of Pinos which lieth on the Southside of Cuba nigh vâto the West end or Cape called Cape S. Anthony And thâ same day we gaue chase to a Frigat but at night we lost sight of her partly by the slow sayling of our Admirall lacke of the Moone-light our Pinnesse whom Captaine Cooke had sent to the Cape the day before On the 11 we came to Cape S. Anthony where we found our consort the Moonelight and her Pinnesse abiding for our comming of whom we vnderstood that the day before there passed by them 22 saile somâ of them of the burden of 300 and some 400 tunnes loaden with the Kings treasure from the maine bound for Hauana from this 11 of Iuly vntil 22 we were much becalmed and the winde being very scarse and the weather exceeding hoat we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken wherefore we were driuen to land all the Spaniards sauing three but the place where we landed them was of their owne choise on the Southside of Cuba neere vnto the Organes and Rio de Puercos The 23 we had sight of the Cape of Florida and the broken Ilands therof called the Martires The 25 being S. Iames day in the morning we fell with the Matanças a head-land 8 leagues towards the East of Hauana where we purposed to take fresh water in and make our abode two or three dayes On Sunday the 26 of Iuly plying too and fro betweene the Matanças and Hauana we were espied of three small Pinnasses of S. Iohn de Vllua bound for Hauana which were exceeding richly loaden These 3 Pinnasses came very boldly vp vnto vs and so continued vntill they came within musket shot of vs. And we supposed them to be Captaine Harps pinnesse and two small Frigats taken by Captaine Harpe wherefore we shewed our flag But they presently vpon the sight of it turned about made all the saile they could from vs toward the shore kept theÌselues in so shallow water that we were not able to follow them and therefore gaue them ouer with expence of shot pouder to no purpose But if we had not so rashly set out our flagge wee might haue taken them all three for they would not haue knowen vs before they had bene in our hands This chase brought vs so far leeward as Hauana wherfore not finding any of our consorts at y e Matanças we put ouer again to the cape of Florida from thence thorow the chanel of Bahama On the 28 the Câpâ of Florida bare West off vs. The 30 we lost sight of the coast of Florida and stood to Sea for to gaine the helpe of the current which runneth much swifter a farre off then in sight of the coast For from the Cape to Virginia all along the shore are none but eddie currents setting to the South and Southwest The 31 our three ships were clearely disbocked the great prize the Admirall and the Moone-shine but our prize being thus disbocked departed from vs without taking leaue of our Admirall or consort and sayled directly for England August ON the first of August the winde scanted and from thence forward we had very fowle weather with much raine thundering and great spouts which fell round about vs nigh vnto our ships The 3 we stoode againe in for the shore and at midday we tooke the height of the same The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie Ilands West of Wokokon But the weather continued so exceeding foule that we could not come to an anker nye the coast wherefore we stood off againe to Sea vntill Monday the 9 of August On munday the storme ceased and we had very great likelihood of faire weather therefore we stood in againe for the shore came to an anker at 11 fadome in 35 degrees of latitude within a mile of the shore where we went on land on the narrow sandy Iland being one of the Ilandes West of Wokokon in this Iland we tooke in some fresh water and caught great store of fish in the shallow water Betweene the maine as we supposed and that Iland it was but a mile ouer and three or foure foote deepe in most places On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anker at the north-Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan by reason of a breach which we perceiued to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea here we road all that night The 13 in the morning before we wayed our ankers our âoates were sent to sound ouer this breach our ships riding on the side thereof at 5 fadome and a ships length from vs we found but 4 and a quarter and then deeping and shallowing for the space of two miles so that sometimes we found 5 fadome and by by 7 and within two casts with the lead 9 then 8 next cast 5. then 6 then 4 then 9 againe and deeper but 3 fadome was the least 2 leagues off froÌ the shore This breach is in 35 degr a halfe lyeth at the very Northeast point of Croatoan wheras goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner waters which part the Ilandes and the maine land The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask in 36 degr and one third in fiue fadom water three leagues from the shore At our first coÌming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the I le Raonoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587 which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore Captain Cooke Cap. Spicer their coÌpany with me with intent to passe to the place at Raonoak where our countreymen were left At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people This was accordingly performed our twoe boats put off vnto the shore in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the shore nine eight and seuen fadome but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first but it was much further from the harbour where we landed then we supposed it to be so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke we found no man nor signe that any
in taste much like vnto whey but somewhat sweeter and more pleasant They cut the branches euery euening because they are feared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne They haue also great beanes as bigge as chestnuts and very hard with a shell in the stead of a huske Many things more nught be saide of the maners of the people and of the wonders and monstrous things that are engendred in Africke But it shall suffice to haue saide thus much of such things as our men partly sawe and partly brought with them And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines I described the same to haue holes by the side as in deede it hath as it is brought hither yet was I afterward enfourmed that those holes were made to put stringes or twigges through the fruite thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne They grow not past a foote and a halfe or two foote from the ground and are as red as blood when they are gathered The graines themselues are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi At their câmming home the keeles of their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with certaine shelles of two inches length and more as thicke as they could stand and of such bignesse that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them They certainely affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea becommeth those foules which we call Barnacles The like shelles haue bene seene in ships returning froÌ Iseland but these shels were not past halfe an inch in length Of the other that came from Guinea I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke and in maner couered with the said shels which in my iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling Their ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas whereof mention is made in the Decades These creepe betweene the plankes which they eate through in many places Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage this is worthy to be noted that wheras they sailed thither in seuen weekes they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes The cause whereof they say to be this That about the coast of Cabo Verde the winde is euer at the East by reason whereof they were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the maine Ocean to finde the winde at the West to bring them home There died of our men at this last voyage about twentie and foure whereof many died at their returne into the clime of the colde regions as betweene the Islands of Azores and England They brought with them certaine blacke slaues whereof some were tall and strong men and could wel agree with our meates and drinkes The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend them Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide colde then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate forasmuch as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies as colde constraineth and preserueth the same This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature that throughout all Africke vnder the AEquinoctial line and neere about the same on both sides the regions are extreeme hote and the people very blacke Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are very temperate and the people neither blacke nor with curlde and short wooll on their heads as they of Africke haue but of the colour of an Oliue with long and blacke heare on their heads the cause of which variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me That is that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne so that they had it North from them at noone the 14. day of March. And to haue said thus much of these voyages it may suffice The first voyage made by Master VVilliam Towrson Marchant of London to the coast of Guinea with two Ships in the yeere 1555. VPon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of Wight out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes the one called the Hart the other the Hinde both of London and the Masters of them were Iohn Ralph and William Carter for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de Sestos in Guinea and to other hauens thereabout It fell out by the varietie of windes that it was the foureteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth and being there arriued wee continued in that roade sixe dayes and the 20. of October we warpt out of the hauen and set saile directing our course towards the Southwest and the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master This day we ranne about 40. leagues also The second day we ranne 36. leagues The third day we had sight of Porto Santo which is a small Island lying in the sea about three leagues long and a league a halfe broad is possessed by Portugals It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hilles neere together The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley which makes it to beare that forme The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks This Island lyeth in thirty and three degrees The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle of Madera which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo towards the Southwest that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull and is inhabited by Portugals it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and high By three of the clocke this day at afternoone we were thwart of Porto Santo and we set our course Southwest to leaue the Isle of Madera to the Eastward as we did Porto Santo These two Islands were the first land that we saw since wee left the coast of England About three of the clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera within three leagues of the West ende of it and by meanes of the high hilles there we were becalmed We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues The fourth day wee lay becalmed vnder the Isle of Madera vntill one of the clocke at afternoone and then the winde comming into the East wee went our course and ranne that day fifteene leagues The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif otherwiseâ called the Pike because it is a very high Island with a pike vpon the top like a loafe of suger The same night we raised the Isle of Palma which is a high land also and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif The 7. day we
weather The castle and we waied in the Christopher and went roome with her The 12 day the Tyger came roome with vs and she and the Christopher finding themselues to stand in great need of victuals would haue gone with the Portugals ships to haue fetched some of them forth but our master and company would in no case consent to goe with them for feare of hanging when we came home and the other two ships being fully minded to haue gone and fearing that their owne company would accuse them durst not go to them After this by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnesse which could receiue no victuals from the other shippes but from vs onely we tooke out all our men and put twelue Frenchmen into her and gaue them victuals to bring them to Shamma The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arriued at Shamma and the Christopher within two leagues off them but could not fetch the winde by reason of the scantnesse of the winde which hath bene so scant that in fifteene dayes we haue plied to the windewards but twelue leagues which before we did in one day and a night The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse and went to the towne of Shamma to speake with the captaine and he tolde me that there was no golde there to be had nor so much as a hen to be bought and all by reason of the accord which he had made with the Portugals and I seeing that departed peaceably from him The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnesse and tooke one marchant of our ship and another of the Tyger and sent her to Hanta to attempt if she could doe any thing there That night they could do nothing but were promised to haue golde the next day The next day which was the 22 being come we sent our pinnesse to Hanta againe but there neither the captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with vs but intised vs from place to place and all to no purpose This day we put away our pinnesse with fiue and twenty Frenchmen in her and gaue them such victuals as we could spare putting fifteene of them to the ransome of sixe crownes a man The 23 of Iune our pinnesse came to vs from Hanta and tolde vs that the Negros had dealt very ill with them and would not traffike with them to any purpose The 24 we tooke our boat and pinnesse and manned them well and went to the towne of Shamma and because the Captaine thereof was become subiect to the Portugals we burned the towne and our men seeking the spoile of such trifles as were there found a Portugals chest wherein was some of his apparell and his weights and one letter sent to him from the castle whereby we gathered that the Portugall had bene there of a long time The 25 day about three of the clocke at afternoone we set saile and put into the sea for our returne to England The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore againe and made our reckoning to be âighteene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we set off When we came to make the land we found our selues to be eighteene leagues to the leeward of the place where we set off which came to passe by reason of the extreame currant that runneth to the Eastward when we perceiued our selues so abused we agreed to cast about againe and to lie as neere the winde as we could to fetch the line The seuenth of Iuly we had sight of the I le of S. Thome and thought to haue sought the road to haue ancred there but the next morning the winde came about and we kept our course The ninth the winde varying we kept about againe and fell with the Iland of S. Thome and seeking the road were becalmed neere the Iland and with the currant were put neere the shore but could haue no ground to ancre so that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse and the other ships their skifs to towe from the Iland which did litle good but in the end the winde put vs three leagues off the shore The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast about whereby we iudged them to haue agreed together to goe seeke some ships in the road and to leaue vs our men were not willing to goe after them for feare of running in with the Iland againe and of putting our selues into the same danger that we were in the night before but we shot off a piece and put out two lights and they answered vs with lights againe whereupon we kept our course and thought that they had followed vs but in the morning we could not see them so that they left vs willingly and we determined to follow them no more But the eleuenth day we altered our opinion and course and consented to cast about againe for the Iland to seeke our ships and about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we met with them The 13 we fell againe with the Iland of S. Thome and the same night we found our selues directly vnder the line This Iland is a very high Iland and being vpon the West side of it you shall see a very high pike which is very small and streight as it were the steeple of a church which pike lieth directly vnder the line and at the same South end of the Iland to the Westward thereof lieth a small Iland about a mile from the great Iland The third of August we departed froÌ the I le of S. Thome met the winde at the Southwest The 12 day we were in the height of Cape verde The 22 day we fell with one of the Iles of Cape verde called The I le of Salt and being informed by a Scotish man that we tooke among the Frenchmen vpon the coast that there were fresh victuals to be had we came to an ancre there The 23 day in the morning we maâned our skiffe and went a shore and found no houses but we saw foure men which kept themselues alwayes farre from vs as for cattell we could finde none but great store of goats and they were so wilde that we could not take aboue three or foure of them but there we had good store of fish and vpon a small Iland which lay by the same we had great store of sea-birds At night the Christopher brake her cable and lost an ancre so that she could tary no longer so we all wayed and set saile Upon the same Iland we left the Scotish man which was the occasion of our going aland at that place but how he was left we could not tell but as we iudged the people of the Iland found him sleeping and so caried him away for at night I went my selfe to the Iland to seeke him but could heare nothing of him The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord vs tolde vs that his men were so weake and the
huskes of âocos shels beaten whereof they make Occam At length a Portugal Pangaia comming out of the harborow of Zanzibar where they haue a small Factorie sent a Canoa with a Moore which had bene christened who brought vs a letter wherein they desired to know what wee were and what we sought We sent them word we were Englishmen come from Don Antonio vpon businesse to his friends in the Indies with which answere they returned and would not any more come at vs. Whereupon not long after wee manned out our boat and tooke a Pangaia of the Moores which had a priest of theirs in it which in their language they call a Sherife whom we vsed very curteously which the king tooke in very good part hauing his priests in great estimation and for his deliuerance furnished vs with two moneths victuals during all which time we detained him with vs. These Moores informed vs of the false and spitefull dealing of the Portugals towards vs which made them beleeue that we were cruell people and men-eaters and willed them if they loued their safetie in no case to come neere vs. Which they did onely to cut vs off from all knowledge of the state and traffique of the countrey While we road from the end of Nouember vntil the middle of February in this harborough which is sufficient for a ship of 500 tuns to ride in we set vpon a Portugall Pangaia with our boat but because it was very litle our men not able to stirre in it we were not able to take the sayd Pangaia which was armed with 10 good shot like our long fouling pieces This place for the goodnesse of the harborough and watering and plentifull refreshing with fish whereof we tooke great store with our nets and for sundry sorts of fruits of the countrey as Cocos and others which were brought vs by the Moores as also for oxen and hennes is carefully to be songht for by such of our ships as shall hereafter passe that way But our men had need to take good heed of the Portugals for while we lay here the Portugall Admiral of the coast from Melinde to Mozambique came to view and to betray our boat if he could haue taken at any time aduantage in a gallie Frigate of ten tunnes with 8 or 9 oares on a side Of the strength of which Frigate and their trecherous meaning we were aduertised by an Arabian Moore which came from the king of Zanzibar diuers times vnto vs about the deliuerie of the priest aforesayd and afterward by another which we caried thence along with vs for wheresoeuer we came our care was to get into our hands some one or two of the countreys to learne the languages and states of those partes where we touched Moreouer here againe we had another clap of thunder which did shake our foremast very much which wee fisht and repaired with timber from the shore whereof there is good store thereabout of a kind of trees some fortie foote high which is a red and tough wood and as I suppose a kind of Cedar Here our Surgeon Arnold negligently catching a great heate in his head being on land with the master to seeke oxen fell sicke and shortly died which might haue bene cured by letting of blood before it had bin setled Before our departure we had in this place some thousand weight of pitch or rather a kind of gray and white gumme like vnto frankincense as clammie as turpentine which in melting groweth as blacke as pitch and is very brittle of it selfe but we mingled it with oile whereof wee had 300 iarres in the prize which we tooke to the Northward of the Equinoctiall not farre from Guinie bound for Brasil Sixe dayes before wee departed hence the Cape marchant of the Factorie wrote a letter vnto our capitaine in the way of friendship as he pretended requesting a iarre of wine and a iarre of oyle and two or three pounds of gunpouder which letter hee sent by a Negro his man and Moore in a Canoa we sent him his demaunds by the Moore but tooke the Negro along with vs because we vnderstood he had bene in the East Indies and knew somewhat of the countrey By this Negro we were aduertised of a small Barke of some thirtie tunnes which the Moores call a Iunco which was come from Goa thither laden with Pepper for the Factorie and seruice of that kingdome Thus hauing trimmed our shippe as we lay in this road in the end we set forward for the coast of the East India the 15 of February aforesayd intending if we could to haue reached to Cape Comori which is the headland or Promontorie of the maine of Malauar and there to haue lien off and on for such ships as should haue passed from Zeilan Sant Tome Bengala Pegu Malacca the Moluccos the coast of China and the I le of Iapan which ships are exceeding wealth and riches But in our course we were very much deceiued by the currents that set into the gulfe of the Red sea along the coast of Melinde And the windes shortening vpon vs to the Northeast and Easterly kept vs that we could not get off and so with the putting in of the currents from the Westward set vs in further vnto the Northward within foure score leagues of the I le of Zocotora farre from our determined course and expectation But here we neuer wanted abundance of Dolphins Bonitos and flying fishes Now while we found our selues thus farre to the Northward and the time being so farre spent we determined to goe for the Red sea or for the Iland of Zocotora both to refresh our selues and also for some purchase But while wee were in this consultation the winde very luckily came about to the Northwest and caried vs directly toward Cape Comori Before we should haue doubled this Cape we were determined to touch at the Ilands of Mamale of which we had aduertisement that one had victuals standing in the Northerly latitude of twelue degrees Howbeit it was not our good lucke to finde it which fell out partly by the obstinacie of our master for the day before we fell with part of the Ilands the wind came about to the Southwest and then shifting our course we missed it So the wind increasing Southerly we feared we should not haue bene able to haue doubled the Cape which would haue greatly hazarded our casting away vpon the coast of India the Winter season and Westerne Monsons already being come in which Monsons continue on that coast vntil August Neuertheles it pleased God to bring the wind more Westerly so in the moneth of May 1592. we happily doubled Cape Comori without sight of the coast of India From hence thus hauing doubled this Cape we directed our course for the Ilands of Nicubar which lie North and South with the Westerne part of Sumatra and in the latitude of 7
as well there as in all places else both on the sand and on the greene soile on the hils as in the plaines as well on euery little shrubbe as also climing towardes the tops of high Cedars that I thinke in all the world the like abundance is not to be found and my selfe hauing seene those parts of Europe that most abound find such difference as were incredible to be written We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those hilles next adioyning being but of meane higth and from thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North and to the South finding no ende any of both wayes This lande lay stretching it selfe to the West which after wee found to bee but an Island of twentie miles long and not aboue sixe miles broade Under the banke or hill whereon we stoode we behelde the vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees and hauing discharged our harquebuz-shot such a flocke of Cranes the most pat white arose vnder vs with such a cry redoubled by many ecchoes as if an armie of men had showted all together This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere Conies Hares and Fowle euen in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance The woodes are not such as you finde in Bohâmia Moscouia or Hercynia barren and fruitles but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world farre bettering the Ceders of the Açores of the Indies or Lybanus Pynes Cypres Sassaphras the Lentisâ or the tree that beareth the Masticke the tree that beareth the rine of blacke Sinaâân of which Master Winter brought from the streights of Magellan and many other of excellent smell and qualitie We remained by the side of this Island âwo whole dayes before we saw any people of the Countrey the third day we espied one small boate rowing towardes vs hauing in it three persons this boat came to the Island side foure harquebuz-shot from our shippes and there two of the people remaining the third came along the shore side towards vs and wee being then all within boord he walked vp and downe vpon the point of the land next vnto vs then the Master and the Pilot of the Admirall Simon Ferdinando and the Captaine Philip Amadas my selfe and others rowed to the land whose comming this fellow attended neuer making any shewe of feare or doubt And after he had spoken of many things not vnderstood by vs we brought him with his owne good liking aboord the ships and gaue him a shirt a hat some other things and made him taste of our wine and our meat which he liked very wel and after hauing viewed both barks he departed and went to his owne boate againe which hee had left in a little Coue or Creâke adioyning assoone as hee was two bow shoot into the water he fell to fishing and in lesse then halfe an houre he had laden his boate as deepe as it could swimme with which hee came againe to the point of the lande and there he deuided his fish into two parts pointing one part to the shipâ and the other to the pinnesse which after he had as much as he might requited the former benefites receaued departed out of our sight The next day there came vnto vs diuers boates and in one of them the Kings brother accompanied with fortie or fiftie men very handsome and goodly people and in their behauiour as mannerly and ciuill as any of Europe His name was Granganimco and the king is called Wingina the countrey Wingandacoa and now by her Maiestie Virginia The maner of his comming was in this sort hee left his boares altogether as the first man did a little from the shippes by the shore and came along to the place ouer against the ships followed with fortie men When he came to the place his seruants spread a long matte vpon the ground on which he sate downe and at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did the like the rest of his men stood round about him somewhat a farre off when we came to the shore to him with our weapons hee neuer mooued from his place nor any of the other foure nor neuer mistrusted any harme to be offred from vs but sitting still he beckoned vs to come and sit by him which we performed and being set hee made all signes of ioy and welcome striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours to shewe wee were all one smiling and making shewe the best he could of all loue and familiaritie After hee had made a long speech vnto vs wee presented him with diuers things which hee receiued very ioyfully and thankefully None of the company durst speake one worde all the time onely the foure which were at the other ende spake one in the others eare very softly The King is greatly obeyed and his brothers and children reuerenced the King himselfe in person was at our being there sore wounded in a fight which hee had with the King of the next countrey called Wingina and was shot in two places through the body and once cleane through the thigh but yet he recouered by reason whereof and for that hee lay at the chiefe towne of the country being sixe dayes iourney off we saw him not at all After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked wee likewise gaue somewhat to the other that sat with him on the matte but preâently he arose and tooke all from them and put it into his owne basket making signes and tokens that all things ought to bee deliuâred vnto him and the rest were but his seruants and followers A day or two aftâr this we fell to trading with them exchanging some things that we had for Chamoys Buffe and Deere skinnes when we shewed him all our packet of merchandize of all things that he sawe a bright tinne dish most pleased him which hee presently tooke vp and clapt it before his breast and after made a hole in the brimme thereof and hung it about his necke making signes that it would defende him against his enemies arrowes for those people maintaine a deadly and terrible warre with the people and King adioyning We exchanged our tinne dish for twentie skinnes woorth twentie Crownes or twentie Nobles and a copper kettle for fiftie skins woorth fifty Crownes They offered vs good exchange for our hatchets and axes and for kniues and would haue giuân any thing for swordes but wee would not depart with any After two or three dayes the Kings brother came aboord the shippes and dranke wine and eat of our meat and of our bread and liked exceedingly thereof and after a few dayes ouerpassed he brought his wife with him to the ships his daughter and two or three children his wife was very well fauoured of meane stature and very bashfull shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather with the surre side next to her body and before her
The 2 of May our Admirall and our Pinnesse departed from Dominica leauing the Iohn our Viceadmirall playing off and on about Dominica hoping to take some Spaniard outwardes bound to the Indies the same night we had sight of three smal Ilands called Los Santos leauing Guadalupe and them on our starboord The 3 we had sight of S. Christophers Iland bearing north-Northeast and by East off vs. On the 4 we sayled by the Virgines which are many broken Ilands lying at the East ende of S. Iohns Iland and the same day towards euening we landed vpon one of them called Blanca where we killed an incredible number of foules here we stayed but three houres from thence stood into the shore Northwest and hauing brought this Iland Southeast off vs we put towards night thorow an opening or swatch called The passage lying betwene the Virgines and the East end of S. Iohn here the Pinnesse left vs and sayled on the South side of S. Iohn The 5 and 6 the Admirall sayled along the Northside of S. Iohn so neere the shore that the Spaniards discerned vs to be men of warre and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by for so their custome is when they see any men of warre on their coasts The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. Iohn where we watered in a good riuer called Yaguana and the same night following we tooke a Frigate of tenne Tunne comming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger In this place Pedro a Mollato who knewe all our state ranne from vs to the Spaniards On the 9 we departed from Yaguana The 13 we landed on an Iland called Mona whereon were 10 or 12 houses inhabited of the Spaniards these we burned tooke from them a Pinnesse which they had drawen a ground and sunke and carried all her sayles mastes and rudders into the woods because we should not take him away we also chased the Spaniards ouer all the Iland but they hid them in caues hollow rockes and bushes so that we could not find them On the 14 we departed from Mona and the next day after wee came to an Iland called Saona about 5 leagues distant from Mona lying on the Southside of Hispaniola neere the East end betweene these two Ilands we lay off and on 4 or 5 dayes hoping to take some of the Domingo fleete doubling this Iland as a neerer way to Spaine then by Cape Tyburon or by Cape S. Anthony On Thursday being the 19 our Viceadmirall from whom we departed at Dominica âame to vs at Saona with whom we left a Spanish Frigate and appointed him to lie off and on other fiue daies betweene Saona and Mona to the ende aforesaid then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon Here I was enformed that our men of the Viceadmirall at their departure from Dominica brought away two young Saluages which were the thiefe Casiques sonnes of that Countrey and part of Dominica but they shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Iland where the Viceadmirall landed to take in ballââ On the â1 the Admirall came to the Cape Tyburon where we found the Iohn Euangelist our Pinnesse staying for vs here we tooke in two Spaniards almost starued on the shoreâ who made a fire to our ships as we passed by Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing els but a desolate and meere wildernesse without any habitation of people and full of wilde Bulles and Bores and great Serpents The 22 our Pinnesse came also to an anker in Aligato Bay at cape Tyburon Here we vnderstood of M. Lane Captaine of the Pinnesse how he was set vpon with one of the kings Gallies belonging to Santo Domingo which was manned with 400 men who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 houres gaue-ouer the fight forsooke him without any great hurt done on eyther part The 26 The Iohn our Uizadmirall came to vs to cape Tyburon and the Frigat which we left with him at Saona This was the appointed place where we should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleete On Whitsunday Euen at Cape Tyburon one of our boyes ranne away from vs and at ten dayes end returned to our ships almost starued for want of food In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones and carkases of diuers men who had perished as wee thought by famine in those woods being either stragled from their company or landed there by some men of warre Iune ON the 14 of Iune we tooke a smal Spanish frigat which fell amongst vs so suddenly as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon where we road so that he could not escape vs. This Frigat came from Santo Domingo and had but 3 men in her the one was an expert Pilot the other a Mountainer and the third a Uintener who escaped all out of prison at Santo Domingo purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a towne in the West parts of Hispaniola where many fugitiue Spaniards are gathered together The 17 being Wednesday Captaine Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnesse and a Frigat to take a shippe which was there taking in fraight as we vnderstood by the old Pylot whom we had taken three dayes before The 24 the Frigat returned from Captaine Lane at Yaguana and brought vs word to cape Tyburon that Captaine Lane had taken the shippe with many passengers and Negrees in the same which proued not so rich a prize as we hoped for for that a Frenchman of warre had taken and spoyled her before we came Neuerthelesse her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds being hides ginger Cannafistula Copper-pannes and Casaui Iuly THe second of Iuly Edward Spicer whom we left in England came to vs at Cape Tyburon accompanied with a small Pinnesse whereof one M. Haâps was Captaine And the same day we had sight of a fleete of 14 saile all of Santo Domingo to whom we presently gaue chase but they vpon the first sight of vs fled and separating themselues scattered here and there Wherefore we were forced to diuide our selues and so made after them vntill 12 of the clocke at night But then by reason of the darkenesse we lost sight of each other yet in the end the Admirall and the Moonelight happened to be together the same night at the fetching vp of the Uizadmirall of the Spanish fleete against whom the next morning we fought and tooke him with losse of one of our men and two hurt and of theirs 4 slaine and 6 hurt But what was become of our Uiceadmirall our Pinnesse and Prize and two Frigates in all this time we were ignorant The 3 of Iuly we spent about rifling romaging and fitting the Prize to be sailed with vs. The 6 of Iuly we saw Iamayca the which we left on our larboord keeping Cuba in sight on our starboord Upon the 8 of Iuly we saw the Iland
from the fury of the enemies shot And so with ensigne displayed taking with vs our sixe dead men wee retired with more safetie to the hauen where we tooke a frigat which rode ready fraught with the kings tribute in siluer and other good commodities which were presently to bee transported to S. Iuan de Vllua and brought the same and our Periago or Canoa to my ship which lay in two fadome water sixe leagues from the town being not able to come any neerer for the sholds vpoÌ that coast Ouer against the place where our ship rode stoode a towne of 300 or 400 Indians called Sebo which we likewise tooke where wee found Champeche-wood good to dye withal with waxe and hony This done we left this coast and turned vp to Cape de Cotoche againe and ankored euery day at noone because of the brizes and in turning vp I lost my barke called the Aduenture which was taken by 2 frigats of warre which were manned out from Campeche wherein Captaine Hen and thirteen of my men were taken and afterward executed as since we vnderstand by some Spanish prisoners that were taken in those parts After we had stayed fiue weekes on this coast wee shaped our course for Hauana where finding nothing we disemboqued and came along by the Isle of Bermuda and crossed ouer to The banke neere Cape Race in 22 fadomes and from thence sayling for England we fel with Sillie about the first of Iuly and within two dayes after arriued at Plimmouth where we found the Right honorable the Erle of Essex setting forth with a great fleet for the Isles of the Açores An excellent ruttier for the Islands of the VVest Indies and for Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna IF a man depart from the barre of S. Lucar in Summer time hee must steere Southwest vntil hee hath sight of Punta de Naga which is in the Isle of Tenerif The markes to know it be these An high point sâoping to the sea at the Easter point it hath two down falles like particions and they shew to be separated from the maine of the Island stand in 28 degrees a halfe And if thou wilt haue sight of the Grand Canaria and findest thy selfe with Punta de Naga thou shalt then steere Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Canaria which standeth in 28 degrees And thou must come to ankor on the Southeast side of the Island But I aduise thee if it be in winter time that thou keepe another course and that as followeth The course that a man must keepe departing in winter for the Indies from Sant Lucar DEparting from Sant Lucar in winter thou shalt goe West and by South keeping along the coast because if thou goe farre from the coast thou shalt meete with the wind off the sea vntill thou be as high shot as Cape Cantin which is a low flat cape with the sea And thou shalt see a great wood before thou come at this cape called Casa del Cauallero And from thence thou shalt steere thy olde course that is Southwest and by South for the Isles of Alegrança and Lancerota and when thou art North and South with Alegrança thou shalt steere thence Southwest and so thou shalt see the Canaria which is a round high land and standeth in twentie eight degrees What thou must doe if a contrary wind take thee fiftie leagues off the shore VVHen thou art fifty leagues shot on thy way into the sea Southwest off and there thou chance to meete with a contrary winde off the sea and if it force thee to put roome then thou shalt steere Northeast and by East and shalt hall with sight of Cabos del Plata which shew when thou art a seaboord so farre as thou mayest descrie them to be like two points of white sand and if it be cleere thou shalt see within the land certain high hilles lying Northwest and by West called las Sierras de Zahara and being three leagues from land thou shalt haue thirtie fadomes water and sand And from thence to the bay of Cadiz thou shalt goe along Northwest by the coast and if thou be in thirtie or forty âadomes thou shalt haue âaze but if thou bee in lesse then thirtie fadomes thou shalt haue other sounding which if it chance then thou art against S. Pedro. And if it bee by day thou shalt see the Ermitage of Sant Sebastian which seemeth to be a shippe under sayle And thou shalt goe into the bay taking heede of the Puercos giue them a good birth off And if thou chance to bee benighted when thou fallest with the bay and wouldest goe into the bay thou shalt carie thy lead in thy hand and be sounding and finding thy selfe in rockie ground thou shalt steere North because of shunning the Puercos and yet giue them not too great a birth because of The Diamant and so thou mayest goe in sounding when thou thinkest good And being benighted and then not East and West with the bay and if thou doest not goe into it then make the largest boord thou caust keeping off till day If thou be at the Canaries and wouldest sayle to Nueua Espanna thou shalt sayle foure and twenty houres South because of the calmes of Fierro And from thence thou shalt goe Westsouthwest vntill thou finde thy selfe in twenty degrees And then thou must goe West and by South which is the course for the Isle Deseada And from Deseada thou shalt goe West and by North because of the variation of the compasse And falling with Deseada thou shalt finde it to rise low with the sea and it standeth in 15 degrees And the eastermost part is the sharpest and smaller then the West point And if thou are going for Tierra firma thou shalt goe West and by South vntill thou come to Dominica and there on the Northwest side is a riuer where thou mayest water The marks to know it bee a certaine high land full of hilles And seeing it when thou art farre off to the seaward it maketh in the middest a partition so that a man would thinke it deuided the Island in two parts And this Island standeth in 14 degrees and a halfe I aduise thee that if thou wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna and so doest passe betweene Guadalupe and Monserate to the Westward that being thus open off the entrance betwixt them thou shalt go Westnorthwest and so shalt haue sight of Santa Cruz which standeth in seuenteene degrees and a halfe And the markes to know it be these It is an Island not uery high and lyeth East and West and at the East end it is lower then at the West end And going forward on thy course thou shalt runne Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe to haue sight of the Isle of San Iuan de Puerto rico which is an Island lying East and West and standeth in eighteene
vntill hee bring himselfe Northeast and Southwest which the same point and then he must stirre away South to fetch the said pointâ The signes of Punta de Naga THe said point or Head-land is an high point of Land and plaine vpon the toppe like a table and without it there are two litle rockie Islands and vpon the North side of the said point is another point called Punta de hidalgo anâ vpon the top thereof are 2. picked rockes like vnto the eares of a Hare The course from the Canaries to the VVest Indies IF you set saile from any of the Islands of the Canaries for the West Indias you must stirre away 30. or 40 leagues due South to the ende you may auoid the calmes of the Island of Fierro and being so farre distant from the said Island then must you stirre away West Southwest vntill you finde your selfe in 20. degrees and then saile West and by South vntill you come to 15. degrees and ½ And from thence stirre away West and by North and so shall you make a West way by reason of the Northwesting of the Compasse which West way will bring you to the Island of Deseada The markes of the Island of Deseada THis Island Deseada lieth East Northeast and West Southwest hauing no trees vpon it and it is proportioned like a Galley and the north-Northeast ende thereof maketh a lowe nose like the snowe of a galley and by comming neere it and passing by the Norther ende thereof you shall perceiue white broken patches like heapes of sand with red strakes in them the Southwest end of this Island maketh like the tile of a galley And this Island standeth in 15. degrees and ½ Markes of the Island of Monserate MOnserate is an high Island and round full of trees and vpon the East side thereof you shall perceiue certain white spots like sheetes and being vpon the South side at the very point of the Island somewhat off the land it maketh like a litle Island and putting your selfe either East or West from that point in the midst thereof will appeare a great broken land Markes of the Island of Marigalanta MArigalanta is a smooth Island and full of wood or trees and as it were of the fashion of a galley vpon her decke and being on the Southeast side about halfe a league off you shall make certaine homocks of blacke stones and certain white patches but on the West side appeare faire white sandy shores or plaines Markes of the Isle of Dominica THe Island of Dominica lieth Northwest and Southeast and vpon the Northwest side it sheweth more high and if you come neere it at full sea it will shew like two Islands but by comming neerer vnto it you shall perceiue it to be but one and vpon the Southeast side you shall make or see a plaine and long point and vpon the same point appeareth a cliffe like to the cliffe of Cape Tiburon and vpon the North side a litle from the land it sheweth like a litle Island and vpon the top thereof is as it were an high steeple and vpon the Norther side you shall perceiue it like many white sheetes Markes of the Island of Guadalupe THe Island of Guadalupe lieth on the West of Deseada and vpon the Southwest part thereof appeare many hie mountaines but vpon the East side it maketh certaine tables which are called the high part of Guadalupe And this Island is cut North and South so that the Canoas of India do passe from the North to the South of it as if it were two Islands Markes of the Isle of Matalina or Martinino THe Isle of Matalina is high and full of mountaines hauing in the midst thereof 3. homocks the middlemost homocke being highest sheweth like the great bowle of an hat And vpon the North side it appeareth like three little Islands And in this Island there are warlik Indians like those of Dominica Markes of the three small Islands called Islas de Los Santos or the Islands of Saintes LOs Santos are 3. Islandes lying one close by another vpon the South side of Guadalupe For to goe with S. Iuan de Puerto rico you must stirre away Northwest vntill you fall with the Isle of Saba Markes to know the Isle of Saba SAba is a litle Island and round about it you shall see the bottome but feare not for there is no danger but that which you shall see and round about it it maketh as it were certaine heapes of white sand and by the side thereof it sheweth like a Ship vnder saile but follow that direction that I haue giuen and you shall see La virgin gorda Markes to know the Isle called La virgin gorda LA virgin gorda is an high Island and round and seeing it you shall espie all the rest of the Virgines which lye East and West one from another and are baâe without any trees You may goe about by them vntil you see the litle gray Island which you shal see by it selfe by the Virgines and comming neere to the sayd Island ouer that you shall by and by rayse sight of the white litle Iâland which seemeth like a ship vnder saile And if you will passe betweene this litle whiâe Iâland or bare rocke and the greene Island you must beware that you leaue the white Island on the larbourd side of you and come no neerer it then a Calieuer-shot and so shall you passe through 12. fadome-water and then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you enter into the Hauen of Puerto rico and if you chance to passe the sayd Island by night goe by the foresaid direction vntâll the first watch be out and then take in your sayles and so driue vntill it bee neere day and then hoise sayles and stirre away Southwest seeking the sayde Port and when you come to the entring within you must stay till 10. of the clocke for the sea-turne And know that hauing the Loguilo at Southwest then shall the Harbour be off you North and South Directions from Monserate to Santa Cruz. HE that departeth from Monserate to Santa Cruz must stirre away Westnortwest and by the same course you shall seaze vpon S. Iuan de Puerto rico Markes to know the Isle of Santa Cruz. SAnta Cruz is an Island not very high all full of homocks and comming with it at full sea it will shew like the Virgines and vpon the East side there are two homocks higher then all the reât And by this course you may goe to the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and hauing found it you may sayle along the South coast East and West vntill you come to Cabo Roxo Markes to know Cape Roxo CApe Roxo is a low Cape and trayling to the sea-ward hauing certaine heapes of broken ground thereon which are like a homocke and at full sea the same sheweth like a litle Island from the land by it selfe but comming neere vnto
it it will make all a whole land Directions from Cabo roxo to the Isle of Mona If you will seeke Mona fro Cape roxo you must stirre away West and by North. Markes of the Isle of Mona THe Isle of Mona is a low round and smooth Island lying lowe by the sea and full of treesâ and to goe from thence to the Isle of Saona you must stirre away West and if you fall with it in the night season and come any thing neere the land then stirre away West and by South vntill it be neere day that you may keepe your selfe by the land and if so be that in the Morning you see it not then stirre away Northwest and so shall you finde it and if it be faire weather and you perceiue that the current hath set you to the Southwest then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you goe cleare off the land Markes of the Isle of Saona IF you chance to see the Isle of Saona it is an Island smooth with the sea and lyeth north-Northeast and Southwest and you shall see the trees before you see the Island and on the Southwest end of this Island appeareth a great high banke of white sand which is called the head of Saonaâ And if you would come to an anchor you may for all is cleare ground And to go from this Island to Santa Catelina you must stirre away Norhtwest Markes of the Isle of Santa Catelina SAnta Catelina is a litle lowe Island all full of low rockes euen from the water and hath not any trees and it is close by the land and if you doe not run along the coast of Hispaniola you shall not see it and from the Island to goe to Saint Domingo you shall sayle along as the land lyeth West anâ by North and before you come to the point called Causedo you shall see certaine holes in rockes which lye alongst as the rocks doe that cast vp the water which will shew like to the spâuting of Whales And a litle ahead off that you shall see the point of Andresa and ahead thereof the poynt of Causedo This poynt of Causedo lyeth lowe close by the water and passing thereby the coast will make to thee Northwest and Southeast and from thence to S. Domingo are 5. leagues And if the winde chop vp at North vpon you by meanes whereof you should be cast oâf from the coast or Port and that you happen to see the olde Mines called Siââras de las minas viejas beare Northwest off you and The reates which are within the land be open of you then shal you be North and South with the harbâur and if The old Mines beare North off you then shall you be below the harbour Directions from Saint Domingo to Nueua Espanna IF you will sayle from Saint Domingo in Hispaniola to Nueua Espanna stirre away Southsouthwest vntil you come vp as farre as the point of Niçao and from thence stirre away Westsouthwest and so you shall finde the Isle of Beaâa And if you saile from this point of Niçao for Ocoa you must passe along the coast West and by North vntill you come to Puerto Hermoso or The beautifull hauen which is 18. leagues distant from Saint Domingo and if you proceede from Puerto Hermoso for Nueua Espanna you must stirre away Southsouthwest vntill you looke out for Beata and Alto velo Markes of the Isle of Beata BEata is a small Island and not very high you may passe along the outside thereof and there is no danger but that you may see and by and by you shall raise Alto velo and from thence you muât stirre away West and by South to giue a birth from the Islands called Los Frailes or The Friers And when you are as farre ahead as the Frailes then must you stirre away West and by North and so shall you goe right with Bacoa and before you come to it you shall see high craggie cliffes and at the descending of them white paths like great sheetes these high craggie mountaines are called Las sierras de donna Maria. And before you come to the sayde point of Bacoa you shall discouer a little lowe Island euen with the Sea and full of trees which is called Isla Baque Directions from Isla Baque to Cape Tiburon IF you will goe from the Island Baque or from the point of Bacoa for Cape Tiburon or to the isle of Nauaza you must stirre away Westnorthwest and edge in somewhat to the Northwest and you shall passe betweene Nauaza and Cape Tiburon Markes of Cape Tiburon which is the Western cape of Hispaniola CApe Tiburon lyeth sliding downe to the Seaward and maketh a sharpe cliffe like the snout of a Tiburon or sharke-fish and vpon the top thereof it appeareth like white wayes with certaine gullets or draines vpon it which are caused by the passage of the water from the mountaine in the Winter time Markes of the Isle of Nauaza NAuaza is a litle round Island full of low trees or shrubs and it lyeth East and West from Cape Tiburon and from this small Island to go for Sierras de Cobre or The mountaines or mines of Copper vpon the Southeast part of Cuba you must stirre away Northnorthwest Directions from Cape Tibuâon to Cabo de Cruz in Cuba IF you will saile from Cape Tibuâon to Cape de Cruz in Cuba you must stirre away Northwest and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines de Cobre and from thence you may goe along the coast West towardes Cabo de Cruz and before you come at it you shall see The great Tarquiââ and from this Tarquino you shall haue to Cape de Cruz 30. leagues and this great Tarquino is the highest land vpon all that coast and then by and by you shall see the lesser Tarquino from whence to the foresayd Cape you haue 12. leagues and âo shall you goe discouering the coast vntill you come to Cabo de Cruz. Markes of Cabo de Cruz. CApe de Cruz is a low Cape full of shrubs and from thence Westward you shall see no landâ for the distance or bay is great between the sayd Cape and thâ Isles called Los Iardines Directions from Cape de Cruz to Isla de Pinos IF you sayle from Cape de Cruz to seeke the Island of Pinos you must stir away Westnorthwest And note that if in this course you happen to sounde doe not feare for you haue nine fathoms If also going this course you meete with certaine little Islands vpon the larboord side which are called The Caimanes or The crocodiles hauing sight of them ââir away Northwest and so shall you finde the Island of Pinos And if by seeing the sayde Islands called Caimanes you are amazed you shall knowe by the latitude whither they âee The Iardines or no for if you finde your selfe in one and twentie degrees then bee you
which I haue mentioned or not you shall see certaine hils at West Southwest which are called Las sierras de Tarquiaâ and âorthwith also you shall see the oazy place that I speake of which goeth to the mouth of the âiuer where standeth a towne called S. Luis de Tampice and from thence to Panuco you haue 9. leagues by land The markes of Isla de lobos or The Isle of seales ISla de lobos is a small Island nothing so big as the caâde doth shew it and in it is a litle grâuâ or wood of palme trees and all the rest of the Island is without trees and râând about it are âundry Playas or strandes and it is inclosed round about with aâraçifes or shoalds and chiefly toward the maine lande And from thence to Cape Roxo or The red Cape are 3. leagues And if you will come to anker at this Island to water for that there is water in it you may ride on all the South side close by the poynt that stretcheth to the Westward and you may passe by the East side of it and ride in 22. fathom and vntill you come to 15. fathoms all is cleane ground Markes of the riuer of Tuspa IF you fall with the riuer of Tuspa you must beware the sholdes which run 5. or 6. leagues into the sea and vpon this âiuer of Tuspa within the lande there are high hilles which lie north-Northeast and Southwest and haue their ending vpon the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer you shall perceiue a white cliffe which will shew vnto you like the castle of S. Iuan de Vllua Markes of the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul IF you chance to fall with the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul take heede for the sayd bay is a deepe bay and the hilles of Tuspa haue their ending vpon this bay And in the mouth of this riuer of Sâ Peter and S. Paul are two homockes of white sand the Westermost being bigger thân that on the Northeast And by and by you shall perceiue the water to change white which commeth out of the riuer and sounding you shall finde sande mixed with clay vpon your lead and looke vpon the West side and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines of S. Paul which are two and that on the North side is higher then the other Markes of Almeria IF you should chance to fall or come vpon the plaines of Almeria it is a lande âull oâ many homocks some with tuftes of trees on them and some baâe with white sand and in 60. faâhoms you shall haue clay or oaze and in 30. fathom to the landward sand And from thence to Punta de hidalgo oâ Punta delgada the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest Soundings of Villa rica IF you fall with Villa rica in 30. fathoms you shall finde clay or oaze and in some places stones and neere the lande you shall haue sand and vpon the port of S. Iuan de Vllua you shall haue in some places clay or oaze and in some places herring bones and in other places mase and and vpon the rocks called Cabeças anegadas you shall haue small blacke sande at 17. fathom two leagues from land And if you see a coast that lieth Northeast and Southwest and another Northwest and Southeast you shall be vpon S. Paul and if you should be vpon Cabeças anegadas you shall finde in 30. fathoms great sand blacke and in 28. fathoms you shall haue the sand white like the shauings of free stone and from S. Paul to the barre of Vera Cruz it is clay or oaze and from thence to S. Iuan de Vllua you haue many deeps which at one sounding bring you clay and at another sand and at another clay and mase together and herring bones and in some 35. or 40. fathom you shal finde rockie ground and in some places sand and in some other places herring bones and we call this Comedera de pescado or The foode of fishes The course from Cabo de Corrientes and Cabo de S. Anton vpon the West end of Cuba towards Nueua Espanna within the Isles called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you saile from Cape de Corrientes towarde Nueua Espanna on the inside of The Alacranes you must stir West and when you thinke you haue sailed 35. or 40. leag you shall sound vpon the pracel and you shall come vpon many bristlings of watersâ which if it were faire weather would seeme a skull oâ fish And before you come out of the bristlings if you sound you shal haue depth as I haue sayd If you goe from Cape de S. Anton by the inside of The Alacranes you must stir away West and by South and you shall finde sounding in the same order as I haue sayd you shall haue white sand and neere the land you shall finde it like the shauings and peckings of free stone and white sand like houre-glasse-sand and sometimes periwinkles or small shelles Also if you sound in deepe water and on the sudden âinde rockes then knowe that you are vpon The Alacranes and then stir away Westsouthwest vntill you finde cleane ground and til you bring your selfe into 18. or 20. fathoms And if you goe deeping your water then stir away West and by these depths you shall go sounding and then taking your heigth by sunne or starre you must beware that you passe not 21. degrees ââ or 21. degrees and ½ at the most and in this heigth and at 18. or 20. fathoms you shall follow your way and if you deepen water edge to the Northwestward and if you alter more your depth edge to the Southwestward vntill you haue gotten so farre ahead as Cape Sisal and discouered the coast of Campeche which coast lyeth North and South and you shall take vp on your lead white sande like houreglasseâ sand and sometime periwinkles or small shelles and by and by you shall goe increasing depth vntil you lose it and so shal you passe between the Triangle and the Sandy Iland The course betweene the Triangle and the Sandy Island to S. Iuan de Vllua VVHen you haue lost your depth stirre away Southwest to fetch the Sierras or hils of S. Martin and to knowe the hils of S. Martin there are 2. hils stretching Northeast and Southwest and the Southwest is greater then that on the Northeast but the Northermost hill is higher and maketh on the top a flat point and very high and without it it hath an Island which is called Roca partida or The clouen rock and if it be cleare on the Southwest side an high lande like a top-saile will appeare and then shall you bee North and South with The Pan or Loafe of Nisapa Note that these Sierras or Hilles of Sant Martin are all blacke and full of trees and make no shewe as Villa rica doth And marke
the head of The Martires and if you see the coast beare off you Northeast and Southwest as I haue sayde stir away 4. or 5. leagues from the landward right off and then stir away Northeast and being in 28. degrees and a halfe you shall be shot out of the chanell and then shall you be East and West with Cape de Cannaueral or The Cape of Reedes The course to come through the chanell of Bahama homeward for Spaine IF in Winter you should passe through the chanell of Bahama for Spaine stirre away the first Sangradura or course Eastnortheast and afterward East and by North and so shall you passe by the South side of Bermuda and you must take heede that you goe these foure hundred or fiue hundred leagues because you shall not come neere the said Isle of Bermuda when you are gone this course then put your selfe in what heigth you will and make your way as you will your selfe But if you passe the chanell in the Summer time towards Spaine stir away Eastnortheast and you shall passe by the North side of Bermuda and when you haue brought your selfe in 35. degrees stirre East and by North vntill you bring your selfe to 25. degrees and ½ and from thence stir away East for the Isle of Fayal or of Flores Markes to know the Isle of Fayal THe Island called Fayal vpon the Southwest side maketh an high hill or loafe like to the top of Brasilla in the Island of Terçera and behinde that high Pike or loafe is an harbour called Puerto Pini and vpon the East side it maketh a little plaine Island and vpon the North side there standeth a rocke or Island by it selfe And from this Island being one of The Açores you may shape your course to which of the Islands you please or to any other place which you know Markes to know the Isle of Flores IF you happen to fall with Flores first by this you shall know it the Island lyeth north-Northeast and Southsouthwest and the West ende thereof maketh a rocke or cliffe like the cliffe of Tiburon and comming neere the lande you shall see two little Islands neere the point of the lande and to the Northward of this cliffe or rocke a little from the land you may ride and water and betweene that and the village in euery bay you may likewise ride and water and you shall see the water run into the sea in euery part that you looke on Now followeth the course and direction to saile from Passage on the Northeast part of S. Iuan de Puerto rico vnto Hauana by the North side of the Isle of Hispaniola and by The old chanell IF you depart from S. Iuan de Puerto rico to seeke Cabo del Enganno you must stirre away Westnorthwest and so shall you see a round heape or loafe in the sea which lieth on the Southwest side of the gulfe of Semana and from thence it beginneth about the hill of the Cape del Enganno this is the mouth of the gulfe And if it should be neere night when you see this lande stir away Northwest with a small sayle because of certaine rockes called Las Ouejas or The Sheepe and in the morning cast about to see the land to the Southwestward and if when you see the land it seemeth vnto you a small island at full sea like a round mountaine then is it The cape del Enganno and from thence stir away West and by North toward Cabo Franco Markes of Cabo Franco Cabo Franco is a low Cape euen with the sea and hath these markes * And from thence stir away West and you shall see an high mountaine and on the top thereof a cloudie homock like the top of a hat and at the soote of this hill is the hauen or harbour called El puerto de plata And if you will goe into this port you must leaue the Island on the West side and then take heede of that which you see and borrow on the castles side And from thence to goe with the olde chanell you must stirre away Northwest vntill you come out of sight of lande and then stir away West and by North and so shall you goe with the lande of Baracoa and here are hilles very high which make the teats which looke like 3. crownes And you shall passe betweene the Isle of Tortugas or Hinagua and the Island of Iaico and from thence run alongst the coast Northeast and Southwest and hauing doubled the outmost high hill or mountaine you shall see in the midst thereof a round hill and vpon the Southwest side by the sea you shall see a lowe euen lande foure or fiue leagues long and a lowe point and this point of the hill is called Las sierde Cabanca and then beginneth the bay of Cayo Romano and ahead the sierras you shall see a rounde loafe which is in the midst of the same bay and ahead of that you shall see a hill flat on the top like a table sixe or seuen leagues which hill is not very high and from these hilles to Cayo Romano you haue fiue and thirtie leagues and you must stirre the one halfe of the course Northwest and the other halfe Northwest and by West and so shall you make or see the sayd Cayo Romano vpon the larboord side of you Note that from Cayo Romano to Cabo de Cruz you haue three leagues anâ they lie North and South one from another Markes of Cayo Romano CAyo Romano is an high Island and lyeth Northeast and Southwest and stretcheth it selfe as it were 4. leagues and comming on it Northeast Southwest it maketh a loafe or round heape or homock in the midst there are two saddles as wee terme them or lowe partitions the one on the one side and the other on the other side and comming with it North and South it maketh all one lowe send or saddle in the midst And if night should come on you at this Cayo Romano enter not the chanell because in the mid way is an Isle flat or Cayo which lyeth North and South with Cayo Romano and it is called Cayo de la Cruz and at full sea you shall discerne a heath which this Cayo hath in the midst of it which is like to a saileâ but al night beare but your foresaile a glasse one way and another glasse the other way vntill it be day and then enter the chanell and leaue these Cayos on the larbourd side of you Note that if you bee within sight of the Parcel and see two litle Islands of white sand that then you are on the cantell of the Parcel and if you goe more a head coasting the Parcell about fifteene leagues you shall see three Islands full of trees which are called Las Anguillas and all these three Islands beare North and South one from another Item from Cayo
Item the yland of S. Mary in 37. degr 15. min. Item the bay of Valpares in 33. degr 40. min. Item the bay of Quintero in 33. degr 20. min. Item Coquimbo in 29. degr 30. min. Item Morro moreno in 23. degr 20. min. Item Arica standeth in 18. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Pisca standeth in 13. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Lima standeth in 11. degr 50. min. Item Santos standeth in 9. degr 20. min. Item the bay of Cherrepe in 6. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Paita in 5. degr 4. min. Item the yland of Puna in 2. degr 50. min. Item Cape Sant Francisco to the North of the Equinoctiall in 1. degr A note of the height of certaine places to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall line on the coast of New Spaine INprimis Panama standeth in the latitude of 9. degrees Item the yland called Isla de Canoas in 9. degr 10. min. Item Cape Blanco in 10. degr 10. min. Item Rio Lexo in 12. degr 40. min. Item Aguatulco in 15. degr 50. min. Item Acapulco in 17. degr 20. min. Item Sant Iago in 18. degr 50. min. Item Cape de los Corrientes in 20. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Xalisco in 21. degr 30. min. Item the ylands of the Maries in 21. degr 20. min. Item the yland of Saint Andrew in 22. degr Item the ylands of Ciametlan in 23. degr 40. min. Item that the Cape of Santa Clara on the point of California is in 23. degrees A note of the heights of certaine places beginning from the ylands of the Ladrones and passing by the Philippinas the Malucos Iaua minor Iaua maior the Cape of Bona Sperança and the yle of Santa Helena INprim one of the ylands of the Landrones called Guana standeth in 13. degr 50. min. Item Cape De Spirito Santo on the yle of Luçon standeth in 13. degr Item the yland of Capul in 12. degr 30. min. Item that the yland of Seboyon standeth in 12. degr Item that the Easterly end of the yland of Pannay is in 11. degr Item that the opening betweene the South head of Pannay and the South head of Isla de los Negros is in 10. degr 10. min. Item that the South-head of Isla de los Negros is in 9. degr 10. min. Item that the North-head of the yland Mindanao is in 7. degr 50. min. Item the South-head of Mindanao called Cape Cannel is in 6. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of Batochina is in 10. min. Item that 12. small ylands stand in 3. degr Item the latitude of two other ylands is in 4. degr 10. min. Item the Westerly head of Iaua minor is toward the South in 8. degr 30. min. Item the Easterly head of Iaua maior is toward the South in 8. degr 20. min. Item Malaca standeth to the Northward in 2. degr Item Cape Falso on the promontory of Africa standeth in 34. degr 20. min. Item the Cape of Bona a Sperança standeth in 34. degr 40. min. Item the yland of Santa Helena standeth in 15. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of S. Augustine standeth Southward in 8. degr 40. min. Soundings on the coast of Barbarie from Rio del Oro vnto Cape Blanco INprimis about 3. leagues off Rio del Oro you shall haue very faire shoulding fine white sand 18. fathoms and so alongst vnto Cape Blanco two or three leagues off the shore you shall haue 18. and 20. fathoms And when you come within one league of the Cape you shall haue twelue or thirteene fathoms browne sand very faire shoulding And if you will hall in with Cape Blanco beware you come not within seuen or eight fathoms of the Cape for there lyeth a sand off the Cape Also about 7. or eight leagues off the Cape lyeth a long should next hand Southwest and by South off the Cape Soundings on the coast of Guiny ITem Going vnto Sierra Leona hauing the cape Eastnortheast off you 7 leagues off you shall haue 22 fadome browne sand And halling in you shall finde very faire shoalding You may be bold to borrow on the Southermost shore but take heed of a rocke that lieth in the faire way a good birth off the shore but there is no feare of it for it lieth aboue the water and is distant two miles off the South shore Item You may be bolde to borrow hard by rocke for on the North side going in there lieth one long sand which runneth Southeast and Northwest and lieth distant from the South shore 2 leagues And you shall anker in 14 or 15 fadoms hard by the shore Also going vnto the island called Illha Verde the which iland lieth 10 leagues to the Southward of Sierra Leona the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and you shall haue betweene them 9 or 10 fadome And if you will anker at the sayd iland you shall haue 5 or 6 fadome hard by the shore Also you must haue especiall care of a great current that setteth alongst the coast of Guiny to the Eastward Item And if you be bound vnto the Southwards you must go Westsouthwest off for feare oâ the shoald that is called Madera Bomba the which shoald is to the Southwards of the iland Soundings on the coast of Brasil ITtem Unto the Northwards of Cape Frio the cape bearing southwest off you about 17 or 1â leagues off you shall haue 45 fadoms streamy ground and running Southwest you shall find 32 fadoms blacke sand and then running Westsouthwest into a deepe bay which lieth tenne leagues to the Northwards of the cape you shall haue 22 fadoms oaze that depth you shall hauâ all alongst except you be farre into the bay and then you shall haue 16 fadoms all oazie Item To the Northwards of Cape Frio about 6 or 7 leagues you shall haue many small islands Item To the Northwards of the cape 6 leagues you shall haue two small islands one mile distant the one from the other and they are distant from the maine fiue leagues And betweene those ilands and the cape you shall haue very many islands hard aboord the maine Item The cape bearing West of you two leagues off you shall haue 55 fadoms oaze Also you shall know when you are shot about the cape vnto the Southwards by deeping of the water Also if you will go for S. Sebastian from the cape you must go West and South and Westâsouthwest among And the distance from the cape vnto S. Sebastian is 50 leagues And being shot into the bay any thing nere the shore you shall haue 24 fadoms all oazie And halling in for S. Sebastian you shall know it by two little islands which be round anâ those ilands lie from the iland of S. Sebastian next hand East and by South and are distant the one from the other about foure leagues Also off the Southermost end of S. Sebastian there lieth one iland about 6 leagues off which iland is
From the cape of Batochina vnto the West head of Iaua minor the course is Southwest aâd by South Northeast and by North and the distance betweene them is 220 leagues Item From the West end of Iaua minor vnto the East end of Iaua maior the course is West and by North and East by South and the distance betweene them is 18 leagues in the which course there lieth one iland betweene them which iland is in length 14 leagues Item From the East end of Iaua maior vnto the cape of Buena Esperança the course is West and by South and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 1800 leagues Item That Cape Falso standeth 30 leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Buena Esperança off the sayd Cape Falso you shal haue shoalding 20 leagues off in 80 or 90 fadoms the course is from Caâe Falso vnto the cape of Buena Esperança Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast A note of the distance and course from the cape of Buena Esperanza vnto the Northwards ITem From the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the iland of Santa Helena the course is Northwest and Northwest aâd by West and the distance betweene thâm is 600 leagues Item From the iland of Santa Helena vnto the iland of Flores the course betweene them is Northnorthwest and Northwest and by North and the distaâce betweene them is 1200 leagues Item From the iland of Flores vnto the lands end of England the course is betweene the Eastnortheast and the Northeast and by East and the distance betweene them is foure hundred and fifty leagues A note of the variation of our Compasse IN primis The variation of our compasse on the coast of New Spaine iâ the South sea in tâe latitude of 12 degrees was one point to the Eastwards Item the variation of our compasse betweene âhe cape of California and the ilands of the Philippinas was one point and an halfe vnto the Eastward that was that the North did stand North and by East and halfe a point vnto the East Item The variation of our compasse betweene the ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança was two points and an halfe at the most to the Westward that was that the Northnortheast was our North. A note of our time spent in sailing betweene certeine places out of England 1586. IN primis We were sailing betweene England and the coast of Guinea from the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 26 day of August vnto the hauen called Sierra leona where we watered and stayed vntill the 6 day of September Item Wee departed from the coast of Guinea for the coast of Brasil the 10 day of September and wee had sight of the coast of Brasil the 26 day of October being sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Frio and from thence wee were sailing vnto the iland of S. Sebastian vntill the 31 and last day of October where we watered and set vp our pinnesse and we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland in tenne fadoms and stayed there vntill the 23 day of Nouember Item The 23 day of Nouember we departed from the iland of Sant Sebastian keeping our course South and by West vnto the port that is called Port Desire where we arriued the 17 day of December in which port we graued our shippe and we stayed there vntill the 28 day of December where we ankered in 5 fadoms Item The eight and twentieth day of December wee departed from the Port of Desire toward the Streight of Magellan where wee arriued the third day of Ianuary and wee remained in the Streights vntill the foure and twentieth day of February where we watered in many places on the South side hauing the winde all that while betweene the Westsouthwest and the Northwest Item We departed out of the Streights the 24 day of February toward the iland of Mocha which island we had sight of the 14 day of March. Item The 14 day of March at night we ankered in the bay of Marroccos where we rode in 9 fadoms water Item The 15 day of March we ankered in the iland of Saint Marie on the North part of the island in eight fadoms water blacke sand wheâe we stayed foure dayes Item The 19 day of March we departed frââ the island of Saint Marie and the same day we ankered in the bay of Conception where we stayed vntill the next day and there we rode in ten fadoms water shiâgie stones Item The 20 day of March we departed from the bay of Conception and the thirtieth day of March we arriued in the bay of Quintero where wâ watered and there the first day of April we had twelue of our men slaine being on land for water and we stayed there sixe dayes and we ankered in 7 fadoms water white sand Item We departed from the bay of Quintero the 5 day of April and we arriued at the bay of Arica the 24 day of April and we ankered in 7 fadoms water Item The 27 day of April we departed from the bay of Arica and the third day of May we arriued in the bay of Pisca and we ankered in 4 fadoms water in oaze Item The 5 day of May we departed from the bay of Pisca and the 12 day we ankered in the bay of Cherrepe where we ankered in 7 fadoms water in white sand Item The 18 day of May we departed from the bay of Cherrepe and the 20 day of May we arriued in the bay of Payta where we ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 20 day of May we departed from the bay of Paita and the 26 day of May we ankered at the iland of Puna and we ankered in 5 fadoms Item From the iland of Puna we departed the fourth day of Iune vnto Rio dolce in the main where we watâred and we ankered in 10 fadoms water browne sand Item The 12 day of Iune we departed from the place where we watered being bound for the coast of New Spaine and the 29 day of Iuly wee arriued in the port of Aguatulco where wee watered and ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 3 day of August we departed from the port of Aguatulco and the 26 day of August we arriued at the port of S. Iago where wee watered and stayed there vntill the second day of September and ankered in 6 fadoms Item The 2 of Septâmber we departed from the port of S. Iago and the 3 day of September we put into a port one league vnto the Westwards of Natiuidad where we ankered in 8 fadoms water Item The 4 day of September wee departed from the port of Natiuidad and the 7 day of September we put into the bay of Xalisco where we ankered in 9 fadoms water and the 10 day of September we departed from the bay of Xalisco and the 12 day of September we ankered
of the English nation EDuinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis id est eius quae ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt Anglorum pariter Britonum populis praefuit praeter Cantuarios tantùm necnòn Menauias Britonum insulas quae inter Hiberniam Britanniam sitae sunt Anglorum subiecit potestati The same in English EDwin king of the people of Northumberland that is to say of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British nation except onely the people of Kent who also brought in subiection vnder the English the Isles of Man and Anglesey and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons which are situate betweene Britaine and Ireland Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose Lib. 2. cap. 9. ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcente simo vicesimo quarto gens Nordanhumbrorum hoc est ea natio Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat cum rege suo Eduino verbum fidei praedicante Paulino cuius supra meminimus suscepit cui videlicèt regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei regni coelestis potestas terreni creuerat imperij ita vt quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit omnes Britanniae fines qua velipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur sub ditione acceperit Quin Menauias insulas sicut supra docuimus imperio subiugauit Anglorum Quarum prior quae ad austrum est situ amplior frugum prouentu atque vbertate foelicior nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram iuxta aestimationem Anglorum secunda trecentarum vltrà spatium tenet The same in English IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord sixe hundreth twentie and foure the people of Northumberland to wit those English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber together with their king Edwin at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned embraced the Gospel Under which king after he had once accepted of the Christian faith the power both of the heauenly of his earthly kingdome was inlarged insomuch that he which no English king had done before him brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces of Britaine which were inhabited either by the English men themselues or by the Britons Moreouer he subdued vnto the crowne of England as we haue aboue signified the Hebrides commonly called the Westerne Islands The principall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the South and more abounding with corne then the rest conteineth according to the estimation of the English roome enough for 960. families and âhe second for 300. and aboue The voyage of Bertus generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland in the yere of our Lord 684 out of the 4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum misso Hiberniam cum excercitu duce Berto vastauit miserè gentem innoxiam nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam ita vt nec ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret hostilis At insulani quantum valuere armis arma repellebant inuocantes diuinae auxilium pietatis coelitus âe vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint creditum tamen est quòd hi qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur ocyùs Domino vindice poenas sui reatus luerent The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 684 Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie which Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses they pleaded for reuenge And albeit cursed speakers can by no meanes inherit the kingdome of God it was thought notwithstanding that they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England about the yere 890. OCther said that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other Norman He sayd that he dwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast and affirmed that the land notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North yet it is all desert and not inhabited vnlesse it be very few places here and there where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast who liue by hunting all the Winter and by fishing in Summer He said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooue and know how farâe that land stretched Northward and whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the desert Whereupon he tooke his voyage directly North along the coast hauing vpon his sâeereboord alwayes the desert land and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean and continued his course for the space of 3. dayes In which space he was come as far towards the North as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land he knew not how farre Well he wist and remembred that he was faine to stay till he had a Westerne winde and somewhat Northerly and thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde âorsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes and at the fifth dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course and in conclusion turneâ backe againe for he durst not enter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land perceiuing that on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited which was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his owne dwelling whereas continually thorowout all his voyage he had euermore on his steereboord a wildernesse and desert countrey except
so that this latitude is the measure of the worlde from North to South and from South to North. And the longitude in which are also counted other 360 is counted from West to East or from East to West as in the Card is set The sayd latitude your Lordship may see marked and diuided in the ende of this Card on the left hand so that if you would know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth take a compasse and set the one foot of the same in the Equinoctial line right against the said region apply the other foote of the compasse to the said region or coast then set the sayd compasse at the end of the Card where the degrees are diuided And the one foote of the compasse standing in the line Equinoctial the other will shew in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the said region is in Also the longitude of the world I haue set out in the nether part of the Card conteining also 360 degrees which begin to be counted after Ptoleme and other Cosmographers from an headland called Capo Verde which is ouer against a little crosse made in the part Occidental where the diuision of the degrees beginneth and endeth in the same Capo Verde Now to know in what longitude any land is your Lordship must take a ruler or a compasse and set the one foot of the compasse vpon the land or coast whose longitude you would know and extend the other foot of the compasse to the next part of one of the transuersall lines in the Orientall or Occidental part which done set the one foot of the compasse in the said transuersal line at the end of the nether scale the scale of longitude and the other foot sheweth the degree of longitude that the region is in And your Lordship must vnderstand that this Card though little conteineth the vniuersall whole world betwixt two collaterall lines the one in the Occidentall part descendeth perpendicular vpon the 175 degree the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree whose distance measureth the scale of longitude And that which is without the two said transuersall lines is onely to shew how the Orientall part is ioined with the Occident and Occident with the Orient For that that is set without the line in the Oriental part is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidentall part and that that is set without the line in the Occidentall part is the same that is set within the line in the Orientall part to shew that though this figure of the world in plaine or flatte seemeth to haue an end yet one imagining that this sayd Card were set vpon a round thing where the endes should touch by the lines it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part ioyneth with the Occident as there without the lines it is described and figured And for more declaration of the said Card your Lordship shall vnderstand that beginning on the part Occidental within the line the first land that is set out is the maine land and Islands of the Indies of the Emperour Which maine land or coast goeth Northward and finisheth in the land that we found which is called here Terra de Labrador So that it appeareth the sayd land that we found and the Indies to be all one maine land The sayd coast from the sayd Indies Southward as by the Card your Lordshippe may see commeth to a certaine straight Sea called Estrecho de todos Santos by which straight Sea the Spaniards goe to the Spiceries as I shall declare more at large the which straight Sea is right against three hundred fifteene degrees of longitude and is of latitude or altitude from the Equinoctiall three and fifty degrees The first land from the sayd beginning of the Card toward the Orient are certaine Islands of the Canaries and Islandes of Capo verde But the first maine land next to the line Equinoctial is the sayd Capo verde and from thence Northward by the straight of this sea of Italie And so followeth Spayne France Flanders Almaine Denmarke and Norway which is the highest parte toward the North. And ouer against Flanders are our Islands of England and Ireland Of the landes and coastes within the streights I haue set out onely the Regions diuiding them by lines of their limits by which plainely I thinke your Lordship may see in what situation euerie region is and of what highnesse and with what regions it is ioyned I doe thinke few are left out of all Europe In the parts of Asia and Affrica I could not so wel make the sayd diuisioÌs for that they be not so wel knowen nor need not so much This I write because in the said Card be made the said lines strikes that your Lordship should vnderstand wherefore they doe serue Also returning to the foresaid Capo verde the coast goeth Southward to a Cape called Capo de buona speransa which is right ouer against the 60. 65. degree of longitude And by this Cape go the Portingals to their Spicerie For from this Cape toward the Orient is the land of Calicut as your Lordship may see in the headland ouer against the 130. degree FroÌ the sayd Cape of Buona speransa the coast returneth to ward the line Equinoctial and passing forth entreth the red sea returning out entreth again into the gulfe of Persia and returneth toward the Equinoctiall line till that it commeth to the headland called Calicut aforesayd and from thence the coast making a gulfe where is the riuer of Ganges returneth toward the line to a headland called Malaca where is the principall Spicerie from this Cape returneth and maketh a great gulfe and after the coast goeth right toward the Orient and ouer against this last gulfe and coast be many Islands which be Islandes of the Spiceries of the Emperour Upon which the Portingals and he be at variance The sayd coast goeth toward the Orient and endeth right against the 155. degrees and after returneth toward the Occident Northward which coast not yet plainely knowen I may ioine to the New found lande found by vs that I spake of before So that I finish with this briefe declaration of the Card aforesayd Well I know I should also haue declared how the coasts within the straights of the Sea of Italie runne It is playne that passing the streights on the North side of that Sea after the coast of Granado and with that which pertaines to Spaine is the coast of that which France hath in Italie And then followeth in one piece all Italie which laud hath an arme of the Sea with a gulfe which is called Mare Adriaticum And in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice And on the other part of the sayd gulfe is Sclauonia and next Grecia then the streits of Constantinople and then the sea called Euxinus which is within the sayd streights and comming
seuen of the clocke Northnorthwest 42 leagues to the ende to fall with Shotland then the wind veared to the West so that we could lie but North and by West continuing in the same course 40 leagues whereby we could not fetch Shotland then we sayled North 16 leagues by estimation after that North and by West Northnorthwest then Southeast with diuers other courses trauersing and tracing the seas ây reason of sundry and manifolde contrary windes vntill the 14 day of Iuly and then the sunne entring into Leo we discouered land Eastward of vs vnto the which we sayled that night as much as we might and after wee went on shore with our Pinnesse found little houses to the number of 30 where we knew that it was inhabited but the people were fled away as we iudged for feare of vs. The land was all full of little Islands and that innumerable which were called as we learned afterwards AEgeland and Halgeland which lieth from Orfordnesse North and by East being in the latitude of 66 degrees The distance betweene Orfordnesse and AEgeland 250 leagues Then we sailed from thence 12 leagues Northwest and found many other Islandes and there came to anker the 19 day and manned our Pinnesse and went on shore to the Islands and found people mowing and making of hay which came to the shore and welcomed vs. In which place were an innumerable sort of Islands which were called the Isles of Rost being vnder the dominion of the king of Denmarke which place was in latitude 66 degrees and 30 minutes The winde being contrary we remayned there three dayes there was an innumerable sort of foules of diuers kindes of which we tooke very many The 22 day the winde comming fayre we departed from Rost sailing Northnortheast keeping the sea vntill the 27 day and then we drew neere vnto the land which was still East of vs then went foorth our Pinnesse to seeke harborow found many good harbours of the which we entred into one with our shippes which was called Stanfew and the land being Islands were called Lewfoot or Lofoot which were plentifully inhabited and very gentle people being also vnder the king of Denmarke but we could not learne how farre it was from the maine land and we remained there vntil the 30 day being in latitude 68 degrees and from the foresaid Rost about 30 leagues Northnortheast The 30 day of Iuly about noone we weyed our ankers and went into the Seas and sayled along these Islands Northnortheast keeping the land still in sight ântill the second day of August then hailing in close aboord the land to the entent to knowe what land it was there came a skiffe of the Island aboord of vs of whom we asked many questions who shewed vnto vs that the Island was called Seynam which is the latitude of seuenty degrees and from Stanfew thirtie leagues being also vnder the king of Denmarke and that there was no merchandise there but onely dryed fish and traine oyle Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke inquired of him if we might haue a pilot to bring vs vnto Finmarke he said that if we could beare in we should haue a good harbour and on the next day a pilot to bring vs to Finmarke vnto the wardhouse which is the strongest holde in Finmarke and most resorted to by report But when wee would haue entred into an harbour the land being very high on euâry side there came such flawes of winde and terrible whirle winds that we were not able to beare in but by violence were constrained to take the sea agayne our Pinnesse being vnshipt we sailed North and by East the wind increasing so sort that we were not able to beare any saile but tooke them in and lay a drift to the end to let the storme ouer passe And that night by violence of winde and thickenesse of mists we were not able to keepe together within sight and then about midnight we lost our pinnesse which was a discomfort vnto vs. Assoone as it was day and the fogge ouerpast we looked about and at the last we descried one of our shippes to Leeward of vs then we spred an bullocke of our fore-saile and bare roome with her which was the Confidence but the Edward we could not see Then the flaw something abating we and the Confidence hoysed vp our sailes the fourth day sayling north-Northeast and by North to the end to fall with the Wardhouse as we did consult to doe before in case we should part company Thus running Northeast and by North and Northeast fiftie leagues then we sounded and had 160 fadomes whereby we thought to be farre from land and perceiued that the land lay not as the Globe made mention Wherfore we changed our course the sixt day and sailed Southeast and by South eight and fortie leagues thinking thereby to find the Wardhouse The eight day much winde rising at the Westnorthwest we not knowing how the coast lay strook our sayles and lay a drift where we sounded and found 160 fadomes as afore The ninth day the wind âearing to the South Southeast we sailed Northeast 25 leagues The tenth day we sounded and could get no ground neither yet could see any land wherat we wondered then the wind comming at the Northeast we ran Southeast about 48 leagues The 11 day the wind being at South we sounded and found 40 fadoms aud faire sand The 12 day the winde being at South and by East we lay with our saile East and East and by North 30 leagues The 14 day early in the morning we descried land which land we bare with all hoising out our boat to discouer what land it might be but the boat could not come to land the water was so shoale where was very much ice also but there was no similitude of habitation and this land lyeth from Seynam East and by North 160 leagues being in latitude 72 degrees Then we plyed to the Northward the 15,16 and 17 day The 18 day the winde comming at the Northeast and the Confidence being troubled with bilge water and stocked we thought it good to seeke harbâur for her redresse then we bare roome the 18 day Southsoutheast about 70 leagues The 21 day we sounded and found 10 fadome after that we sounded againe and found but 7 fadome so shoalder and shoalder water and yet could see no land where we maruâiled greatly to auoide this danger we bare roomer into the sea all that night Northwest and by West The next day we sounded and had 20. fadoms then shaped our course and ran West Southwest vntill the 23. day then we descried Low land vnto which we bare as nigh as we could and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable Then wee plyed Westward along by that lande which lyeth West Southwest and East Northeast and much winde blowing at the West we haled into the sea North and by East 30. leagues Then the
sixe degrees 40 minutes Then we went north and by West because we would not come too nigh the land and running that course foure houres we discouered and had sight of Rost Islands ioining to the main land of Finmarke Thus continuing our course along the coast of Norway and Finmark the 27 day we tooke the Sunne being as farre shot as Lofoot and had the latitude in 69 degrees And the same day in the afternoone appeared ouer our heads a rainebow like a semicircle with both ends vpwarde Note that there is between the said Rost Islands Lofoot a whirle poole called Malestrand which from halfe ebbe vntill halfe flood maketh such a terrible noise that it shaketh the ringes in the doores of the inhabitants houses of the sayd Islands tenne miles off Also if there commeth any Whale within the current of the same they make a pitifull crie Moreouer if great trees be caried into it by force of streams and after with the ebbe be cast out againe the ends and boughs of them haue bene so beaten that they are like the stalkes of hempe that is bruised Note that all the coaste of Finmarke is high mountaines and hils being couered all the yere with snow And hard aboord the shoare of this coast there is 100 or 150 fadomes of water in depth Thus proceeding and sailing forward we fell with an Island called Zenam being in the latitude of 70 degrees About this Island we saw many Whales very moÌstrous about our ships some by estimation of 60 foot long and being the ingendring time they roared and cried terriblie From thence we fell with an Island called Kettelwicke This coast from Rost vnto Lofoot lieth North and south and from Lofoot to Zenam Northeast and southwest and from Zenam to Kettelwike Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest From the said Kettelwike we sailed East and by North 10 leagues and fell with a land called Inger sound where we fished being becalmed and tooke great plenty of Cods Thus plying along the coast we fell with a Cape called the North Cape which is the Northermost land that wee passe in our voyage to S. Nicholas and is in the latitude of 71 degrees and ten minutes and is from Inger sound East and to the Northwards 15 leagues And being at this North Cape the second day of Iuly we had the sunne at North 4 degrees aboue the Horizon The third day wee came to Wardhouse hauing such mists that we could not see the land This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Island 2 miles from the maine of Finland subiect to the king of Denmarke and the Eastermost land that he hath There are two other Islands neere adioining vnto that whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth The inhabitants of those three Islands liue onely by fishing and make much stockefish which they dry with frost their most feeding is fish bread and drinke they haue none but such as is brought them from other places They haue small store of cattell which are also fed with fish From Wardhouse we sailed Southsoutheast ten leagues and fell with a Cape of land called Kegor the Northermost part of the lande of Lappia And betweene Wardhouse and the said Cape is a great Bay called Dommes haff in the South part whereof is a Monasterie of Monkes of the Russes religion called Pechinchow Thus proceeding forward and sayling along the coast of the said land of Lappia winding Southeast the fourth day through great mists and darkenes we lost the company of the other three ships and met not with them againe vntill the seuenth day when we fell with a Cape or headland called Swetinoz which is the entring into the Bay of S. Nicholas At this Cape lieth a great stone to the which the barkes that passed thereby were wont to make offrings of butter meale and other victuals thinking that vnlesse they did so their barkes or vessels should there perish as it hath bene oftentimes seene and there it is very darke and mistie Note that the sixt day we passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughbie with all his company perished which is called Arzina reca that is to say the riuer Arzina The land of Lappia is an high land hauing snow lying on it commonly all the yere The people of the Countrey are halfe Gentiles they liue in the summer time neere the sea side and vse to take fish of the which they make bread and in the winter they remoue vp into the countrey into the woods where they vse hunting and kill Deere Beares Woolues Foxes and other beasts with whose flesh they be nourished and with their skinnes apparelled in such strange fashion that there is nothing seene of them bare but their eies They haue none other habitation but onely in tents remouing from place to place according to the season of the yeere They know no arte nor facultie but onely shooting which they exercise dayly as well men as women and kill such beasts as serue them for their foode Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid the ninth day of Iuly wee came to Cape Grace being in the latitude of 66 degrees and 45 minutes and is at the entring in of the Bay of S. Nicholas Aboord this land there is 20 or 30 fadoms water and sundry grounds good to anker in The current at this Cape runneth Southwest and Northeast From this Cape wee proceeded along vntill we came to Crosse Island which is seuen leagues from the sayd Cape Southwest and from this Island wee set ouer to the other side of the Bay and went Southwest and fell with an headland called Foxenose which is from the sayd Island 25 leagues The entring of this Bay from Crosse Island to the neerest land on the other side is seuen leagues ouer From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the sayd moneth of Iuly all our foure ships arriued in safetie at the road of Saint Nicholas in the land of Russia where we ankered and had sailed from London vnto the said roade seuen hundred and fifty leagues The Russian ambassadour and his company with great ioy got to shore and our ships here forthwith discharged themselues and being laden againe and hauing a faire winde departed toward England the first of August The third of the sayd moneth I with other of my company came vnto the citie of Colmogro being an hundred versâes from the Bay of Saint Nicholas and in the latitude of 64 degrees 25 minutes I carried at the said Colmogro vntill the fifteenth day and then I departed in a little boate vp the great riuer of Dwina which runneth very swiftly and the selfe same day passed by the mouth of a riuer called Pinego leauing it on our lefte hand fifteene verstes from Colmogro On both sides of the mouth of this riuer Pinego is high land great rockes of Alablaster great woods and Pineapple trees lying along within the ground
him Small profite I thinke will be in these wares yet for diuers considerations as also to satisfie the Princes mind I wish you to send some and those that be especiall good Item good damasks and sattins of all sortes with an hundred pieces of good chamlets which are woorth here 80. shaughs the piece at sixe pence the shaugh and those silkes to bee of those colours aboue written to wit crimosins purples reds greenes blackes with some light watchet colours Item three or foure complete harnesses that wil abide the shot of a handgun with 10. or 12. targets of steele being good Item ten or twelue good shirts of male being very good or else none that may abide the shot of an arrow and two buffe ierkins Item ten or twelue pieces of Westerne karsies being thicked well and close shut in the weauing and died into scarlets and fine reds I thinke there wil be no such cloth for noblemens caps The prince named them karangies saying that maidens did make them is desirous of them Item six pieces of fine Holland cloth for the Prince with some other for noblemen of a lower price Item twentie handguns being good some of them with fire locks and also six good dags with locks to trauel withall Item 100. brusshes for garments none made of swines haire for gifts and otherwise to be sold. Item six stone bowes that shoot lead pellets Item a mill to grind corne in the field as they goe finely deuised for Cozomomet willed me to write for one to be sent to giue the Prince Item the Prince requireth of all sortes and colours of London clothes I wish you to send no lesse then 40. or 50. for I know they will be sold to profit especially such cloth as may be affoorded for 20. shaughs the arshine which is longer by two of mine inches then Russia arshine is Let there be fine skarlets violets in graine fine reds blacks browne blewes foure or fiue of euery sort for the prince and other lords the rest of other colours liuely to the sight as London russets tawnies lion colours good liuely greenes with other as you shall thinke good for the prince desireth to see of all sorts which will be an occasion that the Venetians and Turkes shall bee in lesse estimation then they are for they themselues do feare and secretly say the same And truely the Princes subiects intend to enter into trade with vs for spices and other commodities that they were woont to sell vnto the Venetians and Turkes Thus I commit you all to God who send you health with increase of worship Written in Astracan the 16. of Iune 1567 By your seruant during life to command Arthur Edwards Distances of certaine places in Russia The way from Saint Nicholas Baie to Mosco  versts To Colmogro 100 To Vstiug 500 To Totma 250 To Vologhda 250 All by the riuer of Dwina 1100 To Yeraslaue 180 To Rostoue 60 To Peraslaue 60 To Mosko 120 By land East and West 440 The way from Mosko to Smolensko To Moram 300 To Smolensko 200 The way from Mosko to Nouogrod To Ottuer 180 To Torzhoke 60 To Wisnouolloko 60 To Nouogrod 150 Southeast and Northwest 450 The way from Nouogrod to Narue To Teseua 50 To the Friers 60 To Yria Niagorod 40 To Narue 15 Southwest and Northeast 165  versts From Nouogrod to Vobsky is versts by East 180. The way from Vobski to Ry in Liefland To Newhouse 50 To Gouen on y e borders Al is 200. versts To Wenden To Trecado To Newslot To Rie The way from Mosco to Astracan To Costrom  To Nisnouogrod  To Cazan  To Astracan in all is 2800. versts The way from Vologhda to Narue To Belozerco 140 To Batag 80 To Witergen 40 To Ladiski 60 To Onega lake 80 To Oher 90 To Narue 180 Southwest and Northeast 770. versts To go with a small boat within the land from S. Nicholas to Wardhouse To Newnox riuer  To Ousca Gouba  To Lobshanga  To Oust Nauelocki  To Orlouanos  To Solusca Monasterie To Wardhouse in all 800. versts Northwest and Southeast To Candelox To Oust Colla To Zhemaker To Poganna Volocki To Chibe Nauolocke To Kegor The way from Colmogro to Mizemske Sloboda where the Saââeds keep their Mart. To Vst Pinnego Al is 230 versts To Palango To Leunona To Vescom To Soyaua To Coula To Nendega To Lampas To Sloboda The way to Vromo from Mezemske Sloboda where the Losh hides are gotten To Lampas Al is 115. versts Northeast and Southwest To Pogorel To Zapolle To Vromo The way and distances from Saint Nicholas to the Caspian Sea IF you goe straight from Saint Nicholas to the Caspian Sea you must goe to Vologhda by water as by the easiest passage and that is accomplished passing day and night in foureteene dayes and foureteene nights in boates cut out of a tree the boates are called Stroogs 1100. versts it is By horse and sleds in 8. dayes you may passe it in Winter In Summer the way is dangerous by meanes of marishes and bogs and not safely then to be passed Then from Vologhda to Yeraslaue 180. versts ouer land This Yeraslaue standeth vpon the riuer of Volga 180. versts I say distant from Vologhda To the Caspian sea are 2700. versts from Yeraslaue So from S. Nicholas to the Caspian sea are 3800.80 versts The iourney from S. Nicholas to Yeraslaue is accomplished in foureteene dayes by water and two dayes by land 16. dayes From thence to Astracan men trauell by water in 30. dayes and 30. nights So between S. Nicholas and the Caspian sea are 46. dayes iourney There passe downe Volga euery Summer 500. boats great smal from all the vpper parts of the riuer whereof some be of 500. tunne They go for Minerall salt and for Sturgeon The salt lieth in rocks and is whitish red and in fine sand as it were 30. miles from Astracan toward the Caspian sea They dig it themselues and pay nothing for it but to the prince a peny a pood viz. 40. pound waight The Sturgeon which they call Ocetera is taken fiftie miles on this side Astracan Along the riuer the space of 20. miles they make their booties in plaine grounds fish for the space of three moneths viz. from the end of May till the end of August and hauing salt they vse to salt them The riuer is there 5. or 6. miles broad but with some Islands The riuer below Yeraslaue where it is most narow is a mile broad from side to side The riuer runneth vpon red clay all woods of birch and oke on the riuer sides saue about the townes of the fishing places Dwina from S. Nicholas to Vstiug runneth all on chalke and sand the fish are sweete fat The Mene a fish with a great head a foot long breedeth about Vologda and is fat and delicate Between Vobsko and Nouogrod the space of an 180. miles groweth flaxe the whole soile
of the place and of as many things worth the noting as you may then conueniently see from time to time These orders if you diligently obserue you may thereby perfectly set downe in the plats that I haue giuen you your whole trauell and description of your discouery which is a thing that will be chiefly expected at your hands But withall you may not forget to note as much as you can learne vnderstand or perceiue of the maner of the soile or fruitfulnesse of euery place and countrey you shall come in and of the maner shape attire and disposition of the people and of the commodities they haue and what they most couet and desire of the commodities you cary with you It behoueth you to giue trifling things vnto such people as you shall happen to see and to offer them all courtesie and friendship you may or can to winne their loue and fauour towardes you not doing or offering them any wrong or hurt And though you should be offered wrong at their handes yet not to reuenge the same lightly but by all meanes possible seeke to winne them yet alwayes dealing wisely and with such circumspection that you keepe your selues out of their dangers Thus I beseeth God Almightie to blesse you and prosper your voyage with good and happie successe and send you safely to returne home againe to the great ioy and reioycing of the aduenturers with you and all your friends and our whole countrey Amen Certaine briefe aduises giuen by Master Dee to Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman to bee obserued in their Northeasterne discouerie Anno 1580. IF we recken from Wardhouse to Colgoieue Island 400. miles for almost 20. degrees difference onely of longitude very neere East and West and about the latitude of 70. degrees and two thirde parts From Colgoieue to Vaigats 200. miles for 10. degrees difference onely in longitude at 70. degrees of latitude also From Vaigats to the promontorie Tabin 60. degrees difference of longitude the whole course or shortest distance being East and West in the latitude likewise of 70. degrees maketh 1200. miles then is summa totalis from Wardhouse to Tabin 600. leagues or 1800. English miles Therefore allowing in a discouery voiage for one day with another but 50. English miles it is euident that from Wardhouse to Tabin the course may bee sailed easily in sixe and thirtie dayes but by Gods helpe it may be finished in much shorter time both by helpe of winde prosperous and light continuall for the time requisit thereunto When you are past Tabin or come to the longitude of 142. degrees as your chart sheweth or two three foure or fiue degrees further Easterly it is probable you shall finde the land on your right hand runne much Southerly and Eastward in which course you are like either to fall into the mouth of the famous riuer Oechardes or some other which yet I coniecture to passe by the renowmed Citie of Cambalu and the mouth to be in latitude about 50. or 52. degrees and within 300. or 400. miles of Cambalu it selfe being in the latitude of 45. degrees Southerly of the saide riuers mouth or els that you shall trend about the very Northerne and most Easterly point of all Asia passing by the prouince Ania and then to the latitude of 46. degrees keeping still the land in view on your right hand as neere as you may with safetie you may enter into Quinsay hauen being the chiefe citie in the Northern China as I terme it for distinctions sake from the other better knowen And in or about either or both of these two warme places you may to great good purpose bee occupied the whole winter after your arriuall in those quarters as sometime by sea sometime in notable fresh riuers sometime in discreet view and noting downe the situation of the Cities within land c. and euer assaying to come by some charts or maps of the countrey made and printed in Cathay or China and by some of their bookes likewise for language c. You may also haue opportunitie to saile ouer to Iapan Island where you shall finde Christian men Iesuits of many countreys of Christendome some and perhaps some Englishmen at whose handes you may haue great instruction and aduise for you affaires in hand Notes in writing besides more priuie by mouth that were giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt of Eiton in the Countie of Hereford Esquire Anno 1580 to M. Arthur Pet and to M. Charles Iackman sent by the Merchants of the Moscouie companie for the discouery of the Northeast straight not altogether vnfit for some other enterprises of discouery hereafter to be taken in hand What respect of Islands is to be had and why VVHereas the Portingals haue in their course to their Indies in the Southeast certaine ports and fortifications to thrust into by the way to diuers great purposes so you are to see what Islands and what ports you had neede to haue by the way in your course to the north-Northeast For which cause I wish you to enter into consideration of the matter and to note all the Islands and to set them downe in plat to two ends that is to say That we may deuise to take the benefit by them And also foresee how by them the Sauages or ciuill Princes may in any sort annoy vs in our purposed trade that way And for that the people to the which we purpose in this voyage to go be no Christians it were good that the masse of our commodities were alwayes in our owne disposition and not at the will of others Therefore it were good that we did seeke out some small Island in the Scithian sea where we might plant fortifie and staple safely from whence as time should serue wee might feed those heathen nations with our commodities without cloying them or without venturing our whole masse in the bowels of their countrey And to which Island if neede were and if wee should thinke so good wee might allure the Northeast nauie the nauie of Cambalu to resort with their commodities to vs there planted and stapling there And if such an Island might be found so standing as might shorten our course and so standing as that the nauie of Cambalu or other those parties might conueniently saile vnto without their dislike in respect of distance then would it fal on t well For so besides lesse danger and more safetie our ships might there vnlade and lade againe and returne the selfe same summer to the ports of England or of Norway And if such an Island may be for the stapling of our commodities to the which they of Cambalu would not saile yet we might hauing ships there imploy them in passing betweene Cambalu and that stapling place Respect of hauens and harborowes ANd if no such Islands may bee found in the Scithian sea toward the firme of Asia then are you to search out the ports that be about Noua Zembla all along the tract of
being Northerly so that we could not come neere to it The 6. day about 2. in the afternoone the wind at North northwest we halde East southeast with a faire and gentle gale this day we met with ice About 6. in the afternoone it became calme we with saile and oares laide it to the Northeast part hoping that way to cleare vs of it for that way we did see the head part of it as we thought Which done about 12. of the clocke at night we gate cleere of it We did thinke it to be ice of the bay of Saint Nicholas but it was not as we found afterwards The seuenth day we met with more yce at the East part of the other yce we halde along a weather the yce to finde some ende thereof by East northeast This day there appeared more land North from vs being perfect land the ice was betweene vs and it so that we could not come neerer to it The same morning at sixe of the clocke wee put into the ice to finde some way through it wee continued in it all the same day and all the night following the winde by the North Northwest Wee were constrained to goe many pointes of our compasse but we went most an Easterly course The eight day the winde at North northwest we continued our course and at fiue in the morning we sounded and had 90. fadoms red oze This day at foure in the afternoone we sounded againe and had 84. fadoms oze as before At sixe in the after noone we cleared our selues of the ice and hald along Southeast by South we sounded againe at 10. a clocke at night and had 43. fathom sandy oze The 9. day at 2. in the morning we sounded againe and had 45. fadoms then there appeared a shadow of land to vs East Northeast and so we ran with it the space of 2. houres and then perceiuing that it was but fogge we hald along Southeast This day at 2. in the afternoone wee sounded and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes At tenne a clocke at night wee sounded againe and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze The tenth day the wind being at North northwest we haled East and by North which course we set because at ten of the clocke afore noone wee did see land and then wee sounded hauing 35. fadoms blacke oze All this day there was a great fogge so that wee durst not beare with the land to make it and so we kept an outwardly course This day at 6. in the afternoone we espied land wherewith we halled and then it grew calme we sounded and had 120. fadoms blacke oze and then we sent our boat a land to sound and proue the land The same night we came with our ship within and Island where we rode all the same night The same night wee went into a bay to ride neere the land for wood and water The 11. day the wind came to the East southeast this day about a league from vs to the Eastwards we saw a very faire sound or riuer that past very farre into the countrey with 2. or 3. branches with an Island in the midst The 12. of Iuly the wind was East Southeast This day about 11. a clocke in the morning there came a great white beare down to the water side and tooke the water of his own accord we chased him with our boate but for all that we could doe he gote to land and escaped from vs where we named the bay Bearebay This day at 7. in the after noone we set saile for we had good hope that the winde would come Westerly and with saile and oares we gate the sea All the night it was calme with fogge The 13. day in the morning the wind was very variable with fog and as it cleared vp wee met with great store of ice which at the first shewed like land This ice did vs much trouble and the more because of the fog which continued vntill the 14. day 12. of the clocke The 14. day in the morning we were so imbayed with ice y t we were constrained to come out as we went in which was by great good fortune or rather by the goodnesse of God otherwise it had bene impossible and at 12. of the clock we were cleere of it the wind being at South and South by West The same day we found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees 26. minutes we lay along the coast Northwest thinking it to be an Island but finding no end in rowing so long we supposed it to be the maine of Noua Zembla About 2. in the afternoone we laide it to the Southward to double the ice which wee could not doe vpon that boorde so that we cast about againe and lay West along vnder the ice About seuen in the afternoone we gote about the greatest part thereof About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice Southeast of vs and thus we were ridde of this trouble at this time The 15. day about 3. in the morning the wind was at South southwest wee cast about and lay to the Eastwards the winde did Wester so that wee lay South southwest with a flawne sheete and so we ranne all the same day About 8. in the after noone we sounded and had 23. fadoms small grey sand This night at twelue of the clocke we sounded againe and had 29. fadoms sand as afore The 16. day vnto 3. in the morning we hald along East Southeast where we found 18. fadoms red sand then we hald along Northeast In these soundings wee had many ouerfals This day at 10. of the clocke we met with more ice which was very great so that we coulde not tell which way to get cleere of it Then the winde came to the South Southeast so that we lay to the Northwards We thought that way to cleare our selues of it but that way we had more ice About 6. in the afternoone the wind came to the East Then we lay to the Southwards that wee had 30. fadoms blacke oze This day we found the pole to bee eleuated 69. deg 40. minutes and this night at 12. a clocke we had 41. fadoms red sand The 17. day at 3. in the morning we had 12. fadoms At 9. we had 8. and 7. all this day we ran South and South by West at the depth aforesaid red sand being but shallow water At eight in the afternoone the winde with a showre and thunder came to the Southwest and then wee ranne East Northeast At 12. at night it came to the South and by East and all this was in the bay of Pechora The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bare with the heaâland oâ the bay where wee founde two Islands There are also ouerfals of water ãâã ââdes We went between the maine and the Island next to the head where we had abouâ 2. fadoms and a halfe We found
cary me ouer the lands end whose name was M. Wood and with all speede I valed downe that night 10 miles to take the tide in the morning which happily I did and that night came to Douer and there came to an anker and there remained vntill tuesday meeting with the worthy knight sir Anthony Aucher owner of the saide ship The 11 day we arriued in Plimoth and the 13 in the morning we set forward on our voyage with a prosperous winde and the 16 we had sight of Cape Finister on the coast of Spaine The 30 we arriued at Cades and there discharged certaine marchandise and tooke others aboord The 20 of February we departed from Cades passed the straights of Gibraltar that night and the 25 we came to the I le of Mallorca and staied there fiue daies with contrary windes The first of March we had sight of Sardenna and the fift of the said monthâ wee arriued at Messina in Sicilia and there discharged much goods and remained there vntill good Fryday in Leât The chiefe marchant that laded the sayd Barke Aucher was a marchant stranger called Anselm Saluago and because the time was then very dangerous and no going into Leuant especially to Chio without a safe conduct from the Turke the said Anselm promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher that we should receiue the same at Messina But I was posted from thence to Candia and there I was answered that I should send to Chio and there I should haue my safe conduct I was forced to send one and hee had his answere that the Turke would giue none willing me to looke what was best for me to doe which was no small trouble to me considering I was bound to deliuer the goods that were in the ship at Chio or send them at mine aduenture The marchants without care of the losse of the ship would haue compelled me to goe or send their goods at mine aduenture the which I denied and sayd plainely I would not goe because the Turkes gallies were come forth to goe against Malta but by the French kings means he was perswaded to leaue Malta and to goe to Tripoly in Barbary which by the French he wan In this time there were in Candia certaine Turkes vessels called Skyrasas which had brought wheat thither to sell and were ready to depart for Turkie And they departed in the morning be times carying newes that I would not goe foorth the same night I prepared beforehande what I thought good without making any man priuie vntill I sawe time Then I had no small businesse to cause my mariners to venture with the ship in such a manifest danger Neuerthelesse I wan them to goe all with me except three which I set on land and with all diligence I was readie to set foorth about eight of the clocke at night being a faire moone shine night went out Then my 3 marriners made such requests vnto the rest of my men to come aborde as I was constrained to take them in And so with good wind we put into the Archipelago being among the Ilands the winde scanted I was forced to anker at an Iland called Micone where I taried 10 or 12 daies hauing a greeke Pilot to carrie the ship to Chio. In this meane season there came many small botes with mysson sayles to goe for Chio with diuerse goods to sell the Pilot requested me that I would let them goe in my company to which I yeelded After the sayde dayes expired I wayed set saile for the Iland of Chio with which place I fel in the after noone whereupon I cast to seaward againe to come with the Iland in the morning betimes The foresaid smal vessels which came in my company departed from me to win the shore to get in y e night but vpon a sudden they espied 3 foystes of Turkes comming vpon them to spoyle them My Pilot hauing a sonne in one of those small vessels entreted me to cast about towards them which at his request I did and being some thing farre from them I caused my Gunner to shoot a demy-coluering at a foyst that was readie to enter one of the botes This was so happy a shott that it made the Turke to fall a sterne of the bote and to leaue him by the which meanes hee escaped Then they all came to me and requested that they might hang at my sterne vntill day light by which time I came before the Mole of Chio and sent my bote on land to the marchants of that place to send for their goods out of hand or else I would returne back with all to Candia they should fetch their goods there But in fine what by perswasion of my merchants English men those of Chio I was entreated to come into the harbour and had a safe assurance for 20 dayes against the Turkes army with a bond of the citie in the summe of 12000 ducats So I made hast solde such goods as I had to Turkes that came thither put all in order with as much speede as I could fearing the comming of the Turkes nauie of the which the chiefe of the citie knew right wel So vpon the sudden they called me of great friendship in secret told me I had no way to saue my selfe but to be gone for said they we be not able to defend you that are not able to help our selues for the Turke where he commeth taketh what he will leaueth what he list but the chiefe of the Turkes set order y â none shal do any harme to the people or to their goods This was such news to me that indeed I was at my wits end was brought into many imaginations how to do for that the winde was contrarie In fine I determined to goe foorth But the marchants English men and other regarding more their gaines then the ship hindered me very much in my purpose of going foorth and made the marriners to come to me to demaund their wages to be payed them out of hande and to haue a time to employ the same there But God prouided so for me that I paied them their money that night and then charged them that if they would not lât the ship foorth I would make them to answere the same in England with danger of their heads Many were married in England and had somewhat to loose those did sticke to me I had twelue gunners the Master gunner who was a madde brayned fellow and the owners seruant had a parlament betweene themselues and he vpon the same came vp to me with his sword drawen swearing that hee had promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher to liue and die in the sayde shippe against all that should offer any harme to the shippe and that he would fight with the whole armie of the Turkes and neuer yeelde with this fellow I had much to doeâ but at the last I made him confesse his
here against we were be calmed The 22 we had sight of another small Iland called Catza which is desolate and on the left hand and on the right hand a very dangerous Iland called Pelagosa this is also desolate and lyeth in the midst of the sea betweene both the maines it is very dangerous and low land and it hath a long ledge of rockes lying out sixe miles in to the sea so that many ships by night are cast away vpon them There is betweene Catza and Pelagosa 30 miles and these two Ilands are distant from Venice 400 miles There is also about twelue miles eastward a great Iland called Augusta about 14 miles in length somewhat hillie but well inhabited and fruitfull of vines corne and other fruit this also we left on the left hand we haue hitherto kept our course from Rouignio East southeast This Iland is vnder the Signiorie or gouernement of Ragusa it is distant from Ragusa 50 miles and there is by that Iland a greater named Meleda which is also vnder the gouernement of Ragusa it is about 30 miles in length and inhabited and hath good portes it lyeth by East from Augusta and ouer against this Iland lyeth a hill called Monte S. Angelo vpon the coast of Puglia in Italy and we had sight of both landes at one time The 23 we sayled all the day long by the bowline alongst the coast of Ragusa and towardes night we were within 7 or 8 miles of Ragusa that we might see the white walles but because it was night we cast about to the sea minding at the second watch to beare in againe to Ragusa for to know the newes of the Turkes armie but the winde blew so hard and contrary that we could not This citie of Ragusa paieth tribute to the Turke yerely fourteene thousand Sechinos and euery Sechino is of venetian money eight liuers and two soldes besides other presents which they giue to the Turkes Bassas when they come thither The Venetians haue a rocke or cragge within a mile of the said towne for the which the Raguseos would giue them much money but they doe keepe it more for the name sake then for profite This rocke lieth on the Southside of the towne and is called Il cromo there is nothing on it but onely a Monasterie called Sant Ieronimo The maine of the Turkes countrie is bordering on it within one mile for the which cause they are in great subiection This night wee were put backe by contrarie windes and ankered at Melleda The 24 being at an anker vnder Melleda we would haue gone on land but the winde came so faire that we presently set sayle and went our course and left on the right hand of vs the forenamed Iland and on the left hand betweene vs and the maine the Iland of Zupanna and within a mile of that vnder the maine by East another Iland called Isola de Mezo This Iland hath two Monasteries in it one called Santa Maria de Bizo and the other Sant Nicholo Also there is a third rocke with a Frierie called Sant Andrea these Ilands are from the maine but two miles and the channell betweene Melleda and Zupanna is but foure or fiue miles ouer by gesse but very deepe for we had at an anker fortie fathoms The two Ilands of Zupanna and Mezo are well inhabited and very faire buildings but nothing plentie saue wine onely This night toward sunne set it waxed calme and we sayled little or nothing The 24 we were past Ragusa 14 miles and there we mette with two Uenetian ships which came from Cyprus we thought they would haue spoken with vs for we were desirous to talke with them to knowe the newes of the Turkes armie and to haue sent some letters by them to Venice About noone we had scant sight of Castel nouo which Castell a fewe yeeres past the Turke tooke from the Emperour in which fight were slaine three hundred Spanish souldiers besides the rest which were taken prisoners and made gallie slaues This Castell is hard at the mouth of a channell called Boca de Cataro The Uenetians haue a hold within the channell called Cataro this channell goeth vp to Budoa and further vp into the countrey About sunneset we were ouer against the hilles of Antiueri in Sclauonia in the which hilles the Uenetians haue a towne called Antiueri and the Turkes haue another against it called Marcheuetti the which two townes continually skirmish together with much slaughter At the end of these hils endeth the Countrey of Sclauonia and Albania beginneth These hilles are thirtie miles distant from Ragusa The 27 we kept our course towards Puglia and left Albania on the left hand The 28. we had sight of both the maines but we were neerer the coast of Puglia for feare of Foystes It is betweene Cape Chimera in Albania and Cape otranto in Puglia 60 miles Puglia is a plaine low lande and Chimera in Albania is very high land so that it is seene the further Thus sayling our course along the coast of Puglia we saw diuerse white Towers which serue for sea-markes About three of the clocke in the after noone we had sight of a rocke called Il fano 48 miles from Corfu and by sunne set we discouered Corfu Thus we kept on our course with a prosperous winde and made our way after twelue mile euery houre Most part of this way we were accompanied with certaine fishes called in the Italian tongue Palomide it is a fish three quarters of a yard in length in colour eating and making like a Makarell somewhat bigge and thick in body and the tayle forked like a halfe moone for the which cause it is said that the Turke will not suffer them to be taken in all his dominions The 29 in the morning we were in sight of an Iland which we left on our left hande called Cephalonia it is vnder the Uenetians and well inhabited with a faire towne strongly situated on a hill of the which hill the Iland beareth her name it hath also a very strong fortresse or Castle and plentie of corne and wine their language is Greeke it is distant from the maine of Morea thirtie miles it is in compasse 80 miles One houre within night we sayled by the towne standing on the South cape of Cephalonia whereby we might perceiue their lights There come oftentimes into the creekes and riuers the Turkes foystes and gallies where at their arriuall the Countrey people doe signifie vnto their neighbours by so many lights as there are foistes or gallies in the Iland and thus they doe from one to another the whole Iland ouer About three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde scanted and wee minded to haue gone to Zante but we could not for that night This Iland of Zante is distant from Cephalonia
night we drew to the East end of the Iland The 9 and 10 we sayled along with a prosperous winde and saw no land The 11 in the morning we had sight of the Iland of Cyprus and towards noone we were thwart the Cape called Ponta Malota and about foure of the clocke we were as farre as Baffo and about sunne set we passed Cauo Bianco and towards nine of the clocke at night we doubled Cauo de le garte and ankered afore Limisso but the wind blew so hard that we could not come neere the towne neither durst any man goe on land The towne is from Cauo de le garte twelue miles distant The 12. of August in the morning wee went on land to Limisso this towne is ruinated and nothing in it worth writing saue onely in the mids of the towne there hath bene a forâresse which is now decayed and the wals part ouerthrowen which a Turkish Rouer with certaine gallies did destroy about 10. or 12. yeeres past This day walking to see the towne we chanced to see in the market place a great quantitie of a certaine vermine called in the Italian tongue Caualette It is as I can learne both in shape and bignesse like a grassehopper for I can iudge but little difference Of these many yeeres they haue had such quantitie y t they destroy all their corne They are so plagued with them y t almost euery yeere they doe well nie loose halfe their corne whether it be the nature of the countrey or the plague of God that let them iudge that best can define But that there may no default be laied to their negligence for the destruction of theÌ they haue throughout the whole land a constituted order that euery Farmor or husbandman which are euen as slaues bought and sold to their lord shall euery yeere pay according to his territorie a measure full of the seede or egges of these forenamed Caualette the which they are bound to bring to the market and present to the officer appointed for the same the which officer taketh of them very straight measure and writeth the names of the presenters and putteth the sayd egges or seed into a house appointed for the same and hauing the housefull they beate them to ponder and cast them into the sea and by this palicie they doe as much as in them lieth for the destruction of them This vermine breedeth or ingendereth at the time of corne being ripe and the corne beyng had away in the clods of the same ground do the husbandmen find y e nestes or as I may rather terme them cases of the egges of the same vermine Their nests are much like to the keâes of a hasel-nut tree when they be dried and of the same length but somewhat bigger which case being broken you shall see the egges lie much like vnto antes egges but somewhat lesser Thus much I haue written at this time because I had no more time of knowledge but I trust at my returne to note more of this island with the commodities of the same at large The 13. day we went in the morning to the Greekes church to see the order of their ceremonies of their communion of the which to declare the whole order with the number of their ceremonious crossings it were to long Wherefore least I should offend any man I leaue it vnwritten but onely that I noted well that in all their Communion or seruice not one did euer kneele nor yet in any of their Churches could I euer see any grauen images but painted or portrayed Alâo they haue store of lampes alight almost for euery image one Their women are alwayes seperated from the menâ and generally they are in the lower ende of the Church This night we went aboord the ship although the wind were contrary we did it because the patrone should not find any lacke of vsâ as sometimes he did when as tarying vpon his owne businesse he would colour it with the delay of the pilgrimes The 14. day in the morning we set saile and lost sight of the Island of Cyprus and the 15. day we were likewise at Sea and sawe no land and the 16. day towards night we looked for land but we sawe none But because we supposed our selues to be neere our port we tooke in all our sailes except onely the foresaile and the missen and so we remained all that night The 17. day in the morning we were by report of the Mariners some sixe miles from Iaffa but it prooued contrary But because we would be sure wee came to an anker seuen mileâ from the shore and sent the skiffe with the Pilot and the master gunner to learne the coast but they returned not hauing seen tree nor house nor spoken with any man But when they came to the sea side againe they went vp a little hill standing hard by the brinke whereon as they thought they sawe the hill of Ierusalem by the which the Pilot knew after his iudgement that wee were past our port And so this place where we rode was as the mariners sayd about 50. mile from Iaffa This coast all alongst is very lowe plaine white sandie and desert for which cause it hath fewe markes or none so that we rode here as it were in a gulfe betweene two Capes The 18. day we abode still at anker looking for a gale to returne backe but it was contrary and the 19. we set saile but the currant hauing more force then the winde we were driuen backe insomuch that the ship being vnder saile we cast the sounding lead notwithstanding the wind it remained before the shippeâ there wee had muddie ground at fifteene fadome The same day about 4. of the clocke wee set saile againe and sayled West alongst the coast with a fresh side-winde It chanced by fortune that the shippes Cat lept into the Sea which being downe kept her selfe very valiauntly aboue water notwithstanding the great waues still swimming the which the master knowing he caused the Skiffe with halfe a dosen men to goe towards her and fetch her againe when she was almost halfe a mile from the shippe and all this while the shippe lay on staâes I hardly beleeue they would haue made such haste and meanes if one of the company had bene in the like perill They made the more haste because it was the patrons cat This I haâe written onely to note the estimation that cats are in among the Italians for generally they esteeme their cattes as in England we esteeme a good Spaniell The same night about tenne of the clocke the winde calmed and because none of the shippe knewe where we were we let fall an anker about 6 mile from the place we were at before and there wee had muddie ground at twelue fathome The 20 it was still calme and the current so strong still one way that we were not able to stemme
and his gentlemen for to ride which were very richly furnished and by the way there meâ with vs other chauses to accompany vs to the Court. When we came there wee passed thorow two gates at the second gate there stood very many men with horses attending on their masters When we came within that gate we were within a very faire Court yard in compasse twise so bigge as Pauls Church-yard On the right hand of the sayd Court was a faire gallerie like an Alley and within it were placed railes and such other prouision On the left side was the like halfe the Court ouer it was diuided into two parts the innermost fairer then the other The other part of that side is the place where the Councell doe vsually sit and at the inner end of that is a faire place to sit in much like vnto that place in Pauls Church-yard where the Maior and his brethren vse to sit thither was our Ambassadour brought and set in that place Within that sayde place is another like open roome where hee did eate Assoone as wee came in wee were placed in the innermost alley of the second roome on the left side of the Court which was spread with carpets on the ground fourescore or fourescore and tenne foot long with an hundred and fiftie seuerall dishes set thereon that is to say Mutton boiled and rosted Rice diuersly dressed Fritters of the finest fashion and dishes daintily dight with pritty pappe with infinite others I know not how to expresse them We had also rosted Hennes with sundry sorts of fowles to me vnknowen The gentlemen and we sate downe on the ground for it is their maner so to feede There were also Greekes and others set to furnish out the roome Our drinke was made with Rose water and Sugar and spices brewed together Those that did serue vs with it had a great bagge tied ouer their showlders with a broad belt like an arming belt full of plates of copper and gilt with part of the sayd bagge vnder his arme and the mouth in his hand then he had a deuise to let it out when he would into cuppes when we called for drinke The Ambassadour when hee had eaten passed by vs with the chauses aforesayd and sate him downe in an inner roome This place where he sate was against the gate where we came in and hard by the Councell chamber end somewhat on the left side of the Court this was at the East end of the Court for we came in at the West All this time our presents stood by vs vntill we had dined and diner once ended this was their order of taking vp the dishes Certaine were called in like those of the Blacke gard in the Court of England the Turks call them Moglans These came in like rude and rauening Mastifs without order or fashion and made cleaâe riddance for he whose hungry eye one dish could not fill turned two one into the other and thus euen on the sudden was made a cleane riddance of all Then came certaine chauses and brought our gentlemen to sit with the Ambassadour Immediatly came officers appointed Ianisers to beare froÌ vs our presents who caried them on the right side of the Court and set them hard by the doore of the Priuy chamber as we call it there all things stoode for the space of an houre Thus the Ambassadour and his gentlemen sate still and to the Southward of them was a doore whereas the great Turke himselfe went in and out at and on the South side of that doore sate on a bench all his chiefe lordes and gentlemen and on the North side of the West gate stood his gard in number as I gesse them a thousand men These men haue on their heads round cappes of mettall like sculles but sharpe in the toppe in this they haue a bunch of Ostridge feathers as bigge as a brush with the corner or edge forward at the lower end of these feathers was there a smaller feather like those that are commonly worn here Some of his gard had smal staues most of them were weaponed with bowes and arrowes Here they waitedâ during our abode at the Court to gard their Lord. After the Ambassadour with his gentlemen had sitten an houre and more there came three or foure chauses and brought them into the great Turkes presence At the Priuy chamber doore two noble men tooke the Ambassadour by ech arme one and put their fingers within his sleeues and so brought him to the great Turke where he sumptuously sate alone He kissed his hand and stood by vntill all the gentlemen were brought before him in like maner one by one and ledde backewards againe his face towards the Turke for they might neither tarry nor turne their backs and in like maner returned the Ambassadour The salutation that the Noble men didâ was taking them by the hands All this time they trode on cloth of golde most of the Noble men that sate on the South side of the Priuy chamber sate likewise on cloth of golde Many officers or Ianisaries there were with staues who kept very good order for no Turke whatsoeuer might goe any further then they willed him At our Ambassadours entring they followed that bare his presents to say twelue fine broad clothes two pieces of fine holland tenne piâces of plate double gilt one case of candle sticks the case whereof was very large and three foot high and more two very great cannes or pots and one lesser one basin and ewer two poppiniayes of siluer the one with two heads they were to drinke in two bottles with chaines three faire mastifs in coats of redde cloth three spaniels two bloodhounds one common hunting hound two greyhounds two little dogges in coats of silke one clocke valued at fiue hundred pounds sterling ouer it was a forrest with trees of siluer among the which were deere chased with dogs and men on horsebacke following men drawing of water others carrying mine oare on barrowes on the toppe of the clocke stood a castle and on the castle a mill All these were of siluer And the clocke was round beset with iewels All the time that we stayed at the Councell chamber doore they were telling or weighing of money to send into Persia for his Souldiours pay There were carried out an hundred and three and thirty bags and in euery bagge as it was tolde vs one thousand ducats which amounteth to three hundred and thirty thousand * and in sterling Englâsh money to fourescore and nineteene thousand pounds The Captaine of the guard in the meane time went to the great Turke and returned againe then they of the Court made obeisance to him bowing downe their heads and their hands on their breasts and he in like order resaluted them he was in cloth of siluer he went and came with two or three with him and no more Then wee went out at the first gate and there we were commanded to stay vntill
for our realme with such conditions as are herein mentioned or with some alteration or qualification thereof that then wee our heires and successours at the instance and humble petition of the sayde Gouernour and Companie or any of them so suing for the same and such other person and persons our subiectes as they shall nominate and appoint or shall bee by vs our heires and successours newly nominated not exceeding in number twelue new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of lawe with like couenants graunts clauses and articles as in these presents are contained or with addition of other necessarie articles or changing of these in some partes for and during the full terme of twelue yeeres then next following Willing now hereby and straightly commaunding and charging all and singular our Admirals Uice-admirals Iustices Maiors Shiriffes Escheators Constables Bailiffes and all and singular other our Officers Ministers Liege men and subiects whatsoeuer to bee aiding fauouring helping and assisting vnto the sayâ Companie and their successours and to their Deputies Officers Factors seruaunts assignes and ministers and euery of them in executing and enioying the premisses as well on land as on Sea from time to time at all times when you or any of you shal thereto bee required any Statute Acte ordinance Prouiso Proclamation or restraint heretofore had made set foorth ordained or prouided or any other matter cause or thing whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding Alâhough expresse mention of the true yeerely value or certaintie of the premisses or any of them or of any other gifts or graunts by vs or any of our progenitours to the sayde Gouernour and Companie of the marchants of Leuant before this time made in these presents is not made Or any Statute Acte Ordinance prouision proclamation or restraint to the contrary thereof before this time had made done or prouided or any other matter thing or cause whatsoeuer in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the seuenth day of Ianuarie in the foure and thirtieth yeere of our raigne Per breue de priuato Sigillo Bailie To the Worshipfull and his very louing Vncle M. Rowland Hewish Esquier at Sand in Deuonshire SIr considering the goodnesse of your Nature which is woont kindely to accept from a friend euen of meane things being giuen with a good heart I haue presumed to trouble you with the reading of this rude discourse of my trauailes into Turkie and of the deliuerie of the present with such other occurrents as there happened woorthie the obseruation of all which proceedings I was an eie-witnesse it pleasing the Ambassadour to take mee in with him to the Grand Signior If for lacke of time to put it in order I haue not performed it so well as it ought I craue pardon assuring you that to my knowledge I haue not missed in the trueth of anything If you aske mee what in my trauels I haue learned I answere as a noble man of France did to the like demaund Hoc vnum didici mundi contemptum and so concluding with the wise man in the booke of the Preacher that all is vanitie and one thing onely is necessarie I take my leaue and commit you to the Almightie From London the 16. March 1597. Your louing Nephew Richard Wrag A description of a Voiage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21. of March 1593. and ended the 9. of August 1595. wherein is shewed the order of deliuering the second Present by Master Edward Barton her maiesties Ambassador which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can Emperour of Turkie WE set saile in the Ascension of London a new shippe very well appointed of two hundred and three score tunnes whereof was master one William Broadbanke a prouident and skilfull man in his facultie from Grauesend the one and twentie of March 1593. And vpon the eight of Aprill folowing wee passed the streights of Gibraltar and with a small Westerne gale the 24. of the same we arriued at Zante an Iland vnder the Venetians The fourth of May wee departed and the one and twentie wee arriued at Alexandretta in Cilicia in the very bottome of the Mediterrane sea a roade some 25. miles distant from Antioch where our marchants land their goods to bee sent for Aleppo From thence wee set saile the fift of Iune and by contrary windes were driuen vpon the coast of Caramania into a road neere a litle Iland where a castle standeth called Castle Rosso some thirtie leagues to the Eastwards of the Rhodes where after long search for fresh water we could finde none vntil certaine poore Greekes of the Iland brought vs to a well where we had 5 or 6 tuns That part of the country next the sea is very barren full of mountains yet found we there an olde tombe of marble with an epitaph of an ancient Greeke caracter by antiquity neere worne out and past reading which to the beholders seemed a monument of the greatnesse of the Grecian monarchy From thence we went to the Rhodes and by contrary windes were driuen into a port of Candy called Sittia this Iland is vnder the Uenetians who haue there 600 souldiers beside certaine Greeks continually in pay Here with contrary winds we stayed six weeks and in the end hauing the winde prosperous we sailed by Nicaria Pharos Delos and Andros with sight of many other Ilands in the Archipelago and arriued at the two castles in Hellespont the 24 of August Within few dayes after we came to Galipoli some thirty miles from this place where foure of vs tooke a Parma or boat of that place with two watermen which rowed vs along the Thracian shore to Constantinople which sometime sailing and sometime rowing in foure dayes they performed The first of September we arriued at the famous port of the Grand Signior where we were not a little welcome to M. Edward Barton vntill then her Maiesties Agent who with many other great persons had for many dayes expected the present Fiue or sixe dayes after the shippe arriued neere the Seuen towers which is a very strong hold and so called of so many turrets which it hath standing neere the sea side being the first part of the city that we came vnto Heere the Agent appointed the master of the Ascension to stay with the shippe vntill a fitte winde and opportunity serued to bring her about the Seraglio to salute the Grand Signior in his moskyta or church for you shall vnderstand that he hath built one neere the wall of his Seraglio or pallace adioyning to the Sea side whereunto twise or thrise a weeke hee resorteth to performe such religious rites as their law requireth where hee being within few dayes after our shippe set out in their best maner with flagges streamerâ and pendants of diuers coloured silke with all the mariners together with most of the
Saluages very brutish which would not stay but retired from them For the space of 15 or 20 dayes we could find no reliefe but onely foules which wee killed with our pieces which were cranes and geese there was no fish but muskles and other shel-fish which we gathered on the rockes After 15 or 20 dayes being here our Admirall went with his pinnasse vnto the Iland which lieth off this Baie where hee found great store of Penguines Seales whereof he brought good plenty with him And twise after that we sent certain of our men which at both times brought their bots lading vnto our ships After we had bene here some time we got here a Negro whom we compelled to march into the country with vs making signs to bring vs some cattell but at this time we could come to the sight of none so we let the Negro goe with some trifles Within 8 dayes after he with 30 or 40 other Negros brought vs downe some 40 bullocks and oxen with as many sheepe at which time we bought but few of theÌ But within 8 dayes after they came downe with as many more then we bought some 24 oxen with as many sheepe We bought an oxe for two kniues a stirke for a knife and a sheepe for a knife and some we bought for lesse value then a knife The oxen be very large and well fleshed but not fat The sheepe are very big and very good meat they haue no woll on their backs but haire and haue great tailes like the sheepe in Syria There be diuers sorts of wild beasts as the Antilope wherof M. Lancaster killed one of the bignes of a yong colt the red fallow Deere with other great beasts vnknowen vnto vs. Here are also great store of ouer-growen monkeis As touching our proceeding vpon our voyage it was thought good rather to proceed with two ships wel manned then with three euill manned for here wee had of sound and whole men but 198 of which there went in the Penelope with the âdmiral 101 and in the Edward with the worshipfull M. captaine Lancaster 97. We left behââd 50 men with the Roiall marchant whereof there were many pretily well recouered of which ship was master and gouernour Abraham Kendal which for many reasons we thought good to send home The disease that hath consumed our men hath bene the skuruie Our souldiers which haue not bene vsed to the Sea haue best held out but our mariners dropt away which in my iudgement proceedeth of their euill diet at home Sixe dayes after our sending backe for England of the Marchant Roiall from Agoada de Saldanha our Admirall M. captaine Raimond in the Penelope and M. Iames Lancaster in the Edward Bonauenture set forward to double the Cape of Buona esperansa which they did very speedily But being passed as far as Cape dos Corrientes the 14 of SepteÌber we were encountre with a mighty storme and extreeme gusts of wind wherein we lost our Generals companie and could neuer heare of him nor his ship any more though we did our best endeuour to seeke him vp and downe a long while and staied for him certaine dayes at the Iland of Comoro where we appointed to stay one for another Foure dayes after this vncomfortable seperation in the morning toward ten of the clocke we had a terrible clap of thunder which slew foure of our men outright their necks being wrung in souder without speaking any word and of 94 men three was not one vntouched whereof some were striken blind others were bruised in their legs armes and others in their brests so that they voided blood two dayes after others were drawen out at length as though they had bene racked But God be thanked they all recouered sauing onely the foure which were slaine out right Also with the same thunder our maine maste was torne very grieuously from the head to the decke and some of the spikes that were ten inches into the timber were melted with the extreme heate theereof From thence wee shaped our course to the north-Northeast and not long after we fell vpon the Northwest end of the mighty Iland of S. Laurence which one of our men espied by Gods good blessing late in the euening by Moone light who seeing afarre off the breaking of the Sea and calling to certaine of his fellowes asked them what it was which efâsoones told him that it was the breaking of the Sea vpon the Shoulds Whereupon in very good time we cast about to auoyd the danger which we were like to haue incurred Thus passing on forward it was our lucke to ouer-shoote Mozambique and to fall with a place called Quitangone two leagues to the Northward of it and we tooke three or foure Barkes of Moores which Barkes in their language they call Pangaias laden with Millio hennes and ducks with one Portugall boy going for the prouision of Mozambique Within few dayes following we came to an Iland an hundred leagues to the Northeast of Mozambique called Comoro which we found exceeding full of people which are Moores of tawnie colour and good stature but they be very trecherous and diligently to be taken heed of Here wee desired to store our selues with water whereof we stood in great need and sent sixteene of our men well armed on shore in our boate whom the people suffred quietly to land and water and diuers of them with their king came aboord our ship in a gowne of crimosine Sattin pinked after the Moorish fashion downe to the knee whom we entertained in the best maner and had some conference with him of the state of the place and marchandises vsing our Portugall boy which we had taken before for our interpreter and in the end licensed the king and his company to depart and sent our men againe for more water who then also dispatched their businesse returned quietly the third time likewise we sent them for more which also returned without any harme And though we thought our selues furnished yet our master William Mace of Radcliffe pretending that it might be long before we should finde any good watering place would needes goe himselfe on shore with thirtie men much against the will of our captaine and hee and 16 of his company together with one boat which was all that we had and 16 others that were a washing ouer-against our ship were betrayed of the perfidious Moores and in our sight for the most part slaine we being not able for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour From hence with heauie hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar the 7 of Nouember where shortly after wee arriued and made vs a new boat of such boards as we had within boord and rid in the road vntill the 15 of February where during our aboad we sawe diuers Pangaias or boates which are pinned with woodden pinnes and sowed together with Palmito cordes and calked with the
shew very white and we went eastnortheast The 4 in the morning we were thwart a great high hill and vp into the lande were more high ragged hilles and those 3 reckoned to be but little short of Monte Redondo Then I reckoned that we were 20 leagues Southeast-ward from the Mina and at 11 of the clocke I sawe two hilles within the land these hils I take to be 7 leagues from the first hils And to sea-ward of these hilles is a bay and at the east end of the bay another hill and from the hils the landes lie verie low We went Eastnortheast and East and by North 22 leagues ann then East along the shore The 6 we were short of Villa longa and there we met with a Portugall Carauell The 7 a faire temperate day and all this day we road before Villa longa The 8 at noone we set saile from Villa longa and ten leagues from thence we ankered againe and stayed all that night in ten fadom water The 9 we set saile and all alongst the shore were very thicke woodes and in the afternoone we were thwart a riuer to the Eastward of the riuer a litle way off was a great high bush-tree as though it had no leaues and at night we ankered with faire and temperate weather The 10 we set sayle and went East and East and by South 14 leagues along the shoare which was so full of thicke woods that in my iudgement a man should haue much to doe to passe through them and towards night we ankered in 7 fadome with faire weather The 11 we sayled East and by South and three leagues from the shore we had but 5 fadome water and all the wood vpon the land was as euen as if it had beene cut with a paire of gardeners sheeres and in running of two leagues we descerned a high tuft of trees vpon the brow of a land which shewed like a Porpose head and when wee came at it it was but part of the lande and a league further we saw a head-land very low and full of trees and a great way from the land we had very shallow water then we lay South into the sea because of the sands for to get into the deepe water and when we found it deepe we ankered in fiue fadom thwart the riuer of Iaya in the riuers mouth The 12 in the morning we road still in the riuers mouth This day we sent the pinnesse and the boat on land with the marchants but they came not againe vntill the next morning The shallowest part of this riuer is toward the West where there is but 4 fadom and a halfe and it is very broad The next morning came the boate aboord and they also said it was Rio de Iaya Here the currant setteth Westward and the Eastermost land is higher then the Westermost Thursday the 13â we set saile and lay South Southeast along the shore where the trees are wonderfull euen and the East shore is higher then the West shore and when wee had sayled 18 leagues we had sight of a great riuer then we ankered in three fadom and a halfe and the currant went Westward This riuer is the riuer of Benin and two leagues from the maine it is very shallowe The 15 we sent the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with the marchants and after that we set saile because we road in shallow water and went Southsoutheast and the starbord tacke aboord vntill we came to fiue fathom water where we road with the currant to the Westward then came our boat out of the harbour and went aboord the pinnesse The West part of the land was high browed much like the head of a Gurnard and the Eastermost land was lower and had on it three tufts of treeslike stackes of wheate or corne and the next day in the morning we sawe but two of those trees by reason that we went more to the Eastward And here we road still from the 14 of Februarie vntill the 14 of Aprill with the winde at Southwest The 16 of Februarie we rode still in 5 fadomeâ and the currant ranne still to the Westward the winde at Southwest and the boat and pinnesse came to vs againe out of the riuer and told vs that there was but ten foote water vpon the barre All that night was drowsie and yet reasonable temperate The 17 a close day the winde at Southwest Our marchants wayed their goods and put them aboord the pinnesse to goe into the riuer and there came a great currant out of the riuer and set to the Westward The 18 the marchants went with the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with their commodities This day was close and drowsie with thunder raine and lightning The 24 a close morning and temperate and in the afternoone the boat came to vs out of the riuer from our marchants Twesday the 4 of March a close soultry hot morning the currant went to the Westward and much troubled water came out of the riuer The 16 our pinnesse came a boord and Anthonie Ingram in her she brought in her 94 bags of pepper and 28 Elephants teeth and the Master of her and all his company were sicke This was a temperate day and the winde at Southwest The 17. 18. and 19 were faire temperate weather and the winde at Southwest This day the pinnesse went into the riuer againe and caried the Purser and the Surgion The 25 of the said moneth 1589 we sent the boate into the riuer The 30 our pinnesse came from Benin and brought sorowfull newes that Thomas Hemsted was dead and our Captaine also and she brought with her 159 Cerons or sackes of pepper and Elephants teeth Note that in all the time of our abiding here in the mouth of the riuer of Benin and in all the coast hereabout it is faire temperate weather when the winde is at Southwest And when the winde is at Northeast and Northerly then it raineth with lighning and thunder and is very intemperate weather The 13 of Aprill 1589 we set saile home wards in the name of Iesus In the morning we sayled with the winde at Southwest and lay West and by North but it prooued calme all that night and the currant Southeast The 14 the riuer of Benin was Northeast 7 leagues from the shore and there was litle winde and towards night calme The 17 a faire temperate day the winde variable and we had of latitude foure degrees and 20 minutes The 25 a faire temperate day the winde variable and here we had three degrees 29 minuts of latitude The 8 of May we had sight of the shore which was part of Cauo de Monte but we did not thinke we had beene so farre but it came so to passe by reason of the currant In this place M. Towâson was in like maner deceiued with the currant The 9 we had sight of Cauo
enter we plied our great ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted for otherwise we did them litle harme and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle being close by her we fired a mat on her beak-head which more and more kindled and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit and from the mat vp to the wood of the bow-sprit and thence to the top-saile yard which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger and to make shew of parle But they that had the charge before encouraged them making shew that it might easily be put out and that it was nothing Whereupon againe they stood stifly to their defence A none the fire grew so strong that I saw it beyond all helpe although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then we desired to be off from her but had litle hope to obtaine our desire neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well In deed I made litle other reckoning for the ship my selfe and diuers hurt men then to haue ended there with the Carack but most of our people might haue saued themselues in boats And when my care was most by Gods prouidence onely by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile and the ropes about the spritsaile-yard of the Carack whereby we were fast intangled we fell apart with burning of some of our sailes which we had then on boord The Exchange also being farther from the fire afterward was more easily cleared and fell off from abaft And as soone as God had put vs out of danger the fire got into the fore-castle where I thinke was store of Beniamin and such other like combustible matter for it flamed and ran ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner The Portugals lept ouer-boord in great numbers Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat with leaue to vse his owne discretion in sauing of them So he brought me aboord two gentlemen the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira which as appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of Huighen de Linschoten was gouernour of Moçambique and Cesala in the yeere 1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of importance in the East Indies And the shippe wherein he was comming home was cast away a litle to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza and from thence he trauelled ouer-land to Moçambique and came as a passenger in this Carack The other was called Bras Carrero and was captaine of a Carack which was cast away neere Moçambique and came likewise in this ship for a passenger Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat onely these two we clothed and brought into England The rest which were taken vp by the other ship boats we set all on shore in the I le of Flores except some two or three Negros whereof one was borne in Moçambique and another in the East Indies This fight was open off the Sound betweene Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward The people which we saued told vs that the cause why they would not yeeld was because this Carack was for the king end that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey for that yeere in her and that the captaine of her was in fauour with the king and at his returne into the Indies should hane been Uiceroy there And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor without and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise moreouer she had the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique and the company of her together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a litle to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza Yet through sicknesse which they caught at Angola where they watered they say they had not now aboue 150 white men but Negros a great many They likewise affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her but we found them to differ in most of their talke All this day and all the night she burned but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels blew her abroad so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the water Some of them say that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios and some that she was lesse but she was much vndermasted and vndersoiled yet she went well for a ship that was so foule The shot which wee made at her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts which we had and sixe or 7 shot at about one with another some 49 shotâ the time we lay aboord might be two houres The shot which we discharged aboord the Carack might be some twentie Sâcars And thus much may suffice concerning our daungerous conflict with that vnfortunate Carack The last of Iune after long trauersing of the seas we had sight of another mightie Carack which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the great S. Philip the Admirall of Spaine but the next day being the first of Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack which after some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld but they standing stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same Wherefore seeing no good could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take in the boording But by reason that wee which were the chiefe Captaines were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict and because of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions our valiant and resolute determinations were crossed and to conclude a long discourse in few wordes the Carack escaped our hands After this attending about Coruo Flores for some West Indian purchase and being disappointed of our expectation and victuals growing short we returned for England where I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape Sprat without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie 1593 THe Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men the owner whereof was the worshipfull M. Richard Staper being bound for Liuorno Zante and Patras in Morea being laden with marchandize to the value of 11 or 12 thousand pounds sterling set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of August 1593 and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great quantitie of wheate and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of Wight the 6. day of October the winde being faire and the 16 of the same moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent where on the next morning we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs to which we gaue chase with very much winde the sayle being a Spaniard which wee found in fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue
the North side the sea that seuereth it from Groneland thorow which Northren Seas the Passage lyeth which I take now in hand to discouer Plato in Timaeo and in the Dialogue called Critias discourseth of an incomparable great Iland then called Atlantis being greater then all Affrike and Asia which lay Westward from the Straights of Gibraltar nauigable round about affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis did aswell enioy the gouernance of all Affrike and the most part of Europe as of Atlantis it selfe Also to proue Platos opinion of this Iland and the inhabiting of it in ancient time by them of Europe to be of the more credite Marinaeus Siculus in his Chronicle of Spaine reporteth that there haue bene found by the Spaniards in the gold Mines of America certaine pieces of Money ingraued with the Image of Augustus Caesar which pieces were sent to the Pope for a testimonie of the matter by Iohn Rufus Archbishop of Consentinum Moreouer this was not only thought of Plato but by Marsilius Ficinus an excellent Florentine Philosopher Crantor the Graecian and Proclus and Philo the famous Iew as appeareth in his âooke De Mundo and in the Commentaries vpon Plato to be ouerflowen and swallowed vp with water by reason of a mightie earthquake and streaming downe of the heauenly Fludgates The like whereof happened vnto some part of Italy when by the forciblenes of the Sea called Superum it cut off Sicilia from the Continent of Calabria as appeareth in Iustine in the beginning of his fourth booke Also there chanced the like in Zeland a part of Flanders And also the Cities of Pyârha and Antissa about Meotis palus and also the Citie Burys in the Corynthian bosome commonly called Sinus Corinthiacus haue bene swallowed vp with the Sea and are not at this day to be discerned By which accident America grew to be vnknowen of long time vnto vs of the later ages and was lately discouered againe by Americus Vespucius in the yeere of our Lord 1497. which some say to haue bene first discouered by Christophorus Columbus a Genuois Anno 1492. The same calamitie happened vnto this Isle of Atlantis 600. and odde yeres before Plato his time which some of the people of the Southeast parts of the world accompted as 9000. yeeresâ for the maner then was to reckon the Moone her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere which is our vsuall moneth depending à Luminari minoâi So that in these our dayes there can no other mayne or Islande be found or iudged to bee parcell of this Atlantis then those Westerne Islands which beare now the name of America counteruailing thereby the name of Atlantis in the knowledge of our age Then if when no part of the sayd Atlantis was oppressed by water and earthquake the coasts round about the same were nauigable a farre greater hope now remaineth of the same by the Northwest seeing the most part of it was since that time swallowed vp with water which could not vtterly take away the olde deeps and chanels but rather be an occasion of the inlarging of the olde and also an inforcing of a great many new why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage and nauigation from England to India c. seeing that Atlantis now called America was euer knowen to be an Island and in those dayes nauigable round about which by accesse of more water could not be diminished Also Aristotle in his booke De mundo and the learned Germaine Simon Gryneus in his annotations vpon the same saith that the whole earth meaning thereby as manifestly both appeare Asia Africk and Europe being all the countreys then knowen is but one Island compassed about with the reach of the sea Atlantine which likewise prooueth America to be an Island and in no part adioyning to Asia or the rest Also many ancient writers as Strabo and others called both the Ocean sea which lieth East of India Atlanticum pelagus and that sea also on the West coasts of Spaine and Africk Mare Atlanticum the distance betweene the two coasts is almost halfe the compasse of the earth So that it is incredible as by Plato appeareth manifestly that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus of the mountaine Atlas in Africk or yet the sea adioyning to Africk had the name Oceanus Atlanticus of the same mountaine but that those seas and the mountaine Atlas were so called of this great Island Atlantis and that the one and the other had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas sometime king thereof who was Iaphet yongest sonne to Noah in whose time the whole earth was diuided betweene the three brethren Sem Cam and Iaphet Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest will be found fauourable to this our enterprise and am the rather imboldened to beleeue the same for that I finde it not onely confirmed by Plato Aristotle and other ancient Phylosophers but also by all the best moderne Geographers as Gemma Frisius Munsterus Appianus Hunterus Gastaldus Guyccardinus Michael Tramasinus Franciscus Demongenitus Bernardus Pureanus Andreas Vauasor Tramontanus Petrus Martyr and also Ortelius who doth coast out in his generall Mappe set out Anno 1569 all the countreys and Capes on the Northwest side of America from Hoâhelaga to Cape de Paramanâia describing likewise the sea coastes of Cataia and Gronland towards any part of America making both Gronland and America Islands disioyned by a great sea from any part of Asia All which learned men and painefull trauellers haue affirmed with one consent and voice that America was an Island and that there lyeth a great Sea betweene it Cataia and Grondland by the which any man of our countrey that will giue the attempt may with small danger passe to Cataia the Moluccae India and all other places in the East in much shorter time then either the Spaniard or Portugal doeth or may doe from the neerest parte of any of âheir countreys within Europe What moued these learned men to affirme thus much I know not or to what ende so many and sundry trauellers of both ages haue allowed the same But I coniecture that they would neuer haue so constantly affirmed or notified their opinions therein to the world if they had not had great good cause and many probable reasons to haue lead them thereunto Now least you should make small accompt of ancient writers or of their experiences which trauelled long before our times reckoning their authority amongst fables of no importance I haue for the better assurance of those proofes set downe some part of a discourse written in the Saxon tongue and translated into English by M. Nowel seruant to Sir William Cecil lord Burleigh and lord high treasurer of England wherein there is described a Nauigation which one Ochther made in the time of king Alfred King of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of which discourse were these Hee sailed right
the ore onely To prooue that those Indians came not by the Northeast and that there is no thorow nauigable passage that way Cap. 6. IT is likely that there should be no thorow passage by the north-Northeast whereby to goe round about the world because all Seas as aforesayd are maintained by the abundance of water waxing more shallow and shelffie towards the ende as we find it doeth by experience in Marâ Glaciali towards the East which breedeth small hope of any great continuance of that sea to be nauigable towards the East sufficient to saile thereby round about the world 2 Also it standeth scarcely with reason that the Indians dwelling vnder Torrida Zona could endure the iniurie of the cold ayre about the Septentrional latitude of 80. degrees vnder which eleuation the passage by the Northeast cannot bee as the often experience had of all the South parts of it sheweth seeing that some of the inhabitants of this cold climate whose Summer is to them an extreme Winter haue bene stroken to death with the cold damps of the aire about 72 degrees by an accidental mishap and yet the aire in such like Eleuation is alwaies cold and too cold for such as the Indians are 3 Furthermore the plercing cold of the grosse thicke aire so neere the Pole wil so stiffen and furre the sailes and ship tackling that no mariner can either hoise or strike them as our experience farre neerer the South then this passage is presupposed to be hath taught vs without the vse whereof no voiage can be performed 4 Also the aire is so darkened with continuall mists and fogs so neere the Pole that no man can well see either to guide his ship or direct his course 5 Also the compasse at such eleuation doth very suddenly vary which things must of force haue bene their destructions although they had bene men of much more skill then the Indians are 6 Moreouer all baies gulfes and riuers doe receiue their increase vpon the flood sensibly to be discerned on the one side of the shore or the other as many waies as they be open to any main sea as Mare Mediterraneum Mare Rubrum Sinus Persicus Sinus Bodicus Thamesis and all other knowen hauens or riuers in any part of the world and each of them opening but on one part to the mâine sea doe likewise receiue their increase vpon the flood the same way and none other which Mare Glaciale doeth onely by the West as M. Ienkinson affirmed vnto me and therfore it followeth that this north-Northeast sea receiuing increase but onely from the West cannot possibly open to the maine Ocean by the East 7 Moreouer the farther you passe into any sea towards the end of it on that part which is shut vp from the maine sea as in all those aboue mentioned the lesse and lesse the tides rise and fall The like whereof also happeneth in Mare Glaciale which proueth but small continuance of that Sea toward the East 8 Also the further yee goe toward the East in Mare Glaciale the lesse salt the water is which could not happen if it were open to the salt Sea towards the East as it is to the West only seeing Euery thing naturally ingendreth his like and then must it be like salt throughout as all the seas are in such like climate and eleuation And therefore it seemeth that this Northeast sea is maintained by the riuer Ob and such like fresshets as Mare Goticum and Mare Mediterraneum in the vppermost parts thereof by the riuers Nilus Danubiusâ Neper Tanais c. 9 Furthermore if there were any such sea at that eleuation of like it should be alwaies frozen throughout there being no tides to hinder it because the extreme coldnes of the aire being in the vppermost part and the extreme coldnesse of the earth in the bottome the sea there being but of small depth whereby the one accidentall coldnesse doth meet with the other and the Sunne not hauing his reflection so neere the Pole but at very blunt angles it can neuer be dissolued after it is frozen notwithstanding the great length of their day for that the sunne hath no heate at all in his light or beames but proceeding onely by an accidentall reflection which there waâteth in effect 10 And yet if the Sunne were of sufficient force in that eleuation to preuaile against this ice yet must it be broken before it can be dissolued which cannot be but through the long continuance of the sunne aboue their Horizon and by that time the Sommer would be so farre spent and so great darkenes and cold ensue that no man could be able to endure so cold darke and discomfortable a nauigation if it were possible for him then and there to liue 11 Further the ice being once broken it must of force so driue with the windes and tides that no ship can saile in those seas seeing our Fishers of Island and the New found land are subiect to danger through the great Islands of Ice which fleete in the Seas to the sailers great danger farre to the South of that presupposed passage 12 And it cannot be that this Northeast passage should be any neerer the South then before recited for then it should cut off Câremissi Turbi Tartari with Vzesucani Chisani and others from the Coâtinent of Asia which are knowen to be adioyning to Scythia Tartaria c. with the other part of the same Continent And if there were any thorowe passage by the north-Northeast yet were it to small ende and purpose for our traffique because no shippe of great burden can Naâigate in so shallow a Sea and ships of small burden are very vnfit vnprofitable especially towards the blustering North to performe such a voyage To prooue that the Indians aforenamed came only by the Northwest which induceth a certaintie of our passage by experience Cap. 7. IT is as likely that they came by the Northwest as it is vnlikely that they should come either by the Southeast Southwest Northeast or from any other part of Africa or America and therefore this Northwest passage hauing bene alreadie so many wayes proued by disproouing of the others c. I shall the lesse neede in this place to vse many words otherwise then to conclude in this sort That they came onely by the Northwest from England hauing these many reasons to leade me thereunto 1 First the one halfe of the windes of the compasse might bring them by the Northwest beâring alwayes betweene two sheats with which kind of sayling the Indians are onely acquainted not hauing any vse of a bow linâ or quarter winde without the which no ship can possibly come either by the Southeast Southwest or Northeast hauing so many sundry Capes to double whereunto are required such change and shift of windes 2 And it seemeth likely that they should come by the Northwest because the coast whereon they were driuen lay
East from this our passage And all windes doe naturally driue a ship to an opposite point from whence it bloweth not being otherwise guided by Arte which the Indians do vtterly want therefore it seemeth that they came directly through this our fret which they might doe with one wind 3 For if they had come by the Cape de buona Sperança then must they as aforesaid haue fallen vpon the South parts of America 4 And if by the fret of Magellan then vpon the coasts of Afrike Spaine Portugall France Ireland or England 5 And if by the Northeast then vpon the coasts of Ceremissi Tartarij Lâppia Island Terra de Labrador c. and vpon these coasts as aforesaid they haue neuer bene found So that by all likelihood they could neuer haue come without shipwracke vpon the coastes of Germanie if they had first striken vpon the coastes of so many countries wanting both Arte and shipping to make orderly discouery and altogether ignorant both in the Arte of Nauigation and also of the Rockes Flats Sands or Hauens of those parts of the world which in most of these places are plentifull 6 And further it seemeth very likely that the inhabitants of the most part of those countries by which they must haue come any other way besides by the Northwest being for the most part Anthropophagi or men eaters would haue deuoured them slaine them or at the least wise kept them as wonders for the gaze So that it plainely appeareth that those Indians which as you haue heard in sundry ages were driuen by tempest vpon the shore of Germanie came onely through our Northwest passage 7 Moreouer the passage is certainely prooued by a Nauigation that a Portugall made who passed through this fret giuing name to a Promontorie farte within the same calling it after his owne name Promontorium Corterialis neere adioyning vnto Polisacus fluuius 8 Also one Scolmus a Dane entred and passed a great part thereof 9 Also there was one Saluaterra a Gentleman of Victoria in Spaine that came by chance out of the West Indias into Ireland Anno 1568. who affirmed the Northwest passage from vs to Cataia constantly to be beleeued in America nauigable And further said in the presence of sir Henry Sidney then lord Deputie of Ireland in my hearing that a Frier of Mexico called Andrew Vrdaneta more then eight yeeres before his then comming into Ireland told him there that he came from Mar del Sur into Germany through this Northwest passage shewed Saluaterra at that time being then with him in Mexico a Sea Card made by his owne experience and trauell in that voyage wherein was plainly set downe and described this Northwest passage agreeing in all points with Ortelius mappe And further this Frier tolde the king of Portugall as he returned by that countrey homeward that there was of certainty such a passage Northwest from England and that he meant to publish the same which done the king most earnestly desired him not in any wise to disclose or make the passage knowen to any nation For that said the king if England had knowledge and experience thereof it would greatly hinder both the king of Spaiâe and me This Frier as Saluaterra reported was the greatest Discouerer by sea that hath bene in our age Also Saluaterra being perswaded of this passage by the frier Vrdaneta and by the common opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting America offered most willingly to accompanie me in this Discouery which of like he would not haue done if he had stood in doubt thereof And now as these moderne experiences cannot be impugned so least it might be obiected that these things gathered out of ancient writers which wrote so many yeeres past might serue litle to prooue this passage by the North of America because both America and India were to them then vtterly vnknowen to remooue this doubt let this susfise That Aristotle who was 300. yeeres before Christ named Mare Indicum Also Berosus who liued 330 yeres before Christ hath these words Ganges in India Also in the first chapter of Hester be these wordes In the dayes of Assuerus which ruled from India to Aethiopia which Assuerus liued 580 yeeres before Christ. Also Quintus Curtius where he speaketh of the conquests of Alexander mentioneth India Also Arianus Philostratus and Sidrach in his discourses of the warres of the king of Bactria and of Garaab who had the most part of India vnder his gouernment All which assureth vs that both India and Indians were knowen in those dayes These things considered we may in my opinion not only assure our selues of this passage by the Northwest but also that it is nauigable both to come and go as hath bene prooued in part and in all by the experience of diuers as Sebastian Cabota Corâerialis the three brethren aboue named the Indians and Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico c. And yet notwithstanding all this there be some that haue a better hope of this passage to Caâaia by the Northeast then by the West whose reasons with my seuerall answeres ensue in the chapter following Certaine reasons alleaged for the proouing of a passage by the Northeast before the Queenes Maiestie and certaine Lords of the Counsell by Master Anthonie Ienkinson with my seuerall answeres then vsed to the same Cap. 8. BEcause you may vnderstand as well those things alleaged against me as what doth serue for my purpose I haue here added the reasons of Master Anthony Ienkinson a worthy gentleman and a great traueller who conceiued a better hope of the passage to Cataia from vs to be by the Northeast then by the Northwest He first said that he thought not to the contrary but that there was a passage by the Northwest according to mine opinion but assured he was that there might be found a nauigable passage by the north-Northeast from England to goe to all the East parts of the world which he endeuoured to prooue three wayes The first was that he heard a Fisherman of Tartaria say in hunting the Morce that he sayled very farre towards the Southeast finding no end of the Sea whereby he hoped a thorow passage to be that way Whereunto I answered that the Tartarians were a barbarous people and vtterly ignorant in the Arte of Nauigation not knowing the vse of the Sea Card Compasse or Starre which he confessed to be true and therfore they could not said I certainly know the Southeast from the Northeast in a wide sea and a place vnknowen from the sight of the land Or if he sailed any thing neere the shore yet he being ignorant might be deceiued by the doubling of many points and Capes and by the trending of the land albeit he kept continually alongst the shore And further it might be that the poore Fisherman through simplicitie thought that there was nothing that way but sea because he saw no land which proofe vnder correction giueth small assurance
opened a gulfe betwixt the Wâst Indies and the extreame Northerne land but such a one that either is not to be trauelled for the causes in the first obiection alledged or cleane shut vp from vs in Europe by Groenland the South ende whereof Moletius maketh firme land with America the North part continent with Lappeland and Norway Thirdly the greatest fauourers of this voyage can not denie but that if any such passage be it lieth subiect vnto yce and snow for the most part of the yeere whereas it standeth in the edge of the frostie zone Before the Sunne hath warmed the ayre and dissolued the yce eche one well knoweth that there can be no sailing the yce once broken through the continuall abode the sunne maketh a certaine season in those parts how shall it be possible for so weake a vessel as a shippe is to holde out amid whole Islands as it were of yce continually beating on eche side and at the mouth of that gulfe issuing downe furiouâly from the north and safely to passe when whole mountaines of yce and snow shall be tumbled downe vpon her Well graunt the West Indies not to continue continent vnto the Pole grant there be a passage betweene these two lands let the gulfe lie neerer vs then commonly in cardes we finde it set namely betweene the 61. and 64. degrees north as Gemma Frâsius in his mappes and globes imagineth it and so left by our countryman Sebastian Cabot in his table which the Earle of Bedford hath at Cheinies Let the way be voyde of all difficulties yet doeth it not follow that wee haue free passage to Cathayo For examples sake You may trend all Norway Finmarke and Lappeland and then bowe Southward to Saint Nicholas in Moscouia you may likewise in the Mediterranean Sea fetch Constantinople and the mouth of Tanais yet is there no passage by Sea through Moscouia into Pont Euxine now called Mare Maggiore Againe in the aforesaid Mediterranean sea we saile to Alexandria in Egypt the Barbarians bring their pearle and spices from the Moluccaes vp the Red sea or Arabian gulph to Sues scarcely three dayes iourney from the aforesayd hauen yet haue wee no way by sea from Alexandria to the Moluccaes for that Isthmos or litle straight of land betweene the two seas In like maner although the Northerne paâsage be free at 61 degrees of latitude and the West Ocean beyond America vsually called Mar del Zur knowen so be open at 40. degrees eleuation from the Island Iapan yea three hundred leagues Northerly aboue Iapan yet may there be land to hinder the thorow passage that way by Sea as in the examples aforesaid it falleth out Asia and America there being ioyned together in one continent Ne can this opinion seeme altogether friuolous vnto any one that diligently peruseth our Cosmographers doings Iosephus Molerius is of that minde not onely in his plaine Hemispheres of the world but also in his Sea card The French Geographers in like maner be of the same opinion as by their Mappe cut out in forme of a Hart you may perceiue as though the West Indies were part of Asia Which sentence well agreeth with that old conclusion in the Schooles Quic quid praeter Africam Europam est Asia est Whatsoeuer land doeth neither apperteine vnto Afrike nor to Europe is part of Asia Furthermore it were to small purpose to make so long so painefull so doubtfull a voyage by such a newfound way if in Cathayo you should neither bee suffered to land for silkes and siluer nor able to fetch the Molucca spices and pearle for piracie in those Seas Of a law denying all Aliens to enter into China and forbidding all the inhabiters vnder a great penaltie to let in any stranger into those countryes shall you reade in the report of Galeotto Perera there imprisoned with other Portugals as also in the Iaponish letters how for that cause the worthy traueller Xauierus bargained with a Barbarian Merchant for a great summe of pepper to be brought into Canton a port in China The great and dangerous piracie vsed in those Seas no man can be ignorant of that listeth to reade the Iaponish and East Indian historie Finally all this great labour would be lost all these charges spent in vaine if in the ende our trauellers might not be able to returne againe and bring safely home into their owne natiue countrey that wealth riches which they in forrein regions with aduenture of goods danger of their liues haue sought for By the Northeast there is no way the Southeast passage the Portugals doe hold as the Lords of those Seas At y e Southwest Magellans experience hath partly taught vs and partly we are persuaded by reason how the Easterne current striketh so furiously on that straight and falleth with such force into that narrow gulph that hardly any ship can returne that way into our West Ocean out of Mar del Zur The which if it be true as truely it is then wee may say that the aforesayd Easterne current or leuant course of waters continually following after the heauenly motions looseth not altogether his force but is doubled rather by an other âurrent from out the Northeast in the passage betweene America and the North land whither it is of necessity caryed hauing none other way to maintaine it selfe in circular motion consequently the force and fury thereof to be no lesse in the straight of Anian where it striketh South into Mar del Zur beyond America if any such straight of Sea there be then in Magellans fret both straights being of like bredth as in Belognine Zalterius table of new France and in Don Diego Hermano de Toledo his Card for nauigation in that regiââ we doe fââde precisely set downe Neuerthelesse to approoue that there lyeth a way to Cathayo at the Northwest from out of Europe we haue experience namely of three brethren that went that iourney as Gemma Frisius recordeth and left a name vnto that straight whereby now it is called Fretum trium fratrum We doe reade againe of a Portugall that passed this straight of âhom Master Frobisher speaketh that was imprisoned therefore many yeeres in Lisbone to verifie the olde Spanish prouerbe I suffer for doing well Likewise Andrew Vrdaneta a Fryer of Mexico came out of Mar del Zur this way into Germanieâ his Carde for he was a great Discouerer made by his owne experience and trauell in that voyage hath bene seene by Gentlemen of good credite Now if the obseruation and remembrance of things breedeth experience and of experience proceedeth arte and the certaine knowledge we haue in all faculties as the best Philosophers that euer were doe affirme truely the voyage of these aforesayd trauellers that haue gone out of Europe into Mar del Zur and returned thence at the Northwest do most euidently conclude that way to be nauigable and that passage free So much the more we are so
and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576. THe 7. of Iune being Thursday the two Barks viz. the Gabriel and the Michael our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe and bare down to Detford and there we ancred the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boultspriâ and forâmâst aboard of a ship that rode at Detford else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich The 8. day being Friday about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford and set saile all three of vs and bare downe by the Court where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could Her Maiestie beholding the same commended it and bade vs farewell with shaking her hand at vs out of the window Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings and thanked vs for it and also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs and declared to the company that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient and diligent to their Captaine and gouernours in all things and wished vs happie successe The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend by the castle or blockehouse we obserued the latitude which was 51. degrees 33. minâ And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone I had sight oâ Faire yle being from vs 6. leagues North and by East and when I brought it Northwest and by North it did rise at the Southermost ende with a litle hommocke and swâmpe in the middes The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale I cast about to the Westward the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me and the land of Faire yle West Southwest from me I sailed directly to the North head of that said land scunding as I ranne in hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms and gray redde shels and within halfe a mile of that Island there are 36. fathoms for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde and I found by my sounding hard rockes and foule ground and deepe water within two cables length of the shoare 28. fathome and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast the flood setteth Southeast and the ebbe Northwest The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head I did obserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest froÌ me 6. leagues and Swinborne head East southeast from me I found my eleuation to be 37. degr and my declination 22. degr 46. min. So that my latitude was 59. degr 46. min. At that present being neere to Swinborne head hauing a leake which did trouble vs as also to take in fresh water I plyed roome with a sound which is called S. Tronions and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water and faire sande You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17.15.12.10.9.8 and 7. fathoms and the sound lyeth in North northwest and there we roade to a West sunne stopped our leake and hauing refreshed our selues with water at a North northwest sunne I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay And running off toward Fowlay I sounded hauing fiftie fathome and streâmâe ground and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande hauing fiftie fathome at the South head and streamie ground like broken otmell and one shell being redde and white like mackerell The 27. day at a South sunne I did abserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees 59. min. truly obserued the winde at South Southwest I sailed West and by North. From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone the wind at South a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues and at the ende of this watch I sounded hauing 60. fathome with little stones and shels the Island from vs 8. leagues East The first of Iuly from 4. to 8. a clocke wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues and at that present we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to the Westwards this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6. leagues From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues At that present I found our Compasse to be varied 11. deg and one 4. part to the Westwards which is one point The 11 day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16. leagues and rising like pinacles of steeples and all couered with snowe I found my selfe in 61. degr of latitude Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150â fathoms we hoised out our boate and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land but the land lying full of yce they could not get on land and so they came aboord againe We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues The 18. day at a Southeast sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg So I obserued it till I found it at the highest and then it was eleuated 52. deg I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce seeming a firme lande and we cast Westward to be cleare of it The 26. we had sight of a land of yce the latitude was 62. degrees and two minutes The 28. day in the morning was very foggie but at the clearing vp of the fogge wee had sight of lande which I supposed to be Labrador with great store of yce about the land I ranne in towards it and sownded but could get no ground at 100. Fathom and the yce being so thicke I could not get to the shoare and so lay off and came cleare of the yce Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare and sought a harborowe all the sownd was full of yce and our boate rowing a shoare could get no ground at a 100. fathom within a Cables length of
company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better knowne vnto them and arriued at Yermouth The 30 of August with the force of the wind and a surge of the sea the Master of the Gabriel and the Boatswain were striken both ouerboord hardly was the Boatswain recouered hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea and yet the Barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde This Master was called William Smith being but a yong man and a very sufficient mariner who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord and that the Boatswain had him by the hand and could not saue him and so immediately vpon the end of his tale his dreame came right euilly to passe and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand hauing hold on a rope with the other vntill his force fayled and the Master drowned The height being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two hundreth leagues The last of August about midnight we had two or three great and sudden flawes or stormes The first of September the storme was growen very great and continued almost the whole day and night and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much beaten with the seas euery sea almost ouertaking our poope so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out and ease the rolling of our ship And so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe company with vs and our ship being higher in the poope and a tall ship whereon the winde had more force to driue went so fast away that we lost sight of them and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea The second day of September in the morning it pleased God of his goodnesse to send vs a calme whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine and almost ready to fall away Wherefore taking the benefite of the time we slung halfe a dozen couple of our best men ouer boord who taking great paines vnder water driuing plankes and binding with ropes did well strengthen and mend the matter who returned the most part more then halfe dead out of the water and as Gods pleasure was the sea was calme vntill the worke was finished The fift of September the height of the Sunne being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe In this voyage commonly wee tooke the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne because the long day taketh away the light not onely of the Polar but also of all other fixed Starres And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes Therefore wee alwaies vsed the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary winde making our Souhter way good as neere as we could to raise our degrees to bring our selues with the latitude of Sylley wee tooke the height the tenth of September and found our selues in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes The eleuenth of September about sixe a clocke at night the winde came good Southwest we vered sheat and see our course Southeast And vpon Thursday the twelfth of September taking the height wee were in the latitude of and a halfe and reckoned our selues not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley the weather faire the winde large at Westsouthwest we kept our course Southeast The thirteenth day the height being taken wee found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees the wind Westsouthwest then being in the height of Sylley and we kept our course East to run in with the sleeue or chanel so called being our narrow seas and reckoned vs short of Sylley twelue leagues Sonday the 15 of September about foure of the clocke we began to sound with our lead and had ground at 61 fadome depth white small sandy ground and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Sylley and set our course East and by North Eastnortheast and Northeast among The sixteenth of September about eight of the clocke in the morning sounding we had 65. fadome osey sand and thought our selues thwart of S. Georges channell a little within the banks And bearing a small saile all night we made many soundings which were about fortie fadome and so shallow that we could not well tell where we were The seuenteenth of September we sounded and had âorty fadome and were not farre off the lands ând finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shelles and were shotte betwene Sylley and the lands ende and being within the bay we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by East way but were faine to make another boord the wind being at Southwest and by West and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands end to beare along the channel and the weather cleered vp when we were hard aboord the shore and we made the lands end perfit and so put vp along Saint Georges chanel And the weather being very foule at sea we couered some harborough because our steerage was broken and so came to ancor in Padstow road in Cornewall But riding there a very dangerous roade we were aduised by the countrey to put to Sea againe and of the two euils to choose the lesse for there was nothing but present perill where we toade whereupon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy from whence we were againe driuen being but an open roade where our Anker came home and with force of weather put to Seas againe and about the three and twentieth of September arriued at Milford Hauen in Wales which being a very good harborough made vs happy men that we had receiued such long desired safetie About one moneth after our arriuall here by order from the Lords of the Counsell the ship came up to Bristow where the Ore was committed to keeping in the Castel there Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes arriued in good safetie who hauing neuer a man within boord very sufficient to bring home the ship after the Master was lost by good fortune when she came vpon the coast met with a ship of Bristow at sea who conducted her in safety thither Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke called the Michael in the North parts which was not a little ioyful vnto vs that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe meeting againe and wee lost in all the voyage only one man besides one that dyed at sea which was sicke before he came
knewe not howe farre but I with my company tooke another riuer which although at the first it offered a large inlet yet it proued but a deepe bay the ende whereof in foure houres I attained and there leauing the boat well manned went with the rest of my company three or foure miles into the countrey but found nothing nor saw any thing saue onely gripes rauens and small birds as larkes and linnets The third of Iuly I manned my boat and went with fifty Canoas attending vpon me vp into another sound where the people by signes willed mee to goe hoping to finde their habitation at length they made signes that I should goe into a warme place to sleepe at which place I went on shore and ascended the toppe of an high hill to see into the countrey but perceiuing my labor vaine I returned againe to my boat the people still following me and my company very diligent to attend vs and to helpe vs vp the rockes and likewise downe at length I was desirous to haue our men leape with them which was done but our men did ouerleape them from leaping they went to wrestling we found them strong and nimble and to haue skil in wrestling for they cast some of our men that were good wrestlers The fourth of Iuly we lanâhed our pinnesse and had fortie of the people to helpe vs which they did very willingly at this time our men againe wrestled with them and found them as before strong and skilfull This fourth of Iuly the Master of the Mermayd went to certaine Ilands to store himselfe with wood where he found a graue with diuers buried in it only couered with seale skinnes hauing a crosse laid ouer them The people are of good stature wel in body proportioned with small slender hands and feet with broad visages and smal eyes wide mouthes the most part vnbearded great lips and close toothed Their custome is as often as they go from vs still at their returne to make a new truce in this sort holding his hand vp to the Sun with a lowd voice he crieth Ylyaouâe and striketh his brest with like signes being promised safety he giueth credit These people are much giuen to bleed and therefore stop their noses with deeres haire or the haire of an elan They are idolaters and haue images geeat store which they weare about them and in their boats which we suppose they worship They are witches and haue many kinds of inchantments which they often vsed but to small purpose thankes be to God Being among them at shore the fourth of Iuly one of them making a long oration beganne to kindle a fire in this maner he tooke a piece of a board wherein was a hole halfe thorow into that hole he puts the end of a round stick like vnto a bed staffe wetting the end thereof in Trane and in fashion of a turner with a piece of lether by his violent motion doeth very speedily produce fire which done with turfes he made a fire into which with many words and strange gestures he put diuers things which wee supposed to be a sacrifice my selfe and diuers of my company standing by they were desirous to haue me go into the smoke I willed them likewise to stand in the smoke which they by no meanes would do I then tooke one of them and thrust him into the smoke and willed one of my company to tread out the fire to spurne it into the sea which was done to shew them that we did contemne their sorcery These people are very simple in all their conuersation but marueilous theeuish especially for iron which they haue in great accouÌt They began through our lenitie to shew their vile nature they began to cut our cables they cut away the Moonelights boat from her sterne they cut our cloth where it lay to aire though we did carefully looke vnto it they stole our oares a caliuer a boare speare a sword with diuers other things whereat the company and Masters being grieued for our better securitie desired me to dissolue this new friendship and to leaue the company of these theeuish miscreants whereupon there was a caliuer shot among them and immediatly vpon the same a faulcon which strange noice did sore amaze them so that with speed they departed notwithstanding their simplicitie is such that within ten houres after they came againe to vs to intreat peace which being promised we againe fell into a great league They brought vs Seale skinnes sammon peale but seeing iron they could in no wise forbeare stealing which when I perceiued it did but minister vnto mee an occasion of laughter to see their simplicitie and I willed that in no case they should bee any more hardly vsed but that our owne company should be the more vigilant to keepe their things supposing it to be very hard in so short time to make them know their euils They eate all their meat raw they liue most vpon fish they drinke salt water and eate grasse and ice with delight they are neuer out of the water but liue in the nature of fishes saue only when dead sleepe taketh them and then vnder a warme rocke laying his boat vpon the land hee lyeth downe to sleepe Their weapons are all darts but some of them haue bow and arrowes and slings They make nets to take their fish of the finne of a whale they do all their things very artificially and it should seeme that these simple theeuish Islanders haue warre with those of the maine for many of them are sore wounded which wounds they receiued vpon the maine land as by signes they gaue vs to vnderstand We had among them copper oare blacke copper and red copper they pronounce their language very hollow and deepe in the throat these words following we learned from them Kesinyoh Eate some Madlycoyce Musicke Aginyoh Go fetch Yliaoute I meane no harme Ponameg A boat Paaotyck An oare Asanock A dart Sawygmeg A knife Vderah A nose Aoh Iron Blete An eye Vnuicke Giue it Tuckloak A stagge or ellan Panygmah A needle Aob The Sea Mysacoah Wash it Lethicksaneg A seale skinne Canyglow Kisse me Vgnera My sonne Acu Shot Conah Leape Maatuke Fish Sambah Below Maconmeg Wil you haue this Cocah Go to him Aba Fallen downe Icune Come hither Awennye Yonder Nugo No. Tucktodo A fogge Lechiksah A skinne Maccoah A dart Sugnacoon A coat Gounah Come downe Sasobneg A bracelet Vgnake A tongue Ataneg A seale Macuah A beard Pignagogah A threed Quoysah Giue it to me The 7. of Iuly being very desirous to search the habitation of this countrey I went my selfe with our new pinnesse into the body of the land thinking it to be a firme continent and passing vp a very large riuer a great flaw of winde tooke me whereby wee were constrained to seeke succour for that night which being had I landed with the most part of my company and went
attâmpt any thing into Florida and those regions inclining towards the North they proued moât vnhappy and were at length discouraged vtterly by the hard and lamentable successe of many both religious and valiant in armes ândeuouring to bring those Norâherly regions also vnder the Spaâish iurisdicâion as if God had prescribed lâââts vnâo the Spanish nation which they might not exceed as by their owne gests recorded may be aptly gatherâd The French as they can pretend lesse title vnto these Northerne parts then the Spanyard by how much the Spanyard made the first discouery of the same continent so far Northward as vnto Florida and the French did âut reuiew that before discouered by the English nation vsurping vpon our right and imposing names vpon countreys riuers bayes capes or headlands as if they had bene the first finders of those coasts which iniury we offered not vnto the Spanyards but left off to discouer when we approched the Spanish limits euen so God hath not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent vpon anothers right notwithstanding their manifolde attempts in which theâ issue hath bene no lesse tragicall then that of the Spanyards as by their owne reports is extant Then sâeing the English nation onely hath right vnto these countreys of America from the cape of Florida Northward by the priuilege of first discouery vnto which Cabot was authorised by regall authority and set forth by the expense of our late famous king Henry the seuenth which right also seemeth strongly defended on our behalfe by the powerfull hand of almighty God withstanding the enteâprises of other nations it may greatly incourage vs vpon so iust ground as is our right and vpon so sacred an intent as to plant religion our right and intent being meet foundations for the same to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countreys apperteining vnto the crowne of England the same as is to be coniectured by infallible arguments of the worlds end approching being now arriued vnto the time by God prescribed of their vocation if âuer their calling vnto the knowledge of God may be expâcted Which also is very probable by the reuolution and course of Gods word and religion which from the beginning hath moued from the East towards at last vnto the West where it is like to end vnlesse the same begin againe where it did in the East which were to expect a like world againe But we are assured of the contrary by the prophesie of Christ whereby we gather that after his word preached thorowout the world shal be the end And as the Gospel when it descended Westward began in the South and afterward spread into the North of Europe euen so as the same hath begunne in the South countreys of America no lesse hope may be gathered that it will also spread into the North. These considerations may helpe to suppresse all dreads rising of hard euents in attempts made this way by other nations as also of the heauy successe and issue in the late enterprise made by a worthy gentleman our countryman sir Humfrey Gilbert knight who was the first of our nation that caried people to erect an habitatioâ and gouernment in those Northerly countreys of America About which albeit he had consumed much substance and lost his life at last his people also perishing for the most part yet the mystery thereof we must leaue vnto God and iudge charitably both of the cause which was iust in all pretence and of the person who was very zealous in prosecuting the same deseruing honourable remembrance for his good minde and expense of life in so vertuous an enterprise Whereby neuerthelesse least any man should be dismayd by example of other folks calamity and misdeeme that God doth resist all attempts intended that way I thought good so farre as my selfe was an eye witnesse to deliuer the circumstance and maner of our proceedings in that action in which the gentleman was so infortunately incumbred with wants and woorse matched with many ill disposed people that his rare iudgement and regiment premedicated for those affaires was subiected to tolerate abuses in sundry extremities to holde on a course more to vpholde credit then likely in his owne conceit happily to succeed The issue of such actions being alwayes miserable not guided by God who abhorreth confusion and disorder hath left this for admonition being the first attempt by our nation to plant vnto such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be discouraged from it but to make men well aduised how they handle his so high and excellent matters as the cariage is of his word into those very mighty and vast countreys And action doubtlesse not to be intermedled with base purposes as many haue made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarse iustifiable which doth excite Gods heauy iudgements in the end to the terrifying of weake mindes from the cause without pondering his iust proceedings and doth also incense forren princes against our attempts how iust soeuer who can not but deeme the sequele very dangerous vnto their state if in those parts we should grow to strength seeing the very beginnings are entred with spoile And with this admonition denounced vpon zeale towards Gods cause also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honourable vnto this action of planting Christian people and religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America vnto whom I wish all happinesse I will now proceed to make relation briefly yet particularly of our voyage vndertaken with sir Humfrey Gilbert begun continued and ended aduersly When first Sir Humfrey Gilbert vndertooke the Westerne discouery of America and had procured from her Maiesty a very large commission to inhabit possesse at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince the same commission exemplified with many priuileges such as in his discretion he might demand very many gentlemen of good estimation drew vnto him to associate him in so commendable an enterprise so that the preparation was expected to grow vnto a puissant fleet able to encounter a kings power by sea neuerthelesse amongst a multitude of voluntary men their dispositions were diuers which bred a iarre and made a diuision in the end to the confusion of that attempt euen before the same was begun And when the shipping was in a maner prepared men ready vpon the coast to go aboord at that time some brake consort and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before pretended Others failed of their promises contracted and the greater number were dispersed leauing the Generall with few of his assured friends with whom he aduentured to sea where hauing tasted of no lesse misfortune he was shortly driuen to retire home with the losse of a tall ship and more to his griefe of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan Hauing buried onely in a
should continue or prosecute the same The voyage of the Grace of Bristol of M. Rice Iones a Barke of thirty fiue sunnes vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of Newefoundland as farre as the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec for the barbes or âynnes of Whales and traine Oyle made by Siluester Wyet Shipmaster of Bristoll WEe departed with the aforesaid Barke manned with twelue men for the place aforesaid from Bristoll the 4 of Aprill 1594. and fell with Cape d'Espere on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteneth of May in the height of 47. We went thence for Cape Raz being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues the very same day The 20. day we were thwart of Cape Raz Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marie which is distant from Cape Raz 19 leagues and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia almost at the entrie thereof From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing by the broken Islands of the Martyers and when we were thwart of the said Isles of the Martyers our course to the Isles of S. Pedro was West and by North. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a faire harbour which we went into with our barke and found there 2 ships of Sibiburo fishing for Cod where we stayed 2 dayes and tooke in balest for our ship There are as faire and tall firre trees growing therein as in any other part of Newfoundland Then wee departed thence and as we came out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship vpon the lee and in 2 houres space we tooke with our hookes 3 or 4 hundred great Cods for our prouision of our ship Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the gulffe of S. Laurence betwene Cape Briton and the said Isle and set our course West North West and fel with Cape de Rey which wee found to be distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues From Cape de Rey to Cape de Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13 leagues From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran Northeast and by East some 18 or 19 leagues In this bay of Saint George we found the wrackes of 2 great Biskaine ships which had bene cast away three yeres before where we had some seuen or eight hundred Whale finnes and some yron bolts and chaines of their mayne shrouds fore shroudes al their traine was beaten out with the weather but the caske remained still Some part of the commodities were spoiled by tumbling downe of the clifts of the hils which couered part of the caske and the greater part of those Whale finnes which we vnderstood to be there by foure Spaniards which escaped were brought to S. Iohn de Luz Here we found the houses of the Sauages made of fiâre trees bound together ââ the top and set round like a Doue-house and couered with the barkes of firre trees wee found also some part of their victuals which were Deeres flesh roasted vpon wooden spits at the fire a dish made of a ryne of a tree sowed together with the smowes of the Deere wherein was oâe of the Deere There were also foules called Cormorants which they had pulckt and made ready to haue dressed and there we found a wooden spoone of their making And we discerned the tracks of the feete of some fortie or fiftie men women and children When we had dispatched our businesse in this bay of S. George and stayed there ten dayes wee departed for the Northren point of the said bay which is nine or ten leagues broade Then being enformed that the Whales which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay and yet escape the fisher for a time are woont vsually to shoot themselues on shore on the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec which lieth in the very mouth of the great riuer that runneth vp to Canada we shaped our course ouer to that long Isle of Natiscotec and wee found the distance of the way to the Estermost ende thereof to be about forty foure leagues and it standeth in the latitude of 49. Here we arriued about the middest of Iune at the East end and rode in eighteene fadome water in faire white sand and very good ankerage and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found wonderfull faire and great Cod fish we went also seuen of vs on shore and found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees and heard and sawe store of land and sea foules and sawe the footing of diuers beastes in the sand when we were on shore From the Easter end we went to the Norther side of the Island which we perceiued to be but narrow in respect of the length thereof And after wee had searched two dayes and a night for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to haue found there and missed of our purpose we returned backe to the Southwarde and were within one league of the Island of Penguin which lyeth South from the Eastermost part of Natiscotec some twelue leagues From the Isle of Penguin wee shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island of Cape Briton then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro and so came into the Bay of Placencia and arriued in the Easterside thereof some ten leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint Iohn de Luz and of Sibiburo and of Biskay which were to the number of threescore and odde sayles whereof eight shippes onely were Spaniardes of whom we were very well vsed and they wished heartily for peace betweene them and vs. There the man of Saint Iohn and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on vs to make vp our voyage with fish Then wee departed ouer to the other side of the Bay where we arriued in an harbour which is callâd Pesmarck and there made our stage and fished so long that in the ende the Sauages came and in the night when our men were at rest cut both our pinnesse and our shippes boate away to our great hinderance of our voyage yet it was our good fortune to finde out our pinnesses and get them againe Then for feare of a shrewder turne of the Sauages we departed for Cape Saint Marie and hauing passed Cape Raz we passed Northwaâde fourteene leagues and arriued in Farrillon and finding there two and twentie sayles of Englishmen wee made vp our fishing voyage to the full in that harborough the twentieth foure of August to our good content and departing thence we arriued first in Combe and staied there a seuen night and afterward in Hungrod in the riuer of Bristoll by the grace of God the 24 of Sâptember 1594. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the Isle of Ramea THe Hopewell of London of the burthen of 120 tunnes whereof was M. William Crafton
and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes wherof was M. Steuen Benner bound vnto the riuer of Canada set to sea at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of London merchants the saide Charles Leigh himselfe and Steuen Van Herwick brother to the sayd Abraham going themselues in the said ships as chiefe commanders of the voyage departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8 of April 1597. And after some hindrances arriuing at Falmoâth in Cornewal the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe And with prosperous windes the 18 of May we were vpon the banke of Newfoundland The 19 we lost the Chancewel The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of Assumption where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French ship and afterward in the same bay wee met with our conâort Whereupon we presently put to sea againe and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay where we remained by extremitie of foule weather and to mend a pinnes of 7 or 8 tunnes which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of Dartmouth the Admiral of that place vntill the last of May. On which day departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke Shallops but could find none The first of Iune we set saile from Rogneuse and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme The 4 we set saile and this day we saw a great Island of yce The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in a fog at the mouâh of the bay of Placentia The 11 at Sunne setting we had sight of Cape Briton And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we cast anker vnder the north-Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground In that place we caught great store of Cods which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland The 13 wee weyed anker againe and being becalmed about a league from the shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes aboue ground and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship The 14 we came to the 2 Islands of Birds some 23 leagues froÌ Menego where there were such abundance of Birds as is almost incredible to report And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds we saw great store of Morsses or sea Oxen which were a sleepe vpon the rockes but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee from them The 16 we arriued at Brians Island which lyeth 5 leagues West from the Island of Birds About this Island ther is as great aboundance of cods as in any place can be found In litle more then an houre we caught with 4 hookes 250 of them Here we caught also a great Tuâbut which was an elâe long and a yard broad which was so great that the hooke could not hold her into the ship but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke escaped In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for corne and meadow great store of wood but of smal groweth Springes of fresh water we found none in all the Island but some standing pooles of raine water The same day at night we weyed anker againe The 17 we had stormy weather The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea where we appointed to meet with our consort And approching neere vnto the harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our great boate into the harborough with the masters mate and some dozen more of the company who when they came in found 4 ships Namely 2 of Saint Malo in Britaigne and two of Sâbâburo adioyning to Saint Iohn de luz being the French Kings subiâcts whom they supposed to haue bene of Spaine and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into haâborough âinding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre and a mightie great cuârent in when wee had cast anker we sent presently to speake with the masters of all thâ ships but those onely of Saint Malo came aboord whom wee entertained very friendly and demaunded of whence the other two shippes were They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de Luz or Sibiburo Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both the sayd shippes to request them to come aboord and to bring with them their Charters parties and other euidences to the ende we might knowe of whence they were At which message one of the sayde Masteâs came aboord with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe whom when we had examined they sayd that they were of Sibiburo and the French Kings subiectes We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough peaceably to deliuer vp their powder and munition promising them that if we found them to be the French Kings subiectes it shoulde be kept in safetie for them without diminishing But they woulde not consent thereunto whereunto we replyed that vnlesse they would consent thereunto we would hold them to be our enemies They not consenting we sent the boate well manned to fetch thâir powder and munition from aboorde their ship but straightly commanded our men not to touch any thing else in the ship vpon their further perill which they promised to performe When they came aboorde the saide ships which were mored together they were resisted by force of armes but quickly they got the victorie which done they fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes contrary to their promise whereupon we sent another to forbidde them but when he came to them none was more ready of pillage then he Whereupon I went my selfe and tooke away from our men whatsoeuer they had pillaged and gaue it againe to the owners onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were When I had done I gaue the Baskes possâssion of their shippe againe and tolde them they should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings of subiects Then I caryed away all our men and also tooke with me two or three of the chiefest of them and when I came aboord went to examining of them and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France whereupon I tolde the master of the âaid ship that I was throughly satisfied that he was of France and so diâmissed him in peace Of the other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine but had nâ certaine proofe thereof wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace After I had thus dismissed them our ships company fell into a mutiny and more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away But they weâe
This Island is so full of birds that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them yet for the great number that there is it would not seeme that any were taken away We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them This Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees and 40 minutes Upon the eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further with a prosperous weather came to the Port called The Port of white sands that is in the Bay called The Bay of Castelâ where we had purposed to meete stay together the 15 of the said moneth In this place theâefore we looked for our fellowes that is to say the other two ships till the 26 of the moneth on which day both came together So soone as our fellowes were come we set our ships in a readines taking in both water wood other necessaries And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth early in the morning we hoised saile to passe on further sayling along the Northerne coast that runneth Northeast and Southwest til two houres after Sun-set or thereabouts then we crossed along two Islands which doe stretch further foorth then the others which we called S. Williams Islands being distant about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest All the coast from the Castels to that place lieth East West Northeast Southwest hauing betweene it sundry little Islands altogether barren and full of stones without either earth or trees except certain valleyâ only The next day being the 30 of Iuly we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe among which there is a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes where many good harboroughs seeme to be them we named S. Marthas Islands from which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous shallow wherein are fiue rockes which lie from Saint Marthas Islands about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands on the East on the West side to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues âthwart a cape of the lower Islands which we named S. Germans Islands Southeastward from which place about three leagues there is a very dangerous shallow Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas about two leagues from the sayd Islands there lyeth a banke of sand vpon which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe and therefore seeing the danger of the coast we strucke saile and went no further that night The next day being the last of Iuly we went all along the coast that runneth East and West and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about with Islands and drie sands and in trueth is very dangerous The length from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without any signe or shew of harboroughs till we came to Cape Thiennot which treÌdeth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage and therefore we sailed on all that night West and Westnorthwest till it was day and then the wind turned against vs wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might harbour our ships and by good hap found one fit for our purpose about seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot that we named S. Nicholas Hauen it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea Upon the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse But note by the way that this crosse must be brought Northeast then bending toward it leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water and within the hauen foure Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane outward halfe a league All this coast is full of shoulds and very dangerous albeât in sight many good hauens seeme to be there yet is there nought else but shelues and sands We staied and rested our selues in the sayd hauen vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday on which day we hoysed sayle and came toward land on the South side toward Cape Rabast distaât from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast and Southsouthwest but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary winde and because we could find no hauen there toward the South thence we went coasting along toward the North beyond the aboue sayd hauen about ten leagues where we found a goodly great gulfe full of Islands passages and entrances toward what wind so euer you please to bend for the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape of lande stretching somewhat further foorth than the others and about two leagues within the land there is an hill fashioned as it were an heape of corne We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay The twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay or gulfe sayling Westward and discouered a Cape of land toward the South that runneth West and by South distant from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay about fiue and twenty leagues And of the two wilde men which wee tooke in our former voyage it was tolde vs that this was part of the Southerne coaste that there was an Island on the Southerly parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo where the yeere before we had taken them to Canada and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay on the North shore extending toward Canada and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape there is aboue a hundreth fadome water Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so many Whâles seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape The next day after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth hauing passed the Straight we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward the South which landes are full very great and high hilles and this Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption and one Cape of the said high countreys lyeth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest the distance betweene which is about fiue and twenty leagues The Countreys lying North may plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly more then thirty leagues in length We trended the sayd landes about toward the South from the sayd day vntill Tewesday noone following the winde came West and therefore wee bended toward the North purposing to goe and see the land that we before had spâed Being arriued there we found the sayd landes as it were ioyned together and low toward the Sea And the Northerly mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East and West and
diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer some what neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said That here is the land of Saguenay which is rich and wealthy in precious stones And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found wriâten these two lines following in the said Carde enclining toward the Southwest Here in this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues which they call in their language Canodeta Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you it is made after the maner of a sea Chart which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael and Iohn which at this present are in Canada If at their returne which will be God willing about Magdalene tyde they haue learned any new thing worthy the writing I will not faile to aduertise you thereof Your louing Friend IAQVES NOEL Here followeth the course from Belle Isle Carpont and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roberual 1542. BElles Isles are in 51 degrees and â
Belles Isles and Carpont are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and they are ten leagues distant Carpont is in 52 degrees Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are Northeast and Southwest and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay is 7 leagues The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and a halfe and on the Northside therof there is a rocke halfe a league from the Isle ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke And when thou commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the starreboord side and also on the larboord side there are two or three small Isles and when thou commest out on the Northeast side ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there is a shold which lieth on thy starboord side and saile thou by the North coast and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South because there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea And when thou art come athwart the hauen of Butes run along the North shore about one league or an halfe off for the coast is without all danger Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay and the Isles of Blanc Sablon which are within the Grand Bay neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast West and Southwest the distance is 30 leagues The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer against the Bay des Chasteaux and from theuce forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from land to land And the land on the South shore is all low land along the sea coast The North shore is reasonable high land Blanc Sablon is in 51 degrees â The Isles of Blanc Sablon the Isles de la Damoiselle are Northeast Westsouthwest and take a little of the Westsouthwest and they are distant 36 leagues these Iles are in 50. deg ¾ And there is a good hauen you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the Northeast and within the distance of a pike an half because of a rocke which lieth on your larrebord side you may ancre in 10 fathome water ouer against a litle nooke and from the great headland vnto the place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables And if thou wouldest go out by the West side thou must saile neere the Isle by the starrebord giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the comming forth and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side by reason of a suncken flatte which lieth on the starrebord and thou shalt saile so on to the Southsouthwest vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth which is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles and thou shalt leaue it on the larrebord and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues because that Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast Southsouthwest Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours and on this coast there are faulcons haukes and certaine foules which seeme to be seasants The Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot are Northeast Westsouthwest take a little of the north-Northeast and southwest they are distant 18. leagues Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and ¼ And there the sea is broadest And it may be to the end of Newfoundland which is at the entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues which is the greatest bredth of this sea And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot Cape Tienot hath in y e sea 5 or 6 leagues distant froÌ it a sunkeÌ Iâland dangerous for ships The Cape Tienot and the midst of the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest they are 22. leagues distant the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49 deg ½ The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeastâ the Northwest end is in 50. degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfeâ and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad and from the Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is not aboue seuen leagues broad but vnto the firme land on the South side are about 15. leagues Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention toward the Southeast are north-Northeast and Southwest and are distant 30. leagues The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of Ascension are East and West and take a little of the Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 34. leagues The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle and a goodly champion land without any hilles standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster all couered with trees vnto the Sea shore and there are al sorts of trees as there be in France and there be wild beasts as beares Luserns Porkespicks And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues The Northwest end of the Isle the Cape des Monts nostre Dame which is on the maine land towards the South are Northeast and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues The Cape is in 49. degrees which is a very high land The Cape and end of the
goodly Riuer in hope to meete with some better happe or otherwise to retire our selues backe againe And for that they might be the better aduised I willed them to deliberate all night vpon the matter and in the morning at our going aborde to set our course according to the desires of the greatest part Their resolution fully and wholy was and not three founde to bee of the contrary opinion that whiles there was left but one halfe pinte of Corne for a man wee should not leaue the search of that Riuer and that there were in the companie two Mastiues vpon the pottage of which with Sassafras leaues if the worst fell out the company would make shift to liue two dayes which time would bring them downe the current to the mouth of the Riuer and to the entrie of the Sound and in two dayes more at the farthest they hoped to crosse the Sound and to bee relieued by the weares which two dayes they would fast rather then be drawen backe a foote till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friendes or foes This resolution of theirs did not a little please mee since it came of themselues although for mistrust of that which afterwards did happen I pretended to haue bene rather of the contrary opinion And that which made me most desirous to haue some doings with the Mangoaks either in friendship or otherwise to haue had one or two of them prisoners was for that it is a thing most notorious to all the countrey that there is a Prouince to the which the said Mangoaks haue recourse and trafique vp that Riuer of Moratoc which hath a marueilous and most strange Minerall This Mine is so notorious amongst them as not onely to the Sauages dwelling vp the said riuer and also to the Sauages of Chawanook and all them to the Westward but also to all them of the maine the Countreis name is of fame and is called Chaunis Temoatan The Minerall they say is Wassador which is copper but they call by the name of Wassador euery mettall whatsoeuer they say it is of the colour of our copper but our copper is better then theirs and the reason is for that it is redder and harder whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very soft and pale they say that they take the saide mettall out of a riuer that falleth very swift from hie rockes and hâls and they take it in shallow water the maner is this They take a great bowle by their description as great as one of our targets and wrappe a skinne ouer the hollow part thereof leauing one part open to receiue in the minerall that done they watch the comming downe of the current and the change of the colour of the water and then suddenly chop downe the said bowle with the skinne and receiue into the same as much oare as will come in which is euer as much as their bowle will holde which presently they cast into a fire and foorthwith it melteth and doeth yeelde in fiue parts at the first melting two parts of metall for three parts of oare Of this metall the Mangoaks haue so great store by report of all the Sauages adioyning that they beautifie their houses with great plates of the same and this to be true I receiued by report of all the countrey and particularly by yong Skiko the King of Chawanooks sonne my prisoner who also himselfe had bene prisoner with the Mangoaks and set downe all the particularities to me before mentioned but hee had not bene at Chawnis Temoatan himselfe for hee said it was twentie dayes iourney ouerland from the Mangoaks to the said Mineral Countrey and that they passed through certaine other territories betweene them and the Mangoaks before they came to the said Countrey Upon report of the premisses which I was very inquisitiue in all places where I came to take very particular information of by all the Sauages that dwelt towards those parts and especially of Menatonon himselfe who in euery thing did very particularly informe mee and promised me guides of his owne men who should passe ouer with me euen to the said Country of Chaunis Temoatan for ouerland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but one dayes iourney from Sunne rising to Sunne setting whereas by water it is seuen dayes with the soonest These things I say made me very desirous by all meanes possible to recouer the Mangoaks and to get some of that their copper for an assay and therefore I willingly yeelded to their resolution But it fell out very contrary to all expectation and likelyhood for after two dayes trauell and our whole victuall spent lying on shoare all night wee could neuer see man onely fires we might perceiue made alongst the shoare where we were to passe and vp into the Countrey vntill the very last day In the euening whereof about three of the clocke wee heard certaine Sauages call as we thought Manteo who was also at that time with me in the boat whereof we all being very glad hoping of some friendly conference with them and making him to answere them they presently began a song as we thought in token of our welcome to them but Manteo presently betooke him to his piece and tolde mee that they meant to fight with vs which worde was not so soone spoken by him and the light horseman ready to put to shoare but there lighted a vollie of their arrowes amongst them in the boat but did no hurt God be thanked to any man Immediatly the other boate lying ready with their shot to skoure the place for our hand weapons to lande vpon which was presently done although the land was very high and steepe the Sauages forthwith quitted the shoare and betooke themselues to flight wee landed and hauing faire and easily followed for a smal time after them who had wooded themselues we know not where the Sunne drawing then towards the setting and being then assured that the next day if wee would pursue them though we might happen to meete with them yet wee should be assured to meete with none of their victuall which we then had good cause to thinke of therefore choosing for the company a conuenient ground in safetie to lodge in for the night making a strong Corps of guard and putting out good Centinels I determined the next morning before the rising of the Sunne to be going backe againe if possibly we might recouer the mouth of the riuer into the broad sound which at my first motion I found my whole company ready to assent vnto for they were nowe come to their Dogges porredge that they had be spoken for themselues if that befell them which did and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape The ende was we came the next day by night to the Riuers mouth within foure or fiue miles of the same hauing rowed in one day downe the current as much as in foure dayes wee had done against the same we lodged vpon an Iland
denomination I was apprehended for the same words here rehearsed and none other thing and thereupon was vsed as before is written Now to speake somewhat of the description of the countrey you shall vnderstand that the port of S. Iohn de Vllua is a very little Island low by the waterside the broadest or longest part thereof not aboue a bowshoote ouer and standeth within two âurlongs of the firme land In my time there was but one house and a little Chappel to say Masse in in all the Island the side to the land wards is made by mans handes with free-stone and grauel and is 4. fadome deepe downe right wherfore the great ships that come in there do ride so neere the shoare of the Island that you may come and goe aland vpon their beake noses They vse to put great chaines of yron in at their halsers and an ancker to the landward and all little ynough to more well their shippes for feare of the Northerly winds which come off the coast of Florida that sometimes haue caried ships houses and all away to the shoare The king was wont to haue 20. great mightie Negroes who did serue for nothing else but onely to repaire the said Island where the foule weather doeth hurt it The Countrey all thereabout is very plaine ground a mile from the sea side a great wildernes with great quantitie of red Deere in the same so that when the mariners of the ships are disposed they go vp into the wildernes and do kil of the same and bring them aboord to eate for their recreation From this port to the next towne which is called Vera Cruz are 5. leagues almost by the Sea side till you come within one league of the place and then you turne vp towards the land into a wood till you come to a litle riuer hard by the said townes side which sometimes of the yere is dry without water The towne of Vera Cruz in my time had not past 300. housholds and serued but for the folke of the ships to buy and bring their goods aland and deliuer it to their ownersâ as also the owners and their factors to receiue their goods of the Masters of the ships This towne standeth also in a very plaine on the one side the riuer and the other side is enuironed with much sande blowân from the sea side with the tempest of weather many times comming vpon that coast This towne also is subiect to great sicknes and in my time many of the Mariners officers of the ships did die with those diseases there accustomed especially those that were not vsed to the countrey nor knew the danger therof but would commonly go in the Sunne in the heat of the day did eat fruit âf the countrey with much disorder and especially gaue themsâlues to womens company aâ their first comming whereupon they were caât into a burning ague of the which few escaped Halfe a dayes iourney from Vera Cruz towards Mexico is a lodging of fiue or sixe houses called the Rinconado which is a place where is a great pinacle made of lime and stone fast by a riuer side where the Indians were wont to doe their sacrifices vnto their gods and it is plaine and low ground betwixt that and Vera Cruz and also subiect to sicknes but afterward halfe a dayes iourney that you do begin to enter into the high land you shall find as faire good and sweet countrey as any in the world and the farther you go the goodlier and sweeter the countrey is till you come to Pueblo dâ los Angeles which may be some 43 leagues from Vera Cruz which was in my time a towne of 600. housholds or thereabout standing in a goodly soile Betweene Vera Cruz and that you shall come through many townes of the Indians and villages and many goodly fieldes of medow grounds Râuers of fresh waters forrests and great woods very pleasant to behold From Pueblo de los ângeles to Mexico is 20. leagues of very faire way and countrey as before is declared Mexico was a Citie in my time of not aboue 1500. housholds of Spaniards inhabiting there but of Indian people in the suburbs of the said city dwelt aboue 300000. as it was thought and many more This City of Mexico is 65. leagues from the North sea and 75. leagues from the South sea so that it standeth in the midst of the maine land betwixt the one sea and the other It is situated in the middest of a lake of standing water and enuironed round about with the same sauing in many places going out of the Citie are many broad wayes through the said lâke or water This lake and Citie is enuironed also with great mountaines round about which are in compasse aboue thirtie leagues and the saide Citie and lake of standing water doeth stand in a great plaine in the middest of it This lake of standing water doeth proceed from the shedding of the raine that falleth vpon the saide mountaines and so gather themselues together in this place All the whole proportion of this Citie doeth stand in a very plaine ground aud in the middest of the said Citie is a square place of a good bow shoote ouer from side to side and in the middest of the said place is the high Church very faire and well builded all through at that time not halfe finished and round about the said place are many faire houses built on the one side are the houses where Mutezuma the great king of Mexico that was dwelt and now there lye alwayes the viceroyes that the King of Spaine sendeth thither euery three yeeres And in my time there was for viceroy a gentleman of Castil called Don Luis de Velasco And on the other side of the saide place ouer against the same is the Bishops house very faire built and many other houses of goodly building And hard by the same are also other very faire houses built by the Marques de Valle otherwise called Hernando Cortes who was hee that first conquered the saide Citie and Countrey who after the said conquest which hee made with great labour and trauaile of his person and danger of his life and being growen great in the Countrey the King of Spaine sent for him saying that he had some particular matters to impart vnto him And when he came home he could not bee suffered to returâe backe againe as the King before had promised him With the which for sorrow that he tooke he died and this he had for the reward of his good seruice The said Citie of Mexico hath the streetes made very broad and right that a man being in the high place at the one ende of the street may see at the least a good mile forward and in all the one part of the streets of the North part of their Citie there runneth a pretie lake of very cleare water that euery man may put into his
left vs so behind him and brought away Negros but the reason is this for them he might haue had victuals or any other thing needfull if by foule weather hee had bene driuen vpon the Islands which for gold nor siluer he could not haue had And thus our Generall departed to his ship and we remained on land where for our safeties fearing the wild Indians that were about vs we kept watch all night and at Sunne rising wee marched on our way three and three in a ranke vntill that we came into a fielde vnder a groue where the Indians came vpon vs asking vs what people we were and how we came there Two of our company namely Anthony Goddard and Iohn Cornish for that they could speake the Spanish tongue went to them and said wee were Englishmen that neuer came in that countrey before and that we had fought with the Spaniards and for that we lacked victuals our Generall set vs on shore they asked vs whither we intended to goe we said to Panuco The Captaine of the Indians willed vs to giue vnto them some of our clothes shirts which we did then he bad vs giue them all but we would not so doe whereupon Iohn Cornish was then slaine with an arrow which an Indian boy that stoode by the Captaine shot at him wherefore hee stroke the boy on the necke with his bow that he lay for dead and willed vs to follow him who brought vs into a great fielde where we found fresh water hee bad vs sit downe about the pond and drinke and he with his company would goe in the meane space to kill fiue or sixe Deere and bring them vs. We taryed there till three of the clocke but they came not there one of our company whose name was Iohn Cooke with foure other departed from vs into a groue to seeke reliefe where presently they were taken by the Indians and stript as naked as euer they were borne and so returned to vs. Then we diuided our selues into two parts halfe to Anthony Goddard and the rest to Iames Collier and thus seuerally we sought for Panuco Anthony Goddard with his company bid vs farewell they passed a riuer where the Indians robbed many of them of their clothes and so passing on their way came to a stony hill where they stayed Iames Collieâ with his company that day passed the same riuer and were also robbed and one of them slaine by chance wee came that night vnto the hill where Anthony Goddard and his company rested there we remained til morning and then we marched altogether from thence entring betweene two groues where the Indians robbed vs of all our clothes and left vs naked they hurt many and killed eight of vs. Three dayes after we came to another riuer there the Indians shewed vs the way to Panuco and so left vs we passed the riuer into the wildernes where we made wreaths of greene grasse which we wound about our bodies to keepe vs from the Sunne and gnats of that Countrey We trauelled there seuen dayes and seuen nights before wee came to Panuco feeding on nothing but roots and Guiauos a fruit like figs. At our comming to the riuer of Panuco two Spanish horsemen came ouer vnto vs in a Canowe they asked vs how long we had bene in the wildernesse and where our generall was for they knewe vs to be of the company that had fought with their countrimen we told them seuen dayes and seuen nights and for lacke of victuals our Generall set vs on shore he was gone away with his ships They returned to their Gouernour who sent them with fiue Canowes to bring vs all ouer Which done they set vs in aray where a hundred horsemen with their lances came forceably vpon vs but did not hurt vs they carried vs prisoners to Panuco where we remained one night In the riuer of Panuco there is a fish like a calfe the Spanyards call it a Mallatin hee hath a stone in his head which the Indians vse for the disease of the Collicke in the night he commeth on land and eateth grasse I haue eaten of it and it eateth not much vnlike to bacon From thence we were sent to Mexico which is 90 leagues from Panuco In our way thither 20 leagues from the sea side I did see white Crabs running vp downe the sands I haue eaten of them and they be very good meat There groweth a fruit which the Spanyards call Auocottes it is proportioned like an egge and as blacke as a cole hauing a stone in it and it is an excellent good fruit There also groweth a strange tree which they call Magueis it sârueth them to many vses below by the root they make a hole whereat they do take out of it twise euery day a certaine kind of licourâ which they seeth in a great kettle till the third part be consumed that it ware thick iâ is as sweet as any hony and they do eat it Within 20. daies after that they haue taken al the licour from it it withereth they cut it down vse it as we vse our hempe here in England which done they conuert it to many vses of some part they make mantles ropes and threed of the ends they make needles to sow their saddles pannels other furniture for their horses of the rest they make eyies to coâer their houses and they put it to many other purposes And thus we came to Mexico which is sâuen or eight miles about seated in a great fen inuironed with 4 hils it hath but two wayes oâ entrance and it is full of creeks in the which in their Canowes they passe from place to placeâ to the Islands there within In the Indies ordinarily three times a yeere bee wonderfull earthquakes which put the people in great feare and danger during the time of two yeeres that I was in Mexico I saw them sixe times when they come they throw downe trees houses and Churches There is a citie 25. leagues from Mexico called Tlaxcalla which is inhâbited with a hundred thousand Indians they goe in white shirts linnen breeches and long mantles and the women weare about them a garment much like vnto a flannell perticote The kings pallace was the first place that wee were brought vnto in Mexico where without we were wâlled to sit downe Much people men women and children came wondring about vs many lamented our misery some of their clergy asked vs if we were Christians we said we praised God we were as good Christians as they they asked how they might know that we said by our confessions From thence we were carried in a Canow to a Tanners house which standeth a little from the citie the next morning two friers and two priâsts came thither to vs and willed vs to blesse our selues and say our prayers in the Latin tongue that they might vnderstand vs many of our company
the Spanyards haue very wel proued the same sent vs the eight day at night a faire Westerly winde whereupon the captaine and company consulted determining not to refuse Gods gift but euery man was contented to pinch his owne bellie whatsoeuer had happened and taking the sayd winde the ninth day of Iuly got to the Table and sailing the same night vnawares ouershot Hauana at which place wee thought to haue watered but the next day not knowing that wee had ouershot the same sailed along the coast seâking it and the eleuenth day in the morning by certeine knowen marks we vnderstood that we had ouershot it 20 leagues in which coast ranging we found no conuenient watering place whereby there was no remedy but to disemboque and to water vpon the coast of Florida for to go further to the Eastward we could not for the shoalds which are very dangerous and because the current shooteth to the Northeast we doubted by the force thereof to be set vpon them and therefore durst not approch them so making but reasonable way the day aforesayd and all the night the twelfth day in the morning we fell with the Islands vpon the cape of Florida which we could scant double by the meanes that fearing the shoalds to the Eastwards and doubting the current comming out of the West which was not of that force we made account of for we felt little or none till we fell with the cape and then felt such a current that bearing all sailes against the same yet were driuen backe againe a great pace the experience whereof we had by the Iesus pinnesse and the Salomons boat which were sent the same day in the afternoone whiles the ships were becalmed to see if they could finde any water vpon the Islands aforesaid who spent a great part of the day in rowing thither being further off then they deemed it to be and in the meane time a faire gale of winde springing at sâa the ships departed making a signe to them to come away who although they saw them depart because they were so neere the shore would not lose all the labour they had taken but determined to keepe their way and see if there were any water to be had making no account but to finde the shippes well enough but they spent so much time in filling the water which they had fouÌd that the night was come before they could make an end And hauing lost the sight of the ships they rowed what they could but were wholly ignorant which way they should seâke them againe as indeed there was a more doubt then they knew of for when they departed the shippes were in no current and sailing but a mile further they found one so strong that bearing all saâles it could not preuaile against the same but were driuen backe whereupon the captaine sent the Salomon with the other two barks to beare neere the shore all night because the current was lesse there a great deale and to beare light with shooting off a piece now and then to the intent the boats might better know how to come to them The Iesus also bare a light in her toppe gallant and shot off a piece also now and then but the night passed and the morning was come being the thirteenth day and no newes could be heard of them but the ships and barkes ceased not to looke stâll for them yet they thought it was all in vaine by the meanes they heard not of them all the night past and therefore determined to tary no longer seeking for them till noone and if they heard no newes then they would depart to the Iesus who perforce by the vehemency of the current was caried almost out of sight but as God would haue it now time being come and they hauing tacked about in the pinnesses top had sight of them and tooke them vp they in the boats being to the number of one and twenty hauing sight of the ships and seeing them tacking about whereas before at the first sight of them they did greatly reioyce were now in a greater perplexitie then euer they were for by this they thought themselues vtterly forsaken whereas before they were in some hope to haue found them Truly God wrought maruellously for them for they themselues hauing no victuals but water and being sore oppressed with hunger were not of opinion to bestow any further time in seeking the shippes then that present noone time so that if they had not at that instant espied them they had gone to the shore to haue made prouision for victuals and with such things as they could haue gotten either to haue gone for that part of Florida where the French men were planted which would haue bene very hard for them to haue done because they wanted victuals to bring them thither being an hundred and âwenty leagues off or els to haue remained amongst the Floridians at whose hands they were put in comfort by a French man who was with them that had remained in Florida at the first finding thereof a whole yeere together to receiue victuals sufficient and gentle entertainment if need were for a yeere or two vntill which time God might haue prouided for them But how contrary this would haue fallen out to their expectations it is hard to iudge seeing those people of the cape of Florida are of more sauage and fiârce nature and more valiant then any of the rest which the Spanyards well prooued who being fiue hundred men who intended there to land returned few or none of them but were inforced to forsake the same and of their cruelty mention is made in the booke of the Decades of a frier who taking vpon him to persuade the people to subiection was by them taken and his skin cruelly pulled ouer his eares and his flesh eaten In these Islands they being a shore found a dead man dried in a maner whole with other heads and bodies of men so that these sorts of men are eaters of the flesh of men aswel as the Canibals But to returne to our purpose The foureteenth day the shippe and barks came to the Iesus briâging them newes of the recouery of the men which was not a little to the râioycing of the captaine and the whole company and so then altogether they kept on their way along the coast of Florida and the fifteenth day came to an anker and so from sixe and twenty degrees to thirty degrees and a halfe where the French men abode ranging all the coast along seeking for fresh water ankering euery night because we would ouershoot no place of fresh water and in the day time the captaine in the ships pinnesse sailed along the shore went into euery creeke speaking with diuers of the Floridians because hee would vnderstand where the French men inhabited and not finding them in eight and twentie degrees as it was declared vnto him maruelled thereat and neuer left sailing along the coast till he found them who
fish to be taken with hookes and nets also we stayed on shore and fowled Here sir Iohn Hawkins was extreme sicke which his sicknes began vpon newes of the taking of the Francis The 18 day wee weyed and stoode North and by East into a letter sound which sir Francis in his barge discouered the night before and ankored in 13 fadoms hauing hie steepe hils on either side some league distant from our first âiding The 12 in the morning we weied and set sayle into the sea due South through a small sâreit but without danger and then stode West and by North for S. Iuan de Puerto rico and in the after noone left the 3 small Islands called The passages to the Southward of vs and that night came vp to the Eastermost end of S. Iohn where sir Iohn Hawkins departed this life âpon whose decease sir Thomas Baskcruil presently went into the Garland At 2 of the clocke we came to anker at the estermost side of the chiefe towne called Puerto rico in a sandie bay 2 miles off âhere we receiued from their forts and places where they planted Ordinance some 28 great shot the last of whiâh strake the admârall through the misân and the last but âne strake through her quarter into the sterage the Generall being there at supper and strake the stoole from vndâr him but hurt him not but hurt at the same table sir Nicholas Clifford M. Browne captaine Stratford with one or two more Sir Nicholas Clifford and master Browne died of their hurts Then wee set sayle and stood to the Eastward and at midnight tacked about to the West and in the morning came to an anker before the point without the towne a little to the Westwards by the 3 Islands The 13 we rode still vntill night when in the beginning with twenty fiue pinnesses boats and shallops manned and furnished with fire-workes and small shot wee went into the rode within the great castels and in despite of them fired the fiue Zabras or frigats all ships of two hundreth tunnes the piece or more quite burning the Rere admirall downe to the water which was the greatest shippe of them all and also mightily spoiled the admirall and viceadmirall notwithstanding the castles and ships gaue vs a hundreth eightie and fiue great shot besides small shot abundance They had also sunke a great shippe in the mouth of the chanell and rafted it ouer with hâr mastes almost to the very fortes and castles so as they thought it impregnable The frigats had in each of them twenty pieces of brasse and a hundreth barrels of powder Their chiefe lading that they brought thither was silke oyle and wine The treasure which they went to fetch which was brought thither in a ship called the Vigonia was conueyed into the strongest and surest castell of defence being as one of the prisoners cânfessed three millions of ducats or fiue and thirty tunnes of siluer Also they had sent all the women children and vnable persons into the woods and left none but souldiers and fighting men in the towne The fight on our side was resolute hote and dangerous wherein wee lost some forty or fifty men and sâ many were hurt There was also great death of the Spaniards aboord the frigats with burning drowning and killing and besides some taken prisoners The 14 we rode stil being within shot of the vttermost castell but they fearing the neât night we would come in againe began to warpe vp the other 4 frigats beginning first with the Admirall which whether by chance or their owne willes wee saw to sinke and as wee suppose so did they with all the rest or else by stealth got vp farther within their chiefest forces The 15 also we rode still and at afternoone wee espied a carauell comming from the castell point but before our pinnesses could fetch her vp she ranne on shore where our boates could noâ come at her because of the breach and also many of the Islandârs came downe to guard her with shot The beginning of this night we weyed and stoode one houre to the East and then tacked about to the West The 16 being Sunday and the 17 also we were becalmed The 18 we ankered a little to the Southward of the Southwest point of the Island giuing the point a birth because of a shoald of sand that lieth some two cables length off there we rode iâ foure fiue and siâe fadomes faire white sand where wee set vp more pinnesses washed our ships and refreshed our men on shore Here the Generall tooke a pinnesse of Hispaniola with diuers letters signifying that two Englishmen of warre had done great hurt along their Island The 20 the Generall rowed to the Pheniâ the Delighâ and the carâuell and caused them to wey and anker right against the mouth of a fresh riuer in two fâdomes water in ozie sând to the Southward of the other ships some league or more The Generall went into this riuer three or fouâe leagues vp and tooke horses in the countrey Sir Thomas Baskeruil rowed vp the riuer and stayed there all night and went vp into the land three or foure leagues The 23 wee discharged a barker called the Pulpit and burnt her and at three of âhe clocke that afternoone when we were ready to set saile there came aboord âhe Defiance our Admiral a Spaniard with his wife who feared some great torment for not hauing repaâred to the towne according to the Generals commandement of that Island who had commanded that all able men of the fleete should repaire to the towne to defend it against vs. Then we stood againe West and by North because of a ledge of rocks that lie sunke 4 or 5 leagues off the Southside of the Island The 25 we stood away Southwest and saw Mona being a lowe flat Island betweene Hispaniola and S. Iuan de Puerto rico That day the Exchange of captaine Winter spent her boulâsprite and in the beginning of the night the Phenix was sent backe to seeke âer which by Gods help that night met with her and kept her company vntil the neât morning then taking in a small table from her for a towe but by 9 that morning she spent her maine mast and split her foreyard breaking also her tow so as they were faine to saue some trifles out of her and the men and to sinke the hull Then we stood away South and South and by West aâter the fleete and the 26 in the morning had sight of the fleete againe The 29 we had sight of the Island called Curâçao within 8 leagues of the mâineâ and on the Northwest side came to an anker in very deepe water hard aboord the shore without any danger but the Generall weyed presently and stoode away Northwest by the West and Northnorthwest for the maine and that night saw Aruba being somewhat a lesse Island then the other we left it some three leagues to the Southward
currents Remember that when you see one league before you a Rocke and a Shoald that hath vpon it but 2. fathomes water and your marke if you come out of the sea is an Hill and the Hil is not very hie it standeth East and West and vpon it are some little risings and they are not very high and vpon these risings stand two round homocks close together you shall see the Teates of Hauana To know along the shore when you are against the Harbour of Xaroca the markes are these A little to the Westward one league you shall see along the shore a Hill that is broken and that broken Hill is ouer tââ Harbour of Xaroca and then a little more to the Westward a league there is another broken Hill And you shall see that North and South from these broken hits is a Flat off And from that to Hauana is 7. leagues and it is all cleane ground and you may goe along the shore till you come to Hauana To know the harbour of Hauana you shall see before you come at it one litle rocke of stone not very hie and smooth toward the sea vpon the rocke standeth a litle white tower wherein they keepe watch And then if you haue the winde large you shall see the harbour open and then you may beare in with it Your shippe being of great burthen when you are within then keepe on the West side âecââse on the East side on the West end of the Rocke aforesayde there lieth a ledge to the Westward which hath but three or foure fathoms ½ vpon it If your ship be of small burthen you may run along the weather shore vntill you come right against the Castle and then halfe the Bay ouer you may come to an anchor How to worke comming through the olde Chanell if you be not minded to goe ouer the Pracellas or shoalds If you will come through the olde Chanel when you come as hie as the Shoalds comming vpon your course from the Caio de Moa as I told you keepe 2. leagues from the Pracel or shoald and then set our course West vnto the low islands of the Firme land And vpon this course you shal kea the Flats on the point of Caio Romano and within it is one Flat higher then the other and smooth vpon and in the middest it maketh as it were broken land and when you are in the chanel in the day time you must take heede you come not neere the shore by 2. leagues and by your sounding no neerer then 3. fathoms And you must take heede stil when y e night commeth to keepe 2. or three leagues off for feare of the shoalds And in the night you must goe Northwest as is aforesaid And also you must take heed that you keepe in the middle of the chanel as nere as you can toward the shoald And finding much wind being benighted from midnight till day stirre West Northwest and when it is towards day then you may edge towards the Flats as is aforesaid And as you stirre hence one day and one night from Caio Romano to the inwards of the Chanell you shall see the firme land of Cuba and other markes and among the rest around hamocke which you may easily know It is called Alcane de Barasoga And from thence to Sauano and to Basquo is 6. leagues and likewise Hauana 6. leagues And from thence to crosse vnder the Fort is 45. leagues And stirre hence vpon your course aforesaid And if you haue gone from Barasoga 30. leagues you shall see none of the Flats of Mecala And giue them a bredth off two or three leagues and keepe your course West Northwest as aforesayd vntill it be day and presently you may edge round to the Flats And thus stirring keepe your course vntill you see the hilles of Camaloqua And looke that when you come from Caio de Moa along the Pracel or shoald by night close by it you shall not see what land it is till it be day and in the Morning you shall set your course as is aforesayd vntill you see the shoald and in seeing it you may stirre on your course as is aboue menâioned vntill you come to Hauana For to set your course from the point of Mance to Caio Romano when you are North and South with the point of Mance you shall stirre thence West Northwest vntil you thinke you be Northeast and Southwest with the hill of Hama And this hill is an high hill and smooth to the seaside And from this hill to Caio Romano you shall stirre Northwest and by West and vpon this course you may be bolde to see Caio Romano And the marke of this Flat is that it maketh an hie land and smooth vpon the top and in the middest of it it sheweth as it were broken And when you come to it you must take heede you come not neere it by 2. leagues because it is sowle And looke that you bring not your selfe too neere the hill of Hama by night For you must take heede of Caio Romano to keepe off it vntill Morning in the Morning you may goe your course vntill you see it and then set your course as is abouesaid A principal ruttier conteining most particular directions to saile from S. Lucar in Andaluzia by the Isles of the Canaries the small Isles called Las Antillas along the South parts of the Isles of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Hispaniola and Cuba and from Cabo de Corrientes or Cabo de S. Anton without and within the litle Isles called Los Alacranes to the port of S. Iuan de Vllua in Nueâa Espanna and the course from thence backe againe by Hauana and through the Chanell of Bahama to Spaine together with the speciall markes of all the Capes Islands and other places by the way and a briefe declaration of their latitudes and longitudes IF you depart from the barre of S. Lucar de Barameda toward the West Indias in the Summer time you must stirre a way Southwest vntill you come to the head-land called Punta de Naga vpon the Isle of Tenerif But if your departure be from the sayd barre in the Winter you must stirre away Southwest and by South vntill you come to the height of Cape Cantin on the coast of Babarie the markes and signes whereof be these following The markes to know Cape Canâin CApe Cantin is a lowe Câpe and small to the sea-ward and maketh a snowt like the nose of a galley and hath vpon the tâp of the poynt a Heath or shrubby place and on the toppe thereof staâd two homocks that to the sea-ward being higher then the other but that on the Souther side sheweth like a tower and this Cape is in 32. degrees and ½ And he that wil seeke from this Cape to discouer Punta de Naga beforesayd must stirre away Southwest and by West
departed from them to seeke the Edward Bonauenture which arriued at Trinidad the day before from the East Indies in whose absence Berreo sent a Canoa abord the pinnesse onely with Indians and dogs inuiting the company to goe with them into the woods to kill a deare who like wise men in the absence of their Captaine followed the Indians but were no sooner one harquebuze shot from the shore but Berreos souldiers lying in ambush had them al notwithstanding that he had giuen his word to Captaine Whiddon that they should take water and wood safely the other cause of my stay was for that by discourse with the Spaniards I dayly learned more and more of Guiana of the riuers and passages and of the enterprise of Berreo by what meanes or fault he failed and how he meant to prosecute the same While wee thus spent the time I was assured by another Casique of the North side of the yland that Berreo had sent to Margarita and Cumana for souldiers meaning to haue giuen mee a cassado at parting if it had bene possible For although he had giuen order through all the yland that no Indian should come abord to trade with me vpon paine of hanging quartering hauing executed two of them for the same which I afterwards founde yet euery night there came some with most lamentable complaints of his crueltie how he had deuided the yland and giuen to euery souldier a part that hee made the ancient Casiques which were Lords of the countrey to be their slaues that he kept them in chaines and dropped their naked bodies with burning bacon and such other torments which I found afterwards to be true for in the city after I entred the same there were 5. of y e lords or litle kings which they cal Casiques in the West Indies in one chaine almost dead of famine and wasted with torments these are called in their owne language Acarewana and now of late since English French and Spanish are come among them they call themselues Capitaines because they perceiue that the chiefest of euery ship is called by that name Those fiue Capitaines in the châine were called Wannawanare Carroaori Maquarima Tarroopanama and Aterima So as both to be reuenged of the former wrong as also considering that to enter Guiana by small boats to depart 400. or 500. miles from my ships and to leaue a garison in my backe interrested in the same enterprize who also dayly expected supplies out of Spaine I should haue sauoured very much of the asse and therefore taking a time of most aduantage I set vpon the Corps du guard in the euening and hauing put them to the sword sent Captaine Calfield onwards with 60. souldiers and my selfe followed with 40. more and so tooke their new City which they called S. Ioseph by breake of day they abode not any fight after a fewe shot and all being dismissed but onely Berreo and his companion I brought them with me abord and at the instance of the Indians I set their new citie of S. Ioseph on fire The same day arriued captaine George Gifford with your Lordships ship and captaine Keymis whom I lost on the coast of Spaine with the Galego and in them diuers gentlemen and others which to our little armie was a great comfort and supply We then hasted away towards our purposed discouery and first I called all the Captaines of the yland together that were enemies to the Spaniards for there were some which Berreo had brought out of other countreys and planted there to eate out and wast those that were naturall of the place and by my Indian interpreter which I caried out of England I made them vnderstand that I was the seruant of a Queene who was the great Casique of the North and a virgine and had more Casiqui vnder her then there were trees in that yland that shee was an enemie to the Castellani in respect of their tyrannie and oppression and that the deliuered all such nations about her as were by them oppressed and hauing freed all the coast of the Northren world from their seruitude had sent mee to free them also and withall to defend the countrey of Guiana from their inuasion aâd conquest I shewed them her Maiesties picture which they so admired and honoured as it had bene easie to haue brought them idolatrous thereof The like and a more large discourse I made to the rest of the nations boâh in my passing to Guiana and to those of the borders so as in that part of the world her Maiestie is very famous and admirable whom they now call Ezrabeta Cassipuna Aquerewana which is as much as Elizabeth the great princesse or greatest commander This done we left Puerto de los Espannoles and returned to Curiapan and hauing Berreo my prisoner I gathered from him as much of Guiana as hee knew This Berreo is a gentleman wel descended and had long serued the Spanish king in Millain Naples the Low countreis and elsewhere very valiant and liberall and a gentleman of great assurednes and of a great heart I vsed him according to his estate and worth in all things I could according to the small meanes I had I sent Captaine Whiddon the yeere before to get what knowledge he could of Guiana and the end of my iourney at this time was to discouer and enter the same but my intelligence was farre from trueth for the countrey is situate aboue 600. English miles further from the Sea then I was made beleeue it had bin which afterward vnderstanding to be true by Berreo I kept it from the knowledge of my company who âlse would neuer haue bene brought to attempt the same of which 600. miles I passed 400. leauing my ships so farre from mee at ancker in the Sea which was more of desire to performe that discouery then of reason especially hauing such poore and weake vessels to transport our selues in for in the bottom of an old Galego which I caused to be fashioned like a galley and in one barge two whirries and a shipboat of the Lions whelpe we caried 100. persons and their victuals for a moneth in the same being al driuen to lie in the raine and weather in the open aire in the burning Sunne and vpon the hard bords and to dresse our meat and to cary all maner of furniture in them wherewith they were so pestered and vnsauory that what with victuals being most fish with the wette clothes of so many men thrust together and the heat of the Sunne I wâll vndertake there was neuer any prison in England that could bee found more vnsauorie and lothsome especially to my selfe who had for many yeeres before bene dicted and cared for in a sort farre more differing If Captaine Preston had not bene perswaded that he should haue come too late to Trinidad to haue âound vs there for the moneth was âxpired which I promised to tary for him there ere hee coulde recouer the
imbarke them in boats which he builded for the purpose and so came with the current downe the riuer of Meta and so into Baraquan After he entred that great mighty riuer he began dayly to lose of his companies both men and horse for it is in many places violently swift and hath forcible âddies many sands and diuers Islands sharpe pointed with rocks but after one whole yeere iourneying for the most part by riâer and the rest by land he grew dayly to fewer numbers for both by sicknesse and by encountring with the people of those regions thorow which he trauelled his companies were much wasted especially by diuers encounters with the Amapaians and in all this time hee neuer could learne of any passage into Guiana nor any newes or fame thereof vntill he came to a further border of the sayd Amapaia eight dayes iourney from the riuer Caroli which was the furthest riuer that he entred Among those of Amapaia Guiana was famous but few of these people accosted Berreo or would trade with him the first three moneths of the six which he solourned there This Amapaia is also maruellous rich in golde as both Berreo confessed and those of Guiana wâth whom I had most conference and is situate vpon Orenoque also In this countrey Berreo lost 60 of his best souldiers and most of all his horse that remained in his former yeeres trauell but in the end after diuers encounters with those nations they grew to peace and they presented Berreo with tenne images of fine golde among diuers other places and croissants which as he sware to me diuers other gentlemen were so curiously wrought as he had not seene the like either in Italy Spaine or the Low-countreys he was resolued that when they came to the hands of the Spanish king to whom he had sent them by his campmaster they would appeare very admârable especially being wrought by such a nation as had no yron instruments at all nor any of those helps which our goldsmiths haue to worke withall The particular name of the people in Amapaia which gaue him these pieces are called Anebas and the riuer of Orenoque at that place is aboue 12 English miles broad which may be from his out fall into the sea 700 or 80â miles This prouince of Amapaia is a very low and a marish ground nere the riuer and by reason of the red water which issueth out in small branches thorow the fenny and boggy ground there breed diuers poisonfull wormes and serpents and the Spanyards not suspecting nor in any sort foreknowing the danger were infected with a grieuous kinde of flure by drinking thereof and euen the very horses poisoned therwith insomuch as at the end of the 6 moneths that they abode there of all their troups there were not left aboue 120 souldiers neither horse nor cattell for Beââeo hoped to haue found Guiana by 1000 miles nerer then it fel out to bâ in the end by meanes âhereof they susteined much want and much hunger oppressed with grieuous diseases and all the miseries that could be imagined I demanded of those in Guiana that had trauelled Amapaia how they liued with that tawny or red water when they trauelled thither and they tolde me that after the Sun was neere the middle of the skie they vsed to fill their pots and pitchrâs with that water but either before that time or towards the setting of the Sun iâ was dangerous to drinke of and in the night strong poison I learned âlso oâ diuers other riuers of that nature among them which were also while the Sun was in the Meridian very safe to drinke and in the morning euening and night woonderfull dangerous and infectiue From this prouince Berreo hasted away assoone as the Spring and beginning of Summer appeared and sought his entrance on the borders of Orenoque on the South side but there ran a ledge of so high and impassable mountaines as he was not able by any meanes to march ouer them continuing from the East sea into which Orenoque falleth euen to Quito in Peru nâither had he meanes to cary victuall or munition ouer those craggie high and fast hilles being all woody those so thicke and spiny so full of prickles thornes and briers as it is âmpossâble to creepe thororw them hee had also neither friendship among the people nor any interpreââr to perswade or treat with them and more to his disaduantage the casiques and kings of Amapaia had giuen knowledge of his purpose to the Guianians and that he sought to sacke and conquer the âmpire for the hepe of their so great abundance and quantities of golde he passed by the mouthes of many great riuers which fell into Orenoque both from the North and South which I forbeare to name for tediousnesse and because they are more pleasing in describing then reading Berreo affirmed that there fell an hundred riuers into Orenoque from the North and Southâ whereof the least was as big as Rio grande that passed betweene Popayan and Nueuo reyno de Granada Rio grande being esteemed one of the renowmed riuers in all the West Indies and numbred among the great riuers of the world but he knew not the names of any of these but Caroli onely neither from what nations they descended neither to what prouinces they led for he had no meanes to discourse with the inhabitanâs at any time neâther was he curious in these things being vtterly vnlearned and not knowing the East from the West But of all these I got some knowledge and of many more partly by mine owne trauell and the rest by conference of some one I learned one of others the rest hauing with me an Indian that spake many languages and that of Guiana naturally I sought out all the aged men and such as were greatest trauellers and by the one and the other I came to vnderstand the situations the riuers the kingdomes from the East sea to the borders of Peru and from Orenoque Southward as farre as Amazones or Marannon and the religions of Maria Tamball of all the kings of prouinces and captaines of townes and villages how they stood in tearmes of peace or warre and which were friends or enemies the one with the other without which there can be neither entrance nor conquest in those parts nor elswhere for by the dissention betweene Guascar and Arabalipa Piçarro conquered Peru and by the hatred that the Tlaxcallians bare to Mutezuma Cortez was victorious ouer Mexico without which both the one and the other had failed of their enterprise and of the great honour and riches which they atteined vnto Now Berreo began to grow into dispaire and looked for no other successe then his predecessor in his enterprise vntill such time as hee arriued at the prouince of Emeâia towards the East sea and mouth of the riuer where he found a nation of people very fauourable and the countrey full of all maner of victuall
and from those mountaines they brought it when they would hâuâ it but they made no great account of it for they neither buy nor sell and amongst them is nothing but change In this countery they eate bread of rootes and Maiz and they eate certaine rootes which they call Aies and Batatas but the Batatas bee better then the other rootes and being rawe they haue a smell of Chestnuts they are to be eaten rosted These Indians doe make wine of the fruit of Date-trees which fruit is yellow in colour and is as great as a little Doues egge and being in season is good to be eaten and of it proceedeth good wine and is preserued for a long time These kinde of people do make their houses with vpper roomes and they sleepe in them as also al their habitation is in the vpper roomes and that which is belowe they leaue open and also they vse certaine mantels of cotten wooll and these they tie at the endes with ropesâ and the one ende of of the rope they make fast to one part of the house and the other ende to the other part of the house and in these they lye which bee their beddes and these kinde of beds bee vsed in all India and there is not in any part of India any chambers that the people do vse to lodge in aloft fâom the ground nor they make any hie roomes but only in this part of India in al other places they make their houses without any loftes or chambers and they couer their houses with the leaues of date trees and of grasse And from this fresh water-sea vnto Paria the coast lyeth West Northwest and is so ful of sholds that the ships cannot come neer to the land There are froÌ this riuer to Paria 250 leagues In this fresh water sea the tydes do ebbe flow as much as they do in Britayne and it standeth in 6 degrees and a halfe Paria standeth on the other side of the Equinoctial toward the North in seuen degrees In Paria the sea floweth but little and from Paria towards the West the sea doth not flow From the entry of the gulfe of Paria vnto the Cape that lyeth towards the West are 35 leagues and froÌ thence the coast turneth towardes the north-Northeast other 35 leagues from thence the coast turneth toward the West Before this gulfe standeth the Island of Trinidad and towards the West doeth appeare the gulfe of Paria like to halfe a round circle after the fashion of a Diameter and at the end of this circle is the entery in of Paria at this entery there is betweene the land and the Island 8 leagues and on the other side there is but litle space betweene the Iland and the land but it is deepe and hath a good entry this Iland of Trinidad hath in length 25 leagues and as many in bredth and standeth in eight degrees and is inhabited of many people and as yet not vnder subiection Here the Indians do vse to shoote with bowes and arrowes which are of a fathome in length made of reeds which grow in that Countrey and at the ende of them is artificially ioyned a piece of wood very strong vnto the which piece of wood at the end of it they put a bone of a fish in place of an arrow head these kinde of bones bee harder then Diamonds and euery one of them be three or foure fingers long they are taken out of a fish that hath three of these bones one vpon the backe another vnder euery wing but that which groweth vpon the backe is the strongest and the greatest In this Island the people saith that there groweth golde and in this Island and in Paria growe reedes so great that they make staues of them and cary of them into Spaine Likewise there bee Popiniayes very great and gentle and some of them haue their foreheads yellow and this sort do quickly learne to speak and speak much There be likewise in the gulfe of Paria pearles although not many but very good and great CERTAINE VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS AND Traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasil together with a Ruttier for all that coast and two intercepted letters which reueale many secrets of the state of that Countery the rest of our Voyages to Brasil which haue bene either intended or performed to the Riuer of Plate the streight of Magellan the South sea or farther that way being reserued for the geuerall heades next insuing A briefe relatioÌ of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plimmouth father to Sir Iohn Haukins knight late Treasurer of her Maiesties Nauie in the yeere 1530 and 1532. OLde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth a man for his wisedome valure experience and skill in sea causes much esteemed and beloued of K. Henry the 8 and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time not contented with the short voyages commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe armed out a tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes called the Paule of Plimmouth wherwith he made three long and famous voyages vnto the coast of Brasil a thing in those dayes very rare especially to our Nation In the course of which voyages he touched at the riuer of Sestos vpon the coast of Guinea where hee traffiqued with the Negros and tooke of them Elephants teeth and other commodities which that place yeeldeth and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil he vsed there such discretion and behaued himself so wisely with those sauage people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them Insomuch that in his second voyage one of the sauage kings of the countrey of Brasil was contented to take ship with him and to be transporâed hither into England whereunto M. Haukins agreed leauing behinde in the Countâry as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth This Brasilian king being arriued was brought vp to London and presented to K. Henry the 8. lying as then at White-hall at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle maruaile and not without cause for in his cheekes were holes made according to their sauage maner and therein small bones were planted standing an inch out from the said holes which in his owne Countrey was reputed for a great brauerie He had also another hole in his nether lip wherein was set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease All his apparel behauiour and gesture were very strange to the beholders Hauing remained here the space almost of a whole yeere and the king with his sight fully satisfied M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment purposed to conuey him againe into his countrey but it fell out in the way that by change of aire and alteration of diet the said Sauage king did
went about and stoode off South southwest one watch then the wind shrinked to the Southwest that we could lye but South southwest sixe glasses so that at three a clocke wee cast about and lay Northwest sixe glasses and North northwest a watch being then eight a clocke the next day The 26. day wee lay as nigh as wee coulde betweene the North and the North northeast and saw the same land againe and made it to bee the foreland of Fontenay and the ragges to bee the Seames which bare now East Northeast of vs and wee stoode on till tenne a clocke then being within two leagues of the rockes and lesse wee cast about and stoode off Southwest because wee could not double the vttermost rockes when we were about we draue to the Southwards very faste for the ebbe set vs West southwest and being spring tides it horsed vs a pace to leewards for the space of one houre then with the flood which was come we draue againe to windewards at twelue at noone it was calme till 6. afternoone then wee stoode about larbord tacked South southwest one watch then at midnight wee cast about and stoode ouer North till foure aforenoone The 27. day hauing brought the land East southeast of vs we made it to be Sylly being before deceiued and went hence East by North to double Grimsbie leauing The bishop and his clearks to the Southwestwards which we before tooke to be The Seames At 7. a clocke in the afternoone we sawe the lands end of England which bare East by North off vs and is 7. leagues off from Sylly The 29. day at sixe a clocke beforenoone we had brought the Ramhead North of vs and were within a league of it and went in Northeast next band being thicke and foggie and little winde so that at eleuen a clocke we got in within the yland and there by mistaking of a sounding our ship came aground betweene the yle and the maine and there sate till 4. a clocke in the afternoone that it was halfe flood The 30. day about 9. a clocke with much adoe I furnished away P. Ieffries M. Symberbe and William Towreson with letters after dined at M. Blaccollers and made many salutations with diuers gentlemen The 31. I wrought abord all day and put our ship and things in order Afternoone I hauing pitie of some poore men of Milbrooke which were robbed the night before by a pirate named Purser which rid in Cawson bay I consented to goe out with the Edward in company of a small shippe which they had furnished to bee their Master so about fiue of the clocke in the afternoone came a hundreth men of theirs abord of mee About twelue a clocke wee set saile and by three afore day wee were gotten to the windwards of him then bee set saile and went hence to the Eastwards and outsailed vs because our consort would not come neere him after a small chase which we gaue him to no effect wee returned into our old road and there moared the ship about nine of the clocke in the forenoone and hence went all the Milbrooke men agaiâe ashore from mee And thus I ended a trouble some voyage The voyage set out by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland in the yere 1586. intended for The South sea but performed no farther then the latitude of 44 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial Written by M. Iohn Sarracoll marchant in the same voyage THe 26. day of Iune in the yeere 1586. and in the 28. yeere of the Queenes maiesties raigne wee departed from Grauesend in two ships the Admirall called The red dragon and the other The barke Clifford the one of the burden of 260. tunnes with 130. men and the other of the burden of 130. tunnes with 70. men the Captaine of the Admirall was M. Robert Withrington Of the vice-admirall M. Christopher Lister both being furnished out at the costs and charges of the right honorable the Erle of Cumberland hauing for their masters two brethren the one Iohn Anthonie and the other William Anthonie The 24. of Iuly wee came into the sound of Plimmouth and being there constrained by Westerly winds to stay till the 17. of August wee then departed with another ship also for our Rear-admirall called the Roe whereof M. Hawes was Captaine and a fine pinnesse also called the Dorothie which was sir Walter Raleghs We foure being out in the sea met the 20. of August with 16. sailes of hulkes in the Sleeue who named themselues to bee men of Hamborough laden and come from Lisbone Our Admirall hailed their Admirall with courteous wordes willing him to strike his sailes and to come abord to him onely to know some newes of the countrey but hee refused to do so onely stroke his flag tooke it in The vice-admirâl of the hulkes being a head would neither strike flagge nor saile but passed on without budging whereupon our Admirall lenâ him a piece of Ordinance which they repayed double so that we grew to some little quarel whereupon one of the sternemost hulkes being as I suppose more afraide then hurt stroke amaine our Admirall being neere him laid him abord and entred with certaine of his men how many I know not for that we were giuing chase to the Windermost men thinking our Admirall would haue come vp againe to vs to haue made them all to haue stroke but the weather growing to be very thicke and foggie with small raine he came not vp but kept with another of the hulkes which Captaine Hawes had borded and kept all night and tooke out of her some prouision that that they best liked They learned of the men that were in the hulke that there were 7. hulkes laden in Lisbone with Spaniards goods and because their lading was very rich they were determined to go about Ireland and so they let her goe againe like a goose with a broken wing The next day after being the 21. day wee espied 5. sailes more which lay along to the Eastwards but by reason of the night which then was neere aâ hand wee could hardly come to them Yet at last we hailed one of the biggest of them they tolde vs that they were al of Hamborough but another saide shee was of Denmarke so that indeede they knew neither what to say nor what to do Our Admirall being more desirous to folow his course then to linger by chasing the hulks called vs from pursuing them with his trumpet and a piece of Ordinance or els wee would haue seene what they had bene and wherewith they had bene laden The 22. day because of contrary winde wee put into Dartmouth all 4. of vs and caried there seuen dayes The 29. we departed thence and put out to Sea and began our voyage thinking at the first to haue runne along the coast of Spaine to see if wee could haue mette with sâme good prize to haue sent home to my Lord but our Captaine thought
it not the best course at the last but rather kept off in the sea from the coast And vpon Saturday the 17. of September wee fell with the coast of Barbarie and the 18. halled in with the roade of Santa Cruz. The 21. day wee ââll with one of the ylands of the Canaries called Forteuentura In running alongst this yland we espied vpon a hill by the water side one wauing with a white flagge whereupon wee manned both our boates and sent them towards the shoare to vnderstand what newes They found them to bee two ragged knaues and one horseman and they tolde vs that Lanzarota was taken and spoyled in August by the Turkes when we saw they had nothing else to say we left them and proceeded on our course and fell againe with the coast of Barbarie The 25. day of September about 10. of the clocke we fell with Rio del Oro standing iust vnder our Tropike we anckered in the mouth of it in 8. âadom the entrance of it is about 2. leagues ouer And the next day our Captaine with the boate searched the riuer and found it to be as broad 14. or 15. leagues vp as at the entrie of it but found no towne nor habitation sauing that there came downe two poore men and one of them spake good Spanish and told our Captaine that certaine Frenchmen vsed to come thither and laded some oxe hides and goats hides but other commoditie there was none We departed thence the 27 day â the last day of the moneth being calme we went abord our General there consented to goe for Sierra Leona to wood and water From thence till the 10. of October wee were much becalmed with extreeme hot weather much lightning and great store of raine This 10. day we sounded finding a great current as we supposed by the ripling water which after wee found to bee an ordinary tide the flood setting to the Northwest and the ebb Southeast and here we had but 18. fathome water and no lande to bee seene it was on the Southermost part of the showles that lie in about 11. degrees but halling South off againe it presently deeped vnto 50. fathome and after halling Southeast and by East and East southeast we sounded but had no ground in 120. fathome The 21. of October wee fell with land vpon the coast of Guinea in the height of 8. degrees a very high land but of no great length it was the high land ouer Sierra Leona Wee drewe in to the land and found neere the shoare more water then in the offing at the Northren end of the high land we anckered about a mile and somewhat more from the shoare in 11. fathome To goe into the harbor of Sierra Leona we did borrow vpon the South side hauing no ground in 10. fathome halfe a mile from the shoare Upon the Northside of this harbour is very shoale water but on the Southside no feare more then is to be seene The 23. day being Sunday wee came to an ancker in the bay of fresh water and going ashoare with our boate wee spake with a Portugal who tolde vs that not farre off there were Negros inhabiting and that in giuing to the king a Botija of wine and some linnen cloth hee would suffer vs to water and wood at our pleasure But our Captaines thinking it not good to giue any thing for that which they might take freely landed and certaine of our men with them whereupon the Portugall and the Negros ranne all away into the woods Then wee returned againe into our boates and presently went and landed in another place thinking to haue fetcht a walke and so to come to our boats againe But wandering through a little wood we were suddenly and vnawares vpon a towne of the Negros whereupon they strooke vp their drumme giuing withall a great showe and off went their arrowes as thicke as haile Wee were in number about 30. caleeuers and 20. with our weapons which wee also let flie into the woods among them and what hurt we did we know not Then wee returned to our boates and tooke wood and water at our pleasure and reasonable store of fish and amongst the rest we halled vp a great foule monster whose head and backe were so hard that no sword could enter it but being thrust in vnder the belly in diuers places and much wounded hee bowed a sword in his mouth as a man would do a girdle of leather about his hande and likewise the yron of a boare speare He was in length about nine foote and had nothing in his belly but a certaine quantitie of small stones to the value of a pottell The fourth of Nouember wee went on shore to a towne of the Negros which stoode on the Southeast side of the harbour about a Sacar shot from the roade which we found to be but lately built it was of about two hundreth houses and walled about with mightie great trees and stakes so thicke that a rat could hardly get in or out But as it chanced wee came directly vpon a port which was not shut vp where we entred with such fiercenesse that the people fled all out of the towne which we found to bee finely built after their fashion and the streetes of it so intricate that it was difficult for vs to finde the way out that we came in at Wee found their houses and streets so finely and cleanly kept that it was an admiration to vs all for that neither in the houses nor streets was so much dust to bee found as would fill an egge shell Wee found little in their houses except some matts goards and some earthen pots Our men at their departure set the towne on fireâ and it was burnt for the most part of it in a quarter of an houre the houses being couered with reed and straw After this wee searched the countrey about it where wee found in diuers plaines good store of rice in stacks which our men did beate out and brought abord in the huske to the quantitie of 14. or 15. tunnes in both our ships The 17. day of Nouember wee departed from Sierra Leona directing our course for the Straights of Magellan In this harbour diuers of our men fell sicke of a disease in the belly which for the time was extreeme but God bee thanked it was but of small continuance Wee founde also in diuers places of the woods images set vpon pinnes with diuers things before them as eggs meale rice round shot of stones and diuers other things such as the barbarous people had to offer vp When we came neere to the Line wee found it nothing so hot as it is at Sierra Leona by reason of the great winde and raine About the 24. day of Nouember one or two of our men died and others also were sicke of a Calentura The second day of Ianuary we had a little sight of land being about the
had good store of gold pearles and emraldes but the Spaniards haue destroyed most of those Indians from off the earth and in many of those Ilands there is nothing of any value wherefore I haue small cause to intreate any further of them But Hispaniola is an Iland of great bignesse and hath bene very full of people and abounded with mines of golde and with pearles but now all is wasted away It was at the Spaniards first coming thither as full of inhabitants as any place of that bignesse in the whole world yet now there are none left for they were men of so hard a heart that they murthered themselues rather then they would serue the Spaniards for being men vnder so small ciuill gouernement as they were neuer was there any people knowen of so resolute and desperate mindes for oftentimes a great number of them being together ouer night they should be found all dead before the morning such extreme hate did this brutish people beare against the Spaniards that they chose rather to die the death then to indure their insolencies It happened on a time that a Spaniard calling certaine Indians to worke in the mines which labour of all others did most grieue them they rather then they would goe offered to lay violent hands on themselues which the Spaniard perceiuing sayd vnto them seeing you will hang your selues rather then goe and worke I likewise will hang my selfe and will beare your company because I will make you worke in an other world but the Indians hearing this replied we will willingly worke with you here to the intent you may not goe with vs into another world so vnwilling were they of the Spaniards companie So that of all the inhabitantes of this Iland there were none that escaped death satte onely these fewe which came to passe by the meanes of this one Spaniarde otherwise they would haue hanged themselues also Some of these people are yet liuing but very few This Iland of Hispaniola is for the most part called The I le of Sant Domingo because the chiefe citie thereof is so called which was the first citie in all the West Indies that was inhabited There are in this citie aboue eight hundred sixe-houses of good building inhabited by Gentlemen of great wealth This Iland is vnhealthfull for it raineth here the most part of the yeere The riches that now this Iland affordeth are sugar for here are many Ingenios or sugar-houses and great store of hides by reason of the abundance of cattell there are copper mines also which is the cause that they haue such store of copper-money for their gold mines be all exhausted and the golde which they haue commeth from other places This Iland being as is beforesaide destitute of the first inhabitants and the Spaniardes lacking men to worke in their Ingenios and to looke vnto their cattell they were forced to bring Negros thither out of Guinea where they haue so increased that the Iland is nowe as full of them as it was of the naturall inhabitantes so that the Spaniardes carrie Negros from this Iland to the maine lande and there sell them The chiefest victuall that they haue in this Iland is a kinde of roote called Iuca which being eaten as it commeth new out of the ground is present death but first they boyle it and after presse it and the liquor that is strained therefrom is deadly poyson howbeit this roote being pressed so dry that there remaineth no moisture in it they mingle and temper the same with water and so make cakes therof which are very sauory good to eat this is all the bread which they haue in those Ilands There go from hence yerely into Spaine 7 or 8 ships at the least full fraighted with sugar hides Neere vnto Hispaniola lyeth another greater Iland called Cuba it is like vnto Hispaniola although there is not so much sugar The principall towne of this Ilande is called Hauana which hath an excellent harborough belonging thereunto The townesmen are very rich by reason of the fleetes that come from Nueua Espanna and Tierra firma which touch there for the safeguarde of which fleetes and of the towne it selfe there is a castle built neere the said harborough kept with Spanish souldiers neither is there any castle or souldiers in all the Ilands but onely here There is also another Iland inhabited with Spaniards called Boriquen or Sant Iuan de Puerto rico It is but little yet euery way as plentifull as the other two are and therfore I omit to speake thereof But now to prosecute my discourse of the port-townes vpon the maine lande Eastwarde and Southward from Margarita there are no townes inhabited by Spaniardes or Portugals till you come to Fernambuck vpon the coast of Brasill notwithstanding that betweene the sayd Iland and Fernambuck runneth the mightie riuer of Marannon whereof both because of the greatnesse and the riches contayned therein I must needes make some relation in regarde I haue promised to speake of euery place that is of any value in all the Indies This riuer is one of the greatest in the world and was first found when as the Spaniardes sought out the other coast but none can passe vp this riuer because of the greatnesse of the current which commeth downe as also there are many shelues of sand lying in the mouth thereof wherby it was long before the riches in and about this riuer were knowen vntill such time as the kingdome of Peru was conquered at which time a Captaine called Gonsalo Pizarro passing thorough the countrey of Peru came at length into a lande which they named La Canela because there groweth great store of Smamome but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the East Indies The sayd Captaine proceeding farther into the countrey came at length to a mightie riuer where he sawe the countrey people rowing in their Canoas and bringing golde to buy and sell with the Spaniards Captaine Pizarro seeing this was desirous to finde out the ende of this riuer but he could not trauell by lande because of the high mountaines wherefore he made a small Barke or Pinnesse to goe and discouer from whence the saide Indians brought their golde and sent in the saide Pinnesse a Captaine vnder him called Orellana who with fiftie men went downe the riuer but could not returne to their Generall Pizarro because of the great current which was very strong against them forcing them to passe along the riuer and to enter into the Sea and so they sayled on forwarde to the foresaide Ile of Margarita but as they passed downe this riuer they found it well inhabited with Indians which were possessed of great store of golde These men with their Pinnesse were passing downe this riuer eight monethes for the riuer lyeth very crooked which maketh a long way by water neither durst the Spaniardes euer lande because
fathoms vntill wee came vp to the roade which is about a league from the poynt borrowing alwayes on the South side vntill you come vp to the watering place in which Baye is the best roade but you must ride farre into the Baye because there run marueilous great tydes in the offââ and it floweth into the road next of any thing at a Southeast and by East moone It is out of England to this place 930. leagues which wee ranne from the 21. of Iuly to the 26. of this moneth of August On Saturday being the 27. day there came 2. Negros aboord our Admiral from the shore and made signes vnto our Generall that there was a Portugal ship vp within the harborough so the Hugh Gallant beeing the Rere-admirall went vp 3 or 4. leagues but for want of a Pilot they sought no farther for the harborough runneth 3. or 4. leagues vp more and is of a marueilous bredth and very dangerous as we learned afterward by a Portugal On Sunday the 28. the Generall sent some of his company on shore and there as they played and daunced all the forenoone among the Negros to the end to haue heard some good newes of the Portugal ship toward their comming aboord they espied a Portugal which lay hid among the bushes whom we tooke and brought away with vs the same night and he tolde vs it was very dangerous going vp with our boates for to seeke the ship that was at the towne Whereupon wee went not to seeke her because we knew he told vs the trueth for we bound him and made him fast and so examined him Also he told vs that his ship was there cast away and that there were two more of his company among the Negros the Portugals name was Emmanuel and was by his occupation a Calker belonging to the Port of Portugal On Munday morning being the 29. day our Generall landed with 70. men or thereabout and went vp to their towne where we burnt 2. or 3. houses and tooke what spoyle wee would which was but litle but al the people fled and in our retiring aboord in a very litle plaine at their townes ende they shot their arrowes at vs out of the woods and hurt 3. or 4. of our men their arrowes were poysoned but yet none of our men miscaryed at that time thanked be God Their towne is marueilous artificially builded with mudde walles and built round with their yards pales in and kept very cleane aswell in their streetes as in their houses These Negros vse good obedience to their king as one of our men sayd which was with them in pawne for the Negros which came first There were in their towne by estimation about one hundred houses The first of September there went many of our men on shore at the watering place and did wash shirts very quietly all the day and the second day they went againe and the Negros were in ambush round about the place and the carpenter of the Admiral going into the wood to doe some speciall businesse espied them by good fortune But the Negros rushed out vpon our men so suddenly that in retiring to our boates many of them were hurt among whom one William Pickman a souldier was shot into the thigh who plucking the arrow out broke it and left the head behinde and he told the Chirurgions that he plucked out all the arrow because he would not haue them lance his thigh whereupon the poyson wrought so that night that hee was marueilously swollen and all his belly and priuie parts were as blacke as ynke and the next morning he died the peece of the arrow with the poyson being plucked out of his thigh The third day of the sayd moneth diuers of our fleete went vp 4. myles within the harbour with our boate and caught great store of fish and went on shore and tooke Limmons from the trees and comming aboord againe saw two Buffes The 6. day we departed from Sierra leona and went out of the harborough and stayed one tide 3. leagues from the point of the mouth of the Harborough in 6. fathoms and it floweth South Southwest On wednesday being the 7. of the same moneth wee departed from one of the Isles of Cape Verde alià s the Isles of Madrabumba which is 10. leagues distant from the poynt of Sierra leona and about fiue of the clocke the same night we anchored 2. miles off the Iland in 6. fathoms water and landed the same night and found Plantans only vpon the Ilande The 8. day one of our boats went out sounded round about the Iland they passed through a sound at the west end of the Iland where they found 5. fathoms round about the Iland vntil they came vnto the very gutte of the sound and then for a cast or two they had but 2. fathoms and presently after 6. fathoms and so deeper and deeper And at the East ende of the Iland there was a towne where Negros doe vse at sometimesâ as we perceiued by their prouision There is no fresh water on all the South side as we could perceiue but on the North side three or foure very good places of fresh water and all the whole Iland is a wood saue certaine litle places where their houses stand which are inuironed round about with Plantan-trees whereof the fruit is excellent meat This place is subiect marueilous much to thunder raine and lightning in this moneth I thinke the reason is because the sunne is so neere the line Equinoctiall On saturday the tenth wee departed from the sayde Iland about 3. of the clocke in the afternoone the winde being at the Southwest The last of October running West Southwest about 24. leagues from Cape Frio in Brasile we fell with a great mountaine which had an high round knoppe on the top of it standing from it like a towne with two litle Ilands from it The first of Nouember wee went in betweene the Iland of Saint Sebastian and the mayne land and had our things on shore and set vp Forge and had our caske on shore our coopers made hoopes and so we remayned there vntill the 23. day of the same moneth in which time we fitted our things built our Pinnesse and filled our fresh water And while our Pinnesse was in building there came a Canoa from the riuer of Ienero meaning to goe to S. Vincent wherein were sixe naked slaues of the Countrey people which did rowe the Canoa and one Portugal And the Portugal knewe Christopher Hare Master of the Admirall for that Master Hare had bene at Saint Vincent in the Minion of London in the yeere 1581. And thinking to haue Iohn Whithal the Englishman which dwelleth at Saint Vincent come vnto vs which is twentie leagues from this Harborough with some other thereby to haue had some fresh victuals we suffered the Portugal to goe with a letter vnto him who promised to
called the Alcatrarza and there he foure little ilands about it Also you may know it by the trending of the land vnto the Southwards Item If you will go in at the Northermost end of S. Sebastian you must take heed of a sand that lieth on the Northeast part of the iland but you may be bolde to borrow on the iland for thâ sand lieth off the maine side Also you mây anker on the Northermost part of the iland in tennâ fadoms and the maine is distant from you where you shall ride two leagues off Item If you will come in at the Southermost end of the iland of S. Sebastian your course from the Alcatrarza is Southwest Northeast and their distance is 6 leagues the one from the other Item Unto the Southwards of the riuer Plate being in the latitude of 45 degrees and 60 leagues off the maine you shall haue shoalding in 60 fadoms or 65 fadoms oazie sand and then halling in for the shore Westsouthwest â6 leagues you shall haue 50 fadoms oaze and you shall haue faire shoalding all along Item In the latitude of 47 â
you shall see about one mile in length not passing one league oâ the shore a ledge of broken ground but no danger Also you shall haue very faire shoalding all along the coast and the land lying South and North vntill you come vnto port Desire which standeth in 48 degrees Item If you will go into port Desire on the North side there lieth one ledge of rocks about league distant from the shore Also on the North side at the mouth of the harborow there lieâ couple of rocks which are at halfe flood vnder water but be bolde to borrow on the Southermost shore for there is no danger and you shall haue no lesse then 6 fadâms water at a low water the harborow lying East and West Also you may know the harborow by one litle iland that lieth Southeast off the mouth of the harborow and it is distant 4 leagues Furthârmore you may know the harborow by an high rocke that âtandeth on the South side and this rocke is very much like a watch tower Also if you be any thing in you may anker in 5 fadoms at a low water Item It floweth there South and North and higheth at spring âides 3 fadoms and an halfe water and in the offing the flood setteth to the Northward Item In the latitude of 48 degrees 50 minuts you shall haue 44 fadoms blacke sand about 5 leagues off and about 3 leagues off you shall haue 25 fadoms and great shingle stones Item in the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall haue sounding in 38 fadoms oazie sand Item In the latitude of 51 degrees 10 minuts you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the shore in 44 fadoms small blacke stones Soundings within the entrance of the Streights ITem About 2 leagues from the Northermost shore you shall haue 38 fadoms blacke sand and all along you shall haue deepe watâr not lesse then 18 or 20 fadoms in the faire way Soundings on the coast of Chili in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 36 degrees you shall haue soundings in 12 fadoms 2 miles from the sand browne sand Item In the latitude of 35 degrees you shall haue soundings one league off from the land in 10 fadoms wâite sand Soundings on the coast of New Spaine in the South sea ITem In the latitude of 14 degrees to the North of the line you shall haue soundings 4 leagues from the land in 30 fadoms browne sand Item From the latitude of 14 degrees vnto the latitude of 15 degrees you shall haue faire shoalding 3 leagues from the land Soundings on the coast of Africa vnto the Eastward of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues ITem To the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues in the latitude of 34 degrees and 10 minuts 8 leagues from the land you shall haue 65 fadome and browne sand A note of the lying of the land vnto the Southward of Port Desire IN primis Seales bay standeth vnto the Southwards of Port Desire 12 leagues Southsouthwest Furthermore vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 3 leagues you shall haue very low land Also more vnto the Southwards of Seales bay 7 leagues in the heighth of 48 degrees 40 minuts you shall see a râcke 5 leagues off the shore the land lying Southwest and by South Item In the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall see a small flat Iland about a league and an halfe off the shore the land lying Sâutâwest and by South Furtheâmore from the latitude of 49 degrees vnto the lâtâtude of 50 degrees the land lieth Souâh and by West and is high land Item From the latâtude of 50 degrees vnto the latitude of 50 degrees 40 minuts the land lieth Southwest and by South Furthermore frâm the latitude of 50 dâgrees 40 minuts vnto the latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts the land lieth South and by West North and by East Item In the sayd latitude of 52 degrees 17 minuts there goeth in an harborow which is to be knowen by a long beache that lieth on the South side of the harborow Moreouer the sayd harborow standeth 12 leagues vnto the Northwards of Cape Ioy. Furthermore from the latitude of 52 degrees 17 mânuts vnto the latitude of 52 dâgrees 40 minuts in which heigâh standeth Cape Ioy the land lieth Southsoutheast and Northnorthwest Item Comming from the Northwards yâu shall see before you come âo Cape Ioy a very long beach about the length of 8 leagues being 5 leagues short of the cape vnto the Northwards Also vnto the Southwards of the cape you shall see another beach about a league long adioyning hard vnder the cape about which beach is the entrance of the Streights of Magellan the which Straights me in breadth sixâ leagues ouer from the cape vnto the South shore lying South and by East Item From Cape Ioy being the entrance of the streight of Magellan vnto the first narrow passage of the sayd streight the course is West and by North and East and by South and are distant 18 leagues the land being in breadth from the one side to the other one league Item From the first narrow vnto the second narrow passage the course is West by Southâ and East and by North and the distance is 12 leagues and in breadth the one side is from the other about two leagues ouer Item From the second narrow vnto the islands that be called Elizabeth Bartholomew and Penguin ilands the distance is 5 leagues and the course is Southwest and Northeast the ilandâ being distant a league and an halfe the one from the other Item From the sayd ilands vnto Port Famine is 16 leagues the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast Moreouer from Port Famine vnto Cape Froward the course is South and by West and North and by East and they are distant 8 leagues asunder Item From Cape Froward
Cape S. Francisco the course is North by East South and by West and the distance is 40 leagues Item Frâm Cape S. Francisco vnto the cape that is called Cape Blanco which cape is on the coast of New Spaine the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 160 leagues and you shall haue a great current that setteth out of the bay of Panama and the sayd current setteth South out Item From Cape Blanco vnto the Port de Veles the course is Northeast and Southwest and the distance 8 leagues Item From the Port de Veles vnto the port of S. Iohn the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 17 leagues Item From the port of S. Iohn vnto Rio Lexo the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 40 leagues Item From Râo Lexo vnto the gulfe of Fonsecco the course is Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast and they are distant 14 leagues Item In the mouth of Rio Lexo there lieth one iland and you must goe in on the Northwest part of that iland on the which iland you may be bolde for to borrow on and you must goe from that iland Southeast vp Item That in the gulfe of Fonsecco you shall haue lying ten ilands whereof three be peopled with Indians whereon you may haue water wood and salt Item On the West side of the gulfe of Fonsecco there is one towne of Indians which is called Mapal in which towne there is great store of beeues Item From the râuer Lexo vnto the bay of Sonsonate the course is East and West and the distance is 60 leagues Item From the bay of Sonsonate vnto the port of Aguaââlco the course is Northwest and by West Southeast aâd by East and the distance 160 leagues Item From the bay of Coppeleto vnto the port of Aguaâulco it is 2 leagues the course is West and by North East and by South Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Angeles the course is East and West and they âre distant 12 leagues Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Acapulco the course is West by North East and by South and the dâstance is 78 leagues Item From the port of Acapulco vnto the port of S. Iago the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 80 leagues Item From the port of S. Iago vnto the port of Natiuidad the course is East and West and the distance is 7 leagues Item From the port of Natiuidad vnto port of the ilands of Chiametla the course is East and West and the distance is 10 leagues Item From the ilands of Chiametla vnto Cape de los Corrientes the course is Northwest and by West Southeast and by East and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the Cape de los Corrientes vnto the bay of Xalisco the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 18 lâagues Item From the bay of Xalisco vnto the port of Chiametlan the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 30 lâagues Item From the Caâe de los Corrientes vnto tâe ilands called Las ââes Marias the course is Northwest and Southeaââând tâe distance is 20 leagues Item From the Câpe de los Cârrientes vnto the cape of Santa Clara on the point of California the course is Weâtâorthwest and Eastsoutheast and the distance is 108 leagues A note from the coast of America vnto the Westwards ITem From the cape of Santa Clâra vnto the ilands of The Ladrones the course is West and by South East and by Nââth and the distance betweene thâm is 1850 leagues Item That the âouââeâmost iland of the Ladrones standeth in the latitude of 12 degrees and 10 minuts and from theâce vnto the Northârmost iland the course is Nârthnortheast Sâuthsouthwest and the distaâce betweene them is 200 leagues and the said Norâhermost iland standeth in 21 degrees 10 minuts Item From one of the ilands of the Ladrones which standeth in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts which iland is called Guâihaâme vnto the Cape de Spirito santo which cape is vpon one of the ilands of the Philippinas the course is West and to the Southwards and the distance is 320 leagues Item From the cape of Spirito santo vnto the mouth of the entrance of the Streights of the Philippinas the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 15 leagues Item From the mouth of the Streights vnto the iland of Capul the course is Southwest and by West 6 leagues Item From the iland of Capul vnto the North head of the iland called Masbat the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues Item From the North head of the iland called Masbat vnto the iland called Seboion the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues A note of our course kept from the iland Seboion vnto the Southwards ITem From the iland of Seboion vnto the East end of the iland called Pannay the course is Southeast and by South Northwest and by West and the distance is 22 leagues Item That off the Easter end of the iland of Pannay there lie certâine small ilands vnto the number of 12 or more and you shall haue shoald water among them Item From the Easter end of Pannay vnto a bay that iâ called The bay of Lago grande on the same iland the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the diââance is 18 leagues Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto the iland that is called Ysla de los Negros is the distance of 6 leagues Southeast and Northwest Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto three small ilands that stand in the latitude of 10 degrees the course is South and by West 12 leagues Furthermore from those three ilands vnto the Westermost end of Ysla de los Negros the course is Southwest and Northeast 10 leagues where we were cleere of the ilands of the Philippinas Item From the South end of Ysla de los Negros vnto the North head of the iland called Mindanao the course is South and North and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the North end of Mindanao vnto the South head of the sayd iland which is called Cape Cannal the course is South and by West North and by East and the distance is 26 leagues Item From the cape of Cannal betweene the South and the Westsouthwest about 10 or 12 leagues off you shall haue great store of small ilands about the number of 24 or more Item From the cape of Cannal vnto the cape of Batochina the course is Souâhsouthwest and Northnortheast and the distance is 100 leagues and betweene them setteth a great current vnto the Eastward Item
Aguatulco in sixe fadoms waâer and a Southsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the port of S. Iago in 6 fadoms water and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the port of Natiuidad in 8 fadoms water and a Southeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the bay of Xalisco in 9 fadoms water and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the Northwest part of the island of S. Andrew in 17 fadoms water Item You may anker vnder the island of Chiametlan in 4 fadoms water and a Southeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the port of S. Lucas on the Cape of California in 12 fadoms water and a Southeast winde is the woorst A note of what depths we ankered in among the ilands of the Philippinas ITem You may anker on the Southwest part of the island of Capul in 6 fadoms water and a Wesâsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker all along the South part of the island of Panna in shoald water in the depth of 10 or 12 fadoms Item You may anker in the bay of Lago grande in seuen fadoms water which bay is on the South side of the island of Panna Item You may anker at the East end of Iaua maior in 16 fadoms water and an Eastsoutheast winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the North part of the island of Santa Helena in 12 fadoms water A note of our finding of the winds for the most part of our voyage 1586. IN primis From the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 19 day of August we found the winde at Northnortheast being in the latitude of 7 degrees Item From the 19 day of August vnto the 28 day of September wee found the wind for the most part betweene the West and the Southwest being in 24 degrees Item From the 28 day of September vnto the 30 day of October we found the windes betweene the Northeast and the Eastnortheast Item From the 23 of Nouember from the island of S. Sebastian vnto the 30 day of Nouember we found the winde betweene the Southeast and the Southsoutheast being in 36 degrees Item From the 30 day of Nouember vnto the 6 day of December we found the windes to be betweene the West and the Southwest Item From the 6 day of December vnto the first day of Ianuary we found the winds for the most part betweene the North and the Northeast bring then in the latitude of 52 degrees Item From the first day of Ianuary vnto the 23 day of February we found the windes to be betweene the Northwest and the Westsouthwest wee being all that time in the Streights of Magellan Item From the 23 day of February vnto the first day of March we found the winds to be betweene the South and the Southeast being then in the South sea in the latitude of 48 degrees Item From the first day of March vnto the 7 day of March we found the winde to be at the North and the Northnortheast in the latitude of 43 degrees Item From the 7 day of March vnto the 14 day of March wee found the windes to be betweene the South and the Southwest in the latitude of 37 degrees Item From the 14 day of March vnto the 28 day of May we found the winds to be betweene the South and the Southwest in the latitude of 3 degrees to the South of the Line A note of the varying of our windes to the North of the Equinoctiall line on the coast of New Spaine ITem From the 28 day of May vnto the 5 day of Iuly we found the winds for the most part to be betweene the Southsoutheast and the Southsouthwest being in the latitude of 10 degrees to the Northward of the Line on the coast of New Spaine Item From the 5 day of Iuly vnto the 14 day of October we found the windes for the most part to be at the Eastnortheast in the latitude of 23 degrees Northward and almost vnder the tropicke of Cancer A note of the windes which we found betweene the coast of New Spaine and Islands of the Philippinas on the coast of Asia IN the yeere of our Lord 1587 we departed from the cape of Santa Clara on the coast of California the 19 day of Nouember and we found the winds to be betweene the East and the Eastnortheast vntill the 29 day of Ianuary departing then from the ilands of the Philippinas being in the latitude of 9 degrees Item From the 29 day of Ianuary vnto the 19 day of March wee found the windes for the most part betweene the Northnortheast and the Northwest being then among the Ilands of Maluco in the latitude of 9 degrees Item From the 19 day of March vnto the 20 day of May wee found the windes for the most part betweene the South and the Eastsoutheast being then betweene the Ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança in the latitude of 34 degrees to the South of the Line Item From the 20 day of May vnto the 11 day of Iuly we found the winds for the most part betweene the South and the Southeast being then betweene the cape of Buena Esperança and and 15 degrees vnto the Southward of the line Item From the 11 day of Iuly vnto the 18 day of August we found the winds for the most part betweene the Northeast and Eastnortheast bring then betweene the latitude of 15 degrees to the Southward of the line and 38 degrees vnto the Northwards of the line A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the right honourable the Lord Hunsdon Lord Chamberlaine one of her Maiesties most honourable Priuy Councell touching the successe of his voyage about the world RIght honourable as your fauour heretofore hath bene most greatly extended towards me so I humbly desire a continuance thereof and though there be no meanes in me to deserue the same yet the vttermost of my seruices shall not be wanting whensoeuer it shall please your honour to dispose thereof I am humbly to desire your honour to make knowen vnto her Maiesty the desire I haue had to doe her Maiesty seruice in the performance of this voyage And as it hath pleased God to giue her the victory ouer part of her enemies so I trust yer long to see her ouerthrow them all For the places of their wealth whereby they haue mainteined and made their warres are now perfectly discouered and if it please her Maiesty with a very small power she may take the spoile of them all It hath pleased the Almighty to suffer mee to circompasse the whole globe of the world entring in at the Streight of Magellan and returning by the cape de Buena Esperança In which voyage I haue either discouered or brought certeine intelligence of all the rich places of the world that euer were knowen or discouered by any
are in 44. deg and easie to passe But 5. leagues iourney to passe the 3. Saults Ten dayes iourney from the Saults to this great Lake The Saults are in the latitude of 44. deg Belle Isle Carpont in 52. degrees The Grand âââ in 52. and an halfe A flatte rocke Butes The Isle of Blanc Sablon oâ white sand The seuerall breadâhs of the Grand Bay Blanc Sablon in 51. deg 2. third parts The Islâs de la Damoâselle in 50 deg 3. fourth parts Many Isles good harboââ Cape Tienot in 50 deg one fourth part The Isle Ascension Asâââpâion or Nâtiscotto The commendation of the Isle of AscenâioÌ From Cape Briton to the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension is but 50 leagues The Cape of Monâz nostre Dame The Bay of Molues oâ Gaspay The Bay de Chaleuâ or of Heate The Bay of Ognedoc Greater store and betteâ fish then in Newfoundland Fouleâ Trees The month of the riuer of Canada twenty fiue leagues broad The 7 Iâles in 50 degrees and a halfe The riuer is here but 10 leagues broad The point of Ongear in 49 degrees and a quarter The Isle of Raquelle in 48 degrees and two third parts The riuer 8 leagues broad The entrance oâ Saguenay The sea of Cathay The riuâr not past 4 lâagues ouer The Isle of Hares in 48 and one siââânth part Note The isle of Filbeards in 47 degreeâ and 3. quarters The beginning of the fresh water The riuer but a quarter of a league bâoad The Isle of Orleans in 47. degrees and one third part Canada â leaguâ to the West of the Isle of Orleans The Fort of France-Roy stood in 47 degrees and one sixâ part Why the couÌtrey is colder in the Winter then France A second reason The variation of y â compasse From the foât of France Roy vnto y e mouth of the Grand Bay 230 leâgs Gold and sâluâr like to be âound in Canada A Bay in 42. degrees giuing some hope of a passage Trees âedde plums Fowle Corne. Wheate to be âowen in March The cause of the ofteÌ snowing in Canada Diamonts Golde foââd Iâqâes Carââer sâoâe away Iuly France prime August 1542. September 14 The proportion of their victuals The length of the winter They had women with them Their apparell So haue they of Ceuola and Quiuira and Meâa Incognita Their victuals They remoue from place to place Fish Beastes Fowle Their breaâ of great Myl or Maââ Drinke of Seââe oyle at their great âeastâ Their goâernment The 5. of Iune The 6. of Iune Monsieur de Royeâe The 14. of Iune The 19. of Iune Maiz. The 22. of Iuly 1543. Note Free denization granted Anno 1581. A Southerly course not greatly needful for Virginia A sweet smell from the land The first riuer Iuly 13 possession taken Abundance of grapes The Isle of Wokokon Goodly Cedars Pines Cypres Sassaphras Conference with a Saâagââ Abundance of fish The arriuall of tâe kings brother Trafficke with the Sauages Tinne much âsteemed White corall Perlâs Pitch trees The manner of making their boates ãâã Island The great kindnes of the kings brothers wife A solemne banker Their Idolâ Skicoak a great towne A ship cast away Their weapons Oâ Pââââuaioc Roanoak sixteen miles long They land vpon the Iland of S. Iohn de Porto Rico. They land on the Iles of Caico Guanima Cyguateo They land in Florida Iuly September October The rich and manifold commodities oâ Virginia Commoditieâ fit to came to Virginia 2. parts of this discourse The excellencie of the seate of Chesepiâok The towne of Chawanook able to make 700. men of warre An Iland in a Bay Pearles in exceeding quanââtie An enterpâse of speciall importance Whither M. Ralfe Lane meant to remoue Wingina changeth his name Conspiracie of the Sauages against the English * Their women A maruellous Mineral in the câuntrey of Chaunis Temoatan A conflict begun by the Sauages The great current of the Riuer of Moraticoâ This sails of making weares would be learned The beginning of theââ haruest in Iuly The conspiracie of Pemisapan The forme of the treason The sufficiencie of our men to deale against the Sauages 10. to an hundreth The Sauages line by fishing and hunting till haruest The slaughter and surprise of the Sauages Pemisapan slaine A letter from Sir Francis Drake This ship arriued in Virginia Sir Richard Grinuils third uoyage Fifteene men more leât in Virginia Fiue thousand pearles âathred Tabacco Monardes parâe â lib 1. cap. 4. The iuice of Coscushaw is poison There are iâ kinds of Tuâââ whereof that which beareth no fruith bringeth foorth the Cochinillo In the ânâfe of California they vse the like fishing Iaques Cartier voyage 2. chap. 8. This want is hereafter to be supplied â One of the Isles of the Indies inhabited with Sauages Circumspectis to be vsed in strange places â Musketos Bay is a harbour vpon the south side of S. Iohns Islând where we âake in âresh water â A pleasant and fruitfull countrey lying on the west end of S. Iohns Island where groweth plenty of Orenges Limons PlaÌtans Pines An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok Edward Spicer Their mâaning to âemoue 50 miles into the countrey Smerwick in the West of Ireland M. William Lane Spanish fugitiues Edward Spicer This fight was in fight of the Iland of Nauara The state oâ the currency from the capâ of Florida to Viâginia Sandie Ilaââ West of Wokokon They land â 35 degrees A breach 2 oâ 3 leagues into Sea Great diâersity of souÌdings Hatorask in 36 degr a âercâ They land Fresh water found in sandy hilles Captaine Spicer drowned They leaue the coast of Virginia 13. Pipes of siluer The Isle of Madêra They diâcouer land 34. Degrees The coast trendeth to the East in 34 degrees of latitude Câârteous aâd ãâã They run 50. leagues farther Wilde hempe They ran along the coast 200. leagues They make hollow their Canons with fire Uines like those of Lombardie 100. âeagues sayling A mighty riuer People clad with leathers of diuers colours The pleasantnes and riches of the land The coast trendeth to the East The description of Claudia Iland tenne leagues from the mayneâ Claudia was mother of king Franââ A passing good hauen Copper more esteemed then golde Most pleasant and fruitful lands The fashion of their houses The coast full of good hauens Their curing with Tabacco and perfumes 41 degrees 2. terces The description of a notable hauen in 41. deg and 2. âââces 150 leagues A shew of minerall The coast running Eastward 10. leagues Here the people begin to be more sauage Beades of copper 32 pleasant Islands They ran almost to 50. degrees Other ãâã ought to be our warning The chiefe things woââââe obseruâtion in Florida are drawen in colours by Iames Moâgues painter sometime liuing in the Black frâeâs in London A ââliâââââ or ãâã meââ ãâã âgâuâa Meanes to raise benefit in new discoueries vsed by the
The description of the isle of Bermuda The sauing of the carpenters tooles was their preseruation A bark straÌgely built furnished Hogs in Bermuda Good harbors in y e East part of Bermuda An excellent fishing for pearles in Bermuda The people nere Cape Briton vse traffike of rich furres This M. Beniamin Wood was in the end of the yeere 1596. sent forth with two ships anâ certaine pinnesses vpon a voyage for the South seas and for China at the charges of this honourable gentleman Sir Robert Dudley A description of Cape Blanco in Africa The isle of Trinidad dâscrâedâ Punta de Curiapan Paracoa of Parico They inskonce themselues A treasonable practize of the Spaniards They march from one side of the yland to the other Captaine Harper intelligence of Guiana His two Carauels sent to range the Indiâs Seawano called perhaps in sir Walter Raleghs discouery Ciawani Sir Walter Ralegh speaketh of Saima and Wikeri in his discouery This Indians name was Balthasar who afterward gaue our men the flip as their greatest need A riuer âaâled Cabota The riuer of Amana and the kingdome of Tiuitiuas are both mentioned by sir Walter Ralegh A people sprinkled with poulder of gold Captaine Popham arriual They depart from the yle of Trinidad A prize taken North of the yle of Granata The yles of Santa Cruz and Infierno Cape Roxo Then disemboque by the yle of Zacheo The sholds called Abreojosâ that is Open thine ââes or Looke out Bermuda Flores and Cueruo A fight of ãâã dayes with a Spanish Armada of 600. tunnes They arriue at S. Iues in Cornwall in May 1595. * It is befoââ in this voyage called Caluorie The name of the âuâr Oreâoque ãâã sceme to be deriâed ârom this word The ylâ of Puerto Santo taâen and the chiefe towne in it burnt They water vpon the grand Caââriâ Domâââââ An exceâlenâ holesome doââath âound iâ Dominica The yles caâled Testigos Certaine Spâniards and Negros taken in the yle of Coche wher they ââsh for âearls Two ââieâoatâ of Mâddlebuâgâ fortwarne the Spâniards of our comming The towne ãâã Cumana ransomed Three Carauels taâââ A fort nere thâ Caracos taken Al ouâ actions betrayed by dangerous spies out of England The Citie of S. Iago de Leon taken the 29. of May. Certain villâges about Sanâ Iago fireââ The citie of â Iago burned A fort and cârtain Iâdiâns âaâââ by the waters side burnt Three Spanish shipââurnâ A baricado âoon The towne of Caâos taken âurnt The bay of Laguna Hispaâioâa Iamaica The death of captaine Iones Cape de Corâiântes The Bankâ of Newfoundland Domiâiââ The death of sâr Iohn Hawkins The fight at S. Iuan de Puerto rico Monâ The Islâ oâ Curazâo Aruba Moâjââ Câpe de la Vela Rio de la Haâhâ taken A shold of sand A fresh riuer La Rancheâia taken Tâpââ taken ââllââca burnt Cape âe Aguja Santa Martha taken Nombre de Dios taken An Indian towne fired The ãâã Escudo The death of sir Francis Drake Puerto Bello The Grand Câymanâ The I le of Pinos The fight betweene the English and the Spanish fleetes One of the Spanish greaâ ships burnâ Cape Sanâ Antonio The Crownââ The cape oâ Florida The Generals first newes his best newes is in part lying newes Don Bernaldino doth lie impudently The successe of the kings fiuâ Frigateâ The certaine cause whereof sir Francis Drake died A paââe of Spanish liers The Spanish Uiceadmirall a man of valour The number of Spanish ships after the fight * The translation of the Spanish word Lanchas is here mistaken This lie was made in the Generalâ own forge The torn ãâã of the Spanish ships doe condemne Don Bernaldino of lying The order of the English Nauie The Spaniarâ cannot bragge of his gaine Spanish brage are of no value with the English Don Bernaldino his rare gift in coyning a new and strange name The schoolemeÌ of modesty doe vse this kind of reprehension when they doe thinke the author to erre The difference twixt Quebraran and Baskeruill The Generall maketh great bragâ in taking a distressed ship which is supposed not to strike one blow The 15 noble Captaines coÌtrary to the Generals lâing occupation wil proue out three The first discouery of the Generals printed letter The first discouery of the Spanish fleete The incounter betwixt the English and the Spanish ships The Spanish Uiceadmirall can witnesse what successe they had in this fight The English Admirall carried his Cresset light notwithstanding the enemie was vpon his broad side The remainder of the Spanish fleete were but thirteene sayles The Fort of Masagant A Flieboat taken The Isle of Mayo A most contagious filthy place The towne oâ Praya vpon the Isle of S. Iago taken A description of the town of S. Iago taken by sir Francis Drake 1585. The towne of S. Iago taken vp Sir Anthony Sherley Isla del Fuego Dominica Two excellent hote bathes Margarita Santa Marâââ taken The Isle and chiefe towne of Iamaica taken Puerto de Cauallos taken Guatimala Sonsonate and Sacatocaluca Their returne Margarita Sixe English men redeemed Truxillo assailed Puerto de Cauallos taken They passe aboue 30 leaguââ vp Rio dolce Cabo de Cotoche Cabo desconoscido * On Easter ceâââ 1597. The towne of Campeche takâ A new stratagem * To the valââ of 5000 pound Sebo an Indian towne taken Cape Cantin A great wood before you come at Cape Cantin The bay of Cadiz San Pedro. San Sebastian Los Puercos The Diamant The Canaries The Isle Deseada in the West Indies standeth in 15 degrees of latitude Markes to know Dominica by Guadalupe Monserate Santa Cruz. S. Iuan de Puerto rico Cape Roxo Mona Saona Las Sierras de Yguey Los Buffaderoâ or The Spoutes Santo Domingo Calle de las Damas Punta de Nizaâ Hocoa Puerto Hermoso Beata and the marks therofâ Alto velo and the markes thereof * Frailes The Isle of Baque Cape de Tiburon Cuba S. Iago de Cuba Sierras de Tarquino The nine fathoms Cape de Cruz in 19. deg and better Los Iardines The Isle de Pinos Cape de Corrientes Cape de Sant Anton in 22. degrees The Testigosâ Frailes Puerto de Iuan Griego Curacao Aruba Monjes three litle Islands Coquebacoa Baia honda Portete Cape de la vela Cape del Aguja Rio de Palominos Morro hermoso Rio grande Isla de Arenas Samba or Zambâ El Buio del Gato Punta de la canoa Cartagena The land marks of Cartagena The poynt of Ycacos A shoald A shoald halfe a league to the sea The Isle of Cares Sal Medina Cabeza de Cariua Rio de Francisco The Isles de Catiua Punta de Samblas Sierras de Santa Cruz Sierras de las minas viejas Puerto de velo alto Nombre de Dios. Sierra de Capira A ledge of rocks Iâles de los Bastimentos The course to goe back from Nombre de Dios to Cartagena ãâã de Baru Iâla fuerteâ A ledge of rocks Islas
de San Barâardo La Bacilla The shoalds of Serrana Serranilla Cape de Corrientes Cape de San Antonio The Tââtugâââ Seranilla An Island in 16. degrees ãâã Câââ de Cameron The vaâiâtioâ of the compasse Isla de Pinos The currentâ sât here sometimes Wesâ Isla de Coâââ The latitude of ãâ¦ã 19. deg and one âieââe Las Tortugas The little Islâ called Vermâââ Marââ oâ Vââla Rica The low ground of Almeria Lâs Sierras ãâã Papalo Saint Paul Monte de Cârneâos Casa de Buytroâ The castle of S. Iuan de Vâlââ The hospitall The riuer of ãâã Alacranes or âââpâorâ The triangle âârta or âaââa The high hils ãâã â Maâtin ãâã de Medelin S. Iuan de Vllua ãâã in 18. deg and a halfe The Tortugas The currents to the East âan de Cabanas âauana âeâ Martyres The sholds of Mimbresâ that is of Osiars The Chanell reacheth to 28 degrees La Bermuda * The variation of the Compasse Flores and Câeruo Saint George Terzera The Cape of S. Vincent The windes are alwayes at Northwest in the summer The markes oâ Capâ S. Vincent The Asagresal The Cape of Saint Mary The course in winter from the chanel of Baâama The variation of the Compasse Many lost vpon Bermuda by negligence The Isle of S. Marie * Faial The barre oâ S. Lucar Sierras de Monchico To aâoyde men of warre The castle of Aimonte The Cape of S Nâcolas on the East ende of Cuba Pontâ de Mayâca âaraâoa A âlâââd on the East side of Baracoa âaâo de ââa This worde Cayo in the Biskapur âââgue signifieth a date â shoald Pracellas The Mosâwes Camoloquea The flats of Mecaâa to be auoyded Cropeda a flat Island 2. Rockes of stone Punta de Caueus Matanâas The currents The Teates of Hauana The âarbour of Xââoca Markes to know the harbour of Hauana Caio de Moa Caio Romanââ Alcane de Barasoga Sauano Basquo The Flats of Mecala Take heede of that which is here saâd for it hath litle reason Sierras de Camaloquâa Caio de Moa Pracellas Hauana Punta de Mance Sierra del Hama Caio Romano The markes of the Flat of Caio Romano Punta de Naga Punta de hidalgo The calmes of ãâã The variation of the compasse Deseada in 15. âegrees and a halâe Warlike and dangerous Indians like âhose oâ Dominica These 2. the white and the gray Islands are rather baââ rockes in the sea foâ so doeth Farrallon the Spanish word signifie But I interprâte it Island because all the rocks separated froÌ the bigger Islands are saâd to be litle Islands This white bare Island is made whitâ vp the dâng of birdes and sea-foules that resort vnto it These rockes are called Los ãâã or the spoâtes The point oâ Causedo âan Domingo The point of Niâao The Isle of Beata Ocoa Puerto hermoso The Isle of Alto Veloâ ãâã Frailes ãâã Las sierras de donna Maria. Isla Baque Cape Tiburon The Isle of Nauaza Sierras de Cobââ Sierras de Tarquino Los Caimanes Los Iardines Las sierras de Guanaguarico A conuenienâ watering place The Isle Vermeja Villa rica â Iuan de Vllua â volcan or burning hil âierras de Sant Martân Sierras de Villa ãâã âio de las palmas Rio de las monâanâas Rio de Panuco Rio Heâmoâo oâ The beautiâull âiuer The current of the bay of Mexico the winde being at the East setteth to the Northâ and 40. leagues from thââhoâe to the Northeast The mountaines oâ Tamaclipa ãâã tide at the riuer of Panuco Laâ sieâras de Tarquia â Luis de Tamâice Cabo Roxo A watering place The bay ââ Cassones All these are vpon the ãâã of Tabasco Las sierras de â Pabâââ Punta delgada oâ The slendââ pointâ Cabezaâ anegadas are ãâã heads ãâã vnder water Comedera de Peâcado Cabo de Coââienteâ Cabo de S. Aââton Cape Sisal vpon the coast of Campeche in lucatan Or Isla de Arenas Sierras de S. Martin Roca partida Or Minsapa Of Antoniserro Las Tortugas The hilles called Los Organos vpon Cuba neere Hauana Rio de puercos Baya honda La quadrilla de sierras El pan de Caâannas La mesa de Marien The tower of Hauana Note Chipiona a towne standing vpon the coast of Andaluzia next vnto S. Lucas El pan de Matanzas Barrancas If you will recouer Hauana go also signifie creeks or broken entrances of landes Cabeza de los Martires Which Martires are a number of small Ilands lying ahead the Cape of Florida Los Mimbres The markes of Pan de Matanzas Punta de los Puercos The furious current in the chanell of Bahama Directions is know whether you be in the chanell of Bahama or no. Cabo de Cannaueral in 28. deg and a halfe The course ãâã Winter The Isle of Bermuda The course in the Summer more Northerly Puerto Pini El Passaje place on the Northeast part of the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Cabo del Enganno the most Easter in Cape of Hispaniola Or Semana Las Ouejas Cabo Franco El Puerto de Plata Baracoa Isla de Tortugas otherwise called Hinagua The Isle of Iaico Las sierras de Cabanca Cayo Romano This word Cayo in the âââcaian tongue signifieth a flat or a shâld Cabo de Cruz. This Island lyeth 100. leagues from Hauana The great Parcel Las Anguillas Another Cayo 6 or 7 leagues from Cayo de Cruz. El Puerto de Maranzas or The hauen ãâã slaughters ãâã Las Sierras de Guana Cruz del Padre La Baia de Conel La Baia de Caos or Cayos Or Camoloquec Note large * This is a very commoditus Isle for ãâã in our way to Virginia * large A treatâse of the West Indieâ The yle oâ Trinidad Curiâpaâ Parico Tierra de Breâ The death of Captaine Whiddon â Englishmen betrayed by Antony Berreo The Citie of S. Ioseph taken Antony Berreo taken prisoneâ Sir W. Ralegâ passed 400. miles toward Guianaâ The statelines of Manoa marg Fran. Lopez de Gomara hist. gen cap. 120. Iuan Martineâ the first that euer saw Mânoa Diego de Ordaâ went âoorth with 600 souldiers 1531. Fran. Lopez bist gen de las Ind. cap. 87. The great city of Manoa or El Dorado The author of the name of El Doradoâ The substance of this report is in the end of the nauigation of the great riuer of Marannon written by Gonzalo Fernando de âuiedo to cardinall Bembââ Ramusin Vol 3. fol. 416. Sir Robert Duddeleyâ Reade Iosephus Acosta The voyage of sir Iohn Burgh to the West Indiesâ 1534. Gomar cap. 84â 86. Don Pedro de Siluaâ Pedro Hernandez de Serpa Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada Antonio Berreo A new rich trade of the French to the riuer of Amazones The seat of the Amazones Many great riuer a falling into Orenoque The prouince of Emeria inhabited by gentle Indians Carapana Morequito Vides the gouernour of Cumana competâtor with Berreo in the conquest of Guiana Macureguaray Ten Spanyards arââe at Manoa Aromaia Saima anâ âââkiri
Iuramentum or othe ministred to the Captaine YOu shall sweare to be a faithfull true and loyal subiect in all points and duties that to a subiect appertaineth to our soueraigne Lord the kings Maiestie his heires and successors and that you shall wel and truely to the vttermost of your capacitie wit knowledge serue this present voiage committed to your charge and not to giue vp nor sooner intermit the same vntil you shall haue atchieued the same so farre foorth as you may without danger of your life and losse of the fleete you shall giue good true and faithful counsell to the said societie and to such as shal haue the charge with or vnder you and not to disclose the secrets or priuities of the same to any person by any maner of meane to the preiudice hurt or damage of it You shal minister iustice to all men vnder your charge without respect of person or any affection that might moue you to decline from the true ministration of iustice And further you shal obserue and cause to be obserued as much as in you lieth all and singular rules articles prouisions hitherto made or heereafter to be made for the preseruation or safe conduct of the fleete and voyage and benefit of the company You shall not permit nor suffer the stocke or goods of the company to be wasted imbezeled or consumed but shall conserue the same whole and entire without diminishment vntill you shall haue deliuered or cause to be deliuered the same to the vse of the companie And finally you shal vse your selfe in all points sorts and conditions as to a faithfull captaine and brother of this companie shall belong and appertaine So helpe you God c. The othe ministred to the Maister of the ship c. YOu shall sweare by the holy contents in that booke that you according and to the vttermost of your knowledge and good vnderstanding in mariners science and craft shall in your vocation doe your best to conduct the good shippe called the N. c. whereof you nowe are Maister vnder God both vnto and from the portes of your discouerie and so vse your indeuour and faithfull diligence in charging discharging lading againe and roomaging of the same shippe as may be most for the benefite and profite of this right woorshipfull fellowship and you shall not priuately bargein buy sell exchange barter or distribute any goods wares merchandize or things whatsoeuer necessary tackles and victuals for the shippe onely excepted to or for your owne lucre gaine or profit neither to nor for the priuate lucre gaine or profit of any other person or persons whatsoeuer And further If you shall know any boatswaine mariner or any other person or persons whatsoeuer to buy sell barter trucke or exchange any goods wares marchandizes or things for priuate account reckoning or behalfe you shall doe your best to withstand and let the same and if you cannot commodiously so doe that then before the discharge of such goods bought for priuat account you shal giue knowledge therof to the cape marchant of this said fellowship for the time being And you shal not receiue nor take nor suffer to be receiued or taken into your said ship during this voyage any maner person or persons whatsoeuer going or returning but onely those mariners whâch without fraud or guile shall be hired to be of your company and to serue in mariners craft and science onely So helpe you God c. These foresaid shippes being fully furnished with their pinnesses and boates well appointed with al maner of artillerie and other things necessary for their defence with al the men aforesaid departed from Ratcliffe and valed vnto Detford the 10. day of May 1553. The 11. day about two of the clocke we departed from Detford passing by Greenwich saluting the kings Maiesty then being there shooting off our ordinance so valed vnto Blackwall and there remained vntil the 17. day and that day in the morning we went from Blackwall and came to Woolwâch by nine of the clocke and there remained one tide and so the same night vnto Heyreth The 18. day from Heyreth vnto Grauesend and there remained vntil the twentieth day that day being Saterday from Grauesend vnto Tilberie Hope remaining there vntill the two and twentieth day The 22. day from Tilbery Hope to Hollie hauen The 23. day from Hollie Hauen till we came against Lee and there remained that night by reason that the winde was contrary to vs. The 24. day the winde being in the Southwest in the morning we sailed along the coast ouer the Spits vntill we came against S. Osyth about sixe of the clocke at night and there came to anker and abode there all that night The 25. day about tenne of the clocke we departed from S. Osyth and so sailed forward vnto the Nase and there abode that night for winde and tide The 26. day at fiue of the clock in the morning we weyed our anker and sailed ouer the Nase the winde being at the Southwest vntill wee came to Orwell wands and there came to an anker and abode there vntill the 28. day The same day being Trinitie Sunday about 7. of of the clocke before noone we weyed our ankers and sailed til we came athwart Walsursye and there came to an anker The 29. day from thence to Holmehead where we stayed that day where we consulted which way and what courses were best to be holden for the discouerie of our voyage and there agreed The 30. day of May at fiue of the clocke in the morning wee set saile and came against Yermouth about three leagues into the sea riding there at anker all that night The last of May ânto the Sea sixe leagues Northeast and there taried that night where the winde blew very sore The first of Iune the winde being at North contrary to vs wee came backe againe to Orwell and remained there vntill the 15. day tarying for the winde for all this time the winde was contrary to our purpose The 15 day being at Orwel in the latitude of 52 degrees in the morning wee weyed our ankers and went forth into the wands about two miles from the towne and lay there that night The 16 day at eight of the clocke we set forward and sayled vntill we came athwart Alburrough and there stayed that night The 17 day about fiue of the clocke before noone we went backe vnto Orfordnesse aud there remained vntill the 19 day The 19 day at eight of the clocke in the morning we went backe to Orwel and abode there three dayes tarying for the winde The 23 day of Iune the wind being faire in the Southwest we hailed into the seas to Orfordnesse and from thence into the seas ten leagues north-Northeast then being past the sands we changed our course sixe leagues Northnortheast about midnight we changed our course againe and went due North continuing in the same vnto the 27 day The 27 day about
pezos of gold neuer were there before that day souldiours so rich in so small a time and with so little danger And in this iourney for want of yron they did shooe their horses some with gold and some with siluer This is to bee seene in the generall historie of the West Indies where as the doings of Pizarro and the conquest of Peru is more at large setforth To this may I adde the great discoueries and conquests which the princes of Portugall haue made round about the West the South and the East parts of Africa and also at Calicut and in the East Indies and in America at Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands in fortifying peopling and planting all along the sayd coastes and Islands euer as they discouered which being rightly weyed and considered doth minister iust cause of incouragement to our Countreymen not to account it so hard and difficult a thing for the subiects of this noble realme of England to discouer people plant and possesse the like goodly lands and rich countreys not farre from vs but neere adioyning offring themselues vnto vs as is aforesayd which haue neuer yet heretofore bene in the actuall possession of any other Christian prince then the princes of this Realme All which as I thinke should not a little animate and encourage vs to looke out and aduenture abroad vnderstanding what large Countreys and Islands the Portugals with their small number haue within these few yeeres discouered peopled and plânted some part whereof I haue thought it not amisse briefly in particular to name both the Townes Countreys Islands so neere as I could vpon the sudden call them to remembrance for the rest I doe referre the Reader to the histories where more at large the same is to be seene First they did winne and conquere from the princes of Barbary the Island of Geisera towne of Arzala not past an 140. mile distant from their Metropolitane chiefe city of Fessâ and after that they wonne also from the said princes the townes of Tanger Ceuta Mazigam Azamor and Azaffi all alongst the Sea coasts And in the yeere of our Lord 1455. Alouis de Cadomosta a Gentleman Uenetian was hee that first discouered for their vse Cape Verd with the Islânds adioyning of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonauista and Sant Iago discouering also the riuer Senega otherwise called Niger and Cape Roxo Sierra Leone and in a few yeeres after they did discouer the coast of Guinea and there peopled and built the castleof Mina then discouered they further to the countreys of Melegetres Benin and Congo with the Ilands of Principe da Nobon S. Matthewe and S. Thomas vnder the Equinoctiall line which they propled and built in the said Island of S. Thomas the hauen towne or port of Pauosan After that about the yeere of our Lord 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent foorth who was the first man that discouered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon Esperanze passing the currents that run vpon the said coast on the Southeast part of Africa between the said maine land the Island of S. Laurence otherwise called of the antients Madagascar he discouered to y e harbor named the Riuer of y e Infant After that since the yeere of our Lord God 1497. and before the ful accomplishment of the yeere of Christ 1510. through the trauailes and discoueries of Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Thomas Lopes Andrew Corsalc Iohn de Empoli Peter Sintra Sancho de Toar and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonso de Albuquerque they did discouer people and plant at Ceffala being vpon the East side of Africa in the twenty degrees of latitude of the south Pole and direct West from the Iland of S. Laurence at which port of Ceffala diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold as also vpon the said East side of Africa they did afterward discouer people and plant at Mozambique Quiolâ Monbaza and Melinde two degrees of Southerly latitude and so vp to the streight of Babel-Mandell at the entring of the red sea all vpon the East coast of Africa from whence they put off at the Cape of Guarda Fu and past the great gulfe of Arabia and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus and the Island of Ormus and so passing the large and great riuer Indus where he hath his fall into the maine Ocean in 23. degrees and an halfe vnder the tropike of Cancer of Septentrional latitude they made their course againe directly towards the South and began to discouer people and plant vpon the West side of the hither India at Goa Mangalor Cananor Calecut and Cochin and the Island of Zeilam And here I thinke good to remember to you that after their planting vpon this coast their forces grew so great that they were able to compell all the Moores the subiectes of the mightie Emperour of the Turkes to pay tribute vnto them euer as they passed the gulfe of Arabia from the port of Mecca in Arabia Foelix where Mahomet lieth buried or any of the other portes of the sayd land euer as they passed to and from the hauens of Cochin Calecut and Cananor and by their martiall maner of discipline practised in those partes the great and mightie prince the Sophie Emperour of the Persians and professed enemie to the Turke came to the knowledge and vse of the Caliuer shot and to enterlace and ioyne footemen with his horsemen sithence which time the Persians haue growen to that strength and force that they haue giuen many mightie and great ouerthrowes to the Turke to the great quiet of all Christendome And from the Island of Zeilam aforesayd they also discouered more East in passing the gulfe of Bengala and so pâssed the notable and famous riuer of Ganges where hee hath his fall into the maine Ocean vnder the tropike of Cancer and to the Cape of Malaca and vnto the great and large Islands of Sumatra Iaua maior Iaua minor Mindanao Palobane Celebes Gilolo Tidore Mathin Borneo Machian Terenate and all other the Islands of Molucques and Spiceries and so East alongst the coasts of Cathaia to the portes of China Zaiton and Quinsay and to the Island of Zipango and Iapan siâuate in the East in 37. degrees of Septemerionall latitude and in 195. of longitâde These are their noble and worthie discoueries Here also is not to bee forgotten that in the yere of our Lord 1501. that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did discouer people and plant to their vse the holdes and forts which they haue in Brasill of whom he being but a priuate gentleman the whole countrey or firme land of the West Indies is commonly called and knowen by the name of America I doe greatly doubt least I seeme ouer tedious in the recitall of the particular discoueries and conquests of the East and West Indies wherein I was the more bold to vrge the patience
of the Reader to the end it might most manifestly and at large appeare to all such as are not acquainted with the histories how the king of Portugall whose Countrey for popularity and number of people is scarce comparable to some three shires of England and the king of Spaine likewise whose natural Conntrey doth not greatly abound with people both which princes by means of their discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres post haue as it appeareth both mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent whose aid we shall not need to doubt seeing the cause and quarell which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory by the enlargement of the Christian faith To conclude since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray And that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous predecessors of renowmed memorie and leaue vnto our posteritie a deuine memoriall of so godly an enterprise Let vs I say for the considerations alledged enter into iudgement with our selues whether this action may belong to vs or no the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God shall take our desired effect whereof there is no iust cause of doubt Then shal her Maiesties dominions be enlarged her highnesse antient titles iustly confirmed all odiâus idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished diuers decayed townes repaired and many poore and needy persons relieued and estates of such as now liue in want shall be embettered the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannicall neighbours the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished All which no man doubteth are things gratefull in the sight of our Sauiour Christ and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie Bee of good cheere therefore for hee that cannot erre hath sayd That before the ende of the world his word shall bee preached to all nations Which good worke I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts Wherefore my deere countreymen be not dismayed for the power of God is nothing diminished nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospell any whit abated Shall wee then doubt he will be lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarell which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad and the banishment of idlenes at home then he was to Columbus Vasques Nunnes Hernando Cortes and Francis Pizaâro in the West and Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Alonso de Albuquerque in the East Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts giue the attempt and leaue the sequell to almightie God for if he be on our part what forceth it who bee against vs Thus leauing the correction and reformation vnto the gentle Reader whatsoeuer is in this treatise too much or too little otherwise vnperfect I take leaue and so end A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie and of furthering new discoueries c. I Understand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of Bristoll as by conference with sir George Peknam that you haue endeuoured giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet vnknowen as your studie in these things is very coÌmendable so I thanke you much for the same wishing you do continue your trauell in these and like matters which are like to turne not only to your owne good in priuate but to the publike benefite of this Realme And so I bid you farewell From the Court the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie AFter my heartie commendations I haue for certaine causes deferred the answere of your letter of Nouember last till now which I hope commeth all in good time Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot but much commend And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert as you haue heard long since hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within these 10. dayes who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you write of be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with him or so soone after as you may I hope this trauell wil proue profitable to the Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme herein I pray you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt and M. Thomas Steuenton to whome I referre you And so bid you heartily farewell Richmond the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the Citie of Bristoll to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principall Secretary to her Maiestie concerning a Westerne voyage intended for the discouery of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of Cape Briton RIght honourable vpon the âeceit of your letters directed vnto me and deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton bearing date the 11. of March I presently conferred with my friends in priuate whom I know most affectionate to this godly enterprise especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants whereupon my selfe being as then sicke with as conuenient speede as he could hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered where after dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this citie he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me piruatly to be read in publike and after some good light giuen by M. Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterpriseâ and were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be liked that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present apparently knowen by their own speach and very willing offer the summe of 1000. markes and vpward which summe if it should not suffice we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery a ship of threescore and a barke of 40. tunne to bee left in the countrey vnder the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlilâ of whom we haue heard much good if it shall stand with your honors good liking and his acceptation In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M. Steuenton your honours messenger and one well knowen to vs as captains And here in humble maner desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your further direction by a generall