and Shooes Sawes Pick-axes Spades and Shouels Axes Hatchets Hookes Kniues Sizzers Hammers Nailes Chissels Fish-hookes Bels Beades Bugles Looking-glasses Thimbles Pinnes Needles Threed and such like They set saile from Kingrode the twentieth day of March. We set saile from Milford Hauen where the winds had stayed vs a fortnight in which space we heard of Queene Elizabeths death the tenth of Aprill 1603. In our course we passed by the Iles of the Açores had first sight of the Pike and afterward of the Iland of Cueruo and Flores and after we had runne some fiue hundred leagues we fell with a multitude of small Ilands on the North Coast of Virginia in the latitude of 43. degrees the 〈◊〉 of Iune which Ilands wee found very pleasant to behold adorned with goodly grasse and sundry sorts of Trees as Cedars Spruce Pines and Firre-trees Heere wee found an excellent fishing for Cods which are better then those of New-found-land and withall we saw good and Rockie ground fit to drie them vpon also we see no reason to the contrary but that Salt may bee made in these parts a matter of no small importance We sayled to the South-west end of these Ilands and there rode with our ships vnder one of the greatest One of them we named Foxe Iland because we found those kind of beasts thereon So passing through the rest with our Boates to the mayne Land which lieth for a good space north-North-east and south-South-west we found very safe riding among them in sixe seuen eight ten and twelue fathomes At length comming to the Mayne in the latitude of 43. degrees and an halfe we ranged the same to the South-west In which course we found foure Inlets the most Easterly whereof was barred at the mouth but hauing passed ouer the barre wee ranne vp into it fiue miles and for a certaine space found very good depth and comming out againe as we sailed South-westward wee lighted vpon two other Inlets which vpon our search we found to pierce not farre into the Land the fourth and most Westerly was the best which we rowed vp ten or twelue miles In all these places we found no people but signes of fires where they had beene Howbeit we beheld very goodly Groues and Woods replenished with tall Okes Beeches Pine-trees Firre-trees Hasels Wich-hasels and Maples We saw here also sundry sorts of Beasts as Stags Deere Beares Wolues Foxes Lusernes and Dogges with sharpe noses But meeting with no Sassafras we left these places with all the foresaid Ilands shaping our course for Sauage Rocke discouered the yeere before by Captaine Gosnold where going vpon the Mayne we found people with whom we had no long conuersation because here also we could find no Sassfras Departing hence we bare into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold ouer-shot the yeere before coasting and finding people on the North side thereof Not yet satisfied in our expectation we left them and sailed ouer and came to an Anchor on the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and odde minutes where we went on Land in a certaine Bay which we called Whitson Bay by the name of the Worshipfull Master Iohn Whitson then Maior of the Citie of Bristoll and one of the chiefe Aduenturers and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyning wee called it Mount Aldworth for Master Robert Aldworths sake a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage aswell with his Purse as with his trauell Here we had sufficient quantitie of Sassafras At our going on shore vpon view of the people and sight of the place wee thought it conuenient to make a small baricado to keepe diligent watch and ward in for the aduertizement and succour of our men while they should worke in the Woods During our abode on shore the people of the Countrey came to our men sometimes ten twentie fortie or threescore and at one time one hundred and twentie at once We vsed them kindly and gaue them diuers sorts of our meanest Merchandize They did eat Pease and Beanes with our men Their owne victuals were most of fish We had a youth in our company that could play vpon a Gitterne in whose homely Musicke they tooke great delight and would giue him many things as Tobacco Tobacco-pipes Snakes skinnes of sixe foot long which they vse for Girdles Fawnes skinnes and such like and danced twentie in a Ring and the Gitterne in the middest of them vsing many Sauage gestures singing Io Ia Io Ia Ia Io him that first brake the ring the rest would knocke and cry out vpon Some few of them had plates of Brasse a foot long and halfe a foote broad before their breasts Their weapons are Bowes of fiue or sixe foot long of Wich-hasell painted blacke and yellow the strings of three twists of sinewes bigger then our Bow-strings Their Arrowes are of a yard and an handfull long not made of Reeds but of a fine light wood very smooth and round with three long and deepe blacke feathers of some Eagle Vulture or Kite as closely fastened with some binding matter as any Fletcher of ours can glue them on Their Quiuers are full a yard long made of long dried Rushes wrought about two handfuls broad aboue and one handfull beneath with prettie workes and compartiments Diamant wise of red and other colours We carried with vs from Bristoll two excellent Mastiues of whom the Indians were more afraid then of twentie of our men One of these Mastiues would carrie a halfe Pike in his mouth And one Master Thomas Bridges a Gentleman of our company accompanied only with one of these Dogs and passed sixe miles alone in the Countrey hauing lost his fellowes and returned safely And when we would be rid of the Sauages company wee would let loose the Mastiues and saddenly with out-cryes they would flee away These people in colour are inclined to a swart tawnie or Chestnut colour not by nature but accidentally and doe weare their haire brayded in foure parts and trussed vp about their heads with a small knot behind in which haire of theirs they sticke many feathers and toyes for brauerie and pleasure They couer their priuities only with a piece of leather drawne betwixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and before whereunto they hang their bags of Tobacco They seeme to bee somewhat iealous of their women for we saw not past two of them who weare Aprons of Leather skins before them downe to the knees and a Beares skinne like an Irish Mantle ouer one shoulder The men are of stature somewhat taller then our ordinary people strong swift well proportioned and giuen to treacherie as in the end we perceiued Their Boats whereof we brought one to Bristoll were in proportion like a Wherrie of the Riuer of Thames seuenteene foot long and foure foot broad made of the Barke of a Birch-tree farre exceeding in bignesse those of England it was sowed together with strong and tough
that there had bin a generall determination to haue shut vp hatches and commending our sinfull soules to God committed the Shippe to the mercy of the Sea surely that night we must haue done it and that night had we then perished but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope by our mercifull God giuen vnto vs. Sir George Summers when no man dreamed of such happinesse had discouered and cried Land Indeede the morning now three quarters spent had wonne a little cleerenesse from the dayes before and it being better surueyed the very trees were seene to moue with the winde vpon the shoare side whereupon our Gouernour commanded the Helme-man to beare vp the Boateswaine sounding at the first found it thirteene fathome when we stood a little in seuen fatham and presently heauing his lead the third time had ground at foure fathome and by this we had got her within a mile vnder the South-east point of the land where we had somewhat smooth water But hauing no hope to saue her by comming to an anker in the same we were inforced to runne her ashoare as neere the land as we could which brought vs within three quarters of a mile of shoare and by the mercy of God vnto vs making out our Boates we had ere night brought all our men women and children about the number of one hundred and fifty safe into the Iland We found it to be the dangerous and dreaded Iland or rather Ilands of the Bermuda whereof let mee giue your Ladyship a briefe description before I proceed to my narration And that the rather because they be so terrible to all that euer touched on them and such tempests thunders and other fearefull obiects are seene and heard about them that they be called commonly The Deuils Ilands and are feared and auoyded of all sea trauellers aliue aboue any other place in the world Yet it pleased our mercifull God to make euen this hideous and hated place both the place of our safetie and meanes of our deliuerance And hereby also I hope to deliuer the world from a foule and generall errour it being counted of most that they can be no habitation for Men but rather giuen ouer to Deuils and wicked Spirits whereas indeed wee find them now by experience to bee as habitable and commodious as most Countries of the same climate and situation insomuch as if the entrance into them were as easie as the place it selfe is contenting it had long ere this beene inhabited as well as other Ilands Thus shall we make it appeare That Truth is the daughter of Time and that men ought not to deny euery thing which is not subiect to their owne sense The Bermudas bee broken Ilands fiue hundred of them in manner of an Archipelagus at least if you may call them all Ilands that lie how little soeuer into the Sea and by themselues of small compasse some larger yet then other as time and the Sea hath wonne from them and eaten his passage through and all now lying in the figure of a Croissant within the circuit of sixe or seuen leagues at the most albeit at first it is said of them that they were thirteene or fourteene leagues and more in longitude as I haue heard For no greater distance is it from the Northwest Point to Gates his Bay as by this Map your Ladyship may see in which Sir George Summers who coasted in his Boat about them all tooke great care to expresse the same exactly and full and made his draught perfect for all good occasions and the benefit of such who either in distresse might be brought vpon them or make saile this way It should seeme by the testimony of Gonzalus Ferdinandus Ouiedus in his Booke intituled The Summary or Abridgement of his generall History of the West Indies written to the Emperor Charles the Fift that they haue beene indeed of greater compasse and I easily beleeue it then they are now who thus saith In the yeere 1515. when I came first to informe your Maiesty of the state of the things in India and was the yeere following in Flanders in the time of your most fortunate successe in these your kingdomes of Aragony and Casteel whereas at that voyage I sayled aboue the Iland Bermudas otherwise called Gorza being the farthest of all the Ilands that are yet found at this day in the world and arriuing there at the depth of eight yards of water and distant from the Land as farre as the shot of a Peece of Ordnance I determined to send some of the ship to Land as well to make search of such things as were there as also to leaue in the Iland certaine Hogges for increase but the time not seruing my purpose by reason of contrary winde I could bring my Ships no neerer the Iland being twelue leagues in length and sixteene in breadth and about thirtie in circuit lying in the thirtie three degrees of the North side Thus farre hee True it is the maine Iland or greatest of them now may bee some sixteene miles in length East north-North-east and West south-South-west the longest part of it standing in thirtie two degrees and twentie minutes in which is a great Bay on the North side in the North-west end and many broken Ilands in that Sound or Bay and a little round Iland at the south-South-west end As occasions were offered so we gaue titles and names to certaine places These Ilands are often afflicted and rent with tempests great strokes of thunder lightning and raine in the extreamity of violence which and it may well bee hath so sundred and torne downe the Rockes and whurried whole quarters of Ilands into the maine Sea some sixe some seuen leagues and is like in time to swallow them all so as euen in that distance from the shoare there is no small danger of them and with them of the stormes continually raging from them which once in the full and change commonly of euery Moone Winter or Summer keepe their vnchangeable round and rather thunder then blow from euery corner about them sometimes fortie eight houres together especially if the circle which the Philosophers call Halo were in our being there seene about the Moone at any season which bow indeed appeared there often and would bee of a mightie compasse and breadth I haue not obserued it any where one quarter so great especially about the twentieth of March I saw the greatest when followed vpon the eues eue of the Annuntiation of our Ladie the mightiest blast of lightning and most terrible rap of thunder that euer astonied mortall men I thinke In August September and vntill the end of October wee had very hot and pleasant weather onely as I say thunder lightning and many scattering showers of Raine which would passe swiftly ouer and yet fall with such force and darknesse for the time as if it would neuer bee cleere againe wee wanted not any and of raine more in
by reason of the want of prouision For we had scarce victuall for one moneth In performing this Iourney we spent a yeere and an halfe doing nothing else but making continuall warre And in this Iourney we had brought into our subiection about twelue thousand men women and children who were compelled to serue vs as bond-slaues as I for mine owne person did possesse about fiftie men women and children 50. Wee with our Generall Martin Don Eyollas came vnto the Citie Assumption but Abriego a Captaine which had rebelled against Captaine Mendoza and slaine him would neither open the Citie to our Generall nor yeeld it vp vnto him nor acknowledge him for Generall and his Gouernour But the said Diego Abriego being forced to forsake the Citie with fiftie Christians who ioyned themselues with him fled thirtie leagues from vs so that we could atchieue nothing against him This warre continued two whole yeeres space betweene vs the two Captaines so opposing themselues one against the other that neither was safe from danger of other 51. In the meane season while these things were thus done I receiued Letters out of Spaine and shewed to Martin Don Eyollas I presently desired a friendly and curteous dismission from him I tooke my Iourney in the name of God vpon Saint Stephens Day which was the sixe and twentieth of December in the yeere 1552. and departing from the Assumption of Marie carried vpon the Riuer of Plate with my twentie Indians in two Canoas or Boats when wee had now gone sixe and fortie leagues we first arriued at a certaine Towne called Iuberic Sabaie In that Towne foure others also together with two Portugals ioyned themselues with vs hauing gone fifteene leagues we came to a Towne called Gaberetho After this hauing gone sixteene leagues further in foure dayes we came to a certaine Village called Barotij Whence departing againe hauing gone foure and fiftie leagues in nine dayes wee came to a Towne called Barede where staying two dayes we sought prouision and Boats to carrie vs for wee were to goe one hundred leagues vp the Riuer Parana by Boat At length being brought to a certaine Towne called Gingie wee abode there foure dayes And thus farre the Countrie and Empire of Caesars Maiestie extendeth it selfe all which places in former time were subiect to the People Carios 52. After this therefore all the Nation Toupin beginneth the Countrie and Iurisdiction of the Portugall and we were compelled leauing Parana and our Boats to trauell by land vnto these Toupin which continued sixe whole moneths in which Iourney we were to goe ouer Desarts Mountaines and Valleyes and for the feare waxed of wilde and rauening beasts we durst not safely take our sleepe c. Wee wandred eight whole dayes through Woods and Thickets so that although hauing trauelled farre and wide yet in all my life time I had neuer gone so rough troublesome and tedious a way nor had we any thing which we might eate so that wee were compelled to sustaine our selues with Honie and Roots wheresoeuer we could get them and for the danger also to wit that we feared lest our enemies would pursue vs we had not so much time as to take any venison After this wee came to a Nation called Biesaie where staying foure dayes wee prouided our selues againe of victuall but durst not come neere their Towne because we were so few In this Countrie there is a Riuer called Vrquam wherein we saw Water-snakes and Serpents called Tuesca in the Spanish Tongue Scheue Eyba which were sixteene paces long and foure fathome thicke These Serpents doe much hurt for if a man wash himselfe in that Riuer or any beast swim ouer forthwith such a Serpent swimming to them windeth his tayle about the man or beast and drawing them vnder water deuoureth them Proceeding further hence we trauelled about one hundred leagues in a continued Iourney of a whole moneths space and at length came into a large Towne called Scheuetveba and rested there three dayes Going againe further we came into a certaine Towne of Christians whose Captaine was Iohn Reinueill 53. Moreouer proceeding further thence we came to the Towne of Saint Uincent From the Citie of the Assumption of Marie to the Towne of Saint Uincent in Brasill are reckoned three hundred and seuentie leagues Setting sayle from the Towne of Saint Uincent on Saint Iohn Baptists Day which was the foure and twentieth of Iune in the yeere of our Lord 1553. wee arriued at Lisbon the third of September in the yeere 1553. and while wee abode fourteene dayes there two of my Indians died which I brought with me out of those Countries I had thought here to haue added the Voyages of Iohannes Stadius another German which serued the Portugals in Brasill about Schmidels later time published in Theodore de Bry and had the same by me translated But contayning little light for the Countrie and People and relating in manner onely his owne Tragedies in his taking by the Sauages and often perils of being eaten by them as some of his friends were before his face with other like Sauage arguments wherewith wee haue glutted you alreadie I being alreadie too voluminous haue omitted the same and hasten to other Relations CHAP. V. The Obseruations of Sir RICHARD HAWKINS Knight in his Voyage into the South Sea An. Dom. 1593. once before published now reuiewed and corrected by a written Copie illustrated with notes and in diuers places abbreuiated §. I. What happened in this Voyage before they came neere the Aequinoctiall Line with diuers accidentall Discourses vsefull for Nauigators WIth the Counsels consent and helpe of my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins Knight I resolued a Voyage to be made for the Ilands of Iapan of the Philippinas and Moluccas the Kingdome of China and East Indies by the way of the. Straites of Magelan and the South Sea For this purpose in the end of the yeere 1588. returning from the Iourney against the Spanish Armado I caused a Ship to bee builded in the Riuer of Thames betwixt three and foure hundred tunnes which was finished in that perfection as could be required For shee was pleasing to the eye profitable for stowage good of sayle and well conditioned On the day of her lanching shee was named The Repentance The Repentance being put in perfection and riding at Detford the Queenes Maiestie passing by her to her Palace of Greâ—nwich commanded her Barge-men to rowe round about her and viewing her from Post to Stemme disliked nothing but her Name and said that shee would Christen her a new and that thenceforth shee should bee called the Daintie which name shee brooked as well for her proportion and grace as for the many happie Voyages shee made in her Maiesties seruices Hauing taken for her Maiestie a great Bysten of fiue hundred tunnes loden with Iron and other Commodities vnder the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher A Carack bound for the East
haue done their vttermost yet can they not bring that People wholly in subiection And although the Spaniards haue in this Prouince eleuen Townes and two Bishoprikes yet haue they little enough to maintayne themselues by reason of the Warres for they spend all the Gold that the Land yeeldeth in the maintenance of their Souldiers which would not bee so if they had peace for then they might worke in all their Mines Thus hauing spoken somwhat of the situation of Chili and of the troublesome conquest thereof I will returne to my former discourse where I left Baldiuia therefore being of 150. houses hath twice beene burnt and spoyled by the Indians so that now it is waxen poore but before the Indians sacked it it was very rich and it standeth vp a Riuer foure leagues from the Sea Passing from hence you come to the plaine Countrie of Arauco being situate ouer against the Iland La Mocha on which Iland the Indians that inhabite belong to the maine Land Hauing passed this Plaine of Arauco the next Towne of the Spaniards that you come vnto is La Concepcion which hath beene the greatest and the richest Towne in all Chili but by reason that the Indians haue burned the same foure times it is now growne very poore and hath small store of people it containeth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the Plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this Towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a Fort built hard by it and here are fiue hundred Souldiers continually in Garrison Betweene this place and Ualparizo the Indians call the Coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing fiue and twentie leagues vp into the Countrie is the principall Towne of all Chili and the seat of the Gouernour it consisteth of about eight hundred houses The Port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next Towne neere the Sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the Land and containeth about two hundred houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a Port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a Gentleman which is Gouernour of the Towne hath an Ingenio for Sugar at this place endeth the whole Prouince of Chili Here also the Mountaines ioyning hard vpon the Sea are the cause why all the Land betweene Capiapo and Peru contayning one hundred and sixtie leagues lieth desolate The first Towne on the Coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any further I will here also declare vnto you the first Discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the Sea-coast againe and to the end you may vnderstand me the better I will beginne with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this mayne Land passing ouer the Mountains they discouered the South Sea where because they found Indian people with Gold and Pearles they built a Towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the Sea side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the Coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by Sea to the Coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly windes blowing on this Coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to ships sayling that way and by Land the passage was impossible in regard of Mountaines and Riuers Yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Iland of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Pizarro borne in the Citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a companie vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the Coast of Peru and hauing obtayned licence of the Gouernour of that place Francisco Pizarro set forth with the two foresaid Carauels and an hundred men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him Victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Pizarro sayling along the Coast met with contrary windes and raine which put him to great trouble and hee began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sayling of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery Riuer and Bay that hee saw along the Coast which was the chiefe cause that he stayed so long on his Voyage also thirtie of his companie died by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last he came to an Iland called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine Land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supplie of victuals and of men which ship being departed fortie of his men that remayned behinde made a mutinie and passed vp into the Countrie meaning to returne by Land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Pizarro was left vpon the said Iland onely with thirteene men who although hee had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would hee rather die then goe backe and his thirteene men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine Land in the night season Thus hee continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with fortie men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecuted his Voyage till hee came to the first plaine Countrie of Peru called Tumbez where hee found a Fort made by the King of Peru against the Indians of the Mountaines Wherefore Pizarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a People of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in Gold and Siluer and well apparelled At this Port of Tumbez hee tooke thirtie thousand Pezos of Gold in trucke of Merchandise and hauing two few men to proceed any further he carried two Indians with him to learne the Language and returned backe for Panama Vpon this Discouerie Francisco Pizarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to craue of the King the Conquest of this Land Whither being come the King granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a Fleet of shippes and brought also along with him foure of his Brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his Voyage for Peru being accompanied with his Partner Diego de Almagro They sayled first to the Iland called
to the Summer Ilands by that Company 22 The Ioseph 150. tun in May 1621. 100. persons 23 The Iames 120. tun in Iuly 80. 24 The Concord 180. tun in August 70. Persons 250. So there is foure and twentie Sayle of ships with fiue hundred Mariners in them imployed to these Plantations in this yeere Besides there are now prouiding seuerall ships in diuers parts of this Kingdome to transport to the Plantations aboue fiue hundred persons And for the benefit of the Plantations these things following haue beene here done this yeere Sixteene persons and others haue beene prouided and sent for the making of Beads for trade in the Countrie with the Natiues and for making Glasse of all sorts Seuen and fiftie young Maides haue beene sent to make wiues for the Planters diuers of which were well married before the comming away of the Ships A Magazine hath beene sent of all necessaries for the Colonie to the value of two thousand pound besides all priuate mens sending goods which was very ample Trade being set open for all his Maiesties Subiects A ship called the Discouerie hath beene set out for the rich Trade of Furres which both the French and Hollanders haue yeerely within our Precincts and within fiftie leagues of vs. Fiue and twentie persons for the building of Boats Pinnasses and Ships for the necessarie vse of the Colonie for fishing Trade and Discouerie c. Seuen persons sent for planting the thousand Acres of Land giuen to the East Indie Schoole Other Occurents of Note The Gouernours arriuall in Virginia at the end of the last Summer with nine ships and neere seuen hundred people all safely and in good health The admirable deliuerance of diuers ships and namely of the Tiger which beeing driuen strangely neere two hundred leagues out of her course fell into the Turkes hands and yet came saue to Virginia Master Berkleyes Letters assure vs that there is not a more fit place for Iron-workes then in Virginia both for Wood Water Mynes and Stone and that by Whitsontide next wee may relie vpon Iron made by him The Plants of Cotton-wooll trees that came out of the West Indies prosper exceeding well and the Cotton-wooll-seeds from the Mogols Countrie come vp and grow Samples of it they haue sent and this Commoditie they hope this yeere to bring to a good perfection and quantitie The Indico Seed thriues well but they yet want knowledge how to cure it Our Frenchmen assure vs that no Countrie in the World is more proper for Vines Silke Oliues Râ—ce c. then Uirginia and that it excelleth their owne Countrey The Vines beeing in abundance naturally ouer all the Countrey a taste of which Wine they haue alreadie sent vs with hope the next yeere to send vs a good quantitie There bee Mulberie trees in wonderfull abundance and much excelling both in goodnesse and greatnesse those of their Countrey of Languedocke To the full perfecting of both which rich Commodities of Wine and Silke there wanteth nothing but hands And of the Mulberies may bee made also good wholesome Wine for the people there And of a certaine Plumme in the Countrey they haue made good drinke Salt-workes are erecting the proper place being now found as the Rocheller doth certifie vs whereby many ships will transport people at easier rates hereafter finding Salt there to furnish them for the great and profitable fishings vpon that Coast whither twentie sayle of ships went this last yeere but of the Westerne parts of England besides the ships formerly mentioned Master Iohn Porie hath of late made a Discouerie into the great Bay Northward yet at the bottome of it he was not reseruing it to a second Voyage where are now setled neere one hundred English very happily with hope of a good Trade of Furres there to bee had And Terra Lemnia was sent vs from thence which is found as good as that of Turkey and is in great abundance to be had In February last he likewise discouered to the South Riuer some sixtie miles ouer Land from vs a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey full of Riuers wherein are two Haruests in one yeere the great King giuing him friendly entertainment and desirous to make a league with vs hee found also there in great quantitie of the same Silke-grasse as appeareth by the samples sent vs whereof Master Heriot in his Booke 1587. makes relation who then brought home some of it with which a piece of Grogeran was made and giuen to Queene Elizabeth and some heere who haue liued in the East Indies affirme that they make all their Cambaya Stuffes of this and Cotton-wooll Also in his passage by Land Master Porey discouered a Countrey full of Pine-trees aboue twentie miles long whereby a great abundance of Pitch and Tarre may bee made and other sorts of woods there were fit for Pot-ashes and Sope-ashes The Indians haue made relation of a Copper Myne that is not farre from thence how they gather it and the strange making of it a piece whereof was sent home being found after trial very excellent metall Some of the English haue made relation of a China Boxe seene at one of the Kings Houses who declared that it was sent him from the West by a King that dwels ouer the great Hils whose Countrey is neere the Sea he hauing that Boxe from a people as hee said that come thitherin ships and weare clothes and dwell in Houses and are called Acanackchina And he offered our people that he would send his Brother along with them to that King which the Gouernour purposeth not to refuse hoping thereby to discouer the South Sea so long talked of A small ship comming in December last from the Summer-Ilands to Virginia brought thither from thence these Plants viz. Vines of all sorts Orange and Leman trees Sugar Canes Cassado Roots that make bread Pines Plantans Potatoes and sundry other Indian fruits and plants not formerly seene in Virginia which begin to prosper very well Gifts The Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the Royall Iames from the East Indies beeing at Cape Bona Speranza homeward bound gaue towards the building of a Free Schoole in Virginia to be called the East Indie Schoole the summe of seuentie pound eight shillings six pence Towards the furtherance of the said East India Schoole an vnknowne person hath added the summe of thirtie pound A person refusing to be made knowne hath giuen the summe of fortie shillings a yeere for euer for a Sermon before the Virginia Company thirtie pounds At a Quarter Court held the thirtieth of Ianuary 1621. by a person not willing as yet to bee knowne was sent in Gold to helpe forward the East Indie Schoole fiue and twentie pounds At the same Quarter Court a small Bible with a couer richly wrought a great Church Bible Bookes of Common Prayer and other Books were presented to be sent to Uirginia in the
between Sagadahoc and it From the Iland vpward the water is fresh abounding in Salmons and other fresh-water fish Some thirteene or fourteen daies iourney from the entrance in the North-east branch there is a little arme of a Riuer that runneth East some daies iourney which hath at the entrance foure fathoms water Vpon this arme there is one ouer fail which standeth halfe a daies iourney aboue this braneh vpon this arme there are foure Townes The first is called Kenebeke which hath eightie houses and one hundred men The Lord whereof is Apombamen The second is Ketangheanycke and the Sagamos name is Octoworthe who hath in his Towne ninetie housholds and three hundred and thirtie men This Towne is foure dayes iourney from Kenebeke and eight dayes iourney from To the Northward is the third Towne which they call Naragooc where there are fiftie housholds and one hundred and fiftie men The chiefe Sagamo of that place is Cocockohamas And on the small branch that runneth East standeth the fourth Towne named by Mâ—ssakiga where there are but eight housholds and fortie men Vpon the Northwest branch of this Sound stand two Townes more The first is called Amereangan and is distant from Kenebeke sixe dayes iourney In this place are ninetie housholdes and two hundred and sixtie men with two Sagamoes the one called Sasuâ—a the other Scawas Seuen daies iourney hence there is another Sagamo whose name is Octoworâ—kin and his Townes name Namercante wherein are fortie housholds and one hundred and twentie men A dayes iourney aboue Namercante there is a downefall where they cannot passe with their Cannoes but are inforced to carrie them by Land for the space of a quarter of a mile and then they put them into the Riuer againe And twelue dayes iourney aboue this Downfall there is another where they carrie their Boates as at the first and sixe dayes iourney more to the North is the head of this Riuer where is the Lake that is of eight dayes iourney long and foure dayes broad before mentioned In this Lake there is one Iland and three dayes iourney from this Lake there is a Towne which is called Buccawganecants wherein are threescore housholds and foure hundred men And the Sagamo thereof is called Baccatusshe This man and his people are subiects to the Bashabez of Mawooshen and in his Countrey is the farthest limit of his Dominion where he hath any that doe him homage To the Westward of Sagadahoc foure dayes iourney there is another Riuer called Ashamabaga which hath at the entrance sixe fathoms water and is halfe a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two dayes iourney and on the East side there is one Towne called Agnagebcoc wherein are seuentie houses and two hundred and fortie men with two Sagames the one called Maurmet the other Casherokenit Seuen dayes iourney to the South-west of Ashamabaga there is another Riuer that is sixe fathoms to the entrance This Riuer is named Shawakotoc and is halfe a myle broad it runneth into the Land fiftie dayes iourney but foure dayes from the entrance it is so narrow that the Trees growing on each side doe so crosse with their boughes and bodies on the other as it permitteth not any meanes to passe with Boates that way for which cause the Inhabitants that on any occasion are to trauell to the head are forced to goe by Land taking their way vpon the West side At the end of this Riuer there is a Lake of foure dayes iourney long and two dayes broad wherein are two Ilands To the north-North-West foure daies iourney from this Lake at the head of this Riuer Shawakatoc there is a small Prouince which they call Crokemago wherein is one Towne This is the Westermost Riuer of the Dominions of Bashabez and Quibiquisson the Westermost To the Reader I Haue thought good to adde to the English Plantations in New England those in the neighbour Countrey of New-found-land This was first discouered Ann. 1497. by S. Sebastian Cabot set forth by King Henry the seuenth the Voyages followed of M. Rut Albert de Prato M. Hore and others Ann. 1583. actuall and formall possession was taken in the right of Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory and her Successours by that memorable Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert see sup lib. 4. ca. 13. And in the yeere 1609. M. Iohn Guy of Bristoll did write a Treatise to animate the English to plant there a written Copy whereof I haue A. 1610. It pleased his most excellent Maiestie to grant a Patent for a Plantation part whereof the whole might seeme too long for our purpose we haue inserted CHAP. VII The beginning of the Patent for New-found-land and the Plantation there made by the English 1610. deliuered in a Letter dated thence from M. GVY to M. SLANY Also of the weather the three first Winters and of Captaine WESTON with other remarkable Occurrents IAMES by the Grace of GOD of Great Brittaine France and Ireland King Defendour of the Faith c. To all people to whom these Presents shall come greeting Know yee whereas diuers Our louing and well disposed Subiects are desirous to make Plantation to inhabite and to establish a Colony or Colonies in the Southerne and Easterne parts of the Countrey and I le or Ilands commonly called New-found-land vnto the Coast and Harbour whereof the Subiects of this our Realme of England haue for the space of fiftie yeeres and vpwards yeerely vsed to resort in no small numbers to fish intending by such Plantation and inhabiting both to secure and make safe the said Trade of Fishing to Our Subiects for euer And also to make some commendable benefit for the vse of mankind by the lands and profits thereof which hitherto from the beginning as it seemeth manifest hath remained vnprofitable And for better performance of such their purpose and intentions haue humbly besought Our Regall Authoritie and assistance Wee being well assured that the same Land or Countrey adioyning to the foresaid Coasts where Our Subiects vse to fish remaineth so destitute and desolate of inhabitance that scarce any one Sauage person hath in many yeeres beene seene in the most parts thereof And well knowing that the same lying and being so vacant is as well for the reasons aforesaid as for many other reasons very commodious for Vt and Our Dominions And that by the Law of Nature and Nations We may of Our Royall Authoritie possesse our selues and make graunt thereof without doing wrong to any other Prince or State considering they cannot iustly pretend any Soueraigntie or Right thereunto in respect that the same remaineth so vacant and not actually possessed and inhabited by any Christian or other whomsoeuer And therefore thinking it a matter and action well beseeming a Christian King to make true vse of that which God from the beginning created for mankind And therefore intending not onely to worke and procure the benefit and good of many of Our Subiects
and reuerend Diuine Doctor LAYFIELD his Lordships Chaplaine and Attendant in that expedition very much abbreuiated §. I. The Shippes emploied in the Voyage and accidents on the Coasts of Spaine in the Canaries and the Nauigation thence to Dominica HIs Lordship being authorised by Letters Patents giuen at Westminster the foureteenth of Ianuary to leuie Forces seruiceable by Sea and Land came downe to Portesmouth the eight of February wherein nothing memorable happened till Munday being the thirteenth of March. While we were at Morning Prayer his Lordship happened to see a Gallant of the company purposely I name him not reading of Orlando Furioso to whom himselfe in person went presently after Seruice all the Company being by and hauing told him that we might looke that God would serue vs accordingly if we serued not him better bad him be sure that if againe he tooks him in the like manner he would cast his Booke ouer-boâ—â—d and turne himselfe out of the Ship The next day by obseruation it was found that towards the euening we had runne within fiue or sixe and twenty leagues of the North Cape whereupon his Lordship gaue direction to the Vice-admirall that he should carry his Flagge in the Maine-top and with a peece of Ordnance should hale in the rest of the Fleete to his Lee and that they all with him as their Admirall for the time should this night winde South and by West and there they should ride off and on scattering themselues to the North and South in the height of the Burlings till his Lordshippe should come to them In the meane season himselfe attended onely with the Guiana and the Scourges scoâ—t run to fall in with the North Cape meaning by the taking of some Caruell or some Fisherman to haue some certaine intelligence in what forwardnesse the fiue Carracks were which at this very time his Lordship knew were outwards bound The defect of his maine Maste caused him to stand in for the Burlings The Burlings is an Iland something longer then broad and by the violent beating of the Sea it selfe almost made two Ilands and within few yeares it will be so exceeding rockie it is and barren aboue measure We found no liuing thing in it but Lysards and some few Conies Vpon thursday being the thirteenth of Aprill we had sight of the Ilands The first that was within kenning was Alegrança the most Northerly of the Canaries we left it on the star-boord side as also three little hils rather then the Islands hauing all one name of the Grange In the afternoone we had Lancerota one of the six great Canaries in cleere kenning The next morning twixt fiue and six we were come to an anchor in the Roade which beareth East South-east of the Iland His Lordship had taken colde with watching the last night whereupon he found himselfe so ill the next morning being good Friday that he kept his Cabbin and was glad to take some strong Physicke He sent therefore for Sir Iohn Barkley his Lieutenant generall and gaue him order to land with certaine Companies to the number of betweene fiue and six hundred men They were in their March by ten that morning and marched the next way as they thought to the chiefe Towne of the Iland but their foremost desire was if they might to haue surprised the Marquesse who commandeth both that and the next Iland called Fortenentura as his owne possession The Towne is from the place they landed at as they coniecture some ten miles at the least By fiue in the afternoone they entered the Towne which besides the expectation they found clearely quitted of the enemy and nothing in a manner left sauing good store of very excellent Wine and Cheese After the Towne was assured Sir Iohn sent a troope to a strong Hold some halfe a mile of from the Towne called the Castle a place which the Marquesse had fortified with good store of Munition and Ordnance When our Troopes were come vp the Hill they found twixt 80 and 100. Ilanders and Spaniards within and about the house but without fight they quitted the place so that our men entered it without losse or danger They found in it a dozen or more cast Peeces of Brasse the least Bases the most whole Culuering and Demiculuering and an innumerable company of Stones laid in places of greatest aduantage The House it selfe built of squared stone flanked very strongly and cunningly both for defence and offence the entrance thereunto not as in our Forts of equall height with the foundation and ground but raised about a Pikes length in height so that without the vse of a Ladder there could be no entrance there I haue heard sundry of our wisest Commanders say that if they had drawne in their Ladder and onely shut the doore twenty men victualled might haue kept it against fiue hundred The Towne consisteth of somewhat more then a hundred houses whose building is rude being commonly but of one Storie their Roofes flat and something sloping to cast of raine couered onely with Canes or Straw laid vpon a few rafters and very dirt cast vpon all which being hardned by the Sunne becommeth of showre-proofe The Inhabitants are of very able and actiue bodies their stature commonly tall of swiftnesse in that Mountainous Countrie not farre behinde their Horses and Cammels their Armes are Pikes and Stones when a Peece is presented to them so soone as they perceiue the cocke or match to fall they cast themselues flat to the ground and the report is no sooner heard but they are vpon their feete their stones out of their hands and withall they charge with their Pikes and this in scattered incounters or single fight for either they know not or neglect orderly baâ—talion oftner giueth then receiueth hurt The Iland it is not round but stretched somewhat in length to the north-North-east and South-west parted by a ridge of Hils from end to end as Italie is by the Mountaines Apennine These hils are barren otherwise then that in prettie store they feede flocks of Sâ—eepe and Goates Their Vallies promise no fruitfulnesse being very sandy and dry something like Rye-fields in England and yet they yeelde passing good Barley and Wheate Their beasts be Sheepe and Goates few Neate many Asses fewer Camels but fewest Gennets and these of no great stature The Iland is thought to exceede the Wight both in breadth and length of the Temper a man may iudge besides that it lyeth in 28. degâ—ees and some minutes by the complexion of the Inhabitants which is blackish and by their Haruest-time which was past before the middest of Aprill and looke for a second about Michaelmas their landing there was vpon good Friday The next day the fifteenth of Aprill Sir Iohn Barkeley being out of hope to finde the Marquesse not knowing where to seeke him whom feare had taught to hide himselfe closely marched backe to the Nauie without farther
his Lordship would passe ouer into the Mayne For without him I had no great desire and indeed I should haue beene quickly missed seeing it pleased his Honor to vse mee in the dispatch of all things which were to be done by warrant or direction vnder his hand So that whatsoeuer I shall say here I must be content to report vpon the report of others and I will not tell you any thing which mee thought my selfe did not first see reason to beleeue The plat and figure of the Iland is a square altera parte longius the length exceeding the breadth neere the proportion of seuen to foure for it is told me to be sixe and thirtie leagues long and twentie leagues broad bearing it selfe out from end to end neere in the same distance It lyeth East and West at the West end the two corners doe so jut out that they make a goodly Bay betwixt them but yet not so profitable because a goodly Riuer which would gladly disburden it selfe into the Bay is choaked with sands which the Sea casteth vp into the mouth of the Riuer which being nauigable a good way vp into the Land is within a stones cast of losing his old name and being called the Sea made shallow and vnfit for the receit of Vessels of burthen There are indeed in the same Bay other lesser Riuerets whereat Passengers vse to take in fresh water as Sir Francis Drake did after hee was beaten from the Citie of Puerto Rico and put forth thence to Nombre de Dios. Vpon this part of the Iland which is commonly called La Aquada in English The watering place the greatest Commander and of largest possessions is or of late hath beene one Chereno whose proper land is thought to containe in compasse and circuit neere the quantitie of ten leagues The other end the Easterly end is knowne by the name of La cabeça de San Iuan in English Saint Iohns head The Citie of Puerto Rico is his right side or arme and the South side about the Countrie of Choama whither the Bishop at our comming had carried himselfe will be answerable to the left side or left arme as being lesse fit for action and his feet is the watering place The most famous Riuers of this Iland are Toa and Baiamond the rather because they runne into the Harbour of the Citie of Puerto Rico whereof Toa is by much the greater and falleth more with the West of the Towne This Riuer riseth out of a Mountaine called Guiamo being on the South side of the mayne Iland some fifteene or sixteene leagues from Ricoâ—o â—o the Eastward from Guiamo it runneth North in one streame till it come to another Mountaine called Cawas and though in this way it receiue many Riuerets into it yet it cannot bee said either to lose or retaine his name for thus farre it is not knowne certainly what name it had as they say but here parteth it selfe into two streames the one whereof runneth Northerly to Luisa a Towne not great but somewhat fortified standing some sixe leagues to the Eastward of Puerto Rico. Whether the Towne doe giue or take his name of this arme of the Riuer it is vnknowne But well knowne it is that they haue both one name The other streame being once diuorced from Luisa runneth North North-west and falleth into the Harbour of Puerto Rico where it is called Toa Baiamond riseth betwixt the parting of Toa and Luisa and runneth a Northerly but more Easterly course withall till it mingleth it selfe with salt water on the South-west side of Puerto Rico. The Iland is watered with very many other Riuers and Riuerets and Springs without number or names but those that giue or take names of the Villages and Townes which stand vpon them for the most part runne Northerly For besides Guiamo which riseth in the Countrie of Coama and runneth into the Southerly Sea and the Riuer whereon Saint German which also is called Salamanca and Guadianilla is situate towards the West end of the Iland neere to Cape Roxo all the other of name runne to the leeward of the Iland and fall into the Northerly Sea As first and next to Puerto Rico to the Westward the Riuer and Towne of Saâ—uco next to it Guiamo then the Recibo twixt which and the Laguada is another whose name I could not learne The Laguada whereof I spake before and which giueth name to the Westerly end of the Iland where Sir Francis Drake as I said watered is next vnto the choaked Bay before mentioned in which Bay at the North-west Point is the Gawaraba which the Seas violence hath made something vnprofitable for nauigation so that the passage to Saint Domingo and the other leeward parts of the West Indies are most ordinarily from the Laguada if they of the Westerly part of the Iland haue any businesse that way For as Saint Germans or Salamanca though I haue heard it to be a Harbour and a Sea-faring Towne yet I am told so much to the contrarie as makes me doubt of the former report though I dare not absolutely assent to this later though a Spaniard of good vnderstanding told it me Now in euery one of these Riuers which I haue named is there gold found ordinarily before it be sought And I know it to bee true when the Spaniards perceiued by his Lordships manner of leauing the Citie of Puerto Rico that hee went not away without purpose to returne one of them told his Honor in plaine termes that he could not thrust his spade into any of these named Riuers and many other besides these but hee should finde gold This certainly is true and I haue seene the experience that some of the grauell of one of these Riuers being brought to his Lordship because it looked rich when triall was made onely by washing away the sand and grauell there was cornes of very good gold found in it and that for the quantitie and proportion in great measure Where because we are againe fallen into this argument I will report vnto you a certaine truth whereby the richnesse of the mynes in Puerto Rico may be esteemed One Ioancho de Luyando a Mint-master in this Iland dwelling in the Guadianilla neere to Saint Germans or at the least hauing workes there tooke a bullion or masse of gold so pure as it needed no further triall that being sent to the King it was found worth three thousand and fiue hundreth Duckets and diuers times he found such plates that onely splitting them he made himselfe trenchers of gold to eate his meat on This man may bee judged to haue beene of no great either wit or care for it is certainly reported that oftentimes meeting his owne slaues comming out of the Countrie to his house in Puerto Rico with store of gold hee did not know them to be his owne till themselues told him so and yet this man dyed so very rich that he left euery of his
and mens names written in them This Riuer in our language is called the Riuer of Crocodiles for in it there are many which the Indians call Faquares it is narrow and in the mouth of it standeth a white Rocke To enter it you must take heed you keepe on the North side of this Rocke and you shall finde nine and ten foot water after you be within it you shall come to a great Bay and on the North-east side you shall finde a small Riuer where you may take fresh water but let euery man take heed how hee leapeth into the water for the Crocodiles lie by the banke-side hidden and if any thing fall into the water presently they kill it Here is nothing to bee had vnlesse you will fish for the Crocodiles and take the Bladders or Cods of muske from them here you need not feare any Inhabitants except you be espyed by some passengers that goe to Ferâ—ambuquâ— Alaqua is a very faire Riuer that lyeth foure leagues Northward from the Riuer of Saint Michael and three leagues Southward from the afore said Riuer of Crocodiles On either side of it you shall see a great Hill called by the Portugals Os Caiâ—â—â— You shall finde but seuen or eight foot water at the comming and very cleere from any Rocks but after you bee within you shall finde many bankes of sand where you shall kill good store of fish and alwayes you shall bee sure to haue Caruells fishing in this place at the comming in on both sides you may take fresh water Before the Riuer of Saint Michael you shall see the Cliffes like Arecines of Fernambuquo you must enter at the end of the Cliffe hard by the shoare on the south-South-west and you must marke a small Cliffe that lyeth betweene the mouth of the Riuer and the shoare this Cliffe you leaue betweene you and the shoare and betwixt this Cliffe and the great Rocks you may enter it three fathom water But take heed when you enter that you saile not towards the North-east although you see the Bay great for you shall run vpon many great bankes of sand therefore you must keepe West still within a stones cast of the shoare so shall you be sure to keepe in the Channell Thus you must saile till you discouer a house that you shall see doubling a Point full South from you then your best is to anchor for if you goe farther you are in danger except you know the Channell very well In this place dwels a Portugall called Iohn de Rocho and vp a Riuer that you shall see runne into the Land dwell many Portugals where they haue a Church with Friars to say Masse Here you shall haue good store of Cattell if you need and Brasill wood Cassaui meale and in this Riuer you shall haue good store of Oisters and in them you shall find many great Pearles likewise here is good store of Balsom oile and trees of All Nesico which is a very precious and rich wood singular good for bruises or old hurts also here is good store of Tabacco This place is eight leagues from the Riuer of Toades where we were driuen on the Rocks because we knew not where wee were for it is a singular good Harbour to enter if a man know the comming in betweene the Rocks called Os Bayos de Don Rodrigo Because the Indians indeed doe kill many Toades therefore they call it Cororoen that is to say the Riuer or water of Toades I tell you the name in the Indian language Because in all places you shall haue of them and so you may know when they tell you where you are When you are in ten degrees and an halfe Southwards of the Equinoctiall Line you shall see fiue hils and the three that standeth on the North side of this place whereof wee speake are round and high the other two that stand on the South not farre in distance one from another are long and lower then the other if you come neere the shoare you shall see a great many of small Rockes and a great Bay which is the place I speake of right before this Bay you shall see two great Rockes to goe into this Harbour you must passe betweene these Rockes which are called Bayos de don Rodrigo when you are â—ntred you may anchor hard by the Rockes and sound the Channell which will lye Norâ—h-east from you Here you may haue fresh water vp the Riuer but it will be hard for you to find therefore your best is to goe a quarter of a mile by the Sea side and you shall see a faâ—re Riuer where you may take water at pleasure and kill good store of fish At this place comming from the Riuer of Ienero in the night we were driuen vpon the Rockes for want of a Pilot that knew the Coast. I doe not set downe the places betweene this and the Cape Frio because I know them not but by report of other Trauellers and therefore I leaue it to them for I will write no more but what I haue seene and am able to proue when time shall serue and thus I end shewing you all that I haue seene on the Coast Northward of Cape Frio which is in our Language Cape Cold. Cape Frio is a point of the Land that runneth into the Sea at least twelue mile it lyeth vnder 22. degrees At this Cape you may haue sight of a great Mountaine that you may see ouer it called Abausango Reâ—ambuera here you may anchor on the East-side of this Cape in a Harbour called Abaâ—â—a formozo Here you may haue great store of Brassell-wood and in this Bay you shall find oftentimes good store of Ambeâ—-greece and on the North side of this Bay you shall see a great Riuer called vparason where you may kill good store of many kinde of fishes and in the mouth of this Riuer you shall haue great store of Corall if you will dragge for it Saquarema is a Riuer where the Frenchmen did traffique with the Canibals called Tamoyes it floweth foure leagues Southward from the Cape This Riuer is nâ—rrow at the comming in you shall find twelue foote water till you be three or foure leagues vp the Riuer You shall find fresh water on either side of the Riuer and great store of Brassell-wood all along the Riuer side On the South side of this Riuer you shall â—ee a great hill which the Indians call Boypeâ—a that is The rotten Whale for you shall see the top of it like a dead Whale If you want refreshing you may haue good store of Potato Roots there Plantons Lemons Orenges and many other good Roots as bigge as great Tuâ—nips which the Indians call Carauasou Etioca is a league Southward of the Riuer of Saquarema It is as I haue said in the description of my trauell a great and huge Rocke hollow within where the Indians say that the seruant of God did preach vnto them which they
torment and paine which is such that he who hath beene throughly punished with the Collique can quickly decipher or demonstrate The Antidote for this pernicious worme is Garlique and this was discouered by a Phisitian to a Religious person §. III. THARLTONS treacherie Discouerie of Land vnknowne Entrance of the Straits accidents therein and description thereof diuers occasionall discourses for the furtherance of Marine and Naturall knowledge IN our Nauigation towards the Straits by our obseruation we found that our Compasse varied a point and better to the Eastwards In the height of the Riuer of Plate we being some fiftie leagues off the coast a storme tooke vs Southerly which endured fortie eight houres In the first day about the going downe of the Sunne Robert Tharlton Master of the Francie bare vp before the winde without giuing vs any token or signe that she was in distresse We seeing her to continue her course bare vp after her and the night comming on we carried our light but she neuer answered vs for they kept their course directly for England which was the ouerthrow of the Voyage as well for that we had no Pinnace to goe before vs to discouer any danger to seeke out roades and anchoring to helpe our watering and refreshing as also for the victuals necessaries and men which they carried away with them which though they were not many yet with their helpe in our fight we had taken the Vice-admirall the first time shee bourded with vs as shall be hereafter manifested For once we cleered her Decke and had wee beene able to haue spared but a dozen men doubtlesse we had done with her what we would for she had no close fights Moreouer if she had beene with me I had not beene discouered vpon the coast of Peâ—ew But I was worthy to be deceiued that trusted my Ship in the hands of on hypocrite and a man which had left his Generall before in the like occasion and in the selfe same place for being with Master Thomas Candish Master of a small Shippe in the Voyage wherein hee died this Captaine being aboord the Admirall in the night time forsocke his Fleete his Generall and Captaine and returned home Pitie it is that such perfidious persons are not more seuerely punished These absentings and escapes are made most times onely to pâ—lâ—er and steale as well by taking of some prize when they are alone and without command to hinder or order their bad proceedings as to appropriate that which is in their intrusted shippe casting the fault if they bee called to account vpon some poore and vnknowne MarineÌ„rs whom they suffer with a little pillage to absent themselues the cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders and Robberies The storme ceasing and being out of all hope wee set saile and went on our course During this storme certaine great Fowles as bigge as Swannes soared about vs and the winde calming setled themselues in the Sea and fed vpon the sweepings of our ship which I perceiuing and desirous to see of them because they seemed farre greater then in truth they were I caused a Hook and Line to be brought me and with a piece of a Pilehard I baâ—ted the Hooke and a foot from it tied a piece of Corke that it might not sinke deepe and threw it into the Sâ—a which our ship driuing with the Sea in a little time was a good space from vs and one of the Fowles beeing hungry presently seized vpon it and the Hooke in his vpper beake It is like to a Faulcons bill but that the point is moore crooked in that manner as by no meanes hee could cleere himselfe except that the Line brake or the Hooke righted Plucking him towards the ship with the wauing of his wings he eased the weight of his body and being brought to the sterne of our ship two of our company went downe by the ladder of the Poope and seized on his neck and wings but such were the blowes he gaue them with his Pinnions as both left their hand fast beeing beaten blacke and blue we cast a snare about his necke and so triced him into the ship By the same manner of fishing we caught so many of them as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day Their bodies were great but of little flesh and tender in taste answerable to the food whereon they feed They were of two colours some white some grey they had three ioynts in each wing and from the point of one wing to the point of the other both stretched out was aboue two fathomes The wind continued good with vs till we came to 49. degrees and 30. minutes where it took vs Westerly being as we made our account some fifty leagues from the shoare Betwixâ— 49. and 48. degrees is Port Saint Iulian a good Harbour and in which a man may graue his shippe though she draw fifteene or sixteene foot water But care is to bee had of the people called Patagones They are treacherous and of great stature most giue them the name of Gâ—ants The second of February about nine of the clocke in the morning wee descried land which bare South-west of vs which we looked not for so timely and comming neerer and neerer vnto it by the lying wee could not coniecture what Land it should be for wee were next of any thing in 48. degrees and no Plat nor Sea-card which we had made mention of any Land which lay in that manner neere about that height In fine wee brought our Lar-boord tacke aboord and stood to the North-east-wards all that day and night and the winde continuing Westerly and a faire gale we continued our course alongst the Coast the day and night following In which time we made account we discouered well neere threescore leagues off the Coast. It is bold and made small shew of dangers The land is a goodly Champion Countrey and peopled wee saw many fires but could not come to speake with the people for the time of the yeere was farre spent to shoote the Straits and the want of our Pinnasse disabled vs for finding a Port or Road not being discretion with a ship of charge and in an vnknowne Coast to come neere the shoare before it was founded which were causes together with the change of the winde good for vs to passe the Strait that hindered the further Discouery of this Land with its secrets This I haue sorrowed for many times since for that it had likelihood to bee an excellent Countrey It hath great Riuers of fresh waters for the out-shoot of them colours the Sea in many places as we ranne alongst it It is not Moâ—ntaynous but much of the disposition of England and as temperate The things we noted principally on the Coast are these following the Westermost point of the Land with which wee first fell is the end of the Land to the Westwards as wee found afterwards If a man bring this
point south-South-west it riseth in three Mounts or round Hillockes bringing it more Westerly they shoot themselues all into one and bringing it Easterly it riseth in two Hillockes This we called Point Tremountaine Some twelue or fourteene leagues from this point to the Eastwards faire by the shoare lyeth a low flat Iland of some two leagues long we named it Faire Iland for it was all ouer as greene and smooth as any Meddow in the Sping of the yeare Some three or foure leagues Easterly from this Iland is a goodly opening as of a great Riuer or an arme of the Sea with a goodly low Countrey adjacent And eight or tenne leagues from this opening some three leagues from the shoare lyeth a bigge Rocke which at the first we had thought to be a ship vnder all her sayles but after as we came neere it discouered it selfe to bee a Rocke which we called Conduit-head for that howsoeuer a man commeth with it it is like to the Conduit-heads about the Citie of London All this Coast so farre as we discouered lyeth next of any thing East and by North and West and by South The Land for that it was discouered in the Reigne of Qâ—eene Elizabeth my Souereigne Lady and Mistris and a Mayden Queene and at my cost and aduenture in a perpetuall memory of her chastitie and remembrance of my endeuours I gaue it the name of Hawkins Maiden-land Before a man fall with this Land some twenâ—y or thirty leagues he shall meet with beds of Oreweed driuing to and fro in that Sea with white flowres growing vpon them and sometimes farther off which is a good shew and signe the Land is neere whereof the Westermost part lyeth some threescore leagues from the neerest Land of America With our faire and large wind wee shaped our course for the Straits and the tenth of February wee had sight of Land and it was the head-land of the Straits to the Northwards which agreed with our height wherein wee found our selues to bee which was in 52. degrees and 40. minutes Within a few houres we had the mouth of the Straits open which lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes It riseth like the North foreland in Kent and is much like the Land of Margates It is not good to borrow neere the shoare but to giue it a faire birth within a few houres we entred the mouth of the Straits which is some sixe leagues broad and lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes doubling the Point on the starbood which is also flat of a good birth we opened a faire Bay in which we might descry the Hull of a ship beaten vpon the Beach It was of the Spanish Fleet that went to inhabit there in Anno 1582. vnder the charge of Pedro Sarmiento who at his returne was taken Prisoner and brought into England In this Bay the Spaniards made their principall habitation and called it the Citie of Saint Philip and left it peopled But the cold barrennesse of the Countrey and the malice of the Indians with whom they badly agreed made speedy end of them as also of those whom they left in the middle of the Straits three leagues from Cape Forward to the Eastwards in another habitation We continued our course alongst this Reaâ—h for all the Straits is as a Riuer altering his course sometimes vpon one point sometimes vpon another which is some eight leagues long and lieth West North-west From this we entred into a goodly Bay which runneth vp into the Land Northerly many leagues and at first entrance a man may see no other thing but as it were a maine Sea From the end of this first Reach you must direct your course West South-west and some fourteene or fifteene leagues lyeth one of the narrowest places of all the Straits This leadeth vnto another Reach that lyeth West and by North some six leagues Here in the middle of the Reach the wind tooke vs by the North-west and so we were forced to anchor some two or three dayes In which time we went ashoare with our Boats and found neere the middle of this Reach on the starboord side a reasonable good place to ground and trimme a small ship where it higheth some nine or ten foot water Here we saw certaine Hogs but they were so farre from vs that we could not discerne whether they were of those of the Countrey or brought by the Spaniards these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the Straits In two tides we turned through this reach and so recouered the Ilands of Pengwins they lye from this reach foure leagues South-west and by West Till you come to this place care is to be taken of not comming too neere to any point of the land for being for the most part sandy they haue sholding off them and are somewhat dangerous These Ilands haue beene set forth by some to be three we could discouer but two And they are no more except that part of the Mayne which lyeth ouer against them be an Iland which carrieth little likelihood and I cannot determine it A man may saile betwixt the two Ilands or betwixt them and the Land on the Larboord side from which Land to the bigger Iland is as it were a bridge or ledge on which is foure or fiue fathom water and to him that commeth neere it not knowing thereof may justly cause feare for it sheweth to be shold water with his ripling like vnto a Race Betwixt the former Reach and these Ilands runneth vp a goodly Bay into the Countrey to the North-wards It causeth a great Indraughty and aboue these Ilands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straits to these Ilands the Land on the Larboord-side is low Land and sandy for the most part and without doubt Ilands for it hath many openings into the Sea and forcible Indraughts by them and that on the Starboord side is all high Mountaynous Land from end to end but no wood on either side Before we passed these Ilands vnder the Lee of the bigger Iland we anchored the winde beeing at North-east with intent to refresh our selues with the Fowles of these Ilands they are of diuers sorts and in great plentie as Pengwins wild Ducks Guls and Gannets of the principall we purposed to make prouision and those were the Pengwins The Pengwin is in all proportion like a Goose and hath no feathers but a certaine downe vpon all parts of his bodie and therefore canot flee but auayleth himselfe in all occasions with his feet running as fast as most men He liueth in the Sea and on the Land feedeth on fish in the Sea and as a Goose on the shore vpon grasse They harbour themselues vnder the ground in Burrowes as the Conies and in them hatch their young All parts of the Iland where they haunted were vndermined saue onely one Valley which it seemeth they reserued for their food for it
was as greene as any Medow in the moneth of Aprill with a most fine short grasse The flesh of these Pengwins is much of the sauour of a certaine Fowle taken in the Ilands of Lundey and Silley which we call Puffins by the taste it is easily discerned that they feed on fish They are very fat and in dressing must be flead as the Byter they are reasonable meate rosted baked or sodden but best rosted We salted some doozen or sixteene Hogsheads which serued vs whilest they lasted insteed of powdred Beefe The hunting of them as wee may well terme it was a great recreation to my company and worth the sight for in determining to catch them necessarily was required good store of people euery one with a cudgell in his hand to compasse them round about to bring them as it were into a Ring if they chanced to breake out then was the sport for the ground beeing vndermined at vnawares it failed and as they ranne after them one fell here another there another offering to strike at one lifting vp his hand sunke vp to the arme-pits in the earth another leaping to auoid one hole fell into another And after the first slaughter in seeing vs on the shoare they shunned vs and procured to recouer the Sea yea many times seeing themselues persecuted they would tumble downe from such high Rocks and Mountaines as it seemed impossible to escape with life Yet as soone as they came to the Beach presently we should see them runne into the Sea as though they had no hurt Where one goeth the other followeth like sheepe after the Bel-weather but in getting them once within the Ring close together few escaped saue such as by chance hid themselues in the borrowes and ordinarily there was no Droue which yeelded vs not a thousand and more the manner of killing them which the Hunters vsed beeing in a cluster together was with their cudgels to knocke them on the head for though a man gaue them many blowes on the body they dyed not Besides the flesh bruized is not good to keepe The massacre ended presently they cut of their heads that they might bleed well such as we determined to keepe for store we saued in this manner First wee split them and then washed them well in Sea-water then salted them hauing laine some sixe houres in Salt we put them in presse eight houres and the bloud being soaked out wee salted them againe in our other caske as is the custome to salt Beefe after this manner they continued good some two moneths and serued vs in steed of Beefe The Guls and Gannets were not in so great quantitie yet we wanted not young Guls to eate all the time of our stay about these Ilands It was one of the delicatest foods that I haue eaten in all my life The Duckes are different to ours and nothing so good meate yet they may serue for necessitie They were many and had a part of the Iland to themselues seuerall which was the highest Hill and more then a Musket shot ouer In all the dayes of my life I haue not seene greater arte and curiositie in creatures voide of reason then in the placing and making of their Nests all the Hill being so full of them that the greatest Mathematician of the World could not deuise how to place one more then there was vpon the Hill leauing onely one path-way for a Fowle to passe betwixt The Hill was all leuell as if it had beene smoothed by arte the Nests made onely of earth and seeming to be of the selfe-same mould for the Nests and the soile is all one which with water that they bring in their Beakes they make into Clay or a certaine dawbe and after fashion them round as with a compasse In the bottome they containe the measure of a foot in the height about eight inches and in the top the same quantitie ouer there they are hollowed in somwhat deep wherein they lay their Egges without other preuention And I am of opinion that the Sun helpeth them to hatch their young their Nests are for many yeares and of one proportion not one exceeding another in bignesse in height nor circumference and in proportionable distance one from another In all this Hill nor in any of their Nests was to be found a blade of grasse a straw a sticke a feather a moat no nor the filing of any Fowle but all the Nests and passages betwixt them were so smooth and cleane as if they had bin newly swept washed One day hauing ended our hunting of Pengwins one of our Mariners walking about the Iland discouered a great company of Seales or Sea-wolues so called for that they are in the Sea as the Wolues on the Land aduising vs that he left them sleeping with their bellies toasting against the Sunne we prouided our selues with staues and other weapons and sought to steale vpon them at vnawares to surprize some of them and comming downe the side of a Hill we were not discouered till wee were close vpon them notwithstanding their Sentinell before wee could approach with a great howle waked them we got betwixt the Sea and some of them but they shunned vs not for they came directly vpon vs and though we dealt heere and there a blow yet not a man that withstood them escaped the ouerthrow They reckon not of a Musket shot a sword pierceth not theirskinne and to giue a blowe with a staffe is as to smite vpon a stone only in giuing the blowe vpon his snout presently he falleth downe dead After they had recouered the water they did as it were scorne vs defie vs and daunced before vs vntill we had shot some Musket shot through them and so they appeared no more This fish is like vnto a Calfe with foure legs but not aboue a spanne long his skinne is hairy like a Calte but these were different to all that euer I haue seene yet I haue seēne of them in many parts for these wee greater and in their former parts like vnto Lions with shagge haire and mostaches They liue in the Sea and come to sheepe on the Land and they euer haue one that watcheth who aduiseth them of any accident They are beneficiall to man in their skinnes for many purposes In their mostaches for Pick-tooths and in their fatte to make Traine-oyle Wee embarqued our selues and set sayle with the winde at NOrth-west which could serue vs but to an end of that reach some dozen leagues long and some three or foure leagues broad It lieth next of any thing till you come to Cape Agreda south-South-west from this Cape to Cape Froward the coast lieth West South-west Some foure leagues betwixt them was the second peopling of the Spaniards and this Cape lieth in 55. degrees and better Thwart Cape Froward the winde larged with vs and we continued our course towards the Iland of Elizabeth which lieth from
of the same matter as bigge as an Oxe strongly tied together and to the Cables ouer these bundles they made two other cables which they fastened surely with the bundles vpon these they laid other little bundles as bigge as a mans arme wouen into each other and with the cables these were as the causey of the Bridge This Bridge is thirteene or foureteene foot broad and about one hundred and fiftie paces long They renewed it euery sixe moneths Often vse made readinesse and quicke dispatch They remoued it as they saw occasion The Inâ—a passed further to Chayanta thorow a dishabited Countrey this with fiue other great Prouinces he subiected and then returned to Cozco and rewarded his Captaines The Kingdome now reached one hundred and eighty leagues from Cusco Southwards and Westwards to the Sea sixtie leagues one way and eightie another to the East thirteene to the South-east fortie He adorned the houses of the Sunne which Manco Capac had founded and that of the Virgins with other great workes After this he sent the Prince Roca with an army of 20000. men by the way of Chiâ—chasuyu Northwards from Cuzco which had continued at a stay since Manco Capac but seuen leagues from the Citie the Country beyond being rough and vnpeopled He entred into the rich Countrey of Sura which gently receiued him as did also the next called Apucara which was in enmitie with the former The like successe hee had in Rucana Namasca and other Vallies to Arequepa eightie leagues outright and foureteene in breadth The Inca transplanted people from those parts to Apurimac both being hot Regions Old Inca Capac Yupanqui after these things dyed leauing about eightie children some of them left one hundred some two hundred and some aboue three hundred and his Sonne Roca succeeded Let vs now speake of Cozco and the holies thereof One of the principallest Idols of that Empire was Cosco the Imperiall Citie which the Indians worshipped as a thing sacred because it was founded by Inca Manco Capac and because it was the house and Court of the Incas their gods If an Indian in the way met another which came from Cozco though otherwise equall and now he himselfe were going thither he gaue him respect therefore as his superiour for hauing beene there how much more if he were a neere dweller or Citizen there The like was in Seedes Pulse or whatsoeuer was brought from Cozco more esteemed for that cause then those of other parts in other respects as good To hold it still in reputation the Kings adorned it with sumptuous buildings of which the principall was the Temple of the Sunne euery Inca increasing it which is said to be builded by Yupanqui because he enriched it being before founded by Manco The Chappell or shrine of the Sunne was that which is now the Church of Saint Domingo although not the same altogether wrought of polished stone The high Altar that we may so call it for they knew not how to make an Altar stood to the East the roofe was thatched for they could not make tile All foure wals were couered from the top to the bottome with Plates of Gold In the East or high Altar stood the figure of the Sunne made of one planke or plate of Gold twice as thicke as the other plates on the wals the face round with rayes and flames of fire all of a peece It was so great that it tooke vp all the end from one wall to the other Neither had they any other idols in that or any other Temple but this for indeede whatsoeuer others say they worshipped no other gods but the Sunne This Idoll fell by lot in the Spanish Conquerours sharing to one Mancio Serra whom I knew and left aliue when I came to Spaine who lost it at play in a night whence they said Prouerbially hee had plaid away the Sunne before it was vp Hee was after chosen the ordinary Alcalde of the Citie many yeares and grew to abhoore play very much But by such a share falling to one man may be guessed the exceeding riches of that Citie On the one side and on the other of that Image were the deceased bodies of the Kings placed according to their antiquitie as children of the Sunne embalmed wee know not how so that they seemed aliue They were set in their seates of Gold placed on plankes of gold holding their faces to the people Onely Huayna Capac was placed before the figure of the Sunne with his face to it as his best beloued sonne whom they worshipped in his life time for his vertues These corpes the Indians did hide with the rest of their treasures the most of which is not yet knowne Anno 1559. the Licentiate Polo found fiue of them three of the Kings and two of the Queenes The principall doore looked to the North as it still abides That and the other lesse doores were lined with plates of Gold in manner of a Porch Without the Temple on the top of the wals ran all alongst a chamfred worke of gold in forme of a Crowne aboue a yard broad round about the Temple Beyond the Temple was a Cloister of foure squares one of which was the Temple round about the top whereof was such a crowne of chamfered gold as is before mentioned aboue a yard broad instead of which the Spaniards haue set vp one of white plaister There were squares or seuered Chappels standing by themselues couered like a pyramis which made the three other sides of the Cloister One of them was dedicated to the Moone all which and the doores thereof was couered with plates of Siluer Her Image was placed therein like that of the Sun with a womans face in a planke of Siluer Thither they went to visite her and to commend themselues to her as the wife and sister of the Sunne and mother of the Incas and all their generation and called her Mamaquillia Mother Moone but offered no Sacrifices to her as to the Sunne On each hand of the Moones image were the bodies of the Queenes deceased ranked in order of their antiquitie Mamaoello Mother of Huayna Capac stood before the Moone face to face for producing such a Sonne The next roome to that of the Moone was dedicated to the Planet Uenus and to the seuen Starres and to all the Starres in common which they held to be the seruants of the Moone and therefore placed them about their Lady to be ready at hand for any seruice The next roome was lined with siluer also and the porch of siluer The roofe was made with resemblances of Starres great and small like the starrie firmament The next to this of the Starres was dedicated to the Thunder and Lightning and Thunderbolt all which were signified in one word Yllapa They worshipped them not for gods but held them for seruants of the Sunne They made no picture thereof The fourth roome or Chappell
before me Al these fears which they haue of vs they yet put into the heads of those who came lately to know vs because they should giue vs whatsoeuer they haue for they know that we tooke nothing for our selues but gaue euerie thing to them This was the most obedient people and best conditioned that we found in all that Countrie and commonly they are well disposed Those that were sicke being recouered and restored vnto health and wee hauing continued there three daies the women that we had sent came vnto vs and said that they had found verie few people because they were gone to the kine which was now their time Then we commanded them that were weake to remaine behinde and those that were well to come with vs and that two daies iourney from thence those two women should goe with two of our men to cause the people to come forth to the highwaies to receiue vs. And so the morning following all those that were the lustiest departed with vs and after three daies iourney wee setled our selues and the day following Alonso del Castiglio and Esteuanicco the Negro together with those two women for their guides and that who was their prisoner brought them vnto a Riuer which ranne within a mountaine where a people abode among whom their father was and these were the first houses that wee saw which had the forme and manner of true houses There Castiglio and Esteuanicco arriued and after they had spoken with those Indians at the end of three dayes Castiglio returned to the place where they left vs and brought fiue or sixe of those Indians and said That hee had found houses of people and of artificiall building and that the people eate pulse and gourds and that hee had seene Maiz there There wee abode one day and the next wee departed they bringing vs with them to other built houses where wee did eate of the same food that they eate And after from thenceforth there was another custome that they who knew of our comming came not forth into the high-way to meete vs as the other did but wee found them in their houses and they did nothing else for vs. And they were all sitting and all held their faces towards the wall hanging downe their heads with their haire ouer their eyes and all their clothes were hanged vp aloft in the middle of the house and from thence forward they began to giue vs many mantles of hides and they had not any thing which they gaue vs not It is a Nation of the best and goodliest proportion of bodie that euer wee saw there and of a more liuely spirit and agilitie and that vnderstood vs better and answered vs to whatsoeuer wee demanded them and wee call them The people of the Kine because the greater part of the Kine which dye in those Countries is neere thereabouts and vp that Riuer more then fiftie leagues they goe killing many These people goe all naked after the manner of those whom wee found first The women goe couered with certaine Deere skinnes and so doe some few men also and particularly the aged who are not seruiceable for the warres It is a verie populous Countrey and being demanded why it did not sowe Maiz they said They did it because they would not leese that which they should sowe for two yeeres since their water failed and the seasons was so dry that they all lost the Maiz that they had sowed and that they could not by any meanes be assured to sowe vnlesse first it had rained very much and they prayed vs to speake vnto the Heauens that they might send downe raine they boyle pulse in this manner They fill a great pot halfe full with water and put many of those stones in the fire which will quickely burne and when they seeth them on fire they take them vp with certaine tongs of Wood and cast them into that water in the gourd vntill they make it boyle with that fire of those stones and when they perceiue that the water boyleth they put in that which they haue to boyle and all this time they doe nothing else but take out one stone and put in another fired redde hot to make the water boyle §. IIII. They come to the South Sea and trauell through a plentifull Countrey till they meet with Spaniards whose crueltie and manner of conuerting Sauages is related WE went Westward on our iourny crossed ouer all the land vntil we came forth at the South Sea and the feare wherein they had put vs of the great famine which we were to passe as surely we passed it for seuenteen daies together as they had told vs was not able to diuert vs from our intended purpose Throughout all that Countrey vp the Riuer they gaue vs many Mantles of the hides of Kine and wee did not eate of those their fruites but our sustenance was euery day a piece of the fat of Deere of the bignesse of a mans hand which for this necessitie wee prouided alwaies to haue in a readinesse and so wee passed all those seuenteene daies iourney and at the end of them wee crossed ouer the Riuer and trauelled other seuenteene daies more to the West through certaine plaines and verie great mountaines which are found there and there wee met with a people who the third part of the yeere eate no other thing saue the powder of straw and because wee passed that way at that season of the yeere wee also were constrained to eate it vntill hauing finished those daies iourney wee found setled houses where there was great quantitie of Maiz and of that and Meale they gaue vs enough and Gourds and Pulse and Mantles of Bombasin Cotton withall which we laded them whom wee had hyred there who returned the most contented men in the world Wee yeelded many thankes vnto God who had brought vs thither where we found such plentie of sustenance Among these houses they had some that were of earth and all the rest were of mats and from thence wee passed more then an hundred leagues into the Countrey and alwaies found setled houses and much sustenance of Maiz and Pulse and they gaue vs many Deeres skinnes and Mantles of Bombasin Cotten better then those of New Spaine and gaue vs also many Garlands and certaine Corall which grow in the South Sea and many Turkie stones which come from toward the North. And finally they gaue vs whatsoeuer they had and vnto Dorante they gaue Emeralds made into Arrow heads and with those Arrowes they make their sports and festiuall iollitie seeming to mee very good I demanded of them whence they had them who told me that they brought them from certaine very high mountaines which lye towards the North and that they got them by exchange and barter for quills and Parrats feathers and there were many people there and very great houses Among them wee saw the women more honourably
that if it were so it was in their owne hands to goe out of Florida if they found nothing of profit for they feared they should lose themselues in some wildernesse This Indian led him two dayes out of the way The Gouernour commanded to torture him He said that the Cacique of Nondacao his Lord commanded him to guide them so because they were his enemies and that he was to doe as his Lord commanded him The Gouernour commanded him to be cast to the dogs and another guided him to Soacatino whither he came the day following It was a very poore Country there was great want of Maiz in that place He asked the Indians whether they knew of any other Christians They said that a little from thence toward the South they heard they were He trauelled twentie dayes through a Country euill inhabited where they suffered great scarsitie and trouble For that little Maiz which the Indians had they had hidden and buried in the woods where the Christians after they were well wearied with trauell at the end of their iourney went to seeke by digging what they should eate At last comming to a Prouince that was called Guasco they found Maiz wherewith they loaded their horses and the Indians that they had The Indians told them there that ten daies journie from thence toward the West was a Riuer called Daycao whither they went sometimes a hunting and killing of Deere and that they had seene people on the other side but knew not what habitation was there There the Christians tooke such Maiz as they found and could carry and going ten daies iournie through a wildernesse they came to the Riuer which the Indians had told them of Ten horsemen which the Gouernour had sent before passed ouer the same and went in a way that led to the Riuer and lighted vpon a company of Indians that dwelt in very little cabins who as soone as they saw them tooke themselues to flight leauing that which they had all which was nothing but miserie and pouertie The Countrie was so poore that among them all there was not found halfe a pecke of Maiz. The horsemen tooke too Indians and returned with them to the Riuer where the Gouernour staied for them He sought to learne of them what habitation was toward the West There was none in the Campe that could vnderstand their language The Gouernour assembled the Captaines and principall persons to determine with their aduice what they should doe And the most part said that they thought it best to returne backe to Rio grande or the great Riuer of Guachoya because that id Nilco and thereabout was store of Maiz saying that they would make Pinnaces that winter and the next Summer passe downe the Riuer to the Seaward in them and comming to the Sea they would goe along the coast to Nuena Espanna For though it seemed a doubtfull thing and difficult by that which they had already alleadged yet it was the last remedy they had For by land they could not goe for want of an Interpreter And they held that the Countrie beyond the Riuer of Dayaco where they were was that which Cabeça de Uaca mentioned in his relation that he passed of the Indians which liued like the Alarbes hauing no setled place and fed vpon Tunas and rootes of the fields and wilde beasts that they killed Which if it were so if they should enter into it and finde no victuals to passe the winter they could not choose but perish For they were entred already into the beginning of October and if they staied any longer they were not able to returne for raine and snowes nor to sustaine themselues in so poore a Countrie The Gouernour that desired long to see himselfe in a place where hee might sleepe his full sleepe rather then to conquer and gouerne a Countrie where so many troubles presented themselues presently returned backe that same way that he came When that which was determined was published to the Campe there were many that were greatly grieued at it for they held the Sea voyage as doubtfull for the euill meanes they had and as great danger as the trauelling by land and they hoped to finde some rich Countrey before they came to the land of the Christians by that which Cabeça de Vaca had told the Emperour and that was this That after he had found cloathes made of Cotten wooll hee saw Gold and Siluer and stones of great value And they had not yet come where hee had beene For vntill that place he alwayes trauelled by the Sea coast and they trauelled farre within the land and that going toward the West of necessitie they should come where he had beene For he said That in a certaine place he trauelled many dayes and entred into the land toward the North. And in Guasco they had already found some Turkie stones and Mantles of Cotten wooll which the Indians signified by signes that they had from the West and that holding that course they should draw neere to the land of the Christians From Daycao where now they were to Rio grando or the great Riuer was one hundred and fiftie leagues which vnto that place they had gone Westward They departed from Nilco in the beginning of December and all that way and before from Chilano they endured much trouble for they passed through many waters and many times it rained with a Northren winde and was exceeding colde so that they were in open field with water ouer and vnderneath them and when at the end of their dayes iourney they found dry ground to rest vpon they gaue great thankes to God With this trouble almost all the Indians that serued them died And after they were in Minoya many Christians also died and the most part were sicke of great and dangerous diseases which had a spice of the lethargie As soone as they came to Minoya the Gouernour commanded them to gather all the chaines together which euery one had to lead Indians in and to gather all the Iron which they had for their prouision and all the rest that was in the Campe and to set vp a forge to make nailes and commanded them to cut downe timber for the Brigandines And a Portugall of Ceuta who hauing bin a prisoner in Fez had learned to saw timber with a long Saw which for such purposes they had carried with them did teach others which helped them to saw timber And a Genowis whom it pleased God to preserue for without him they had neuer come out of the Countrie for there was neuer another that could make Ships but he with foure or fiue other Biscaine Carpenters which hewed his plankes and other timbers made the Brigandines And two calkers the one of Genua the other of Sardinia did calke them with the tow of an hearbe like Hempe whereof before I haue made mention which there is named Enequen And because there was not enough of it
is within a league of the I le which is called the Ile du Coudre or the I le of Fâ—lberds which may be some two leagues in length And from the said I le to the Land on the North side is a league The said Ile is some what euen and groweth sharpe toward both the ends on the West end there are Medowes and Points of Rockes which stretch somewhat into the Riuer The said Ile is somewhat pleasant by reason of the Woods which enuiron the same There is store of Slate and the soyle is somewhat grauelly at the end whereof there is a Rocke which stretcheth into the Sea about halfe a league We passed to the North of the said I le which is distant from the I le of the Hare twelue leagues The Thursday following we departed from thence and anchored at a dangerous nooke on the Northside where there be certaine Medowes and a little Riuer where the Sauages lodge sometimes The said day wee still ranged the Coast on the North vnto a place where wee put backe by reasons of the winds which were contrary vnto vs where there were many Rockes and places very dangeous here we stayed three dayes wayting for faire weather All this Coast is nothing but Mountaynes as well on the South side as on the North the most part like the Coast of the Riuer of Saguenay On Sunday the two and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed to goe to the I le of Orleans in the way there are many Iles on the South shoare which are low and couered with trees shewing to be very pleasant contayning as I was able to iudge some two leagues and one league and another halfe a league About these Iles are nothing but Rocks and Flats very dangerous to passe and they are distant some two leagues from the mayne Land on the South And from thence wee ranged the I le of Orleans on the Southside It is a league from the North shoare very pleasant and leuell contayning eight leagues in length The Coast on the South shoare is low land some two leagues into the Countrey the said lands begin to below ouer against the said Ile which beginneth two leagues from the South Coast to passe by the North side is very dangerous for the bankes of Sand and Rockes which are betweene the said Ile and the mayne Land which is almost all dry at a low water At the end of the said Ile I saw a fall of water which fell from a great Mountaine of the said Riuer of Canada and on the top of the said Mountaine the ground is leuell and pleasant to behold although within the said Countries a man may see high Mountaynes which may bee some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues within the Lands which are neere the first Sault of Saguenay We anchored at Quebec which is a Strait of the said Riuer of Canada which is some three hundred pases broad there is at this Strait on the North side a very high Mountayne which falleth downe on both sides all the rest is a leuell and goodly Countrey where there are good grounds full of Trees as Okes Cypresses Birches Firre-trees and Aspes and other Trees bearing fruit and wild Vines So that in mine opinion if they were dressed they would be as good as ours There are along the Coast of the said Quebec Diamants in the Rockes of Slate which are better then those of Alonson From the said Quebec to the I le of Coudre or Filberds are nine and twenty leagues ON Munday the three and twentieth of the said moneth we departed from Quebec where the Riuer beginneth to grow broad sometimes one league then a league and an halfe or two leagues at most The Countrey groweth still fairer and fairer and are all low grounds without Rockes or very few The North Coast is full of Rockes and bankes of Sand you must take the South side about some halfe league from the shore There are certaine small Riuers which are not nauigable but only for the Canowes of the Sauages wherein there be many fals Wee anchored as high as Saint Croix which is distant from Quebec fifteene leagues This is a low point which riseth vp on both sides The Countrey is faire and leuell and the soyles better then in any place that I haue seene with plenty of wood but very few Firre-trees and Cypresses There are in these parts great store of Vines Peares small Nuts Cheries Goose-beries red and greene and certaine small Roots of the bignesse of a little Not resembling Musheroms in taste which are very good roasted and sod All this soyle is blacke without any Rockes saue that there is great store of Slate The soyle is very soft and if it were well manured it would yeeld great increase On the Northside there is a Riuer which is called Batiscan which goeth farre into the Countrey whereby sometimes the Algoumequins come downe and another on the same side three leagues from the said Saint Croix in the way from Quebec which is that where Iacques Quartier was in the beginning of the Discouery which he made hereof and hee passed no farther The said Riuer is pleasant and goeth farre vp into the Countries All this North Coast is very leuell and delectable On Tuesday the foure and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed from the said Saint Croix where we stayed a tyde and an halfe that we might passe the next day following by day light because of the great number of Rockes which are thwart the Riuer a strange thing to behold which is in a manner dry at a low water But at halfe flood a man may beginne to passe safely yet you must take good heed with the Lead alwayes in hand The tyde floweth heere almost three fathomes and an halfe the farther we went the fairer was the Countrey We went some fiue leagues and an halfe and anchored on the North side The Wednesday following wee departed from the said place which is a flatter Countrey then that which we passed before full of great store of Trees as that of Saint Croix We passed hard by a little I le which was full of Vines and came to an Anchor on the South side neere a little Hill but beeing on the top thereof all is euen ground There is at other little Ile three leagues from Saint Croix ioyning neere the South shore Wee departed from the said Hill the Thursday following and passed by a little I le which is neere the North shoare where I saw sixe small Riuers whereof two are able to beare Boats farre vp and another is three hundred pases broad there are certaine Ilands in the mouth of it it goeth farre vp into the Countrey it is the deepest of all the rest which are very pleasant to behold the soyle being full of Trees which are like to Walnut-trees and haue the same smell but I saw no Fruit which maketh me doubt the Sauages told
season there one may see Orange-trees Lymmon-trees Fig-trees Pomgranat-trees and all such sorts of trees bring forth fruit as good as in Prouence The Sauages vse sweatings often as it were euery moneth and by this meanes they preserue themselues driuing out by sweate all the cold and euill humours they might haue gathered But one singular preseruatiue against this perfidious sicknesse which commeth so stealingly and which hauing once lodged it selfe within vs will not bee put out is to follow the counsell of him that is wife amonst the wise who hauing considered all the afflictions that man giue to himselfe during his life hath found nothing better then to reioyce himselfe and doe good 〈◊〉 take pleasure in his owne workes They that haue done so in our companie haue found themse 〈…〉 s well by it contrariwise some alwaies grudging repining neuer content idle haue beene found out by the same disease True it is that for to enioy mirth it is good to haue the sweetnesse of fresh meates Fleshes Fishes Milke Butter Oyles Fruits and such like which wee had not at will I meane the common sort for alwaies some one or other of the companie did furnish Monsieur de Poutrincourt his Table with Wilde-fowle Venison or fresh Fish And if wee had halfe a dozen Kine I beleeue that no body had died there It resteth a preseruatiue necessary for the accomplishment of mirth and to the end one may take pleasure on the worke of his hands is euery one to haue the honest companie of his lawfull wife for without that the cheere is neuer perfect ones minde is alwaies vpon that which one loues and desireth there is still some sorrow the body becomes full of ill humours and so the sicknesse doth breed And for the last and soueraigne remedie I send backe the Patient to the tree of life for so one may well qualifie it which Iames Quartier doth call Anneda yet vnknowne in the coast of Port Royall vnlesse it bee peraduenture the Sasafras whereof there is quantitie in certaine places And it is an assured thing that the said tree is very excellent But Monsieur Champlain who is now in the great Riuer of Canada passing his Winter in the same part where the said Quartier did winter hath charge to finde it out and to make prouision thereof THe rough season being passed Monsieur de Monts wearied with his bad dwelling at Saint Croix determined to seeke out another Port in a warmer Countrie and more to the South And to that end made a Pinnace to bee armed and furnished with victuals to follow the coast and discouering new Countries to seeke out some happier Port in a more temperate aire Hee made in this Voyage but about an hundred and twenty leagues as wee will tell you now From Saint Croix to sixty leagues forward the coast lieth East and West at the end of which sixty leagues is a Riuer called by the Sauages Kinibeki From which place to Malebarre it lieth North and South and there is yet from one to the other sixty leagues in right line not following the Bayes So farre stretcheth Monsieur de Monts his Voyage wherein hee had for Pilot in his Vessell Monsieur de Champdore In all this Coast so farre as Kinibeki there are many places where shippes may bee harboured amongst the Ilands but the people there is not so frequent as is beyond that And there is no remarkable thing at least that may bee seene in the outside of the Lands but a Riuer whereof many haue written fables one after another I will recite that which is in the last Booke intituled The vniuersall Historie of the West Indies Printed at Douay the last yeere 1607. in the place where hee speaketh of Norombega For in reporting this I shall haue also said that which the first haue written from whom they haue had it Moreouer towards the North sayth the Authour after hee had spoken of Virginia is Norombega which is knowne well enough by reason of a faire Towne and a great Riuer though it is not found from whence it hath his name for the Barbarians doe call it Aguncia At the mouth of this Riuer there is an Iland very fit for fishing The Region that goeth along the Sea doth abound in fish and towards New France there is great number of wilde beasts and is very commodious for hunting the Inhabitants doe liue in the same manner as they of New France If this beautifull Towne hath euer beene in nature I would faine knowe who hath pulled it downe For there is but Cabins heere and there made with pearkes and couered with barkes of trees or with skinnes and both the Riuer and the place inhabited is called Pemptegoet and not Agguncia The Riuer sauing the tide is scarce as the Riuer on that coast because there are not Lands sufficient to produce them by reason of the great Riuer of Canada which runneth like this coast and is not fourescore leagues distant from that place in crossing the Lands which from else-where receiued many Riuers falling from those parts which are towards Norombega At the entrie whereof it is so farre from hauing but one Iland that rather the number thereof is almost infinite for as much as this Riuer enlarging it selfe like the Greeke Lambda 〈◊〉 the mouth whereof is all full of Iles whereof there is one of them lying very farre off and the formost in the Sea which is high and markable aboue the others But some will say that I equiuocate in the situation of Norombega and that it is not placed where I take it To this I answer that the Author whose words I haue a little before alleaged is in this my sufficient warrant who in his Geographicall Mappe hath placed in the mouth of this Riuer in the 44. degree and his supposed Towne in the 45. wherein we differ but in one degree which is a small matter For the Riuer that I meane is in the 45. degree and as for any Towne there is none Now of necessity it must be this riuer because that the same being passed and that of Kinibeki which is in the same higth there is no other Riuer forward whereof account should be made till one come to Virginia I say furthermore that seeing the Barbarians of Norombega doe liue as they of new France and haue abundance of hunting it must be that their Prouince be sea 〈…〉 our new France for fiftie leagues farther to the South-west there is no great game bec 〈…〉 e the woods are thinner there and the Inhabitants setled and in greater number then in Norombega The Riuer of Norombega being passed Monsieur de Monts went still coasting vntill he came to Kinibeki where a Riuer is that may shorten the way to goe to the great Riuer of Canada There is a number of Sauages Cabined there and the land beginneth there to be better peopled From Kinibeki going farther one findeth the Bay of
Cape is well neere a mile broad and lieth North-east by East The Captaine went here ashoare and found the ground to be full of Pease Strawberies Hurtberies c. as then vnripe the sand also by the shoare somewhat deepe the fire-wood there by vs taken in was of Cypresse Birch Wich-hazell and Beech. A young Indian came here to the Captaine armed with his Bow and Arrowes and had certaine plates of Copper hanging at his Eares hee shewed a willingnesse to helpe vs in our occasions The sixteenth we trended the Coast Southerly which was all champaine and full of grasse but the Ilands somewhat wooddie Twelue leagues from Cape Cod we descried a point with some breach a good distance off and keeping our losse to double it wee came on the sudden into shoale water yet well quitted our selues thereof This breach wee called Tuckers Terror vpon his expressed feare The Point we named Point Care hauing passed it wee bore vp againe with the Land and in the night came with it anchoring in eight fadome the ground good The seuenteenth appeared many breaches round about vs so as wee continued that day without remooue The eighteenth being faire we sent forth the Boat to sound ouer a Breach that in our course lay of another Point by vs called Gilberts Point who returned vs foure fiue sixe and seuen fadome ouer Also a Discouery of diuers Ilands which after prooued to bee Hils and Hummocks distinct within the Land This day there came vnto the ships side diuers Canoas the Indians apparelled as aforesaid with Tobacco and Pipes steeled with Copper Skins artificiall strings and other trifles to barter one had hanging about his necke a plate of â—â—ch Copper in length a foot in breadth halfe a foot for a brest-plate the Eares of all the rest had Pendants of Copper Also one of them had his face ouer painted and his head stucke with feathers in manner of a Turkey Cocks traine These are more timerous then those of the Sauâ—ge Rocke yet very theeuish The nineteenth we passed ouer the breach of Gilberts Point in foure or fiue fadome and anchored a league or somewhat more beyond it betweene the last two Points are two leagues the interim along shoale water the latitude here is 41. degrees two third parts The twentieth by the ships side we there killed Pengwins and saw many sculs of fish The Coast from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles lyeth East and by South Here also we discouered two Inlets which might promise fresh water inwardly whereof we perceiued much smoake as though some population had there beene This Coast is very full of people for that as we trended the same Sauages still runne along the shoare as men much admiring at vs. The one and twentieth we went coasting from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles in tenne nine eight seuen and sixe fadome close aboord the shoare and that depth lyeth a league off A little from the supposed Iles appeared vnto vs an opening with which we stood iudging it to bee the end of that which Captaine Gosnoll descrieth from Cape Cod and as hee thought to extend some thirtie or more miles in length and finding there but three fadome a league off we omitted to make further discouerie of the same calling it Shole-hope From this opening the Mayne lyeth south-South-west which coasting along we saw a disinhabited Iland which so afterwards appeared vnto vs we bore with it and named it Marthaes Vineyard from Shole-hope it is eight leagues in circuit the Iland is fiue miles and hath 41. degrees and one quarter of latitude the place most pleasant for the two and twentieth we went a shoare and found it full of Wood Vines Gooseberie bushes Hurtberies Raspices Eglentine c. Heere we had Cranes Hearnes Shoulers Geese and diuers other Birds which there at that time vpon the Cliffes being sandie with some Rockie stones did breed and had young In this place we saw Deere heere we rode in eight fathome neere the shoare where wee tooke great store of Cod as before at Cape Cod but much better The three and twentieth wee weyed and towards night came to Anchor at the Northwest part of this Iland where the next morning offâ—red vnto vs fast running thirteene Sauages apparelled as aforesaid and armed with Bowes and Arrowes without any feare They brought Iobacco Deere skins and some sodden fish These offered themselues vnto vs in great familiaritie who seemed to be well conditioned They came more rich in Copper then any before This Iland is sound and hath no danger about it The foure and twentieth we set saile and doubled the Cape of another Iland next vnto it which wee called Douer Cliffe and then came into a faire Sound where wee roade all night the next morning wee sent off our Boate to discouer another Cape that lay betweene vs and the Mayne from which were a ledge of Rockes a mile into the Sea but all aboue water and without danger we went about them and came to Anchor in eight fadome a quarter of a mile from the shoare in one of the stateliest Sounds that euer I was in This called wee Gosnolls Hope the North banke whereof is the Mayne which stretcheth East and West This Iland Captaine Gosnoll called Elizabeths Ile where we determined our abode the distance betweene euery of these Ilands is viz. from Marthaes Vineyard to Douer Cliffe halfe a league ouer the Sound thence to Elizabeths Ile one league distant From Elizabeths Ile vnto the Mayne is foure leagues On the North side neere adioyning vnto the Iland Elizabeth is an Ilet in compasse halfe a myle full of Cedars by me called Hills Hap to the Northward of which in the mouth of an opening on the Mayne appeareth another the like that I called Haps Hill for that I hope much hap may be expected from it The fiue and twentieth it was that we came from Gosnolls Hope The six and twentieth we trimmed and fitted vp our Shallop The seuen and twentieth there came vnto vs an Indian and two women the one we supposed to be his Wife the other his Daughter both cleane and straite bodied with countenance sweet and pleasant To these the Indian gaue heedfull attendance for that they shewed them in much familiaritie with our men although they would not admit of any immodest touch The eight and twentieth we entred counsell about our abode and plantation which was concluded to be in the West part of Elizabeths Iland The North-east thereof running from out our ken The South and North standeth in an equall Parallel This Iland in the Westerâ—de admitteth some Increekes or sandie Coues so girded as the water in some places of each side meeteth to which the Indians from the Mayne doe oftentimes resort for fishing of Crabs There is eight fadome very neere the shoare and the latitude here is 41. degrees 10. minutes the breadth from Sound to Sound in the
Wester part is not passing a mile at most altogether vnpeopled and disinhabited It is ouer-growne with Wood and Rubbish viz. Okes Ashes Beech Wal-nut Weech-halse Sassafrage and Cedars with diuers other of vnknowne names The R 〈…〉 sh is wild Peaze young Sassafrage Cherie trees Vines Eglentine Goose-berie bushes Hawâ—â—orne Honisuckles with others of like qualitie The herbs and Roots are Strawberies Raspis Ground Nuts Alexander Surrin Tansie c. without count Touching the fertilitie of the soyle by our owne experience made we found it to be excellent for sowing some English pulse it sprowted out in one fortnight almost halfe a foot In this Iland is a stage or Pond of fresh water in circuit two miles on the one side not distant from the Sea thirtie yards in the Centre whereof is a Rockie Islet contayning neere an Acre of ground full of wood on which wee beganne our Fort and place of abode disposing it selfe so fit for the same These Indians call Gold Wassador which argueth there is thereof in the Countrey The nine and twentieth we laboured in getting of Sassafrage rubbishing our little Fort or Islet new keeling our shallop and making a Punt or Flat bottome Boate to passe to and fro our Fort ouer the fresh water the powder of Sassafrage in twelue houres cured one of our Company that had taken a great Surfet by eating the bellies of Dog-fish a very delicious meate The thirtieth Captaine Gosnoll with diuers of his company went vpon pleasure in the shallop towards Hills Hap to view it and the Sandie Coue and returning brought with him a Canoa that foure Indians had there left being fled away for feare of our English which we brought into England The one and thirtieth Captaine Gosnoll desirous to see the Maine because of the distance hee set sayle ouer where comming to anchor went ashoare with certaine of his companie and immediatly there presented vnto him men women and children who with all curteous kindnesse entertayned him giuing him certaine skinnes of wilde beasts which may be rich Furres Tobacco Turtles Hempe artificiall Strings câ—â—oured Chaines and such like things as at the inâ—â—ant they had about them These are a faire conditioned people On all the Sea coast along we found Mussell shells that in colour did represent Mother-of-pearle but not hauing meanes to dredge could not apprehend further knowledge thereof This Maine is the goodliest Continent that euer we saw promising more by farre then we any way did expect for it is replenished with faire fields and in them fragrant Flowers also Medowes and hedged in with stately Groues being furnished also with pleasant Brookes and beautified with two maine Riuers that as wee iudge may haply become good Harbours and conduct vs to the hopes men so greedily doe thirst after In the mouth of one of these Inlets or Riuers lieth that little I le before mentioned called Happes Hill from which vnto the Westermost end of the Maine appearing where the other Inlet is I account some fiue leagues and the Coast betweene bendeth like a Bow and lyeth East and by North. Beyond these two Inlets we might perceiue the Mayne to beare vp south-South-west and more Southerly Thus with this taste of Discouery we now contented our selues and the same day made returne vnto our Fort time not permitting more sparing delay The first of Iune we employed our selues in getting Sassafrage and the building of our Fort. The second third and fourth we wrought hard to make readie our house for the prouision to bee had ashore to sustaine vs till our ships returne This day from the Mayne came to our ships side a Canoa with their Lord or chiefe Commander for that they made little stay only pointing to the Sunne as in signe that the next day hee would come and visit vs which hee did accordingly The fifth wee continued our labour when there came vnto vs ashoare from the Mayne fiftie Sauages stout and lustie men with their Bowes and Arrowes amongst them there seemed to be one of authoritie because the rest made an inclining respect vnto him The ship was at their comming a league off and Captaine Gosnoll aboord and so likewise Captaine Gilbert who almost neuer went ashoare the company with me only eight persons These Indians in hastie manner came towards vs so as we thought fit to make a stand at an angle betweene the Sea and a fresh water I mooued my selfe towards him seuen or eight steps and clapt my hands first on the sides of mine head then on my breast and after presented my Musket with a threatning countenance thereby to signifie vnto them either a choice of Peace or Warre whereupon hee vsing mee with mine owne signes of Peace I stept forth and imbraced him his company then all sate downe in manner like Grey-hounds vpon their heeles with whom my company fell a bartering By this time Captaine Gosnoll was come with twelue men more from aboord and to shew the Sauage Seignior that he was our Captaine we receiued him in a guard which he passing thorow saluted the Seignior with ceremonies of our salutations whereat he nothing mooued or altered himselfe Our Captaine gaue him a straw Hat and a paire of Kniues the Hat awhiles hee wore but the Kniues he beheld with great maruelling being very bright and sharpe this our courtesie made them all in loue with vs. The sixt being raine we spent idlely aboord The seuenth the Seignior came againe with all his troupe as before and continued with vs the most part of the day we going to dinner about noone they sate with vs and did eate of our Bacaleure and Mustard dranke of our Beere but the Mustard nipping them in their noses they could not indure it was a sport to behold their faces made being bitten therewith In time of Dinner the Sauages had stolne a Target wherewith acquainting the Seignior with feare and great trembling they restored it againe thinking perhaps we would haue beene reuenged for it but seeing our familiaritie to continue they fell a fresh to roasting of Crabs Red Herrings which were exceeding great ground Nuts c. as before Our Dinner ended the Seignior first tooke leaue and departed next all the rest sauing foure that stayed and went into the Wood to helpe vs digge Sassafrage whom we desired to goe aboord vs which they refused and so departed The eighth wee diuided the victuals viz. the ships store for England and that of the Planters which by Captaine Gilbert allowance could be but sixe weekes for sixe moneths whereby there fell out a controuersie the rather for that some seemed secretly to vnderstand of a purpose Captaine Gilbert had not to returne with supplie of the issue those goods should make by him to be carried home Besides there wanted not ambitious conceits in the mindes of some wrangling and ill disposed persons that ouerthrew the stay there at that time which vpon consultation thereof had about fiue dayes after was
Barbary The eight and twenty day being Monday the Lord Admirall came aboord the Arke againe minding there to remaine for a space as indeede he did and vpon the aduice of his Phisician to deale something in phisicke for that his Lordship found his body something out of frame At that time it pleased his Lordship to write certaine letters to the Duke of Medina Sidonia for the deliuerance of English Captiues who were remaining in the Gallies For by this time it was reported that the said Duke was come downe in person with some power and that he was either at Port Saint Mary or else at Rotta or thereabout His Lordship did indiâ—e the Letters himselfe but his pleasure was they should be turned into Latine by another and so to be sent as indeede they were in the Latine tongue vnto the Duke The next day after being the fourth of Iuly the Lords generall caused the towne of Cadiz to be set on fire and rased and defaced so much as they could the faire Cathedrall Church and the Religious houses onely being spared and left vnblemished And with the Towne all such prouision for shipping and other things as were seruiceable for the Realmes vse and yet were not eitherso conuenient for vs to be carried away as else such as we stood no whit at all in neede of were likewise at the same instant consumed with fire And presently thereupon their Lordships with as conuenient speede as they could and the whole army in such order and leisure as they thought best came aboord The next day being the fist of Iuly the Lords generall with all the army being vnder saile and now making for England and but as yet passing the very mouth of the Bay of Cadiz a Galley ful of English prisoners with a flag of truce met vs from Rotta sent by the Duke of Medina Sidonia and sent as it should seeme one day later then his promise but yet their flag being either not big enough or not well placed in the Galley or not well discerned of our men or by what other mischance I know not but thus it was by one of our smallest ships that sailed formost as soone as the said Galley came within Gunshot there was a great Peece discharged vpon her and at that instant there was one man slaine outright and two other grieuously hurt The errour being espied and perceiued our ship gaue ouer immediately from any further shooting As soone as the Galley came neere vs my Lord Admirall caused a gracious salutation to be sounded with his trumpets and willed the Captaines forthwith to come aboord his ship which they did and then he feasted them with a Banket as the time and place might serue And then by them vnderstanding of that vnfortunate mischance that had hapned by the shot of the said ship he was very sorry for the same and yet such was the mercifull prouidence of almighty God that euen in this mischance also he did hold his holy hand ouer the English and all the harme that was done did light only vpon the poore Turke and the Spaniard himselfe When this Lord had well banqueted them he presently called for his Barge and did accompany the said Galley to the Lord Generall the Earle of Essex who then did ride with his ship a good distance off and there they being in like manner most honorably receiued and intertained the Spanish Gentlemen deliuered vp their prisoners the English captiues of whom some had bin there six yeeres some eight or ten yea and some two and twenty yeeres and vpward and some of them but lately taken in Sir Francis Drakes last voyage to the Indies The number of the prisoners deliuered were but nine and thirty and no moe and were brought in and deliuered by Don Antonio de Corolla and his brother and by Don Pedro de Cordâ—â— and certaine others If any man presume here so farre as to inquire how it chanced that the Lord Generall rested so long at Cadiz and went no further and why Port Saint Mary being so faire a Towne and so neere to them was for borne and why Shâ—râ—s alias Xeres And why Rotta and the like And why this or that was done And why that â—or this left vndone I will not answere him with our common English prouerbe as I might which is That one foole may aske moe questions in one houre then ten discreete men can well answere in fiue dayes But that graue ancient writer Cornelius Tacitus hath a wise briefe pithy saying and it is this Nemo tentauit inquirere in columnas Herculis sanctiâ—sque ac reuerentius habitum est de fact is Deorum â—redere quà m scire Also vpon my knowledge the chiefest cause why Port Saint Mary and the rest were left vntouched was this For that it was most certainely known that they were Townes not worth the saluting of such a royall company in which there was no manner of wealth in the world left more then bare houses of stone and standing wals and might well haue serued rather as a stale perchance to haue entrapped then as a meanes to haue enriched And thus much for our iourney to Cadiz for the accidents that hapned by the way for the winning spoiling and burning of the said Towne for the ouerthrow of the Spanish Fleete there and for all other by-matters that hapned as appendances to the same both in the time of our abode there as also at the very last houre of our comming from thence As for our returne home and our entrance into a part of Portugall by the way with the taking spoiling and burning of the Towne of Faraon there and marching into the Spanish confines thereabouts c. I minde to leaue it to some other whose chance was to be present at the action as my selfe was not and shall be of more sufficient ability to performe it Meteranus writeth that the taking of Cadiz had so terrified the neighbour townes that the Inhabitants fled out of them and Saint Lucar had beene also very easily taken if a few ships had assaulted it and that eighteene Spanish ships comming from the Indies ignorant of what had hapned were English at vnawares being very wealthy CHAP. XIIII The Voyage to the Iles of Azores vnder the conduct of the Right Honorable ROBERT Earle of Essex 1597. §. I. The Relation thereof by the said Earle and other Commissioners I The Generall hauing by her Maiesties gracious fauour the charge of her Fleete and Armie set out of Plimmouth in Iune 1597. did both promise my selfe and giue hope to her Maiestie that I should be able to defeate the King of Spaines Fleete commanded by the Adelantado if I met them at Sea or destroy it in the harbour of Feroll if I found them there as also to master and take all Fleetes of treasure or of the East or West Indian Fleete that I should finde vpon the Sea in their way to Spaine and lastly that I should
take in the Iland of Terçea which I held an action of equall importance to the other With this confidence I went out and to these ends but none of these three being performed it may be doubted whether we haue not through weakenesse or negligence failed of successe For which we make answere that if our whole carriage be examined from the first houre to the last it shall appeare that we haue striuen to attaine to euery one of these with as much obstinate constancie as any men in the world could doe and that onely the powerfull hand of God did binde our hands and frustrate all our endeuours The first for the enterprise of Ferel we went out of Plimmouth the third of Iune and stiered directly for that port and when most extreame stormes and contrary windes met with vs we beate it vp till all our Fleete was scattered and many of our ships in desperate case And because I the Generall thought my too soone giuing ouer would not onely depriue the Fleete of our principall ship but absolutly defeate the iourney I forced my company first to abide the continuall increasing of a most dangerous leake which I made light of because I saw that with labour of men I could free the ship as fast as the leake did grow Secondly I made them endure the craking of both my maine and fore mast the one in two places the other in three so as we still looked when they should be carried by the boord which was not enough to make me beare vp because I knew whensoeuer I should loose them both I could with iurie masts by Gods fauour carry the ship home And I continued so long that my ships Okam came all out her seames opened her deckes and vpper workes gaue way her very timbers and maine beames with her labouring did teare like lathes so as we looked hourely when the Orlope would fall and the Ordnance sinke downe to the keele then did those few whom before I had wonne to stand with mee all protest against me that if I did not within a minute of an houre beare vp the helme I did wilfully cast away the ship and whole company Then onely I suffred my selfe to be ouercome and when I came to Plimmouth halfe her Maiesties ships and more then halfe the principall officers by sea and by land were put in before mee for the extremitie their ships were in And when we were all of vs gathered together againe at Plimmouth and had repaired all the ships but mine owne which was sent home to Chatham to be new builded then were we kept in by continuall storme and contrary windes till our victuals which were at first but for three moneths were in a manner all spent and the sicknesse in the Flie boates that carried the land armie growne so great that I had order from her Maiestie to discharge the land forces all but the thousand old Souldiers which were drawne out of the Low Countries By which meanes though we were disabled to land at Ferol to beate the land Armie there and take in the forces which was the certaiue way to command the Adelantados Fleete yet I the Generall offered her Maiestie to send in certaine ships of fire and to second them with the Saint Matthew and Saint Andrew and some great flye-boates and Merchants ships with which I would destroy the most of the enemies principall shipping and leaue all the Queens own English built ships at the mouth of the harbour to assure our retreate By this meanes I should hazard to loose but two great Cartes which before I had won and for the aduenturing of those defeate the enemies whole Nauie Which counsell being allowed though with restraint of mine owne going in with those two ships and an absolute barre to hazard any other we went out the second time to put this proiect in execution But againe ere we could recouer the Spanish coast the Saint Matthew by loosing her foremast was put backe into England and the Saint Andrew had lost company till at one instant within sight of the shoare of the Groine Sir Walter Raleigh the Vice-admirall brake his maine yard which forced him to beare along to the Westward before the winde and I in this second ship had such a desperate leake sprang as when we pumped and boled with buckets as much as we could for our owne liues it grew still vpon vs and when we sought by ramming downe peeces of Beefe and bolding linnen cloath wrong together to stop the comming in of the water it came in notwithstanding so strongly as it bare downe all and beate away euery man that stood to stop it Then was I faine to lye by the lee and make my company worke vpon it all night my master Carpenter the onely skilfull man I had dying at that very instant And when by the great mercy of God we had stopped it the winde being easterly the Fleete was so farre shot a head as I could not recouer the most of them till I came to the Cape Finisterre where holding a Counsell and missing Sir Walter Raleigh who being off at Sea had no plying sailes to get vp missing him I say with thirty sailes that in the night followed his light and hearing that the Saint Matthew which was our principall ship for the execution of our intended enterprise was returned and being barred to hazard any other in her place it was by the whole Counsell of warre concluded that the enterprise of Ferol was ouerthrowne both because though the winde had serued we wanted the ships appointed for that seruice and if wee had had the ships we wanted winde to get into the harbour of Ferol for the winde blew strongly at East which would haue bin fully in our teeth as we had plied in And now wee onely could thinke of the intercepting of the Indian Fleete and defeating of the Adelantado if he had put to Sea For to take in Terçera our land army being discharged we had no meanes whereupon wee bare for the height of the Rocke hoping there because it was our second Rende-uous after Ferel to meete with Sir Walter Raleigh Into which height when I came a message was deliuered mee from Sir Walter Raleigh by one Captaine Skobbels that the Adelantado was gone out of Ferol with his Fleete to Terçera to waft home the West Indian Fleete of treasure and that hee would attend mine answere off of the Burlingas which message of Sir Walters was grounded vpon the report of the Captaine of a ship of Hampton which did confidently deliuer it I the Generall there calling a Counsell tooke a resolution both because wee hoped to meete the Adelantado there and because all our best experimented Seamen did assure vs that it was the likeliest course to meete with the Indian Fleete to goe for the Ilands of the Azores And I sent out Pinnaces both to the Burlinges and toward the South