Mine in time they had made a terrible Fricassee The next day Monsieur d' Ortobie the Governor of la Mothe-Rouge and I went to view the other side of the Town towards the little Bulwark but could find no place where we could convenienâ—ly plant any more than two pieces of Canon for this Town for a Town of War is one of the best situated in all Guienne and very strong and there also was the little Bulwark that flanckt the place where we had a mind to batter which put us to such a stand that we could not resolve what to do so that about noon Monsieur d' Ortobie return'd to batter again by the Breach at some Flankers there were because the next morning I was resolv'd to give an assault in open day where as he himself was levelling a piece of Canon he was wounded in the thigh by a Faulconet shot from the great Bulwark which went very near to my heart for he was a valiant Captain and an admirable Engineer He died two dayes after 'T is of all others
times come to it by Sea The King has set but two little value upon it 't is well if he do not one day repent it But provided these fine talking Gentlemen who prate at their ease may have their own arms at liberty they care not for any body else and when one comes to demand of them assistance of money for of every thing else we have but too much they cry let them raise it upon the Country and so the Soldier not being paid is necessitated to plunder and rob and the King's Lieutenant to endure it 'T is all one say they a Country spoiled is not lost O lewd expression and unworthy of a Counsellor of the Kings who has the management of affairs of State He has not the trouble of it nor does he bear the reproach but he who has the charge of the Province and whom the people load with continual exercations Behold then our Guienne thus lost and recover'd and since maintain'd in peace for the good of the people and to my particular and great misfortune for my Son Captain Montluc being no more able to live at rest than his Father seeing himself useless in France as being no Courtier and knowing of no forreign War wherein to employ his arms design'd an Enterprize by Sea to go to make his fortune in Affrick and to this end followed by a brave number of Gentlemen Volunteers for he had above three hundred with him and by a great many of the best Officers and Soldiers he could cull out he embarkt at Bourdeaux in a Fleet of six Men of War as well equipt as Vessels could possibly be I shall not insist upon the design of this unfortunate Expedition wherein he lost his life being slain with a Musket shot in the Island of Maderas going ashore to water and where being the Islanders would not peaceably permit him to refresh his Ships he was constrain'd to have recourse to violence to their loss and ruine but much more to mine who there lost my right hand Had it pleased God to have preserv'd him to me they had not done me those charitable Offices at Court they have since done In short I lost him in the flower of his age and then when I expected he should have been both the prop of mine and the support of his Country which has very much miss't him since I had lost the brave Mark Anthony my eldest Son at the Port of Ostia but this that died at the Maderas was of such value that there is not a Gentleman in Guienne who did not judge he would surpass his Father But I leave it to those who knew him to give an account of his valour and prudence He could not have fail'd of being a good Captain had God been pleased to preserve him but he disposes of us all as seems best to his own wisdom I think this little Montluc that he has left me will endeavour to imitate him both in valour and loyalty to his Prince which all the Montluc's have ever been eminent for and if he prove not such I disclaim him Every one knows and the Queen more than any other that I was never the Author of this unfortunate Voyage and the Admiral knows very well how much I endeavour'd to break the design not that I had a mind to keep him â—dle by the fire but out of the apprehension I had it might occasion a Breach betwixt the two Crowns of France and Spain which though I might perhaps in my own bosom desire to remove the War from our own doors I would also have wisht that some other might have been the occasion of the rupture My sons design was not to break any Truce with the Spaniard but I saw very well that it was impossible but he must do it there either with him or the King of Portugal For to hear these people talk a man would think that the Sea was their own The Admiral lov'd and esteem'd this poor Son of mine but too much having told the King that never a Prince nor Lord in France upon his own single account and without his Majesties assissâ—ance could in so short a time have made ready so great an Equipage And he said true for he won the hearts of all that knew him and that were enamour'd of the practice of arms and I was so wise as to think that fortune was oblig'd to be as favourable to him as she had been to me For an old Soldier as I am I confess I committed a great error that I did not discover the design to some other considering that the Vicount d'Vza and de Pampadour and my young Son were of the party who might have tried their fortune and pursued the Enterprize projected which nevertheless I shall not here discover because the Queen may peradventure another day again set it on foot The End of the Fifth Book THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc MARESCHAL of FRANCE The Sixth Book FOr the space of five years France enjoyed this tranquility and repose with the two Religions that divided the Kingdom nevertheless I still doubted there was some Snake lurking in the grass though for what concern'd the Province of Guyenne I was in no great apprehension for I had evermore an eye to all things sending the Queen notice of every thing I heard with all the fidelity and care wherewith any man living could give an account of his trust The King at this time went a Progress to visit the several Provinces of his Kingdom and being come to Tholouze I went to kiss his Majesties hand who gave me a more honorable reception than I deserv'd The Hugonots faild not upon this occasion to make use of their wonted artifices and practices and made me false fire under hand for openly they durst not do it but I did not much regard their malice The Queen did me the honor to tell me all wherein she manifested the confidence she repos'd in me and I by that very well that she did not love the Hugonots One day being in her Chamber with Messieurs the Cardinalâ— of Bourbon and Guise she repeated to me all her fortune and the perplexity she had been in And amongst other things that the night news was brought her of the loss of the Battel of Dreux for some brave fellow who had not leisure to stay to see what Monsieur de Guise did after the Constable was routed and taken had given her this false Alarm she was all night in Council with the said Cardinals to consult what course she should take to save the King where in the end it was resolv'd that if in the morning the news should be confirm'd she should try to retire into Guienne though the Journey was very long accounting that she should be safer there than in any other part of the Kingdom May God for ever refuse to assist me if hearing this sad story the tears did not start into my eyes saying
my Son kept together about Quercy and Agenois and we others retir'd every one to his own Quarter This was all that was done hitherto from the beginning of these troubles in these parts of Guienne So soon as the Monsieur came up to the Army he spun out the time for a certain space about Poictiers and along the River Loire In the mean time nothing stirr'd in our parts for the Vicomtes kept about Castres Pay-Laurens Millau St. Antonin and Montauban making only some slight inroads to pilfer and steal which I did not think considerable enough that therefore I should set an Army on foot for the little harm they were able to do and besides I was willing to save money for no other end but only to send it to the Monsieur which made me averse to all kind of unnecessary expence The Captains of the Gens d'armes and some Captains of foot belonging to the Royal Army came or else sent their iâ—feâ—iour Officers to raise men in our parts to fill up their Companies and others only to refresh themâ—elves and immediately to return when after a little space I receiv'd Letters from the Monsieur wherein he commanded me to go into Roâ—ergue to fight the Vicomtes if possibly I could Whereupon I sent away for my Nephew de Lâ—beron at St. Foy with his three Companies and although I was certain before hand that I should do no good immediately began to march That which made me doubt my expedition would signifie very little was that I knew so soon as ever the Vicomtes should hear I had taken the field they would certainly retire into the holds and lurking holes they held by the right of War where they were so wise as to save themselves upon every rumour of an enemy and the least place that was dispos'd to resist me had been sufficient to stop my progress and for any hopes to find them in the field I had none So that I knew I should do nothing but eat upon the Publick and devour the people should I stay long about Towns and Castles to bolt them out of their Burrows especially considering that I could take no Artillery along with me which I could not do for want of money to defray the â—harge neither indeed did I raise much because I would have it all go to the Monsieurs for there it was that the main Game was to be play'd and therefore it was reason that the main provision should be reserv'd for that use all the rest of the War being nothing but petty skirmishes in comparison of what was done and was expected to be done there As I was preparing for my expedition there arrived Monsieur de Pilles and with hâ—m the Sieurs de Bonneval de Monens and a great number of other Gentlemen who were come from the Enemies Camp either to levy men or in reference to the design they had upon Libourne which nevertheless they fail'd in after which the said de Pilles put himself into St. Foy which he made his place of Rendezvouz forasmuch as I had drawn from thence my Nephew de Leberon with the three Companâ—es to take them along with me into Roâ—ergue So soon as I came to Cahors I sent my said Nephew before with five Ensigns of Foot and part of the Company of Gens-d'armes belonging to Monsieur de Gramont which Captain Mausan Quarter-master to the said Company commanded and made him depart in all haste to surprize some of the Enemy that lay about Ville-Franche de Roüergue who accordingly made so good haste that they marcht eight long leagues and came to the place by one of the Clock in the night thinking an hour before day in the morning to surprize them but they were no sooner in the Town but that the Enemy had immediate intelligence sent them and were all retir'd into their Forts Neither is it to be thought strange for I wonder that either the Monsieur himself or any other who commanded the Kings Armies did any thing of moment by reason the Ordonnance and Edict his Majesty had made that no one was to demand any thing of the Hugonots provided they abstain'd from arms and liv'd peaceably in their own houses From whence prâ—câ—eded the ruine of the King of his Armies and all his Affairs and of the People also for those furnisht out money and were the occasion that the women who had their husbands in the Prince of Condé's Army by their means and intelligence could at all times furnish their Husbands or Sons with money and so serv'd for spies to the Enemy that they needed not be at the charge of maintaining intelligence nor trouble themselves to know what we did those people giving them continual notice when and where any of our men were at any time to be surpriz'd and taken and dividing the spoil when it was accordingly effected which made me evermore maintain before the King that that Edict alone was the cause his Majesty was not victorious and that this new Religion was not totally rooted out It had been a hundred times better that they hâ—d all been with the Prince than at home in their own houses for being with him in his Army they could have done no great matters that would have been of any significant advantage to them your Town-bred people being men of no great performance in War but on the contrary would soon have famisht his Camp and then we might have prosecuâ—ed the War without being spied or without their being advertised of our designs neither could they have been able to get money or any other necessaries nay we should have made our advantage of their Estates by which means they must of necessity either have â—etir'd with the pardon the King was pleas'd to grant them or have been starv'd for want of bread I am sure that in this Province of Guienne there would not one of them have been left alive unless they had abjuâ—'d this new Religion as they did in the first Troubles for I knew very well how to handle them and seeing I had found the way to do it â—o cheap as with two yards of Match in the first troubles I should not have been much to seek in these last But by means of this vertuous Edict no one durst speak to them but we were oblig'd to endure them amongst us It is not therefore as I said to bâ— wondred at if they have perform'd so many notable exploits considering that at all hours they were continually advertis'd of what we did and design'd to do 'T is very well known that an Army can do no great matters without good Spies for it is upon their report that a Council of War is to deteâ—mine what they have to do but we had none amongst those people for there was not a Catholick let him be otherwise as brave as brave could be that durst venture his person amongst them it being to throw away himself no man escaping that fell into their hands thorough which
withal put me into such a passion that I was once resolv'd not to go but to write to the King to send some other that had formerly serv'd him better than I and that might do his business as Monsieur de Terride had done Nevertheless I at last thought better on 't and determin'd not to do it knowing very well that these Letters proceeded not from his Majesties nature neither from the Queens nor the Monsieurs for they had all three writ to me in the same stile I knew very well that this came from the counsel of my Enemies at Court and that neither the King the Queen nor the Monsieur ever writ so tart Letters as those were to the greatest Enemies they had I shewed them to none but Monsieur de Valence my Brother for fear lest by my Exemple every one should be frighted from their duty for all of them generally of what condition soever very well knew the contrary of what was laid to my charge and that I had done very well with the little money I had left me And then it was that I evidently perceiv'd they intended to lay all the miscarriages that had happen'd in those parts at my door having no friends at Court to take my part or defend me I now see that the greatest Error I committed in my whole life was that I would have no dependance upon any other after the decease of my old Master but the King and the Queen and find that a man in command is much more secure in depending upon a Monsieur a Madam a Cardinal or a Mareschal of France than either upon the King the Queen or the Monsieur for they will evermore disguise affairs to their Majesties as they themselves are enclin'd or think fit and shall certainly be believ'd by them all for they only hear and see with others ears and eyes 'T is an ill thing but it is impossible to help it and he that has done best shall by this means be left behind for which reason if I could return to my former Age I would never care to depend upon the King or the Queen but upon those who are in greatest favour with them for though I should behave my self as ill as a man could do they would cover and conceal my faults seeing that I onely depended upon them for 't is their chiefest good and principal honour to have servants about them whom they may call their Creatures If the King would himself only distribute his benefits he would pair their nails but whoever has a mind to be taken notice of and rewarded let him address himself to Monsieur or Madam for the King gives them all and knows not others but by their report I am sorry I cannot return to my vigorous age for I should better know how to govern my self than I have hitherto done and should no more so much build my hopes upon the King as others that are about him But I am now grown old and cannot be young again and must therefore be content to follow my old humour for should I now go about to take up another I should be to seek at which end to begin 'T is too late for me to mend it may serve others though that I leave behind me but if the King would be truly a King and confer no benefits but at the recommendation of his own judgment oh how many would be dor'd in their designs and frustrated in their expectation I also committed another oversight in not having one of my Sons alwayes about the King they were well enough born to be receiv'd and well enough qualified to win their Majesties esteem But God took from me my Mark Anthony too soon and since Captain Montluc who was slain at the Maderes either of which would quickly have stopt the mouths of those that durst have censur'd or calumniated my Actions Their lyes so far off could do me no harm but were we within a Pikes length one of another old as I am I would make their hearts quake in their bellies Neither did I keep my Sons about me to be idle but to learn my trade for the first follow'd arms wherein he bravely signaliz'd himself and follow'd me in all my Voyages and Expeditions the second had acquir'd so great a reputation in Guienne that it was not my interest to part with him during the War the third since his return from Malta has follow'd me in these late Wars and the youngest also But I shall leave this discourse which puts me into passion to return to the Expedition of Bearn Monsieur de Valence then went to Bordeaux to see if there was any money to be got out the Treasury there from wence he sent me word that not so much as a single Liard was to be had from thence that nevertheless he had prevaâ—â—'â— so far as to take up fourteen thousand Livers which he payd into a certain Commissary that was appointed to attend me and that in ten dayes time he would procure as much more but that I was not in any wise to expect a penny more and that the Receiver had been fain to borrow this Monsieur de Fontenilles went also to Tholouze with my Letter of Attoâ—ney to bind us both to restore and pay back the Ammunitioâ—s in case the King should refuse to do it and upon these terms they lent me a Canon a Culverine and some Ammunition I then dispatcht away Messieurs de Montespan and de Madaillan with a hundred Horse cull'd out of my own Company of Gens-d'armes and that of Monsieur de Gondrin directly to Bayonne to Convoy the Artillery that the Vicount d'Orthe was to send me from thence and sent Monsieur de Gondrin to Noguarol to begin to form the Army and with him Monsieur de Sainctorens to whom I had given the Command of Mareschal de Camp and I my self stayd four or five dayes behind to set forwards the Foot and Horse and to give time to the Commissaries of provisions to go thorough the Provinces to execute the Orders I had given them for the advance of victual for the Army to which end I delay'd the time but six dayes only after which I went in two dayes to Nâ—guarol So soon as I came thither we immediately fell to Counsel to deliberate with what places we should first begin In which Consultation some were of advice that it would be best to begin with St. Sâ—ver others said it would be the best course to march directly to Pau but I was of opinion that I ought in the first place to fall upon Rabasteins and for these reasons First because that beginning with that I should leave the best Country of Gascony open and free behind me from thence to be supply'd with victual for the Army and secondly that Rabasteins being the stâ—ongest Castle the Queen of Navarre had in her possession if I should take it by force which I foresaw I must do as being confident
having receiv'd my Letter sent me in answer a great many good words for they cost them nothing the end will shew whether the Province will be better govern'd and his Majestie better serv'd and whether they who have succeeded me though they are great persons and great Captains have done or shall do hereafter better than I. But to return to the place where I left off my Wife came to fetch me from Marsac from whence she carried me in her Litter to Cassaigne near unto Condom where to refresh me I was for three weeks together so crucified with the Cholick that it had like to have cuâ—'d me of all other discases In this condition I had the comfort of Monsieur de Valence my Brother who never left me till he saw me out of danger of death and several Lords also both Catholick and Hugonot came to see me Before Captain Montaut arriv'd at Court the Queen dispatcht away Monsieur de Beaumont Steward of the Prince of Navarre's Houshold by whâ—m she sent me word that in case I was in the Territories of the Queen of Navarre I should forthwith retire and put my men into Garrison See what a sudden change was here I askt him if there was a Peace concluded to which he made answer no but that it was hoped there suddenly would Why then should the King said I put his Army into Garrison Is not the Country already sufficiently ruin'd and destroy'd If I do this when the Peace shall come and that we are to disband our Horse and Foot not one of them but will plunder his Host for a farewel seeing themselves dismissed without money Seeing then it is so that they are order'd to be put into Garrisons I will even disband them for all together and send them every man to his own house To this end then I desir'd Monsieur de Valence to write and sign a Letter I being in no condition to do it to Monsieur de Gondrin forthwith to dismiss the Army both Horse and Foot and that every one in four dayes should be retir'd to his own home which was accordingly perform'd Monsieur de Beaumont himself carried the Letter to Monsieur de Gondrin and five weeks after the Queen sent to me to disband the Army which I had done before and by so doing had sav'd the people above 500000 Livers as the Country it self will witness I had sav'd the pitiful 4000 Francks that I had from the King untoucht saving a hundred Crowns that I took out to give Captain Montaut to defray his Journey to Court And thus it was that I robb'd the Exchequer and poll'd the People Such about his Majestie as favour the Hugonots do not care how deeply they charge me with Calumnies but I would have the world to know and do here declare that in so many years that I have commanded and in all the great Employments wherein I have been I could never enrich my self 20000 Francks and yet they stick not to affirm that I have pill'd and poll'd 300000 Crowns I could wish it was true provided it had been from the Hugonots our Enemies God be praised for all These slanderers shall never have that advantage over me as to make me hang down my head but I will walk with my face erect like a man of honor The Treasureâ—s and Receivers are yet living let his Majesty enform himself of them let him examine their accounts where if he find any one single Lyard converted to my profit his Majesty does not do well if he do not bring me to my Trial. It is no wonder his Majesty is so ill serv'd as 't is reported he is considering he makes no exemple he is then to blame himself and not those that do it And as to Impositions and Taxes upon the People to enrich my self and to fill my own Coffers his Majesty in this case ought yet to be more severe against me than in the other by how much the people are more to be pittied than the King who if he want money knows how to make his people find it 'T is a priviledge our Kings have so soon as they come out of their Page-ship as one said of Lewis the Eleventh which makes me conclude that the King ought to inflict a more severe punishment upon those who â—lea his people than if they purloin'd from his own Exchequer The Commissioners have given an account of all sorts of men who have rais'd money let them look if they can find me in their Papers and if any be come into my purse I confess I have dispos'd of some Hugonots Estates who pretended to sit still at home but were worse than the others whâ— were in arms neither was it reasonable that they should be better used than the poor Catholicks who were gnawn to the very bones and had I not done it the Gentry would have taken it ill and the common Soldier would have revolted for where there is nothing to be got but blows men will hardly go volunteer to the Wars Moreover they would have said I had held intelligence with the Enemy by which means I should not have had a man to follow me and I had rather have died than to have had such a repute Had the King's Officers seized of these mens Estates they would have extracted no less than a million of Francks but there was juggling amongst them and they held intelligence with one another I have had my share but it has ever been fair prize and onely taken from such as carried Provisions and Merchandize to the Enemy and yet I do believe all I made bold with being put all together would not amount to above 3000 Crowns Would to God that all the Chiefs of France had gone as roundly to work for the service of the King and Kingdom as I and that by war they had desir'd to establish peace which if they had not a man in the Kingdom would have dar'd to have professed himself a Hugonot But I shall leave this unpleasing discourse A little while after the Peace was published the articles of which were very much to the Enemies advantage We had beaten and beaten them over and over again but notwithstanding they had evermore such an interest in the King's Council that all the Edicts continually ran very high in their favour We got the better by arms but they alwayes over-reached us in those confounded writings Ah poor Prince how wofully are you serv'd how ruinously are you adviz'd If your majesty take not heed your Kingdom from the most flourishing will be made the most miserable that ever was which though it was in the Reigns of your Grandfather and Royal Father assaulted with many and potent Enemies and continually engag'd in war wherein I have ever faithfully serv'd yet matters still went on in excellent good order and Commands were not prophan'd as in these dayes I pass by the injury your Majesty does your self in giving your Enemies so great advantages