of the English nation EDuinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis id est eius quae ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt Anglorum pariter Britonum populis praefuit praeter Cantuarios tantùm necnòn Menauias Britonum insulas quae inter Hiberniam Britanniam sitae sunt Anglorum subiecit potestati The same in English EDwin king of the people of Northumberland that is to say of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British nation except onely the people of Kent who also brought in subiection vnder the English the Isles of Man and Anglesey and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons which are situate betweene Britaine and Ireland Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose Lib. 2. cap. 9. ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcente simo vicesimo quarto gens Nordanhumbrorum hoc est ea natio Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat cum rege suo Eduino verbum fidei praedicante Paulino cuius supra meminimus suscepit cui videlicèt regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei regni coelestis potestas terreni creuerat imperij ita vt quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit omnes Britanniae fines qua velipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur sub ditione acceperit Quin Menauias insulas sicut supra docuimus imperio subiugauit Anglorum Quarum prior quae ad austrum est situ amplior frugum prouentu atque vbertate foelicior nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram iuxta aestimationem Anglorum secunda trecentarum vltrà spatium tenet The same in English IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord sixe hundreth twentie and foure the people of Northumberland to wit those English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber together with their king Edwin at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned embraced the Gospel Under which king after he had once accepted of the Christian faith the power both of the heauenly of his earthly kingdome was inlarged insomuch that he which no English king had done before him brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces of Britaine which were inhabited either by the English men themselues or by the Britons Moreouer he subdued vnto the crowne of England as we haue aboue signified the Hebrides commonly called the Westerne Islands The principall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the South and more abounding with corne then the rest conteineth according to the estimation of the English roome enough for 960. families and âhe second for 300. and aboue The voyage of Bertus generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland in the yere of our Lord 684 out of the 4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum misso Hiberniam cum excercitu duce Berto vastauit miserè gentem innoxiam nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam ita vt nec ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret hostilis At insulani quantum valuere armis arma repellebant inuocantes diuinae auxilium pietatis coelitus âe vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint creditum tamen est quòd hi qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur ocyùs Domino vindice poenas sui reatus luerent The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 684 Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie which Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses they pleaded for reuenge And albeit cursed speakers can by no meanes inherit the kingdome of God it was thought notwithstanding that they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England about the yere 890. OCther said that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other Norman He sayd that he dwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast and affirmed that the land notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North yet it is all desert and not inhabited vnlesse it be very few places here and there where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast who liue by hunting all the Winter and by fishing in Summer He said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooue and know how farâe that land stretched Northward and whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the desert Whereupon he tooke his voyage directly North along the coast hauing vpon his sâeereboord alwayes the desert land and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean and continued his course for the space of 3. dayes In which space he was come as far towards the North as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land he knew not how farre Well he wist and remembred that he was faine to stay till he had a Westerne winde and somewhat Northerly and thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde âorsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes and at the fifth dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course and in conclusion turneâ backe againe for he durst not enter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land perceiuing that on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited which was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his owne dwelling whereas continually thorowout all his voyage he had euermore on his steereboord a wildernesse and desert countrey except
seuen of the clocke Northnorthwest 42 leagues to the ende to fall with Shotland then the wind veared to the West so that we could lie but North and by West continuing in the same course 40 leagues whereby we could not fetch Shotland then we sayled North 16 leagues by estimation after that North and by West Northnorthwest then Southeast with diuers other courses trauersing and tracing the seas ây reason of sundry and manifolde contrary windes vntill the 14 day of Iuly and then the sunne entring into Leo we discouered land Eastward of vs vnto the which we sayled that night as much as we might and after wee went on shore with our Pinnesse found little houses to the number of 30 where we knew that it was inhabited but the people were fled away as we iudged for feare of vs. The land was all full of little Islands and that innumerable which were called as we learned afterwards AEgeland and Halgeland which lieth from Orfordnesse North and by East being in the latitude of 66 degrees The distance betweene Orfordnesse and AEgeland 250 leagues Then we sailed from thence 12 leagues Northwest and found many other Islandes and there came to anker the 19 day and manned our Pinnesse and went on shore to the Islands and found people mowing and making of hay which came to the shore and welcomed vs. In which place were an innumerable sort of Islands which were called the Isles of Rost being vnder the dominion of the king of Denmarke which place was in latitude 66 degrees and 30 minutes The winde being contrary we remayned there three dayes there was an innumerable sort of foules of diuers kindes of which we tooke very many The 22 day the winde comming fayre we departed from Rost sailing Northnortheast keeping the sea vntill the 27 day and then we drew neere vnto the land which was still East of vs then went foorth our Pinnesse to seeke harborow found many good harbours of the which we entred into one with our shippes which was called Stanfew and the land being Islands were called Lewfoot or Lofoot which were plentifully inhabited and very gentle people being also vnder the king of Denmarke but we could not learne how farre it was from the maine land and we remained there vntil the 30 day being in latitude 68 degrees and from the foresaid Rost about 30 leagues Northnortheast The 30 day of Iuly about noone we weyed our ankers and went into the Seas and sayled along these Islands Northnortheast keeping the land still in sight ântill the second day of August then hailing in close aboord the land to the entent to knowe what land it was there came a skiffe of the Island aboord of vs of whom we asked many questions who shewed vnto vs that the Island was called Seynam which is the latitude of seuenty degrees and from Stanfew thirtie leagues being also vnder the king of Denmarke and that there was no merchandise there but onely dryed fish and traine oyle Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke inquired of him if we might haue a pilot to bring vs vnto Finmarke he said that if we could beare in we should haue a good harbour and on the next day a pilot to bring vs to Finmarke vnto the wardhouse which is the strongest holde in Finmarke and most resorted to by report But when wee would haue entred into an harbour the land being very high on euâry side there came such flawes of winde and terrible whirle winds that we were not able to beare in but by violence were constrained to take the sea agayne our Pinnesse being vnshipt we sailed North and by East the wind increasing so sort that we were not able to beare any saile but tooke them in and lay a drift to the end to let the storme ouer passe And that night by violence of winde and thickenesse of mists we were not able to keepe together within sight and then about midnight we lost our pinnesse which was a discomfort vnto vs. Assoone as it was day and the fogge ouerpast we looked about and at the last we descried one of our shippes to Leeward of vs then we spred an bullocke of our fore-saile and bare roome with her which was the Confidence but the Edward we could not see Then the flaw something abating we and the Confidence hoysed vp our sailes the fourth day sayling north-Northeast and by North to the end to fall with the Wardhouse as we did consult to doe before in case we should part company Thus running north-Northeast and by North and north-Northeast fiftie leagues then we sounded and had 160 fadomes whereby we thought to be farre from land and perceiued that the land lay not as the Globe made mention Wherfore we changed our course the sixt day and sailed Southeast and by South eight and fortie leagues thinking thereby to find the Wardhouse The eight day much winde rising at the Westnorthwest we not knowing how the coast lay strook our sayles and lay a drift where we sounded and found 160 fadomes as afore The ninth day the wind âearing to the South Southeast we sailed Northeast 25 leagues The tenth day we sounded and could get no ground neither yet could see any land wherat we wondered then the wind comming at the Northeast we ran Southeast about 48 leagues The 11 day the wind being at South we sounded and found 40 fadoms aud faire sand The 12 day the winde being at South and by East we lay with our saile East and East and by North 30 leagues The 14 day early in the morning we descried land which land we bare with all hoising out our boat to discouer what land it might be but the boat could not come to land the water was so shoale where was very much ice also but there was no similitude of habitation and this land lyeth from Seynam East and by North 160 leagues being in latitude 72 degrees Then we plyed to the Northward the 15,16 and 17 day The 18 day the winde comming at the Northeast and the Confidence being troubled with bilge water and stocked we thought it good to seeke harbâur for her redresse then we bare roome the 18 day Southsoutheast about 70 leagues The 21 day we sounded and found 10 fadome after that we sounded againe and found but 7 fadome so shoalder and shoalder water and yet could see no land where we maruâiled greatly to auoide this danger we bare roomer into the sea all that night Northwest and by West The next day we sounded and had 20. fadoms then shaped our course and ran West Southwest vntill the 23. day then we descried Low land vnto which we bare as nigh as we could and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable Then wee plyed Westward along by that lande which lyeth West Southwest and East Northeast and much winde blowing at the West we haled into the sea North and by East 30. leagues Then the
company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better knowne vnto them and arriued at Yermouth The 30 of August with the force of the wind and a surge of the sea the Master of the Gabriel and the Boatswain were striken both ouerboord hardly was the Boatswain recouered hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea and yet the Barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde This Master was called William Smith being but a yong man and a very sufficient mariner who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord and that the Boatswain had him by the hand and could not saue him and so immediately vpon the end of his tale his dreame came right euilly to passe and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand hauing hold on a rope with the other vntill his force fayled and the Master drowned The height being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two hundreth leagues The last of August about midnight we had two or three great and sudden flawes or stormes The first of September the storme was growen very great and continued almost the whole day and night and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much beaten with the seas euery sea almost ouertaking our poope so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out and ease the rolling of our ship And so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe company with vs and our ship being higher in the poope and a tall ship whereon the winde had more force to driue went so fast away that we lost sight of them and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea The second day of September in the morning it pleased God of his goodnesse to send vs a calme whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine and almost ready to fall away Wherefore taking the benefite of the time we slung halfe a dozen couple of our best men ouer boord who taking great paines vnder water driuing plankes and binding with ropes did well strengthen and mend the matter who returned the most part more then halfe dead out of the water and as Gods pleasure was the sea was calme vntill the worke was finished The fift of September the height of the Sunne being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe In this voyage commonly wee tooke the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne because the long day taketh away the light not onely of the Polar but also of all other fixed Starres And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes Therefore wee alwaies vsed the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary winde making our Souhter way good as neere as we could to raise our degrees to bring our selues with the latitude of Sylley wee tooke the height the tenth of September and found our selues in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes The eleuenth of September about sixe a clocke at night the winde came good Southwest we vered sheat and see our course Southeast And vpon Thursday the twelfth of September taking the height wee were in the latitude of and a halfe and reckoned our selues not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley the weather faire the winde large at Westsouthwest we kept our course Southeast The thirteenth day the height being taken wee found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees the wind Westsouthwest then being in the height of Sylley and we kept our course East to run in with the sleeue or chanel so called being our narrow seas and reckoned vs short of Sylley twelue leagues Sonday the 15 of September about foure of the clocke we began to sound with our lead and had ground at 61 fadome depth white small sandy ground and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Sylley and set our course East and by North Eastnortheast and Northeast among The sixteenth of September about eight of the clocke in the morning sounding we had 65. fadome osey sand and thought our selues thwart of S. Georges channell a little within the banks And bearing a small saile all night we made many soundings which were about fortie fadome and so shallow that we could not well tell where we were The seuenteenth of September we sounded and had âorty fadome and were not farre off the lands ând finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shelles and were shotte betwene Sylley and the lands ende and being within the bay we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by East way but were faine to make another boord the wind being at Southwest and by West and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands end to beare along the channel and the weather cleered vp when we were hard aboord the shore and we made the lands end perfit and so put vp along Saint Georges chanel And the weather being very foule at sea we couered some harborough because our steerage was broken and so came to ancor in Padstow road in Cornewall But riding there a very dangerous roade we were aduised by the countrey to put to Sea againe and of the two euils to choose the lesse for there was nothing but present perill where we toade whereupon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy from whence we were againe driuen being but an open roade where our Anker came home and with force of weather put to Seas againe and about the three and twentieth of September arriued at Milford Hauen in Wales which being a very good harborough made vs happy men that we had receiued such long desired safetie About one moneth after our arriuall here by order from the Lords of the Counsell the ship came up to Bristow where the Ore was committed to keeping in the Castel there Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes arriued in good safetie who hauing neuer a man within boord very sufficient to bring home the ship after the Master was lost by good fortune when she came vpon the coast met with a ship of Bristow at sea who conducted her in safety thither Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke called the Michael in the North parts which was not a little ioyful vnto vs that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe meeting againe and wee lost in all the voyage only one man besides one that dyed at sea which was sicke before he came
diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer some what neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said That here is the land of Saguenay which is rich and wealthy in precious stones And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found wriâten these two lines following in the said Carde enclining toward the Southwest Here in this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues which they call in their language Canodeta Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you it is made after the maner of a sea Chart which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael and Iohn which at this present are in Canada If at their returne which will be God willing about Magdalene tyde they haue learned any new thing worthy the writing I will not faile to aduertise you thereof Your louing Friend IAQVES NOEL Here followeth the course from Belle Isle Carpont and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roberual 1542. BElles Isles are in 51 degrees and â
Belles Isles and Carpont are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and they are ten leagues distant Carpont is in 52 degrees Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are Northeast and Southwest and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay is 7 leagues The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and a halfe and on the Northside therof there is a rocke halfe a league from the Isle ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke And when thou commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the starreboord side and also on the larboord side there are two or three small Isles and when thou commest out on the Northeast side ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there is a shold which lieth on thy starboord side and saile thou by the North coast and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South because there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea And when thou art come athwart the hauen of Butes run along the North shore about one league or an halfe off for the coast is without all danger Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay and the Isles of Blanc Sablon which are within the Grand Bay neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast West and Southwest the distance is 30 leagues The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer against the Bay des Chasteaux and from theuce forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from land to land And the land on the South shore is all low land along the sea coast The North shore is reasonable high land Blanc Sablon is in 51 degrees â The Isles of Blanc Sablon the Isles de la Damoiselle are Northeast Westsouthwest and take a little of the Westsouthwest and they are distant 36 leagues these Iles are in 50. deg ¾ And there is a good hauen you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the Northeast and within the distance of a pike an half because of a rocke which lieth on your larrebord side you may ancre in 10 fathome water ouer against a litle nooke and from the great headland vnto the place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables And if thou wouldest go out by the West side thou must saile neere the Isle by the starrebord giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the comming forth and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side by reason of a suncken flatte which lieth on the starrebord and thou shalt saile so on to the Southsouthwest vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth which is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles and thou shalt leaue it on the larrebord and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues because that Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast Southsouthwest Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours and on this coast there are faulcons haukes and certaine foules which seeme to be seasants The Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot are Northeast Westsouthwest take a little of the north-Northeast and southwest they are distant 18. leagues Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and ¼ And there the sea is broadest And it may be to the end of Newfoundland which is at the entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues which is the greatest bredth of this sea And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle Cape Tienot Cape Tienot hath in y e sea 5 or 6 leagues distant froÌ it a sunkeÌ Iâland dangerous for ships The Cape Tienot and the midst of the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest they are 22. leagues distant the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49 deg ½ The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeastâ the Northwest end is in 50. degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfeâ and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad and from the Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is not aboue seuen leagues broad but vnto the firme land on the South side are about 15. leagues Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention toward the Southeast are north-Northeast and Southwest and are distant 30. leagues The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of Ascension are East and West and take a little of the Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 34. leagues The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle and a goodly champion land without any hilles standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster all couered with trees vnto the Sea shore and there are al sorts of trees as there be in France and there be wild beasts as beares Luserns Porkespicks And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues The Northwest end of the Isle the Cape des Monts nostre Dame which is on the maine land towards the South are Northeast and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues The Cape is in 49. degrees which is a very high land The Cape and end of the
The 2 of May our Admirall and our Pinnesse departed from Dominica leauing the Iohn our Viceadmirall playing off and on about Dominica hoping to take some Spaniard outwardes bound to the Indies the same night we had sight of three smal Ilands called Los Santos leauing Guadalupe and them on our starboord The 3 we had sight of S. Christophers Iland bearing north-Northeast and by East off vs. On the 4 we sayled by the Virgines which are many broken Ilands lying at the East ende of S. Iohns Iland and the same day towards euening we landed vpon one of them called Blanca where we killed an incredible number of foules here we stayed but three houres from thence stood into the shore Northwest and hauing brought this Iland Southeast off vs we put towards night thorow an opening or swatch called The passage lying betwene the Virgines and the East end of S. Iohn here the Pinnesse left vs and sayled on the South side of S. Iohn The 5 and 6 the Admirall sayled along the Northside of S. Iohn so neere the shore that the Spaniards discerned vs to be men of warre and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by for so their custome is when they see any men of warre on their coasts The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. Iohn where we watered in a good riuer called Yaguana and the same night following we tooke a Frigate of tenne Tunne comming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger In this place Pedro a Mollato who knewe all our state ranne from vs to the Spaniards On the 9 we departed from Yaguana The 13 we landed on an Iland called Mona whereon were 10 or 12 houses inhabited of the Spaniards these we burned tooke from them a Pinnesse which they had drawen a ground and sunke and carried all her sayles mastes and rudders into the woods because we should not take him away we also chased the Spaniards ouer all the Iland but they hid them in caues hollow rockes and bushes so that we could not find them On the 14 we departed from Mona and the next day after wee came to an Iland called Saona about 5 leagues distant from Mona lying on the Southside of Hispaniola neere the East end betweene these two Ilands we lay off and on 4 or 5 dayes hoping to take some of the Domingo fleete doubling this Iland as a neerer way to Spaine then by Cape Tyburon or by Cape S. Anthony On Thursday being the 19 our Viceadmirall from whom we departed at Dominica âame to vs at Saona with whom we left a Spanish Frigate and appointed him to lie off and on other fiue daies betweene Saona and Mona to the ende aforesaid then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon Here I was enformed that our men of the Viceadmirall at their departure from Dominica brought away two young Saluages which were the thiefe Casiques sonnes of that Countrey and part of Dominica but they shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Iland where the Viceadmirall landed to take in ballââ On the â1 the Admirall came to the Cape Tyburon where we found the Iohn Euangelist our Pinnesse staying for vs here we tooke in two Spaniards almost starued on the shoreâ who made a fire to our ships as we passed by Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing els but a desolate and meere wildernesse without any habitation of people and full of wilde Bulles and Bores and great Serpents The 22 our Pinnesse came also to an anker in Aligato Bay at cape Tyburon Here we vnderstood of M. Lane Captaine of the Pinnesse how he was set vpon with one of the kings Gallies belonging to Santo Domingo which was manned with 400 men who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 houres gaue-ouer the fight forsooke him without any great hurt done on eyther part The 26 The Iohn our Uizadmirall came to vs to cape Tyburon and the Frigat which we left with him at Saona This was the appointed place where we should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleete On Whitsunday Euen at Cape Tyburon one of our boyes ranne away from vs and at ten dayes end returned to our ships almost starued for want of food In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones and carkases of diuers men who had perished as wee thought by famine in those woods being either stragled from their company or landed there by some men of warre Iune ON the 14 of Iune we tooke a smal Spanish frigat which fell amongst vs so suddenly as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon where we road so that he could not escape vs. This Frigat came from Santo Domingo and had but 3 men in her the one was an expert Pilot the other a Mountainer and the third a Uintener who escaped all out of prison at Santo Domingo purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a towne in the West parts of Hispaniola where many fugitiue Spaniards are gathered together The 17 being Wednesday Captaine Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnesse and a Frigat to take a shippe which was there taking in fraight as we vnderstood by the old Pylot whom we had taken three dayes before The 24 the Frigat returned from Captaine Lane at Yaguana and brought vs word to cape Tyburon that Captaine Lane had taken the shippe with many passengers and Negrees in the same which proued not so rich a prize as we hoped for for that a Frenchman of warre had taken and spoyled her before we came Neuerthelesse her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds being hides ginger Cannafistula Copper-pannes and Casaui Iuly THe second of Iuly Edward Spicer whom we left in England came to vs at Cape Tyburon accompanied with a small Pinnesse whereof one M. Haâps was Captaine And the same day we had sight of a fleete of 14 saile all of Santo Domingo to whom we presently gaue chase but they vpon the first sight of vs fled and separating themselues scattered here and there Wherefore we were forced to diuide our selues and so made after them vntill 12 of the clocke at night But then by reason of the darkenesse we lost sight of each other yet in the end the Admirall and the Moonelight happened to be together the same night at the fetching vp of the Uizadmirall of the Spanish fleete against whom the next morning we fought and tooke him with losse of one of our men and two hurt and of theirs 4 slaine and 6 hurt But what was become of our Uiceadmirall our Pinnesse and Prize and two Frigates in all this time we were ignorant The 3 of Iuly we spent about rifling romaging and fitting the Prize to be sailed with vs. The 6 of Iuly we saw Iamayca the which we left on our larboord keeping Cuba in sight on our starboord Upon the 8 of Iuly we saw the Iland
in the time of the north-Northeast windes thou shalt seeke to fall with the land in foureteene degrees And if thou see a lowe land thou mayest make accompt it is the land called Ciemana and then thou shalt see Mangues And also thou shalt come along this coast to the South and when thou seest an ende of the low land then thou shalt finde an high land along the sea like the other that I haue made mention of before that is all sandie along the sea coast And thou must vnderstand that where the high land beginneth there is a little riuer called Rio das Contas but enter not into it it hath for a marke to be knowen by as it were a white mouth And from thence to the Islands thou hast nine leagues And at the ende of this high land to the Southward of it thou shalt find a great bay within the land then thou shalt looke to the Westsouthwest and shalt see another high land which lieth as it were in the middest of the bay and thou shalt there see certaine white houses which are the Ingenios or houses wherein they make sugar of Lucas Giraldo From thence thou shalt see the Isles being so farre shotte as Rio de Contas And thou shalt see within the land a round hill which is like Monte de laude and it hath another copple on the South side The course to sayle to Porto Seguro that is to say The safe hauen lying on the foresayd coast of Brasil the markes to know the same by IF thou goe for Porto Seguro and goest in the time of the Southeast windes which is from March forwards I aduise thee that thou fall not in more degrees then sixteen and a halfe because of the sholdes called Os baixos dos Abrolhos which are very dangerous and stretch very farre into the sea And also going West from them that thou keepe thy lead going and be often sounding And if thou chance to see the land and an high hill and long withall much like to The pike it is the hill that is called Monte Pasqual And from thence thou must goe to the North and when thou hast brought it Southwest of thee then thou mayest beare with the land but with great care to looke about thee Marke when thou seest the land and commest to see a red cliffe then looke to the Southward and thou shalt see a great smooth coast along the sea and then on the North side thou shalt deserue Porto Seguro And going along the coast thou shalt see the towne of Porto Seguro standing vpon the toppe of an hill which hill is a white rocke and on the North side of the sayd rocke there is a very hie land I aduise thee that when thou art East and West with the sayd land I meane with this rocke that then thou looke to the Northward and thou shalt see certaine rocks lying two leagues off into the sea whereon the sea doth breake and to the Southward of them thou mayest come to an ankor against the towne and hast a good place to ride in thirteen fadomes in sight of the towne And if it be thy chance to arriue in the time of the Northeast winds and commest in the height of fifteene degrees and two third parts and seest not certaine hilles then thou must goe along the coast being in 16 degrees and vnder the first hie land that thou shalt descrie thou shalt see certaine sandie bayes along the sea coast And if thou haue sight of a riuer in this height put not thy selfe into it neither beare with the land for it hath many sholdes And off them lie certaine sunken grounds called Os Baixos de Santo Antonio And from hence to the Southward lyeth Porto Seguro I aduise thee that going along the coast to the Southward and seeing such sholdes and the sea to breake vpon them as the other which I last spake of thou shalt runne along them a sea boord of them and when thou art at the end of them then the towne will beare West of thee and then thou mayest goe to thine ankoring place as is abouesayd giuing these sholds a good birth The course to the hauen named Baia do Spirito Santo that is to say The bay of the holy Ghost lying on the sayd coast of Brasil and the markes thereof THou shalt vnderstand that the ship that goeth for Spirito Santo when it hath doubled the sholdes called Os Baixos dos Abrolhos and hath brought it selfe in 20 or 19 degrees and a halfe then it may hall with the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a halfe and in twentie And the sayd shippe must goe in this height because on this coast there are no Monçoins If thou chance to come in the height of 19 degrees ½ and seest lowe land to the Northwest off thee then thou art on the North side of Spirito Santo and thou mayest make accompt that it is the land lying ouer Criquare and ouer the riuer called Rio dolce that is the riuer of sweete or fresh water If thou come along the land thou shalt find certaine high hilles but trust not the first that thou seest only For besides the rest thou shalt see a round hie hill which is at the capes end which is called la Sierra de mestre Aluaro Take heede that going for this land thou looke to the North and thou shalt see a riuer called Rio dos Reyes Magos that is The riuer of the three kings And comming to the Southward thou shalt see presently the mouth of the bay to open At the end of this hill on the South side thou hast a point of a rocke which is called A punta do Tubaron And on the South side of the bay it hath two or three blacke hie hilles and in the middest of the bay thou shalt goe in westward I aduise thee that in going in thou take heede of a sholde which lieth in the mouth of the bay thou must leaue it to the Southward of thee and then plie to double a certaine Island which lieth within and thou must leaue it to the Northward of thee and when it beareth on the North or Northeast thou mayest come to an ankor for all is cleane ground And if thou chance to come by this course and fallest in 20 degrees and seest many hilles and one among the rest very high and craggie it is called A Sierra de Guariparim that is the hill of Guaraparim and seest another hill on the North side which is called A Sierra de Pero Cam both these lie on the South side of Spirito Santo And from these hils thou shalt see a little hill named Guaipel And when thou seest these hilles thou shalt see three little Islands together lying to the Southward And then from these thou shalt see another rockie bare and round Island and to the land off this Island
it not the best course at the last but rather kept off in the sea from the coast And vpon Saturday the 17. of September wee fell with the coast of Barbarie and the 18. halled in with the roade of Santa Cruz. The 21. day wee ââll with one of the ylands of the Canaries called Forteuentura In running alongst this yland we espied vpon a hill by the water side one wauing with a white flagge whereupon wee manned both our boates and sent them towards the shoare to vnderstand what newes They found them to bee two ragged knaues and one horseman and they tolde vs that Lanzarota was taken and spoyled in August by the Turkes when we saw they had nothing else to say we left them and proceeded on our course and fell againe with the coast of Barbarie The 25. day of September about 10. of the clocke we fell with Rio del Oro standing iust vnder our Tropike we anckered in the mouth of it in 8. âadom the entrance of it is about 2. leagues ouer And the next day our Captaine with the boate searched the riuer and found it to be as broad 14. or 15. leagues vp as at the entrie of it but found no towne nor habitation sauing that there came downe two poore men and one of them spake good Spanish and told our Captaine that certaine Frenchmen vsed to come thither and laded some oxe hides and goats hides but other commoditie there was none We departed thence the 27 day â the last day of the moneth being calme we went abord our General there consented to goe for Sierra Leona to wood and water From thence till the 10. of October wee were much becalmed with extreeme hot weather much lightning and great store of raine This 10. day we sounded finding a great current as we supposed by the ripling water which after wee found to bee an ordinary tide the flood setting to the Northwest and the ebb Southeast and here we had but 18. fathome water and no lande to bee seene it was on the Southermost part of the showles that lie in about 11. degrees but halling South off againe it presently deeped vnto 50. fathome and after halling Southeast and by East and East southeast we sounded but had no ground in 120. fathome The 21. of October wee fell with land vpon the coast of Guinea in the height of 8. degrees a very high land but of no great length it was the high land ouer Sierra Leona Wee drewe in to the land and found neere the shoare more water then in the offing at the Northren end of the high land we anckered about a mile and somewhat more from the shoare in 11. fathome To goe into the harbor of Sierra Leona we did borrow vpon the South side hauing no ground in 10. fathome halfe a mile from the shoare Upon the Northside of this harbour is very shoale water but on the Southside no feare more then is to be seene The 23. day being Sunday wee came to an ancker in the bay of fresh water and going ashoare with our boate wee spake with a Portugal who tolde vs that not farre off there were Negros inhabiting and that in giuing to the king a Botija of wine and some linnen cloth hee would suffer vs to water and wood at our pleasure But our Captaines thinking it not good to giue any thing for that which they might take freely landed and certaine of our men with them whereupon the Portugall and the Negros ranne all away into the woods Then wee returned againe into our boates and presently went and landed in another place thinking to haue fetcht a walke and so to come to our boats againe But wandering through a little wood we were suddenly and vnawares vpon a towne of the Negros whereupon they strooke vp their drumme giuing withall a great showe and off went their arrowes as thicke as haile Wee were in number about 30. caleeuers and 20. with our weapons which wee also let flie into the woods among them and what hurt we did we know not Then wee returned to our boates and tooke wood and water at our pleasure and reasonable store of fish and amongst the rest we halled vp a great foule monster whose head and backe were so hard that no sword could enter it but being thrust in vnder the belly in diuers places and much wounded hee bowed a sword in his mouth as a man would do a girdle of leather about his hande and likewise the yron of a boare speare He was in length about nine foote and had nothing in his belly but a certaine quantitie of small stones to the value of a pottell The fourth of Nouember wee went on shore to a towne of the Negros which stoode on the Southeast side of the harbour about a Sacar shot from the roade which we found to be but lately built it was of about two hundreth houses and walled about with mightie great trees and stakes so thicke that a rat could hardly get in or out But as it chanced wee came directly vpon a port which was not shut vp where we entred with such fiercenesse that the people fled all out of the towne which we found to bee finely built after their fashion and the streetes of it so intricate that it was difficult for vs to finde the way out that we came in at Wee found their houses and streets so finely and cleanly kept that it was an admiration to vs all for that neither in the houses nor streets was so much dust to bee found as would fill an egge shell Wee found little in their houses except some matts goards and some earthen pots Our men at their departure set the towne on fireâ and it was burnt for the most part of it in a quarter of an houre the houses being couered with reed and straw After this wee searched the countrey about it where wee found in diuers plaines good store of rice in stacks which our men did beate out and brought abord in the huske to the quantitie of 14. or 15. tunnes in both our ships The 17. day of Nouember wee departed from Sierra Leona directing our course for the Straights of Magellan In this harbour diuers of our men fell sicke of a disease in the belly which for the time was extreeme but God bee thanked it was but of small continuance Wee founde also in diuers places of the woods images set vpon pinnes with diuers things before them as eggs meale rice round shot of stones and diuers other things such as the barbarous people had to offer vp When we came neere to the Line wee found it nothing so hot as it is at Sierra Leona by reason of the great winde and raine About the 24. day of Nouember one or two of our men died and others also were sicke of a Calentura The second day of Ianuary we had a little sight of land being about the
being Northerly so that we could not come neere to it The 6. day about 2. in the afternoone the wind at North northwest we halde East southeast with a faire and gentle gale this day we met with ice About 6. in the afternoone it became calme we with saile and oares laide it to the north-Northeast part hoping that way to cleare vs of it for that way we did see the head part of it as we thought Which done about 12. of the clocke at night we gate cleere of it We did thinke it to be ice of the bay of Saint Nicholas but it was not as we found afterwards The seuenth day we met with more yce at the East part of the other yce we halde along a weather the yce to finde some ende thereof by East north-northeast This day there appeared more land North from vs being perfect land the ice was betweene vs and it so that we could not come neerer to it The same morning at sixe of the clocke wee put into the ice to finde some way through it wee continued in it all the same day and all the night following the winde by the North Northwest Wee were constrained to goe many pointes of our compasse but we went most an Easterly course The eight day the winde at North northwest we continued our course and at fiue in the morning we sounded and had 90. fadoms red oze This day at foure in the afternoone we sounded againe and had 84. fadoms oze as before At sixe in the after noone we cleared our selues of the ice and hald along Southeast by South we sounded againe at 10. a clocke at night and had 43. fathom sandy oze The 9. day at 2. in the morning we sounded againe and had 45. fadoms then there appeared a shadow of land to vs East Northeast and so we ran with it the space of 2. houres and then perceiuing that it was but fogge we hald along Southeast This day at 2. in the afternoone wee sounded and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes At tenne a clocke at night wee sounded againe and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze The tenth day the wind being at North northwest we haled East and by North which course we set because at ten of the clocke afore noone wee did see land and then wee sounded hauing 35. fadoms blacke oze All this day there was a great fogge so that wee durst not beare with the land to make it and so we kept an outwardly course This day at 6. in the afternoone we espied land wherewith we halled and then it grew calme we sounded and had 120. fadoms blacke oze and then we sent our boat a land to sound and proue the land The same night we came with our ship within and Island where we rode all the same night The same night wee went into a bay to ride neere the land for wood and water The 11. day the wind came to the East southeast this day about a league from vs to the Eastwards we saw a very faire sound or riuer that past very farre into the countrey with 2. or 3. branches with an Island in the midst The 12. of Iuly the wind was East Southeast This day about 11. a clocke in the morning there came a great white beare down to the water side and tooke the water of his own accord we chased him with our boate but for all that we could doe he gote to land and escaped from vs where we named the bay Bearebay This day at 7. in the after noone we set saile for we had good hope that the winde would come Westerly and with saile and oares we gate the sea All the night it was calme with fogge The 13. day in the morning the wind was very variable with fog and as it cleared vp wee met with great store of ice which at the first shewed like land This ice did vs much trouble and the more because of the fog which continued vntill the 14. day 12. of the clocke The 14. day in the morning we were so imbayed with ice y t we were constrained to come out as we went in which was by great good fortune or rather by the goodnesse of God otherwise it had bene impossible and at 12. of the clock we were cleere of it the wind being at South and South by West The same day we found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees 26. minutes we lay along the coast Northwest thinking it to be an Island but finding no end in rowing so long we supposed it to be the maine of Noua Zembla About 2. in the afternoone we laide it to the Southward to double the ice which wee could not doe vpon that boorde so that we cast about againe and lay West along vnder the ice About seuen in the afternoone we gote about the greatest part thereof About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice Southeast of vs and thus we were ridde of this trouble at this time The 15. day about 3. in the morning the wind was at South southwest wee cast about and lay to the Eastwards the winde did Wester so that wee lay South southwest with a flawne sheete and so we ranne all the same day About 8. in the after noone we sounded and had 23. fadoms small grey sand This night at twelue of the clocke we sounded againe and had 29. fadoms sand as afore The 16. day vnto 3. in the morning we hald along East Southeast where we found 18. fadoms red sand then we hald along Northeast In these soundings wee had many ouerfals This day at 10. of the clocke we met with more ice which was very great so that we coulde not tell which way to get cleere of it Then the winde came to the South Southeast so that we lay to the Northwards We thought that way to cleare our selues of it but that way we had more ice About 6. in the afternoone the wind came to the East Then we lay to the Southwards that wee had 30. fadoms blacke oze This day we found the pole to bee eleuated 69. deg 40. minutes and this night at 12. a clocke we had 41. fadoms red sand The 17. day at 3. in the morning we had 12. fadoms At 9. we had 8. and 7. all this day we ran South and South by West at the depth aforesaid red sand being but shallow water At eight in the afternoone the winde with a showre and thunder came to the Southwest and then wee ranne East Northeast At 12. at night it came to the South and by East and all this was in the bay of Pechora The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bare with the heaâland oâ the bay where wee founde two Islands There are also ouerfals of water ãâã ââdes We went between the maine and the Island next to the head where we had abouâ 2. fadoms and a halfe We found
in taste much like vnto whey but somewhat sweeter and more pleasant They cut the branches euery euening because they are feared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne They haue also great beanes as bigge as chestnuts and very hard with a shell in the stead of a huske Many things more nught be saide of the maners of the people and of the wonders and monstrous things that are engendred in Africke But it shall suffice to haue saide thus much of such things as our men partly sawe and partly brought with them And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines I described the same to haue holes by the side as in deede it hath as it is brought hither yet was I afterward enfourmed that those holes were made to put stringes or twigges through the fruite thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne They grow not past a foote and a halfe or two foote from the ground and are as red as blood when they are gathered The graines themselues are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi At their câmming home the keeles of their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with certaine shelles of two inches length and more as thicke as they could stand and of such bignesse that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them They certainely affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea becommeth those foules which we call Barnacles The like shelles haue bene seene in ships returning froÌ Iseland but these shels were not past halfe an inch in length Of the other that came from Guinea I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke and in maner couered with the said shels which in my iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling Their ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas whereof mention is made in the Decades These creepe betweene the plankes which they eate through in many places Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage this is worthy to be noted that wheras they sailed thither in seuen weekes they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes The cause whereof they say to be this That about the coast of Cabo Verde the winde is euer at the East by reason whereof they were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the maine Ocean to finde the winde at the West to bring them home There died of our men at this last voyage about twentie and foure whereof many died at their returne into the clime of the colde regions as betweene the Islands of Azores and England They brought with them certaine blacke slaues whereof some were tall and strong men and could wel agree with our meates and drinkes The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend them Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide colde then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate forasmuch as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies as colde constraineth and preserueth the same This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature that throughout all Africke vnder the AEquinoctial line and neere about the same on both sides the regions are extreeme hote and the people very blacke Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are very temperate and the people neither blacke nor with curlde and short wooll on their heads as they of Africke haue but of the colour of an Oliue with long and blacke heare on their heads the cause of which variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me That is that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne so that they had it North from them at noone the 14. day of March. And to haue said thus much of these voyages it may suffice The first voyage made by Master VVilliam Towrson Marchant of London to the coast of Guinea with two Ships in the yeere 1555. VPon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of Wight out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes the one called the Hart the other the Hinde both of London and the Masters of them were Iohn Ralph and William Carter for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de Sestos in Guinea and to other hauens thereabout It fell out by the varietie of windes that it was the foureteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth and being there arriued wee continued in that roade sixe dayes and the 20. of October we warpt out of the hauen and set saile directing our course towards the Southwest and the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master This day we ranne about 40. leagues also The second day we ranne 36. leagues The third day we had sight of Porto Santo which is a small Island lying in the sea about three leagues long and a league a halfe broad is possessed by Portugals It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hilles neere together The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley which makes it to beare that forme The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks This Island lyeth in thirty and three degrees The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle of Madera which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo towards the Southwest that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull and is inhabited by Portugals it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and high By three of the clocke this day at afternoone we were thwart of Porto Santo and we set our course Southwest to leaue the Isle of Madera to the Eastward as we did Porto Santo These two Islands were the first land that we saw since wee left the coast of England About three of the clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera within three leagues of the West ende of it and by meanes of the high hilles there we were becalmed We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues The fourth day wee lay becalmed vnder the Isle of Madera vntill one of the clocke at afternoone and then the winde comming into the East wee went our course and ranne that day fifteene leagues The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif otherwiseâ called the Pike because it is a very high Island with a pike vpon the top like a loafe of suger The same night we raised the Isle of Palma which is a high land also and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif The 7. day we
shew very white and we went eastnortheast The 4 in the morning we were thwart a great high hill and vp into the lande were more high ragged hilles and those 3 reckoned to be but little short of Monte Redondo Then I reckoned that we were 20 leagues Southeast-ward from the Mina and at 11 of the clocke I sawe two hilles within the land these hils I take to be 7 leagues from the first hils And to sea-ward of these hilles is a bay and at the east end of the bay another hill and from the hils the landes lie verie low We went Eastnortheast and East and by North 22 leagues ann then East along the shore The 6 we were short of Villa longa and there we met with a Portugall Carauell The 7 a faire temperate day and all this day we road before Villa longa The 8 at noone we set saile from Villa longa and ten leagues from thence we ankered againe and stayed all that night in ten fadom water The 9 we set saile and all alongst the shore were very thicke woodes and in the afternoone we were thwart a riuer to the Eastward of the riuer a litle way off was a great high bush-tree as though it had no leaues and at night we ankered with faire and temperate weather The 10 we set sayle and went East and East and by South 14 leagues along the shoare which was so full of thicke woods that in my iudgement a man should haue much to doe to passe through them and towards night we ankered in 7 fadome with faire weather The 11 we sayled East and by South and three leagues from the shore we had but 5 fadome water and all the wood vpon the land was as euen as if it had beene cut with a paire of gardeners sheeres and in running of two leagues we descerned a high tuft of trees vpon the brow of a land which shewed like a Porpose head and when wee came at it it was but part of the lande and a league further we saw a head-land very low and full of trees and a great way from the land we had very shallow water then we lay South into the sea because of the sands for to get into the deepe water and when we found it deepe we ankered in fiue fadom thwart the riuer of Iaya in the riuers mouth The 12 in the morning we road still in the riuers mouth This day we sent the pinnesse and the boat on land with the marchants but they came not againe vntill the next morning The shallowest part of this riuer is toward the West where there is but 4 fadom and a halfe and it is very broad The next morning came the boate aboord and they also said it was Rio de Iaya Here the currant setteth Westward and the Eastermost land is higher then the Westermost Thursday the 13â we set saile and lay South Southeast along the shore where the trees are wonderfull euen and the East shore is higher then the West shore and when wee had sayled 18 leagues we had sight of a great riuer then we ankered in three fadom and a halfe and the currant went Westward This riuer is the riuer of Benin and two leagues from the maine it is very shallowe The 15 we sent the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with the marchants and after that we set saile because we road in shallow water and went Southsoutheast and the starbord tacke aboord vntill we came to fiue fathom water where we road with the currant to the Westward then came our boat out of the harbour and went aboord the pinnesse The West part of the land was high browed much like the head of a Gurnard and the Eastermost land was lower and had on it three tufts of treeslike stackes of wheate or corne and the next day in the morning we sawe but two of those trees by reason that we went more to the Eastward And here we road still from the 14 of Februarie vntill the 14 of Aprill with the winde at Southwest The 16 of Februarie we rode still in 5 fadomeâ and the currant ranne still to the Westward the winde at Southwest and the boat and pinnesse came to vs againe out of the riuer and told vs that there was but ten foote water vpon the barre All that night was drowsie and yet reasonable temperate The 17 a close day the winde at Southwest Our marchants wayed their goods and put them aboord the pinnesse to goe into the riuer and there came a great currant out of the riuer and set to the Westward The 18 the marchants went with the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with their commodities This day was close and drowsie with thunder raine and lightning The 24 a close morning and temperate and in the afternoone the boat came to vs out of the riuer from our marchants Twesday the 4 of March a close soultry hot morning the currant went to the Westward and much troubled water came out of the riuer The 16 our pinnesse came a boord and Anthonie Ingram in her she brought in her 94 bags of pepper and 28 Elephants teeth and the Master of her and all his company were sicke This was a temperate day and the winde at Southwest The 17. 18. and 19 were faire temperate weather and the winde at Southwest This day the pinnesse went into the riuer againe and caried the Purser and the Surgion The 25 of the said moneth 1589 we sent the boate into the riuer The 30 our pinnesse came from Benin and brought sorowfull newes that Thomas Hemsted was dead and our Captaine also and she brought with her 159 Cerons or sackes of pepper and Elephants teeth Note that in all the time of our abiding here in the mouth of the riuer of Benin and in all the coast hereabout it is faire temperate weather when the winde is at Southwest And when the winde is at Northeast and Northerly then it raineth with lighning and thunder and is very intemperate weather The 13 of Aprill 1589 we set saile home wards in the name of Iesus In the morning we sayled with the winde at Southwest and lay West and by North but it prooued calme all that night and the currant Southeast The 14 the riuer of Benin was Northeast 7 leagues from the shore and there was litle winde and towards night calme The 17 a faire temperate day the winde variable and we had of latitude foure degrees and 20 minutes The 25 a faire temperate day the winde variable and here we had three degrees 29 minuts of latitude The 8 of May we had sight of the shore which was part of Cauo de Monte but we did not thinke we had beene so farre but it came so to passe by reason of the currant In this place M. Towâson was in like maner deceiued with the currant The 9 we had sight of Cauo
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whânce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâdable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
attâmpt any thing into Florida and those regions inclining towards the North they proued moât vnhappy and were at length discouraged vtterly by the hard and lamentable successe of many both religious and valiant in armes ândeuouring to bring those Norâherly regions also vnder the Spaâish iurisdicâion as if God had prescribed lâââts vnâo the Spanish nation which they might not exceed as by their owne gests recorded may be aptly gatherâd The French as they can pretend lesse title vnto these Northerne parts then the Spanyard by how much the Spanyard made the first discouery of the same continent so far Northward as vnto Florida and the French did âut reuiew that before discouered by the English nation vsurping vpon our right and imposing names vpon countreys riuers bayes capes or headlands as if they had bene the first finders of those coasts which iniury we offered not vnto the Spanyards but left off to discouer when we approched the Spanish limits euen so God hath not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent vpon anothers right notwithstanding their manifolde attempts in which theâ issue hath bene no lesse tragicall then that of the Spanyards as by their owne reports is extant Then sâeing the English nation onely hath right vnto these countreys of America from the cape of Florida Northward by the priuilege of first discouery vnto which Cabot was authorised by regall authority and set forth by the expense of our late famous king Henry the seuenth which right also seemeth strongly defended on our behalfe by the powerfull hand of almighty God withstanding the enteâprises of other nations it may greatly incourage vs vpon so iust ground as is our right and vpon so sacred an intent as to plant religion our right and intent being meet foundations for the same to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countreys apperteining vnto the crowne of England the same as is to be coniectured by infallible arguments of the worlds end approching being now arriued vnto the time by God prescribed of their vocation if âuer their calling vnto the knowledge of God may be expâcted Which also is very probable by the reuolution and course of Gods word and religion which from the beginning hath moued from the East towards at last vnto the West where it is like to end vnlesse the same begin againe where it did in the East which were to expect a like world againe But we are assured of the contrary by the prophesie of Christ whereby we gather that after his word preached thorowout the world shal be the end And as the Gospel when it descended Westward began in the South and afterward spread into the North of Europe euen so as the same hath begunne in the South countreys of America no lesse hope may be gathered that it will also spread into the North. These considerations may helpe to suppresse all dreads rising of hard euents in attempts made this way by other nations as also of the heauy successe and issue in the late enterprise made by a worthy gentleman our countryman sir Humfrey Gilbert knight who was the first of our nation that caried people to erect an habitatioâ and gouernment in those Northerly countreys of America About which albeit he had consumed much substance and lost his life at last his people also perishing for the most part yet the mystery thereof we must leaue vnto God and iudge charitably both of the cause which was iust in all pretence and of the person who was very zealous in prosecuting the same deseruing honourable remembrance for his good minde and expense of life in so vertuous an enterprise Whereby neuerthelesse least any man should be dismayd by example of other folks calamity and misdeeme that God doth resist all attempts intended that way I thought good so farre as my selfe was an eye witnesse to deliuer the circumstance and maner of our proceedings in that action in which the gentleman was so infortunately incumbred with wants and woorse matched with many ill disposed people that his rare iudgement and regiment premedicated for those affaires was subiected to tolerate abuses in sundry extremities to holde on a course more to vpholde credit then likely in his owne conceit happily to succeed The issue of such actions being alwayes miserable not guided by God who abhorreth confusion and disorder hath left this for admonition being the first attempt by our nation to plant vnto such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be discouraged from it but to make men well aduised how they handle his so high and excellent matters as the cariage is of his word into those very mighty and vast countreys And action doubtlesse not to be intermedled with base purposes as many haue made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarse iustifiable which doth excite Gods heauy iudgements in the end to the terrifying of weake mindes from the cause without pondering his iust proceedings and doth also incense forren princes against our attempts how iust soeuer who can not but deeme the sequele very dangerous vnto their state if in those parts we should grow to strength seeing the very beginnings are entred with spoile And with this admonition denounced vpon zeale towards Gods cause also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honourable vnto this action of planting Christian people and religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America vnto whom I wish all happinesse I will now proceed to make relation briefly yet particularly of our voyage vndertaken with sir Humfrey Gilbert begun continued and ended aduersly When first Sir Humfrey Gilbert vndertooke the Westerne discouery of America and had procured from her Maiesty a very large commission to inhabit possesse at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince the same commission exemplified with many priuileges such as in his discretion he might demand very many gentlemen of good estimation drew vnto him to associate him in so commendable an enterprise so that the preparation was expected to grow vnto a puissant fleet able to encounter a kings power by sea neuerthelesse amongst a multitude of voluntary men their dispositions were diuers which bred a iarre and made a diuision in the end to the confusion of that attempt euen before the same was begun And when the shipping was in a maner prepared men ready vpon the coast to go aboord at that time some brake consort and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before pretended Others failed of their promises contracted and the greater number were dispersed leauing the Generall with few of his assured friends with whom he aduentured to sea where hauing tasted of no lesse misfortune he was shortly driuen to retire home with the losse of a tall ship and more to his griefe of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan Hauing buried onely in a
with flankers of great trees and stones filled with earth betweene and had not our comming disappointed their pretence they would haue made it one of the strongest places in all the maine There they ment to haue builded a great towne We found there three pieces of brasse ordinance sunke in the sea which we weighed vp all the people were fled and their goods carried away Up within this bay there was a little village but of no force where we found a great fresh riuer our men rowing vp some two leagues found pillage as wine and oyle and some small quantitie of yron After our comming hither to anker and the solemne buriall of our Generall sir Francis in the sea Sir Thomas Baskeruill being aboord the Defiance where M. Bride made a sermon hauing to his audience all the captaines in the fleete sir Thomas commanded all aboord the Garland with whom he held a Councell there shewing his Commission was accepted for General captain Bodenham made captaine of the Defiance M. Sauill captaine of y e Aduenture The 27 died captaine Iosias of the Delight and captaine Egerton a Gentlâman of the Foâe-sight and Iames Wood chiefe chirurgion of the fleete out of the Garland The 28 died Abraham Kendall out of the Saker At this place we watered againe washed our ships made new sailes it being by the Generall and all the captaines agreed that if we could by any meanes turne vp againe for Santa Martha we should if not to goe directly for England Here also we tooke in some balast as our neede râquired The 6 of Februarie the Elizabeth of M. Wattes was discharged and sunke and that day the Pegasus iolly was going on shore for water carying no guarde The Spaniards perceiuing it came downe vpon them killed two of them and tooke 2 or 3 prisoners and so ranne vp into the woods againe The seuenth the Delight and captaine Edens frigat were discharged and sunke because they were old and leakâd and the Queenes ships wanted saylers That day our men being mustered we had sicke and whole 2000. And the next day we set on shore all our prisoners as Spaniards and Negros But before at our first comming to Puerto Bello sir Thomas sent two of those Spaniards to Nombre de Dios and to Panama to fetch ransome for some of the chiefest prisoners but they neuer returned againe As we were setting saile there came one with a flagge of truce and told the General that they had taken 18 of our men and that they were well vsed adding that if he would stay 8 or 10 dayes longer they should be brought from Panama We supposed this to haue bene but a delay to haue kâpt vs there while the kings forces had come about by sea as they dayly expected We set saile the 8 of Februarie turning vp for Santa Martha and the 14 day we saw the Ilands of Baru some 14 leagues to the Wesâward of Carthagena The Generall that night told vs he would stand in âor the towne of Baru in the bay but that night blew so much winde and continued that small moone that the same night we lost the Foresight and the next day standing againe to make the land which we had made we lost companie of the Susan Parnel The Helpe and the Pegasus Then âhe next day we put ouer for Cape S. Antonie and gaue ouer Santa Martha The 25 we saw the Iland of Grand Cayman some 30 leagues to the Northwestward of Iamaica being a low sandie Iland hauing many tortoyses about it The 26 we saw the hie land of Cuba to the Eastward of the broken Ilands to the East of the Iland of Pinos and were imbayed in among those dangerous places But perceiuing it we stood out againe Southsoutheast and so got cleere and then stood away West and by North for the I le of Pinos which we saw the first of March It is a low land with wood and fresh water to the Western end If you come in with the middest of it you shall see rise vp aboue the rest of the land 8 or 9 râund homockes and the Westermost hath three in one Being that foorth with the West end and standing in for to water we espied 20 sayle of ships about one in the afternone This was a third part of the fleete which the king sent for Carthagena the rest of the fleete being gone for the Honduras They were in all 60 sailes sent onely to meete our fleete being commânded wheresoeuer they heard we were to come vpon vs with all their three forces This fleete which we met withall came standing for Cape de los Corrientes and had bene refreshed at Hauana Assoone as they discried vs they kept close vpon a tacke thinking to get the winde of vs but we weathered them And when our Admirall with all the rest of our fleet were right in the wânds âye of them sir Thomas Baskeruil putting out the Queenes armes and all the rest of our fleete their brauerie bare roome with themâ and commanded the Defiance not to shoot but to keâpe close by to second him The Uiceadmirall of the Spaniards being a greater ship then any of ours and the best sayler in all their fleete loofed by and gaue the Concord the âwo first great shot which she repayed presently againe thus the fight began The Bonauenture baâe full with her ringing her such a peale of ordinance and small shot withall that he left her with torne sides The Admirall also made no spare of powder and shot But the Defiance in the middest of the Spanish flâete thândering of her ordinance and small shot continued the fight to the end So that the Uiceaâmirall with 3 or 4 of her consorts were forced to tacke about to the Eastward leauing their admirall and the rest of the fleete who came not so hotly into the fight as they did The fight continued two houres better At sunne set all the fleete tacked about to the Eastward we continued our coârse to the Westward for cape de los Corrientes supposing we should haue met with more of their consorts In this conflict in the Defiance we had fiue men slaine three English men a Greâke and a Nâgro That night some halfe houre after their fleete keeping vpon their weather quarter we saw a mightie smoke rise out of one of their great ships which stayed behind which happenâd by meanes of powder as we thinke and presently after she was all on a light fire and so was consumed and all burnt as we might well perceiue The next day beâng thâ second of March in the morning by breake of day we were hard aboord Cape de los Corrientes which is a bare low cape hauing a bush of trees higher then the rest some mile to the Eastward of the cape All Cuba is full of wood on the Southside The Spanish fleete which then were but 14 no more then we were kept still vpon our
certayne shoald whereupon the sea doth alwayes beate I aduise thee that if thou canst not passe on the West side then thou must goe betwixt the sayd little copple that is like a sayle and the shoald for the passage is good But if thou depart from the Serranilla to the Northwest and seest a lowe land with the sea and certaine white sandy bayes and on the West side seest a low land and on the Eastside a little coast lying East and West thou mayest make account it is Cape de Corrientes And if thou goe from Cape de Corrientes for Cape de Santo Antonio thou must goe Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe with the Cape The marks be a low land full of trees with certaine white sandie bayes and vpon the Cape it selfe thou shalt see two thicke groues of great trees and they be vpon the Cape it selfe To go from the Cape de Sant Antonio for Hauana in the time of the North winds thou shalt goe Northwest vntill thou be cleere of all the shoalds of the Cape and then hale thy bâwlines and go as neere the wind as thou canst possibly vntill thou bring thy selfe vnto 24. degrees and there sound and thou shalt find it the Tortugas and thy sounding will be white sand Thou must take heede what is said in the Chapter before for he that writ the same hath seene it and bene witnesse to this that comming from Seranilla and stirring North and by East he had sight of an Island standing in 16. degrees and it is on the shoalds of Cape de Camâron And from thence if thou haue the wind large goe Northeast and by East because of the variation of the compasse and thou shalâ make thy way Eastnortheast and thou shalâ fall with Isla de Pinos This I I say because the currents set sometime West and so it fell out to bee true in March. Anno Domini 1582. I tell thee farther that wee came out from this aforesayd Isle stirring North and by East for the wind would not suffer vs to lye neerer the East and one euening at Sunne going downe we fell with a lând that had the âame markes to our iudgement with the Cape de Corrientes and because night was at hand we wrought to double Cape de Sanâ Anâonio stirring West and about midnight we had land all high right aheadâ the cââst lying Southwest and then we cast and lay Northeast till day And bâing day wee saw the land all ahead and we plied to wind-ward to the East and kept it a larboord till we had brought it Southwest And to be short we went hâre on land in the same place that we first fell wâth in the euening before and it was an Island called Coçumel lying on the coast of Incatan And this Island was the land which we saw first seeming by the marks to be the Cape de Corrieâtes Wee came to an ankeâ about the middest of the Island rather to the Norther then the Souther part there we found a towne of Indians who gaue vs all things which we needed for our money and wee carried our Astrolabs on sââre and tooke the height in 19. degrees and one tierre A man may goe betweene this Island and the coast of âucaâan and the Cape de Cotoche at pleasure Northeast and the water wil set in thy fauour and thou must go till thou be in 24. degrees and so thou shalt haue the sounding of the Tortugas The course to be kept from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna IF thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna and beeing late thou shalt stirre Westnorthwest till thou be in the height of 24. degrees and from thence thou shalt stirre something to the West vntil thou bring thy selfe North and South with the litle Iland called Vermeja and when thou art so thou shalâ go Southwest by this way thou shalt find Villa Rica which is in 19 degrees a halfe and the signes be these Thou shalt find a ledge of high hils lying Northeast and Southwest But if thou chance to fall with a coast that lieth North and South then thou mayest account that it is about the low ground of Almeria which hath these markes It is a land not very high and it is full of little copples And if thou haue cleare weather thou shalt see within the land certaine high hils which are called the hils of Papalo And I aduise thee that beeing so farre shotte as the poynt called Punta delgada which is the ende of all those hilles of Villa Rica thou mayest stirre thence South and by West and thou shalt goe along the coast and shalt see a lowe land and with this land thou shalt fall going for Saint Paul and being so farre shotte as Saint Paul if thou wilt goe in o the harbour thou must stirre Southwest and this is the course that thou must keepe being shotte into the Bay And thou shalt goe along the coast of the lowe land in sight thereof and keeping this course thou shalt see on the other side a blacke hill and it is called Monte de Carneros Take this for a note that it lyeth ouer the house of Buytron and as thou doest come neerer to the poynt of rockes thou must bee sure to keepe thy lead going and shalt haue foure fathomes and a halfe or fiue fathâmâs and so thâu mayest goe through the middest of the chanell And comming against the castle thou shalt giue it some breadth off towards the Aârecise or rocke and hauing doubled the castle thou shalt goe from thence and shalt bring thy selfe to an anker hard by the Herreria which is a cleane Bay and thou shalâ ride against the hospitall I aduise thee that if thou be benighted when thou are neere to S. Paul and meetest with a Northerly wind after midnight that then thy best way is to bring thy selfe into thy coarses and lye by plying to windward and to seaward in 20. fathomes which depth thou shalt haue neere the shâre to the Northward and being day then goe in with the harbour as thou canst best obseruing what is abouesaid And I aduise thee if thou come from Villa Rica and findest thy selfe in 20. degrees and a halfe and seest no land and seest that the water doth alter thou shalt sound 60. fathomes water and if in this depth thou hast oaze make account thou art East and West with the riuer of Almeria This course is from the Cape of Santo Antonio to Nueua Espanna without or aseaboord the Alacranes or Scorpions Now followeth how to worke if a man come betwixt the Alacranes and the maine If thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio and wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna within the Alacranes thou must sâirre West and by South and by this way thou shalt bring thy selfe in 20. fathoms and
vntill hee bring himselfe Northeast and Southwest which the same point and then he must stirre away South to fetch the said pointâ The signes of Punta de Naga THe said point or Head-land is an high point of Land and plaine vpon the toppe like a table and without it there are two litle rockie Islands and vpon the North side of the said point is another point called Punta de hidalgo anâ vpon the top thereof are 2. picked rockes like vnto the eares of a Hare The course from the Canaries to the VVest Indies IF you set saile from any of the Islands of the Canaries for the West Indias you must stirre away 30. or 40 leagues due South to the ende you may auoid the calmes of the Island of Fierro and being so farre distant from the said Island then must you stirre away West Southwest vntill you finde your selfe in 20. degrees and then saile West and by South vntill you come to 15. degrees and ½ And from thence stirre away West and by North and so shall you make a West way by reason of the Northwesting of the Compasse which West way will bring you to the Island of Deseada The markes of the Island of Deseada THis Island Deseada lieth East Northeast and West Southwest hauing no trees vpon it and it is proportioned like a Galley and the north-Northeast ende thereof maketh a lowe nose like the snowe of a galley and by comming neere it and passing by the Norther ende thereof you shall perceiue white broken patches like heapes of sand with red strakes in them the Southwest end of this Island maketh like the tile of a galley And this Island standeth in 15. degrees and ½ Markes of the Island of Monserate MOnserate is an high Island and round full of trees and vpon the East side thereof you shall perceiue certain white spots like sheetes and being vpon the South side at the very point of the Island somewhat off the land it maketh like a litle Island and putting your selfe either East or West from that point in the midst thereof will appeare a great broken land Markes of the Island of Marigalanta MArigalanta is a smooth Island and full of wood or trees and as it were of the fashion of a galley vpon her decke and being on the Southeast side about halfe a league off you shall make certaine homocks of blacke stones and certain white patches but on the West side appeare faire white sandy shores or plaines Markes of the Isle of Dominica THe Island of Dominica lieth Northwest and Southeast and vpon the Northwest side it sheweth more high and if you come neere it at full sea it will shew like two Islands but by comming neerer vnto it you shall perceiue it to be but one and vpon the Southeast side you shall make or see a plaine and long point and vpon the same point appeareth a cliffe like to the cliffe of Cape Tiburon and vpon the North side a litle from the land it sheweth like a litle Island and vpon the top thereof is as it were an high steeple and vpon the Norther side you shall perceiue it like many white sheetes Markes of the Island of Guadalupe THe Island of Guadalupe lieth on the West of Deseada and vpon the Southwest part thereof appeare many hie mountaines but vpon the East side it maketh certaine tables which are called the high part of Guadalupe And this Island is cut North and South so that the Canoas of India do passe from the North to the South of it as if it were two Islands Markes of the Isle of Matalina or Martinino THe Isle of Matalina is high and full of mountaines hauing in the midst thereof 3. homocks the middlemost homocke being highest sheweth like the great bowle of an hat And vpon the North side it appeareth like three little Islands And in this Island there are warlik Indians like those of Dominica Markes of the three small Islands called Islas de Los Santos or the Islands of Saintes LOs Santos are 3. Islandes lying one close by another vpon the South side of Guadalupe For to goe with S. Iuan de Puerto rico you must stirre away Northwest vntill you fall with the Isle of Saba Markes to know the Isle of Saba SAba is a litle Island and round about it you shall see the bottome but feare not for there is no danger but that which you shall see and round about it it maketh as it were certaine heapes of white sand and by the side thereof it sheweth like a Ship vnder saile but follow that direction that I haue giuen and you shall see La virgin gorda Markes to know the Isle called La virgin gorda LA virgin gorda is an high Island and round and seeing it you shall espie all the rest of the Virgines which lye East and West one from another and are baâe without any trees You may goe about by them vntil you see the litle gray Island which you shal see by it selfe by the Virgines and comming neere to the sayd Island ouer that you shall by and by rayse sight of the white litle Iâland which seemeth like a ship vnder saile And if you will passe betweene this litle whiâe Iâland or bare rocke and the greene Island you must beware that you leaue the white Island on the larbourd side of you and come no neerer it then a Calieuer-shot and so shall you passe through 12. fadome-water and then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you enter into the Hauen of Puerto rico and if you chance to passe the sayd Island by night goe by the foresaid direction vntâll the first watch be out and then take in your sayles and so driue vntill it bee neere day and then hoise sayles and stirre away Southwest seeking the sayde Port and when you come to the entring within you must stay till 10. of the clocke for the sea-turne And know that hauing the Loguilo at Southwest then shall the Harbour be off you North and South Directions from Monserate to Santa Cruz. HE that departeth from Monserate to Santa Cruz must stirre away Westnortwest and by the same course you shall seaze vpon S. Iuan de Puerto rico Markes to know the Isle of Santa Cruz. SAnta Cruz is an Island not very high all full of homocks and comming with it at full sea it will shew like the Virgines and vpon the East side there are two homocks higher then all the reât And by this course you may goe to the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and hauing found it you may sayle along the South coast East and West vntill you come to Cabo Roxo Markes to know Cape Roxo CApe Roxo is a low Cape and trayling to the sea-ward hauing certaine heapes of broken ground thereon which are like a homocke and at full sea the same sheweth like a litle Island from the land by it selfe but comming neere vnto
it it will make all a whole land Directions from Cabo roxo to the Isle of Mona If you will seeke Mona fro Cape roxo you must stirre away West and by North. Markes of the Isle of Mona THe Isle of Mona is a low round and smooth Island lying lowe by the sea and full of treesâ and to goe from thence to the Isle of Saona you must stirre away West and if you fall with it in the night season and come any thing neere the land then stirre away West and by South vntill it be neere day that you may keepe your selfe by the land and if so be that in the Morning you see it not then stirre away Northwest and so shall you finde it and if it be faire weather and you perceiue that the current hath set you to the Southwest then stirre away Northnorthwest and so shall you goe cleare off the land Markes of the Isle of Saona IF you chance to see the Isle of Saona it is an Island smooth with the sea and lyeth north-Northeast and Southwest and you shall see the trees before you see the Island and on the Southwest end of this Island appeareth a great high banke of white sand which is called the head of Saonaâ And if you would come to an anchor you may for all is cleare ground And to go from this Island to Santa Catelina you must stirre away Norhtwest Markes of the Isle of Santa Catelina SAnta Catelina is a litle lowe Island all full of low rockes euen from the water and hath not any trees and it is close by the land and if you doe not run along the coast of Hispaniola you shall not see it and from the Island to goe to Saint Domingo you shall sayle along as the land lyeth West anâ by North and before you come to the point called Causedo you shall see certaine holes in rockes which lye alongst as the rocks doe that cast vp the water which will shew like to the spâuting of Whales And a litle ahead off that you shall see the point of Andresa and ahead thereof the poynt of Causedo This poynt of Causedo lyeth lowe close by the water and passing thereby the coast will make to thee Northwest and Southeast and from thence to S. Domingo are 5. leagues And if the winde chop vp at North vpon you by meanes whereof you should be cast oâf from the coast or Port and that you happen to see the olde Mines called Siââras de las minas viejas beare Northwest off you and The reates which are within the land be open of you then shal you be North and South with the harbâur and if The old Mines beare North off you then shall you be below the harbour Directions from Saint Domingo to Nueua Espanna IF you will sayle from Saint Domingo in Hispaniola to Nueua Espanna stirre away Southsouthwest vntil you come vp as farre as the point of Niçao and from thence stirre away Westsouthwest and so you shall finde the Isle of Beaâa And if you saile from this point of Niçao for Ocoa you must passe along the coast West and by North vntill you come to Puerto Hermoso or The beautifull hauen which is 18. leagues distant from Saint Domingo and if you proceede from Puerto Hermoso for Nueua Espanna you must stirre away Southsouthwest vntill you looke out for Beata and Alto velo Markes of the Isle of Beata BEata is a small Island and not very high you may passe along the outside thereof and there is no danger but that you may see and by and by you shall raise Alto velo and from thence you muât stirre away West and by South to giue a birth from the Islands called Los Frailes or The Friers And when you are as farre ahead as the Frailes then must you stirre away West and by North and so shall you goe right with Bacoa and before you come to it you shall see high craggie cliffes and at the descending of them white paths like great sheetes these high craggie mountaines are called Las sierras de donna Maria. And before you come to the sayde point of Bacoa you shall discouer a little lowe Island euen with the Sea and full of trees which is called Isla Baque Directions from Isla Baque to Cape Tiburon IF you will goe from the Island Baque or from the point of Bacoa for Cape Tiburon or to the isle of Nauaza you must stirre away Westnorthwest and edge in somewhat to the Northwest and you shall passe betweene Nauaza and Cape Tiburon Markes of Cape Tiburon which is the Western cape of Hispaniola CApe Tiburon lyeth sliding downe to the Seaward and maketh a sharpe cliffe like the snout of a Tiburon or sharke-fish and vpon the top thereof it appeareth like white wayes with certaine gullets or draines vpon it which are caused by the passage of the water from the mountaine in the Winter time Markes of the Isle of Nauaza NAuaza is a litle round Island full of low trees or shrubs and it lyeth East and West from Cape Tiburon and from this small Island to go for Sierras de Cobre or The mountaines or mines of Copper vpon the Southeast part of Cuba you must stirre away Northnorthwest Directions from Cape Tibuâon to Cabo de Cruz in Cuba IF you will saile from Cape Tibuâon to Cape de Cruz in Cuba you must stirre away Northwest and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines de Cobre and from thence you may goe along the coast West towardes Cabo de Cruz and before you come at it you shall see The great Tarquiââ and from this Tarquino you shall haue to Cape de Cruz 30. leagues and this great Tarquino is the highest land vpon all that coast and then by and by you shall see the lesser Tarquino from whence to the foresayd Cape you haue 12. leagues and âo shall you goe discouering the coast vntill you come to Cabo de Cruz. Markes of Cabo de Cruz. CApe de Cruz is a low Cape full of shrubs and from thence Westward you shall see no landâ for the distance or bay is great between the sayd Cape and thâ Isles called Los Iardines Directions from Cape de Cruz to Isla de Pinos IF you sayle from Cape de Cruz to seeke the Island of Pinos you must stir away Westnorthwest And note that if in this course you happen to sounde doe not feare for you haue nine fathoms If also going this course you meete with certaine little Islands vpon the larboord side which are called The Caimanes or The crocodiles hauing sight of them ââir away Northwest and so shall you finde the Island of Pinos And if by seeing the sayde Islands called Caimanes you are amazed you shall knowe by the latitude whither they âee The Iardines or no for if you finde your selfe in one and twentie degrees then bee you
which I haue mentioned or not you shall see certaine hils at West Southwest which are called Las sierras de Tarquiaâ and âorthwith also you shall see the oazy place that I speake of which goeth to the mouth of the âiuer where standeth a towne called S. Luis de Tampice and from thence to Panuco you haue 9. leagues by land The markes of Isla de lobos or The Isle of seales ISla de lobos is a small Island nothing so big as the caâde doth shew it and in it is a litle grâuâ or wood of palme trees and all the rest of the Island is without trees and râând about it are âundry Playas or strandes and it is inclosed round about with aâraçifes or shoalds and chiefly toward the maine lande And from thence to Cape Roxo or The red Cape are 3. leagues And if you will come to anker at this Island to water for that there is water in it you may ride on all the South side close by the poynt that stretcheth to the Westward and you may passe by the East side of it and ride in 22. fathom and vntill you come to 15. fathoms all is cleane ground Markes of the riuer of Tuspa IF you fall with the riuer of Tuspa you must beware the sholdes which run 5. or 6. leagues into the sea and vpon this âiuer of Tuspa within the lande there are high hilles which lie north-Northeast and Southwest and haue their ending vpon the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer you shall perceiue a white cliffe which will shew vnto you like the castle of S. Iuan de Vllua Markes of the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul IF you chance to fall with the bay of Cassones and vpon the riuer of S. Peter and S. Paul take heede for the sayd bay is a deepe bay and the hilles of Tuspa haue their ending vpon this bay And in the mouth of this riuer of Sâ Peter and S. Paul are two homockes of white sand the Westermost being bigger thân that on the Northeast And by and by you shall perceiue the water to change white which commeth out of the riuer and sounding you shall finde sande mixed with clay vpon your lead and looke vpon the West side and you shall see the Sierras or mountaines of S. Paul which are two and that on the North side is higher then the other Markes of Almeria IF you should chance to fall or come vpon the plaines of Almeria it is a lande âull oâ many homocks some with tuftes of trees on them and some baâe with white sand and in 60. faâhoms you shall haue clay or oaze and in 30. fathom to the landward sand And from thence to Punta de hidalgo oâ Punta delgada the coast lyeth Northeast and Southwest Soundings of Villa rica IF you fall with Villa rica in 30. fathoms you shall finde clay or oaze and in some places stones and neere the lande you shall haue sand and vpon the port of S. Iuan de Vllua you shall haue in some places clay or oaze and in some places herring bones and in other places mase and and vpon the rocks called Cabeças anegadas you shall haue small blacke sande at 17. fathom two leagues from land And if you see a coast that lieth Northeast and Southwest and another Northwest and Southeast you shall be vpon S. Paul and if you should be vpon Cabeças anegadas you shall finde in 30. fathoms great sand blacke and in 28. fathoms you shall haue the sand white like the shauings of free stone and from S. Paul to the barre of Vera Cruz it is clay or oaze and from thence to S. Iuan de Vllua you haue many deeps which at one sounding bring you clay and at another sand and at another clay and mase together and herring bones and in some 35. or 40. fathom you shal finde rockie ground and in some places sand and in some other places herring bones and we call this Comedera de pescado or The foode of fishes The course from Cabo de Corrientes and Cabo de S. Anton vpon the West end of Cuba towards Nueua Espanna within the Isles called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions IF you saile from Cape de Corrientes towarde Nueua Espanna on the inside of The Alacranes you must stir West and when you thinke you haue sailed 35. or 40. leag you shall sound vpon the pracel and you shall come vpon many bristlings of watersâ which if it were faire weather would seeme a skull oâ fish And before you come out of the bristlings if you sound you shal haue depth as I haue sayd If you goe from Cape de S. Anton by the inside of The Alacranes you must stir away West and by South and you shall finde sounding in the same order as I haue sayd you shall haue white sand and neere the land you shall finde it like the shauings and peckings of free stone and white sand like houre-glasse-sand and sometimes periwinkles or small shelles Also if you sound in deepe water and on the sudden âinde rockes then knowe that you are vpon The Alacranes and then stir away Westsouthwest vntill you finde cleane ground and til you bring your selfe into 18. or 20. fathoms And if you goe deeping your water then stir away West and by these depths you shall go sounding and then taking your heigth by sunne or starre you must beware that you passe not 21. degrees ââ or 21. degrees and ½ at the most and in this heigth and at 18. or 20. fathoms you shall follow your way and if you deepen water edge to the Northwestward and if you alter more your depth edge to the Southwestward vntill you haue gotten so farre ahead as Cape Sisal and discouered the coast of Campeche which coast lyeth North and South and you shall take vp on your lead white sande like houreglasseâ sand and sometime periwinkles or small shelles and by and by you shall goe increasing depth vntil you lose it and so shal you passe between the Triangle and the Sandy Iland The course betweene the Triangle and the Sandy Island to S. Iuan de Vllua VVHen you haue lost your depth stirre away Southwest to fetch the Sierras or hils of S. Martin and to knowe the hils of S. Martin there are 2. hils stretching Northeast and Southwest and the Southwest is greater then that on the Northeast but the Northermost hill is higher and maketh on the top a flat point and very high and without it it hath an Island which is called Roca partida or The clouen rock and if it be cleare on the Southwest side an high lande like a top-saile will appeare and then shall you bee North and South with The Pan or Loafe of Nisapa Note that these Sierras or Hilles of Sant Martin are all blacke and full of trees and make no shewe as Villa rica doth And marke
when the Indians had well eaten and drunke they departed thence and going somewhat farre from them one of the Indians cryed to them and sayde Magallanes Esta he minha Terra that is Magallanes this is my countrey and because the Englishmen followed them it seemed the Indians fledde vpward into the land and beeing somewhat farre off they turned backe againe and with their arrowes slewe two of the English shippers one being an Englishman the other a Netherlander the rest came backe againe and saued themselues in the boate wherewith they presently put off from the shore Here they stayed till the seuenteenth of August vpon the which day they set saile running along by the coast about a league and a halfe from the land for there it is all faire and good ground at twentie and fiue and twentie fathome deepe and were about foure or fiue dayes before they came to the mouth or entrie of the Streight but because the wind was contrary they stayed till the 24 of August before they entred The entrie or mouth of the Streight is about a league broad on both sides being bare and flatte land on the North side they sawe Indians making great fires but on the Southside they saw no people stirring The foure and twentieth day aforesayd they beganne to enter into the Streight with an Eastnortheast wind This Streight may bee about an hundred and tenne leagues long and in bredth a league About the entry of the Streight and halfe way into it it tunneth right foorth without any windings or turnings and from thence about eight or tenne leagues towards the ende it hath some boutes and windings among the which there is one so great a hooke or headland that it seemed to runne into the other land and there it is lesse then a league broad from one land to the other and from thence forward it runneth straight out againe And although you finde some crookings yet they are nothing to speake of The issue of the Streight lieth Westward and about eight or tenne leagues before you come to the ende then the Streight beguineth to bee broader and it is all high land to the ende thereof after you are eight leagues within the Streight for the first eight leagues after you enter is low flat land as I sayd before and in the entrie of the Streight you find the streame to runne from the South sea to the North sea And after they began to saile in with the Eastnortheast wind being entred they passed along without any let or hinderance either of wind or weather and because the high land on both sides lay couered with snow and that all the Streight is faire and cleare they helde their course a harquebuse-shot in length from off the North side hauing nine and tenne fathome depth with good ground as I said before where if neede require a man may anker the hilles on both sides being full of trees some of the hilles and trees reaching downe to the sea side in some places hauing plaine and euen land and there they sawe not any greât riuers but some small riuers that issued out of the riffes and breaches of the land and in the countrey where the great Cape or crooking is on the South side they saw certaine Indian fishermen in their Canoas or skiffs being such as they saw first on the North side but more people they saw not on the South side Being out of the Streight on the other side vpon the sixt of September of the aforesaid yeere they held their course Northwest for the space of three dayes and the third day they had a Northeast wind that by force draue them Westsouthwest which course they held for the space of ten or twelue dayes with few sailes vp and because the wind began to be very great they toâke in all their sailes and lay driuâng till the last of September The 24 day of the same moneth hauing lost the sight of one of their shippes which was about an hundred tunne then againe they hoised saile because the winde came better holding their course Northeast for the space of seuen dayes and at the ende of the sayde seuen dayes they had the sight of certayne Islands which they made towards for to anker by them but the weather would not permit them and being there the wind fell Northwest whereupon they sailed Westsouthwest The next day they lost the sight of another ship of their company for it was very foule weather so that in the ende the Admirals shippe was left alone for the ship of Nuno da Silua was left in the Bay where they wintered before they entred into the Streights and with this foule weather they ranne till they were vnder seuen and fiftie degrees where they entred into a hauen of an Island and ankered about the length of the shot of a great piece from the land at twentie fathome deepe where they stayed three or foure dayes and the wind comming Southward they weyed anker holding their course Northward for the space of two daies and then they espied a small vnhabited Island where being arriued they stroke sailes and hoised out their boate and there they tooke many birds and Seales The next day they set saile againe holding their course Northnortheast and North to another Island lying fiue or sixe leagues from the firme land on the Northside of the Streight where they ankered about a quarter of a league from the land in twelue fathome water This Island is small and lowe land and full of Indians the Island being altogether possessed and inhabited by them where they hoysed out their boate wherein the Admirall and twelue Englishmen entred going to fetch fresh water and to seeke for victuals and being landed vpon the Island the Indians in exchange of other things brought two Spanish sheepe and a little Maiz or rootes whereof they make bread and because it was late they returned againe vnto their ship without doing any other thing for that day The next day the said Captaine with the aforesaid twelue men being harquebusiers rowed to land againe and set two of their company on shore with their vessels to fetch fresh water and by the place where they should fill their water there lay certaine Indians secretly hidden that fell vpon the two Englishmen and tooke them which they in the boat perceiuing went out to helpe them but they were so assailed with stones arrowes that all or the most part of them were hurt the Captaine himselfe being wounded with an arrow on the face and with another arrow in the head whereby they were constrained to tuâne backe againe without once hurting any of the Indians and yet they came so neere the boate that they tooke foure of their oares from them This done they set saile againe running along the coast with a South winde sailing so for the space of sixe dayes passing by the hauen called Sant Iago and put into another hauen and
meane time our General discharged the fly-boat and ran her vpon on the maine where we broke her vp for fire-wood In the meane while there came about 30 of the countrey people downe to the sea side and when they were within 100 pases of our men they set themselues in array very orderly casting their companie into the forme of a ring euery man hauing his bow and arrowes who when they had pight a stalfe on the ground with certeine glasses beads and other trifles returned backe Then the countrey people came and tooke them and afterward approched neerer to our men shewing themselues very pleasantâ insomuch that M. Winter daunced with them They were exceedingly delighted with the sound of the trumpet and vialles They be of a meane stature wel limined and os a duskish tawnie or browne colour Some of them hauing their faces spotted with diuers colours as red white and blacke Their apparel is a certaine âkinne wherein they wrap themselues not reaching so low as to couer their priuy members all the rest of their bodies be naked sauing that they weare certaine roules vpon their heads whose ends haâg ouer their shoulders Euery one beareth his bow being an ell in length and arrowes made of reeds hauing heads framed very strangly cunningly of a flint stone They be much giuen to mirth and iollity and are very sly and ready to steale any thing that comes within their reach for one of them snatched our Generals cap from his head as he stouped being of skarlet with a golden band yet he would suffer no man to hurt any of them They eate rawe flesh for we found seales bones the raw flesh whereof they had gnawen with their teeth like dogs In this bay we watered and victualed with seales for there is such plentie that we slew aboue 200 in the space of one houre vpon a litle island The 3 of Iune we departed from thence and being at sea we were put backe againe to Cape Hope where we discharged our Canter and let her float in the sea Afterward wee ran to the 50 degree of the South pole where wee met with the winde Southerly and so turned backe againe to the Northward And as we ran along the shore we met with our Prize the 19 of Iune which we lost the 13 of May. The day following we found a harbour into the which we entred with all our fleet the same day This port is 49 degrees and an halfe in latitude and I suppose it to be the same which Magellan named Port S. Iulian for we found a gybbet on an hil whereupon they were executed that did conspire against Magellan and certaine bones also of their dead bodies The 22 of this moneth our Generall going to shore vpon the maine with 7 or 8 of his men met with 3 of the Patagons hauing bowes and arrowes who came neere to our meÌ making them signes to depart Whereupon a gentleman being there present and hauing a bowe and arrowes made a shot to the end to shew them the force our bowes with the which shot his string broke whereupon the Patagons presumed to encounter them directing their arrowes first at our M. Gunner who had a caliuer ready bent to shot at them but it would not take fire and as he leuelled his pecce one of them shot him through the brest and out at the backe wherewith he fell downe starke dead Also the gentleman that shot the arrow was so wounded that hee oyed the 2 day after and with the other was buryed in a litle island lying in the said port Our men left the slaine man on shore till night and then fetched him in a boat In the meane time the Patagons had stript him of all his clothes and viewed his body laying his clothes vnder his head and so left him vntouched sauing that they had stucke the English arrow in his left eye These men be of no such stature as the Spaniardes report being but of the height of English men for I haue seene men in England taller then I could see any of them But peraduenture the Spaniard did not thinke that any English men would haue come thither so soone to haue disproued them in this diuers others of their notorious lies wherefore thây presumed more boldly to abuse the world The last of Iune M. Thomas Doughty wâs brought to his answere was accused and conuicted of certaine articles and by M. Drake condemned He was beheaded the 2 of Iuly 1578 whose body was buried in the said iââand neer to them which were sâaine We wintered in this port 2 moneths during which time we had such weather as is commonly in England in the depth of winter or rather colder After we had trimmed vp our ships and made prouision of fewell and fresh water we departed thence with 3 ships the 17 of August about noone And the 20 of the said moneth we seazed Cape Victorie by the which Cape is the way into the South sea called The streights of Magellan the first discouerer thereof Wee found the mouth of the streights to be 52 degrees ½ Southward of Equinoctial In this streight we found the sea to haue no such current as some do imagine following the course of the primum mobile from East to West but to eb and flow as ordinarily as vpoÌ other coasts rising 5 fathoms vpright The flood riseth out of the East ocean and stretcheth it selfe âo far into the streights that it meetech the flood of the South sea neere about the midst of the streights where it bendeth like an elbow tending to the West-north-west into the South Sea whereas the East part from the mouth of the streights to this elbow lyeth South-wâst and by West or South-west âo 53 degrees and â 30 leagues within the streights there be 3 islands To the greatest our general gaue the name of Elizabeth to the 2 Bartholomew because we found it on S. Bartholomews day the 3 he named S. Georges island Here we staied one day victualled our selues with a kinde of foule which is plentifull in that isle and whose flesh is not farre vnlike a fat goose here in England they haue no wings but short pineons which serue their turne in swimming Their colour is somewhat blacke mixt with white spots vnder their belly and about their necke They walke so vpright that a farre off a man would take them to be litle children If a man aproch any thing neere them they run into holes in the ground which be not very deepe whereof the island is full So that to take them we had staues with hookes fast to the ends wherewith some of our men pullâd them out and others being ready with cudgels did knocke them on the head for they bite so cruellie with their crooked bils that none of vs was able to handle thâm aliue The land on both parts is very high but especially toward the South sea monstrous high
went about and stoode off South southwest one watch then the wind shrinked to the Southwest that we could lye but South southwest sixe glasses so that at three a clocke wee cast about and lay Northwest sixe glasses and North northwest a watch being then eight a clocke the next day The 26. day wee lay as nigh as wee coulde betweene the North and the North northeast and saw the same land againe and made it to bee the foreland of Fontenay and the ragges to bee the Seames which bare now East Northeast of vs and wee stoode on till tenne a clocke then being within two leagues of the rockes and lesse wee cast about and stoode off Southwest because wee could not double the vttermost rockes when we were about we draue to the Southwards very faste for the ebbe set vs West southwest and being spring tides it horsed vs a pace to leewards for the space of one houre then with the flood which was come we draue againe to windewards at twelue at noone it was calme till 6. afternoone then wee stoode about larbord tacked South southwest one watch then at midnight wee cast about and stoode ouer North till foure aforenoone The 27. day hauing brought the land East southeast of vs we made it to be Sylly being before deceiued and went hence East by North to double Grimsbie leauing The bishop and his clearks to the Southwestwards which we before tooke to be The Seames At 7. a clocke in the afternoone we sawe the lands end of England which bare East by North off vs and is 7. leagues off from Sylly The 29. day at sixe a clocke beforenoone we had brought the Ramhead North of vs and were within a league of it and went in Northeast next band being thicke and foggie and little winde so that at eleuen a clocke we got in within the yland and there by mistaking of a sounding our ship came aground betweene the yle and the maine and there sate till 4. a clocke in the afternoone that it was halfe flood The 30. day about 9. a clocke with much adoe I furnished away P. Ieffries M. Symberbe and William Towreson with letters after dined at M. Blaccollers and made many salutations with diuers gentlemen The 31. I wrought abord all day and put our ship and things in order Afternoone I hauing pitie of some poore men of Milbrooke which were robbed the night before by a pirate named Purser which rid in Cawson bay I consented to goe out with the Edward in company of a small shippe which they had furnished to bee their Master so about fiue of the clocke in the afternoone came a hundreth men of theirs abord of mee About twelue a clocke wee set saile and by three afore day wee were gotten to the windwards of him then bee set saile and went hence to the Eastwards and outsailed vs because our consort would not come neere him after a small chase which we gaue him to no effect wee returned into our old road and there moared the ship about nine of the clocke in the forenoone and hence went all the Milbrooke men agaiâe ashore from mee And thus I ended a trouble some voyage The voyage set out by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland in the yere 1586. intended for The South sea but performed no farther then the latitude of 44 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial Written by M. Iohn Sarracoll marchant in the same voyage THe 26. day of Iune in the yeere 1586. and in the 28. yeere of the Queenes maiesties raigne wee departed from Grauesend in two ships the Admirall called The red dragon and the other The barke Clifford the one of the burden of 260. tunnes with 130. men and the other of the burden of 130. tunnes with 70. men the Captaine of the Admirall was M. Robert Withrington Of the vice-admirall M. Christopher Lister both being furnished out at the costs and charges of the right honorable the Erle of Cumberland hauing for their masters two brethren the one Iohn Anthonie and the other William Anthonie The 24. of Iuly wee came into the sound of Plimmouth and being there constrained by Westerly winds to stay till the 17. of August wee then departed with another ship also for our Rear-admirall called the Roe whereof M. Hawes was Captaine and a fine pinnesse also called the Dorothie which was sir Walter Raleghs We foure being out in the sea met the 20. of August with 16. sailes of hulkes in the Sleeue who named themselues to bee men of Hamborough laden and come from Lisbone Our Admirall hailed their Admirall with courteous wordes willing him to strike his sailes and to come abord to him onely to know some newes of the countrey but hee refused to do so onely stroke his flag tooke it in The vice-admirâl of the hulkes being a head would neither strike flagge nor saile but passed on without budging whereupon our Admirall lenâ him a piece of Ordinance which they repayed double so that we grew to some little quarel whereupon one of the sternemost hulkes being as I suppose more afraide then hurt stroke amaine our Admirall being neere him laid him abord and entred with certaine of his men how many I know not for that we were giuing chase to the Windermost men thinking our Admirall would haue come vp againe to vs to haue made them all to haue stroke but the weather growing to be very thicke and foggie with small raine he came not vp but kept with another of the hulkes which Captaine Hawes had borded and kept all night and tooke out of her some prouision that that they best liked They learned of the men that were in the hulke that there were 7. hulkes laden in Lisbone with Spaniards goods and because their lading was very rich they were determined to go about Ireland and so they let her goe againe like a goose with a broken wing The next day after being the 21. day wee espied 5. sailes more which lay along to the Eastwards but by reason of the night which then was neere aâ hand wee could hardly come to them Yet at last we hailed one of the biggest of them they tolde vs that they were al of Hamborough but another saide shee was of Denmarke so that indeede they knew neither what to say nor what to do Our Admirall being more desirous to folow his course then to linger by chasing the hulks called vs from pursuing them with his trumpet and a piece of Ordinance or els wee would haue seene what they had bene and wherewith they had bene laden The 22. day because of contrary winde wee put into Dartmouth all 4. of vs and caried there seuen dayes The 29. we departed thence and put out to Sea and began our voyage thinking at the first to haue runne along the coast of Spaine to see if wee could haue mette with sâme good prize to haue sent home to my Lord but our Captaine thought
of people it contayneth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a fort built hard by it and here are 500 souldiers continually in garrison Betweene this place and Valparizo the Indians call the coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing 25 leagues vp into the countrey is the principall towne of all Chili and the seate of the gouernour it consisteth of about 800 houses The port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next towne neere the sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the land and containeth about 200 houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a gentleman which is gouernour of the towne hath an Ingeuio for sugar at this place endeth the whole prouince of Chili Here also the mountaines ioyning hard vpon the sea are the cause why all the land betweene Copiapo and Peru containing 160 leagues lyeth desolate The first towne on the coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any farther I will here also declare vnto you the first discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the sea-coast againe and to the ende you may vnderstand mee the better I will begin with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this maine land passing ouer the mountaines they discouered the South sea where because they found Indian people with gold and pearles they built a towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the sea-side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by sea to the coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly winds blowing on this coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to shippes sayling that way and by land the passage was impossible in regard of mountaines and riuers yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Island of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Piçarro borne in the citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a company vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the coast of Peru and hauing obtained licence of the gouernour of that place Francisco Piçarro set foorth with two foresayd Carauels and 100 men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Piçarro sayling along the coast met with much contrary winds and raine which put him to great trouble and he began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sailing of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery riuer and bay that hee saw along the coast which was the chiefe cause that hee stayed so long on his voyage also thirtie of his company dyed by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last hee came to an Island called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supply of victuals of men which ship being departed 40 of his men that remained behind made a mutiây and passed vp into the countrey meaning to returne by land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Piçarro was left vpon the said Island onely with thirteene men who although he had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would he rather die then goe backe and his 13 men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine land in the night season Thus he continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with 40 men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecured his voyage till he came to the first plaine countrey of Peru called Tumbez where he found a fort made by the king of Peru against the Indians of the mountaines Wherefore Piçarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a people of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in gold and siluer and well apparelled At this port of Tumbez hee tooke 30000 pezos of gold in trucke of marchandize and hauing too few men to proceede any further hee carried two Indians with him to learne the language and returned backe for Panama Upon this discouery Francisco Piçarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to âraue of the king the conquest of this land Whither being come the king granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a fleete of ships and brought also along with him foure of his brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his voyage for Peru being accompanied with his partner Diego de Almagro They sailed first to the Island called Isla del Gallo where Francisco Piçarro and his brethren went on land and left Diego de Almagro in the ships And the whole number which afterward landed on the maine land were 60 horsemen and 120 footemen with two great field-peeces But before we proceede any farther we thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru and the naturall disposition of the inhabitants This countrey was called Peru by the Spaniards of a riuer so named by the Indians where they first came to the sight of gold From which riuer standing vnder the line till you come to Copiapo the first towne on the coast of Chili stretcheth the land of Peru for the space of eight hundred leagues vpon sixe hundred whereof from Aâacama to Tumbez did neuer drop of raine fall since the flood of Noah and yet is it the fruitfullest land for all kind of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life that is to be found in all the world besides The reason why it raineth not in this land is because it beeing a plaine countrey and very narrow and low situate betweene the Equinoctiall and the tropique of Capricorne there runneth on the West frontier not aboue twentie leagues from the sea called Mar del Sur Eastward thereof a mighty ridge of high mountaines couered with snow the height of which mountaines so draweth
fathoms vntill wee came vp to the roade which is about a league from the poynt borrowing alwayes on the South side vntill you come vp to the watering place in which Baye is the best roade but you must ride farre into the Baye because there run marueilous great tydes in the offââ and it floweth into the road next of any thing at a Southeast and by East moone It is out of England to this place 930. leagues which wee ranne from the 21. of Iuly to the 26. of this moneth of August On Saturday being the 27. day there came 2. Negros aboord our Admiral from the shore and made signes vnto our Generall that there was a Portugal ship vp within the harborough so the Hugh Gallant beeing the Rere-admirall went vp 3 or 4. leagues but for want of a Pilot they sought no farther for the harborough runneth 3. or 4. leagues vp more and is of a marueilous bredth and very dangerous as we learned afterward by a Portugal On Sunday the 28. the Generall sent some of his company on shore and there as they played and daunced all the forenoone among the Negros to the end to haue heard some good newes of the Portugal ship toward their comming aboord they espied a Portugal which lay hid among the bushes whom we tooke and brought away with vs the same night and he tolde vs it was very dangerous going vp with our boates for to seeke the ship that was at the towne Whereupon wee went not to seeke her because we knew he told vs the trueth for we bound him and made him fast and so examined him Also he told vs that his ship was there cast away and that there were two more of his company among the Negros the Portugals name was Emmanuel and was by his occupation a Calker belonging to the Port of Portugal On Munday morning being the 29. day our Generall landed with 70. men or thereabout and went vp to their towne where we burnt 2. or 3. houses and tooke what spoyle wee would which was but litle but al the people fled and in our retiring aboord in a very litle plaine at their townes ende they shot their arrowes at vs out of the woods and hurt 3. or 4. of our men their arrowes were poysoned but yet none of our men miscaryed at that time thanked be God Their towne is marueilous artificially builded with mudde walles and built round with their yards pales in and kept very cleane aswell in their streetes as in their houses These Negros vse good obedience to their king as one of our men sayd which was with them in pawne for the Negros which came first There were in their towne by estimation about one hundred houses The first of September there went many of our men on shore at the watering place and did wash shirts very quietly all the day and the second day they went againe and the Negros were in ambush round about the place and the carpenter of the Admiral going into the wood to doe some speciall businesse espied them by good fortune But the Negros rushed out vpon our men so suddenly that in retiring to our boates many of them were hurt among whom one William Pickman a souldier was shot into the thigh who plucking the arrow out broke it and left the head behinde and he told the Chirurgions that he plucked out all the arrow because he would not haue them lance his thigh whereupon the poyson wrought so that night that hee was marueilously swollen and all his belly and priuie parts were as blacke as ynke and the next morning he died the peece of the arrow with the poyson being plucked out of his thigh The third day of the sayd moneth diuers of our fleete went vp 4. myles within the harbour with our boate and caught great store of fish and went on shore and tooke Limmons from the trees and comming aboord againe saw two Buffes The 6. day we departed from Sierra leona and went out of the harborough and stayed one tide 3. leagues from the point of the mouth of the Harborough in 6. fathoms and it floweth South Southwest On wednesday being the 7. of the same moneth wee departed from one of the Isles of Cape Verde alià s the Isles of Madrabumba which is 10. leagues distant from the poynt of Sierra leona and about fiue of the clocke the same night we anchored 2. miles off the Iland in 6. fathoms water and landed the same night and found Plantans only vpon the Ilande The 8. day one of our boats went out sounded round about the Iland they passed through a sound at the west end of the Iland where they found 5. fathoms round about the Iland vntil they came vnto the very gutte of the sound and then for a cast or two they had but 2. fathoms and presently after 6. fathoms and so deeper and deeper And at the East ende of the Iland there was a towne where Negros doe vse at sometimesâ as we perceiued by their prouision There is no fresh water on all the South side as we could perceiue but on the North side three or foure very good places of fresh water and all the whole Iland is a wood saue certaine litle places where their houses stand which are inuironed round about with Plantan-trees whereof the fruit is excellent meat This place is subiect marueilous much to thunder raine and lightning in this moneth I thinke the reason is because the sunne is so neere the line Equinoctiall On saturday the tenth wee departed from the sayde Iland about 3. of the clocke in the afternoone the winde being at the Southwest The last of October running West Southwest about 24. leagues from Cape Frio in Brasile we fell with a great mountaine which had an high round knoppe on the top of it standing from it like a towne with two litle Ilands from it The first of Nouember wee went in betweene the Iland of Saint Sebastian and the mayne land and had our things on shore and set vp Forge and had our caske on shore our coopers made hoopes and so we remayned there vntill the 23. day of the same moneth in which time we fitted our things built our Pinnesse and filled our fresh water And while our Pinnesse was in building there came a Canoa from the riuer of Ienero meaning to goe to S. Vincent wherein were sixe naked slaues of the Countrey people which did rowe the Canoa and one Portugal And the Portugal knewe Christopher Hare Master of the Admirall for that Master Hare had bene at Saint Vincent in the Minion of London in the yeere 1581. And thinking to haue Iohn Whithal the Englishman which dwelleth at Saint Vincent come vnto vs which is twentie leagues from this Harborough with some other thereby to haue had some fresh victuals we suffered the Portugal to goe with a letter vnto him who promised to
The ninth day wee departed from Pengwin Ilande and ranne South Southwest to King Philips citie which the Spaniards had built which Towne or citie had foure Fortes and euery Fort had in it one cast peeâe which pâââes were buryed in the ground the cariages were standing in their places vnburied wee digged for them and had thâm all They had contriâed their Citie veây well and seated it in the best place of the Stâeights for wood and water they hâd builded vp their Churches by themselues they had Lawes very seuere among themselues for they had ârecâed a Gibeâ whereon they had done execution vpon some of their company It seemed vnto vs that thâir whole liuing for a greaâ space was altogethâr vpon muskles and lympits for there was not any thing else to bee had except some Deere which came out of the mâuntaines downe to the fresh riuers to drinke These Spaniards which were there were only come to forââfie the Streights to the ende that no other nation should haue passage through into the Sâuâh sea sauing onely their owne but as it appeared it was not Gods will so to haue it For during the time that they were there which was two yeeres at the least they could neuer haue any thing to growe or in any wise prosper And on the other side the Indians oftentimes preyed vpon them vntill their victuals grewe so short their store being spent which they had brought with them out of Spaine and hauing no meanes to renew the same that they dyed like dogges in their houses and in their clothes wherein we found them still at our comming vntill that in the ende the towne being wonderfully taynted with the smell and the sauour of the dead people the rest which remayned aliue were driuen to burie such things as they had therein their towne either for prouision or for furniture and so to forsake the towne and to goe along the sea-side and seeke their victuals to preserue them from steruing taking nothing with them but euery man his harquebuze and his furniture that was able to cary it for some were not able to cary them for weakenesse and so liued for the space of a yeere and morâ with rootes leaues and sometimes a foule which they might kill with their peece To conclude they were determined to haue trauailed towards the riââr of Plate only bâing left aliue 23. persons wââreof two were wâmen which were the râmâinder of 4. hundred In this place we watered and woodded wâll and quietly Our Generall named this towne Port famine it standeth in 53. degrees by obseruation to the Southward The 14. day we departed from this place and ran South southwest and from thence southwest vnto cape Froward 5. leagues West Southwest which Cape is the Southermost part of all the streights and standeth in the latitude of 54. degrees Frâm which cape we ran Wâst and by north 5. leagues and put into a bay or Coue on the south side which we called Muskle-Coâe because there were great store of them we ridde therein 6. dayes the wind being still Westerly The 21. day of Ianuarie we departed from Muskle-âoue and went Northwest and by West 10. leagues to a very faire sandie Baye on the North side which our Generall called Elizabeth Baye and as wee ridde there that night one of our men dyed which went in the Hugh Gallant whose name was Grey a Carpenter by his occupation and was buryed there in that Baye The 22. wâe departed from Elizabeth Bay in the afternoone and went about 2. leagues from that place where there was a fresh water riuer where our Generall went vp with the ship-boate about three myles which riuer hath very good and pleasant ground about it and it is lowe and champion soyle and so we saw none other ground els in all the Streights but that was craggie rocks and monstrous high hilles and mountaines In this riuer are great store of Sauages which wee sawe and had conference with them They were men-âaterâ and fedde altogâther vpon rawe flesh and other filthie foode which people had preyed vpon some of the Spaniardes before spoken of For they had gotten kniues and peeces of Rapiers to make darces of They vsed all the meanes they could possibly to haue allured vs vp farther into the riuer of purpose to haue betrayed vs which being espyed by our Generall hee caused vs to shoote at them with our harquebuzes whereby we killed many of them So wee sayled from this riuer to the Chaneâl of Saint âerome which is 2. leagues off From the riuer of Saint Ierome about three or foure leagues wee ranne West vnto a Cape which is on the North side and from that Cape vnto the mouth of the Streights the course lyeth Northwest and by West and Northwest Betweene which place and the mouth of the Streights to the Southward we lay in Harborough vntill the three and twentieth of Februarie by reason of contrary windes and most vile and filthie fowle weather with such rayne and vehement stormie windes which came downe from the mountaines and high hilles that they hazarded the best cables and anchors that we had for to holde which if they had fayled wee had bene in great danger to haue bene cast away or at the least famished For during this tâme which was a full moneth we fedde almost altogether vpon muskles and limpits and birds or such as we could get on shore seeking euery day for them as the fowles of the ayre doe where they can finde foode in continuall raynie weather There is at euery myle or two myles ende an Harborough on both sides of the land And there we betweene the riuer of Saint Ierome and the mouth of the Streights going into the South sea about 34. leagues by estimation So that the length of thâ whole Sreights is about 90. leagues And the said mouâh of the Streights standeth in the same hââght that the entrance standeth in when we passe out of the North sea which is about 52. degrees and â
to the Southward of the line The 24. day of February wee entred into the South sea and on the South side of the going out of the Streights is a faire high Cape with a lowe poynt adioyning vnto it and on the North side are 4. or 5. Ilands which lye 6. leagues off the mayne and much broken and sunken ground about them by noone the same day wee had brought these Ilands East of vs 5. leagues off the winde being Southerly The first of March a storme tooke vs at North which night the ships lost the company of the Hugh Gallant beeing in 49. ½ and 45. leagues from the land This storme continued 3. or 4. dayes and for that time we in the Hugh Gallant being separated from the other 2. ships looked euery houre to sinke our barke was so leake and our selues so diluered and weakened with freeing it of water that
Item the yland of S. Mary in 37. degr 15. min. Item the bay of Valpares in 33. degr 40. min. Item the bay of Quintero in 33. degr 20. min. Item Coquimbo in 29. degr 30. min. Item Morro moreno in 23. degr 20. min. Item Arica standeth in 18. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Pisca standeth in 13. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Lima standeth in 11. degr 50. min. Item Santos standeth in 9. degr 20. min. Item the bay of Cherrepe in 6. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Paita in 5. degr 4. min. Item the yland of Puna in 2. degr 50. min. Item Cape Sant Francisco to the North of the Equinoctiall in 1. degr A note of the height of certaine places to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall line on the coast of New Spaine INprimis Panama standeth in the latitude of 9. degrees Item the yland called Isla de Canoas in 9. degr 10. min. Item Cape Blanco in 10. degr 10. min. Item Rio Lexo in 12. degr 40. min. Item Aguatulco in 15. degr 50. min. Item Acapulco in 17. degr 20. min. Item Sant Iago in 18. degr 50. min. Item Cape de los Corrientes in 20. degr 30. min. Item the bay of Xalisco in 21. degr 30. min. Item the ylands of the Maries in 21. degr 20. min. Item the yland of Saint Andrew in 22. degr Item the ylands of Ciametlan in 23. degr 40. min. Item that the Cape of Santa Clara on the point of California is in 23. degrees A note of the heights of certaine places beginning from the ylands of the Ladrones and passing by the Philippinas the Malucos Iaua minor Iaua maior the Cape of Bona Sperança and the yle of Santa Helena INprim one of the ylands of the Landrones called Guana standeth in 13. degr 50. min. Item Cape De Spirito Santo on the yle of Luçon standeth in 13. degr Item the yland of Capul in 12. degr 30. min. Item that the yland of Seboyon standeth in 12. degr Item that the Easterly end of the yland of Pannay is in 11. degr Item that the opening betweene the South head of Pannay and the South head of Isla de los Negros is in 10. degr 10. min. Item that the South-head of Isla de los Negros is in 9. degr 10. min. Item that the North-head of the yland Mindanao is in 7. degr 50. min. Item the South-head of Mindanao called Cape Cannel is in 6. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of Batochina is in 10. min. Item that 12. small ylands stand in 3. degr Item the latitude of two other ylands is in 4. degr 10. min. Item the Westerly head of Iaua minor is toward the South in 8. degr 30. min. Item the Easterly head of Iaua maior is toward the South in 8. degr 20. min. Item Malaca standeth to the Northward in 2. degr Item Cape Falso on the promontory of Africa standeth in 34. degr 20. min. Item the Cape of Bona a Sperança standeth in 34. degr 40. min. Item the yland of Santa Helena standeth in 15. degr 40. min. Item the Cape of S. Augustine standeth Southward in 8. degr 40. min. Soundings on the coast of Barbarie from Rio del Oro vnto Cape Blanco INprimis about 3. leagues off Rio del Oro you shall haue very faire shoulding fine white sand 18. fathoms and so alongst vnto Cape Blanco two or three leagues off the shore you shall haue 18. and 20. fathoms And when you come within one league of the Cape you shall haue twelue or thirteene fathoms browne sand very faire shoulding And if you will hall in with Cape Blanco beware you come not within seuen or eight fathoms of the Cape for there lyeth a sand off the Cape Also about 7. or eight leagues off the Cape lyeth a long should next hand Southwest and by South off the Cape Soundings on the coast of Guiny ITem Going vnto Sierra Leona hauing the cape Eastnortheast off you 7 leagues off you shall haue 22 fadome browne sand And halling in you shall finde very faire shoalding You may be bold to borrow on the Southermost shore but take heed of a rocke that lieth in the faire way a good birth off the shore but there is no feare of it for it lieth aboue the water and is distant two miles off the South shore Item You may be bolde to borrow hard by rocke for on the North side going in there lieth one long sand which runneth Southeast and Northwest and lieth distant from the South shore 2 leagues And you shall anker in 14 or 15 fadoms hard by the shore Also going vnto the island called Illha Verde the which iland lieth 10 leagues to the Southward of Sierra Leona the course is Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and you shall haue betweene them 9 or 10 fadome And if you will anker at the sayd iland you shall haue 5 or 6 fadome hard by the shore Also you must haue especiall care of a great current that setteth alongst the coast of Guiny to the Eastward Item And if you be bound vnto the Southwards you must go Westsouthwest off for feare oâ the shoald that is called Madera Bomba the which shoald is to the Southwards of the iland Soundings on the coast of Brasil ITtem Unto the Northwards of Cape Frio the cape bearing southwest off you about 17 or 1â leagues off you shall haue 45 fadoms streamy ground and running Southwest you shall find 32 fadoms blacke sand and then running Westsouthwest into a deepe bay which lieth tenne leagues to the Northwards of the cape you shall haue 22 fadoms oaze that depth you shall hauâ all alongst except you be farre into the bay and then you shall haue 16 fadoms all oazie Item To the Northwards of Cape Frio about 6 or 7 leagues you shall haue many small islands Item To the Northwards of the cape 6 leagues you shall haue two small islands one mile distant the one from the other and they are distant from the maine fiue leagues And betweene those ilands and the cape you shall haue very many islands hard aboord the maine Item The cape bearing West of you two leagues off you shall haue 55 fadoms oaze Also you shall know when you are shot about the cape vnto the Southwards by deeping of the water Also if you will go for S. Sebastian from the cape you must go West and South and Westâsouthwest among And the distance from the cape vnto S. Sebastian is 50 leagues And being shot into the bay any thing nere the shore you shall haue 24 fadoms all oazie And halling in for S. Sebastian you shall know it by two little islands which be round anâ those ilands lie from the iland of S. Sebastian next hand East and by South and are distant the one from the other about foure leagues Also off the Southermost end of S. Sebastian there lieth one iland about 6 leagues off which iland is
Cape S. Francisco the course is North by East South and by West and the distance is 40 leagues Item Frâm Cape S. Francisco vnto the cape that is called Cape Blanco which cape is on the coast of New Spaine the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 160 leagues and you shall haue a great current that setteth out of the bay of Panama and the sayd current setteth South out Item From Cape Blanco vnto the Port de Veles the course is Northeast and Southwest and the distance 8 leagues Item From the Port de Veles vnto the port of S. Iohn the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 17 leagues Item From the port of S. Iohn vnto Rio Lexo the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance is 40 leagues Item From Râo Lexo vnto the gulfe of Fonsecco the course is Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast and they are distant 14 leagues Item In the mouth of Rio Lexo there lieth one iland and you must goe in on the Northwest part of that iland on the which iland you may be bolde for to borrow on and you must goe from that iland Southeast vp Item That in the gulfe of Fonsecco you shall haue lying ten ilands whereof three be peopled with Indians whereon you may haue water wood and salt Item On the West side of the gulfe of Fonsecco there is one towne of Indians which is called Mapal in which towne there is great store of beeues Item From the râuer Lexo vnto the bay of Sonsonate the course is East and West and the distance is 60 leagues Item From the bay of Sonsonate vnto the port of Aguaââlco the course is Northwest and by West Southeast aâd by East and the distance 160 leagues Item From the bay of Coppeleto vnto the port of Aguaâulco it is 2 leagues the course is West and by North East and by South Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Angeles the course is East and West and they âre distant 12 leagues Item From the port of Aguatulco vnto the port of Acapulco the course is West by North East and by South and the dâstance is 78 leagues Item From the port of Acapulco vnto the port of S. Iago the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 80 leagues Item From the port of S. Iago vnto the port of Natiuidad the course is East and West and the distance is 7 leagues Item From the port of Natiuidad vnto port of the ilands of Chiametla the course is East and West and the distance is 10 leagues Item From the ilands of Chiametla vnto Cape de los Corrientes the course is Northwest and by West Southeast and by East and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the Cape de los Corrientes vnto the bay of Xalisco the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 18 lâagues Item From the bay of Xalisco vnto the port of Chiametlan the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and the distance is 30 lâagues Item From the Caâe de los Corrientes vnto tâe ilands called Las ââes Marias the course is Northwest and Southeaââând tâe distance is 20 leagues Item From the Câpe de los Cârrientes vnto the cape of Santa Clara on the point of California the course is Weâtâorthwest and Eastsoutheast and the distance is 108 leagues A note from the coast of America vnto the Westwards ITem From the cape of Santa Clâra vnto the ilands of The Ladrones the course is West and by South East and by Nââth and the distance betweene thâm is 1850 leagues Item That the âouââeâmost iland of the Ladrones standeth in the latitude of 12 degrees and 10 minuts and from theâce vnto the Northârmost iland the course is Nârthnortheast Sâuthsouthwest and the distaâce betweene them is 200 leagues and the said Norâhermost iland standeth in 21 degrees 10 minuts Item From one of the ilands of the Ladrones which standeth in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minuts which iland is called Guâihaâme vnto the Cape de Spirito santo which cape is vpon one of the ilands of the Philippinas the course is West and to the Southwards and the distance is 320 leagues Item From the cape of Spirito santo vnto the mouth of the entrance of the Streights of the Philippinas the course is West and by North East and by South and the distance is 15 leagues Item From the mouth of the Streights vnto the iland of Capul the course is Southwest and by West 6 leagues Item From the iland of Capul vnto the North head of the iland called Masbat the course is Northwest and Southeast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues Item From the North head of the iland called Masbat vnto the iland called Seboion the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the distance betweene them is 15 leagues A note of our course kept from the iland Seboion vnto the Southwards ITem From the iland of Seboion vnto the East end of the iland called Pannay the course is Southeast and by South Northwest and by West and the distance is 22 leagues Item That off the Easter end of the iland of Pannay there lie certâine small ilands vnto the number of 12 or more and you shall haue shoald water among them Item From the Easter end of Pannay vnto a bay that iâ called The bay of Lago grande on the same iland the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast and the diââance is 18 leagues Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto the iland that is called Ysla de los Negros is the distance of 6 leagues Southeast and Northwest Item From the bay of Lago grande vnto three small ilands that stand in the latitude of 10 degrees the course is South and by West 12 leagues Furthermore from those three ilands vnto the Westermost end of Ysla de los Negros the course is Southwest and Northeast 10 leagues where we were cleere of the ilands of the Philippinas Item From the South end of Ysla de los Negros vnto the North head of the iland called Mindanao the course is South and North and the distance is 30 leagues Item From the North end of Mindanao vnto the South head of the sayd iland which is called Cape Cannal the course is South and by West North and by East and the distance is 26 leagues Item From the cape of Cannal betweene the South and the Westsouthwest about 10 or 12 leagues off you shall haue great store of small ilands about the number of 24 or more Item From the cape of Cannal vnto the cape of Batochina the course is Souâhsouthwest and Northnortheast and the distance is 100 leagues and betweene them setteth a great current vnto the Eastward Item
From the cape of Batochina vnto the West head of Iaua minor the course is Southwest aâd by South Northeast and by North and the distance betweene them is 220 leagues Item From the West end of Iaua minor vnto the East end of Iaua maior the course is West and by North and East by South and the distance betweene them is 18 leagues in the which course there lieth one iland betweene them which iland is in length 14 leagues Item From the East end of Iaua maior vnto the cape of Buena Esperança the course is West and by South and Westsouthwest and the distance betweene them is 1800 leagues Item That Cape Falso standeth 30 leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Buena Esperança off the sayd Cape Falso you shal haue shoalding 20 leagues off in 80 or 90 fadoms the course is from Caâe Falso vnto the cape of Buena Esperança Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast A note of the distance and course from the cape of Buena Esperanza vnto the Northwards ITem From the cape of Buena Esperança vnto the iland of Santa Helena the course is Northwest and Northwest aâd by West and the distance betweene thâm is 600 leagues Item From the iland of Santa Helena vnto the iland of Flores the course betweene them is Northnorthwest and Northwest and by North and the distaâce betweene them is 1200 leagues Item From the iland of Flores vnto the lands end of England the course is betweene the Eastnortheast and the Northeast and by East and the distance betweene them is foure hundred and fifty leagues A note of the variation of our Compasse IN primis The variation of our compasse on the coast of New Spaine iâ the South sea in tâe latitude of 12 degrees was one point to the Eastwards Item the variation of our compasse betweene âhe cape of California and the ilands of the Philippinas was one point and an halfe vnto the Eastward that was that the North did stand North and by East and halfe a point vnto the East Item The variation of our compasse betweene the ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança was two points and an halfe at the most to the Westward that was that the Northnortheast was our North. A note of our time spent in sailing betweene certeine places out of England 1586. IN primis We were sailing betweene England and the coast of Guinea from the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 26 day of August vnto the hauen called Sierra leona where we watered and stayed vntill the 6 day of September Item Wee departed from the coast of Guinea for the coast of Brasil the 10 day of September and wee had sight of the coast of Brasil the 26 day of October being sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Frio and from thence wee were sailing vnto the iland of S. Sebastian vntill the 31 and last day of October where we watered and set vp our pinnesse and we ankered on the Northwest part of the iland in tenne fadoms and stayed there vntill the 23 day of Nouember Item The 23 day of Nouember we departed from the iland of Sant Sebastian keeping our course South and by West vnto the port that is called Port Desire where we arriued the 17 day of December in which port we graued our shippe and we stayed there vntill the 28 day of December where we ankered in 5 fadoms Item The eight and twentieth day of December wee departed from the Port of Desire toward the Streight of Magellan where wee arriued the third day of Ianuary and wee remained in the Streights vntill the foure and twentieth day of February where we watered in many places on the South side hauing the winde all that while betweene the Westsouthwest and the Northwest Item We departed out of the Streights the 24 day of February toward the iland of Mocha which island we had sight of the 14 day of March. Item The 14 day of March at night we ankered in the bay of Marroccos where we rode in 9 fadoms water Item The 15 day of March we ankered in the iland of Saint Marie on the North part of the island in eight fadoms water blacke sand wheâe we stayed foure dayes Item The 19 day of March we departed frââ the island of Saint Marie and the same day we ankered in the bay of Conception where we stayed vntill the next day and there we rode in ten fadoms water shiâgie stones Item The 20 day of March we departed from the bay of Conception and the thirtieth day of March we arriued in the bay of Quintero where wâ watered and there the first day of April we had twelue of our men slaine being on land for water and we stayed there sixe dayes and we ankered in 7 fadoms water white sand Item We departed from the bay of Quintero the 5 day of April and we arriued at the bay of Arica the 24 day of April and we ankered in 7 fadoms water Item The 27 day of April we departed from the bay of Arica and the third day of May we arriued in the bay of Pisca and we ankered in 4 fadoms water in oaze Item The 5 day of May we departed from the bay of Pisca and the 12 day we ankered in the bay of Cherrepe where we ankered in 7 fadoms water in white sand Item The 18 day of May we departed from the bay of Cherrepe and the 20 day of May we arriued in the bay of Payta where we ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 20 day of May we departed from the bay of Paita and the 26 day of May we ankered at the iland of Puna and we ankered in 5 fadoms Item From the iland of Puna we departed the fourth day of Iune vnto Rio dolce in the main where we watâred and we ankered in 10 fadoms water browne sand Item The 12 day of Iune we departed from the place where we watered being bound for the coast of New Spaine and the 29 day of Iuly wee arriued in the port of Aguatulco where wee watered and ankered in 6 fadoms water Item The 3 day of August we departed from the port of Aguatulco and the 26 day of August we arriued at the port of S. Iago where wee watered and stayed there vntill the second day of September and ankered in 6 fadoms Item The 2 of Septâmber we departed from the port of S. Iago and the 3 day of September we put into a port one league vnto the Westwards of Natiuidad where we ankered in 8 fadoms water Item The 4 day of September wee departed from the port of Natiuidad and the 7 day of September we put into the bay of Xalisco where we ankered in 9 fadoms water and the 10 day of September we departed from the bay of Xalisco and the 12 day of September we ankered
The description of the isle of Bermuda The sauing of the carpenters tooles was their preseruation A bark straÌgely built furnished Hogs in Bermuda Good harbors in y e East part of Bermuda An excellent fishing for pearles in Bermuda The people nere Cape Briton vse traffike of rich furres This M. Beniamin Wood was in the end of the yeere 1596. sent forth with two ships anâ certaine pinnesses vpon a voyage for the South seas and for China at the charges of this honourable gentleman Sir Robert Dudley A description of Cape Blanco in Africa The isle of Trinidad dâscrâedâ Punta de Curiapan Paracoa of Parico They inskonce themselues A treasonable practize of the Spaniards They march from one side of the yland to the other Captaine Harper intelligence of Guiana His two Carauels sent to range the Indiâs Seawano called perhaps in sir Walter Raleghs discouery Ciawani Sir Walter Ralegh speaketh of Saima and Wikeri in his discouery This Indians name was Balthasar who afterward gaue our men the flip as their greatest need A riuer âaâled Cabota The riuer of Amana and the kingdome of Tiuitiuas are both mentioned by sir Walter Ralegh A people sprinkled with poulder of gold Captaine Popham arriual They depart from the yle of Trinidad A prize taken North of the yle of Granata The yles of Santa Cruz and Infierno Cape Roxo Then disemboque by the yle of Zacheo The sholds called Abreojosâ that is Open thine ââes or Looke out Bermuda Flores and Cueruo A fight of ãâã dayes with a Spanish Armada of 600. tunnes They arriue at S. Iues in Cornwall in May 1595. * It is befoââ in this voyage called Caluorie The name of the âuâr Oreâoque ãâã sceme to be deriâed ârom this word The ylâ of Puerto Santo taâen and the chiefe towne in it burnt They water vpon the grand Caââriâ Domâââââ An exceâlenâ holesome doââath âound iâ Dominica The yles caâled Testigos Certaine Spâniards and Negros taken in the yle of Coche wher they ââsh for âearls Two ââieâoatâ of Mâddlebuâgâ fortwarne the Spâniards of our comming The towne ãâã Cumana ransomed Three Carauels taâââ A fort nere thâ Caracos taken Al ouâ actions betrayed by dangerous spies out of England The Citie of S. Iago de Leon taken the 29. of May. Certain villâges about Sanâ Iago fireââ The citie of â Iago burned A fort and cârtain Iâdiâns âaâââ by the waters side burnt Three Spanish shipââurnâ A baricado âoon The towne of Caâos taken âurnt The bay of Laguna Hispaâioâa Iamaica The death of captaine Iones Cape de Corâiântes The Bankâ of Newfoundland Domiâiââ The death of sâr Iohn Hawkins The fight at S. Iuan de Puerto rico Monâ The Islâ oâ Curazâo Aruba Moâjââ Câpe de la Vela Rio de la Haâhâ taken A shold of sand A fresh riuer La Rancheâia taken Tâpââ taken ââllââca burnt Cape âe Aguja Santa Martha taken Nombre de Dios taken An Indian towne fired The ãâã Escudo The death of sir Francis Drake Puerto Bello The Grand Câymanâ The I le of Pinos The fight betweene the English and the Spanish fleetes One of the Spanish greaâ ships burnâ Cape Sanâ Antonio The Crownââ The cape oâ Florida The Generals first newes his best newes is in part lying newes Don Bernaldino doth lie impudently The successe of the kings fiuâ Frigateâ The certaine cause whereof sir Francis Drake died A paââe of Spanish liers The Spanish Uiceadmirall a man of valour The number of Spanish ships after the fight * The translation of the Spanish word Lanchas is here mistaken This lie was made in the Generalâ own forge The torn ãâã of the Spanish ships doe condemne Don Bernaldino of lying The order of the English Nauie The Spaniarâ cannot bragge of his gaine Spanish brage are of no value with the English Don Bernaldino his rare gift in coyning a new and strange name The schoolemeÌ of modesty doe vse this kind of reprehension when they doe thinke the author to erre The difference twixt Quebraran and Baskeruill The Generall maketh great bragâ in taking a distressed ship which is supposed not to strike one blow The 15 noble Captaines coÌtrary to the Generals lâing occupation wil proue out three The first discouery of the Generals printed letter The first discouery of the Spanish fleete The incounter betwixt the English and the Spanish ships The Spanish Uiceadmirall can witnesse what successe they had in this fight The English Admirall carried his Cresset light notwithstanding the enemie was vpon his broad side The remainder of the Spanish fleete were but thirteene sayles The Fort of Masagant A Flieboat taken The Isle of Mayo A most contagious filthy place The towne oâ Praya vpon the Isle of S. Iago taken A description of the town of S. Iago taken by sir Francis Drake 1585. The towne of S. Iago taken vp Sir Anthony Sherley Isla del Fuego Dominica Two excellent hote bathes Margarita Santa Marâââ taken The Isle and chiefe towne of Iamaica taken Puerto de Cauallos taken Guatimala Sonsonate and Sacatocaluca Their returne Margarita Sixe English men redeemed Truxillo assailed Puerto de Cauallos taken They passe aboue 30 leaguââ vp Rio dolce Cabo de Cotoche Cabo desconoscido * On Easter ceâââ 1597. The towne of Campeche takâ A new stratagem * To the valââ of 5000 pound Sebo an Indian towne taken Cape Cantin A great wood before you come at Cape Cantin The bay of Cadiz San Pedro. San Sebastian Los Puercos The Diamant The Canaries The Isle Deseada in the West Indies standeth in 15 degrees of latitude Markes to know Dominica by Guadalupe Monserate Santa Cruz. S. Iuan de Puerto rico Cape Roxo Mona Saona Las Sierras de Yguey Los Buffaderoâ or The Spoutes Santo Domingo Calle de las Damas Punta de Nizaâ Hocoa Puerto Hermoso Beata and the marks therofâ Alto velo and the markes thereof * Frailes The Isle of Baque Cape de Tiburon Cuba S. Iago de Cuba Sierras de Tarquino The nine fathoms Cape de Cruz in 19. deg and better Los Iardines The Isle de Pinos Cape de Corrientes Cape de Sant Anton in 22. degrees The Testigosâ Frailes Puerto de Iuan Griego Curacao Aruba Monjes three litle Islands Coquebacoa Baia honda Portete Cape de la vela Cape del Aguja Rio de Palominos Morro hermoso Rio grande Isla de Arenas Samba or Zambâ El Buio del Gato Punta de la canoa Cartagena The land marks of Cartagena The poynt of Ycacos A shoald A shoald halfe a league to the sea The Isle of Cares Sal Medina Cabeza de Cariua Rio de Francisco The Isles de Catiua Punta de Samblas Sierras de Santa Cruz Sierras de las minas viejas Puerto de velo alto Nombre de Dios. Sierra de Capira A ledge of rocks Iâles de los Bastimentos The course to goe back from Nombre de Dios to Cartagena ãâã de Baru Iâla fuerteâ A ledge of rocks Islas
or fountaines the water of which so soone as it entereth into the lake becommeth hard salte like vnto ice And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great reuenues for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte and for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera There come by sea also many ships for salt which pay tribute euery one of them according to their burden The third day after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia we found the Tartars Amongst whome being entered me thought I was come into a new world Whose liâe and maners I wil describe vnto your Highnes aswell as I can Of the Tartars and of their houses Chap. 2. THey haue in no place any setled citie to abide in neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues which stretcheth from the riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne And euery of their captaines according to the great or or small number of his people knoweth the bounds of his pastures and where he ought to feed his cattel winter and summer Spring and autumne For in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward In winter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground they feede their cattell vpon pastures without water because then they vse snow in stead of water Their houses wherein they sleepe they ground vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together the roofe whereof consisteth in like sorte of wickers meeting aboue into one little roundell out of which roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a chimney which they couer with white felte and oftentimes they lay morter or white earth vpon the sayd felt with the powder of bones that it may shine white And sometimes also they couer it with blacke felte The sayd felte on the necke of their house they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures Before the doore likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer For they spend all their coloured felt in painting vines trees birds and beastes thereupon The sayd houses they make so large that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes I found it to be 20 feete ouer and when the house was vpon the carte it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least I told 22. oxen in one teame drawing an house vpon a cart eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the carte and eleuen more before them the axletree of the carte was of an huge bignes like vnto the mast of a ship And a fellow stood in the doore of the house vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen Moreouer they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chestes and afterward from one side to another they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers and make a doore in the fore side thereof And then they couer the sayd chest or little house with black felt rubbed ouer with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers And in such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe treasure Also the same chests they do strongly bind vpon other carts which are drawen with camels to y e end they may wade through riuers Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off their carts When they take down their dwelling houses they turne the doores alwayes to the South next of all they place the carts laden with their chests here there within half a stones cast of y e house insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts as it were between two wals The matrons make for theÌselues most beautiful carts which I am not able to describe vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie for I would right willingly haue painted al things for you had my skill bin ought in that art One rich Moal or Taâtar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues euery one of which hath one great house besides other little houses which they place behind the great one being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwel in And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. cartes When they take their houses from off the cartes the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier and so all the rest in their order so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East frontier and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village very few men abiding in the same One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once for their countries are very plaine and they binde the cartes with camels or oxen one behind another And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte driuing the oxen and al the residue follow on a like pace When they chance to come at any bad passage they let them loose and guide them ouer one by one for they goe a slowe pace as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke Of their beds and of their drinking pots Chap. 3. HAuing taken downe their houses from off their cartes and turning the doores Southward they place the bed of the master of the house at the North part thereof The womens place is alwaies on the East side namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face Southwards but the mens place is vpon y e West side namely at the right hand of their master Men when they enter into the house wil not in any case hang their quiuers on the womens side Ouer the masters head there is alwayes an image like a puppet made of felte which they call the masters brother and another ouer the head of the good wife or mistresse which they call her brother being fastened to the wall and aboue betweene both of them there is a little leane one which is as it were the keeper of the whole houâe The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at her beds feete on the right haâd the skinâe of a Kidde stuffed with wooll or some other matter and neare vnto that a litle image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women Next vnto the doore also on the womens side there is another image with a cowes vdder for the women that milke the kine For it is the duety of their women to milke kine On the other side of the doore next vnto the men there is another image with the vdder of a mare for the men which milke mares And when they come together to drinke and make merie they sprinckle parte
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâing commeth from thence Doe nât to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâth the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel cânceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ of all âoyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâd so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâr and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râgne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
so that this latitude is the measure of the worlde from North to South and from South to North. And the longitude in which are also counted other 360 is counted from West to East or from East to West as in the Card is set The sayd latitude your Lordship may see marked and diuided in the ende of this Card on the left hand so that if you would know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth take a compasse and set the one foot of the same in the Equinoctial line right against the said region apply the other foote of the compasse to the said region or coast then set the sayd compasse at the end of the Card where the degrees are diuided And the one foote of the compasse standing in the line Equinoctial the other will shew in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the said region is in Also the longitude of the world I haue set out in the nether part of the Card conteining also 360 degrees which begin to be counted after Ptoleme and other Cosmographers from an headland called Capo Verde which is ouer against a little crosse made in the part Occidental where the diuision of the degrees beginneth and endeth in the same Capo Verde Now to know in what longitude any land is your Lordship must take a ruler or a compasse and set the one foot of the compasse vpon the land or coast whose longitude you would know and extend the other foot of the compasse to the next part of one of the transuersall lines in the Orientall or Occidental part which done set the one foot of the compasse in the said transuersal line at the end of the nether scale the scale of longitude and the other foot sheweth the degree of longitude that the region is in And your Lordship must vnderstand that this Card though little conteineth the vniuersall whole world betwixt two collaterall lines the one in the Occidentall part descendeth perpendicular vpon the 175 degree the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree whose distance measureth the scale of longitude And that which is without the two said transuersall lines is onely to shew how the Orientall part is ioined with the Occident and Occident with the Orient For that that is set without the line in the Oriental part is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidentall part and that that is set without the line in the Occidentall part is the same that is set within the line in the Orientall part to shew that though this figure of the world in plaine or flatte seemeth to haue an end yet one imagining that this sayd Card were set vpon a round thing where the endes should touch by the lines it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part ioyneth with the Occident as there without the lines it is described and figured And for more declaration of the said Card your Lordship shall vnderstand that beginning on the part Occidental within the line the first land that is set out is the maine land and Islands of the Indies of the Emperour Which maine land or coast goeth Northward and finisheth in the land that we found which is called here Terra de Labrador So that it appeareth the sayd land that we found and the Indies to be all one maine land The sayd coast from the sayd Indies Southward as by the Card your Lordshippe may see commeth to a certaine straight Sea called Estrecho de todos Santos by which straight Sea the Spaniards goe to the Spiceries as I shall declare more at large the which straight Sea is right against three hundred fifteene degrees of longitude and is of latitude or altitude from the Equinoctiall three and fifty degrees The first land from the sayd beginning of the Card toward the Orient are certaine Islands of the Canaries and Islandes of Capo verde But the first maine land next to the line Equinoctial is the sayd Capo verde and from thence Northward by the straight of this sea of Italie And so followeth Spayne France Flanders Almaine Denmarke and Norway which is the highest parte toward the North. And ouer against Flanders are our Islands of England and Ireland Of the landes and coastes within the streights I haue set out onely the Regions diuiding them by lines of their limits by which plainely I thinke your Lordship may see in what situation euerie region is and of what highnesse and with what regions it is ioyned I doe thinke few are left out of all Europe In the parts of Asia and Affrica I could not so wel make the sayd diuisioÌs for that they be not so wel knowen nor need not so much This I write because in the said Card be made the said lines strikes that your Lordship should vnderstand wherefore they doe serue Also returning to the foresaid Capo verde the coast goeth Southward to a Cape called Capo de buona speransa which is right ouer against the 60. 65. degree of longitude And by this Cape go the Portingals to their Spicerie For from this Cape toward the Orient is the land of Calicut as your Lordship may see in the headland ouer against the 130. degree FroÌ the sayd Cape of Buona speransa the coast returneth to ward the line Equinoctial and passing forth entreth the red sea returning out entreth again into the gulfe of Persia and returneth toward the Equinoctiall line till that it commeth to the headland called Calicut aforesayd and from thence the coast making a gulfe where is the riuer of Ganges returneth toward the line to a headland called Malaca where is the principall Spicerie from this Cape returneth and maketh a great gulfe and after the coast goeth right toward the Orient and ouer against this last gulfe and coast be many Islands which be Islandes of the Spiceries of the Emperour Upon which the Portingals and he be at variance The sayd coast goeth toward the Orient and endeth right against the 155. degrees and after returneth toward the Occident Northward which coast not yet plainely knowen I may ioine to the New found lande found by vs that I spake of before So that I finish with this briefe declaration of the Card aforesayd Well I know I should also haue declared how the coasts within the straights of the Sea of Italie runne It is playne that passing the streights on the North side of that Sea after the coast of Granado and with that which pertaines to Spaine is the coast of that which France hath in Italie And then followeth in one piece all Italie which laud hath an arme of the Sea with a gulfe which is called Mare Adriaticum And in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice And on the other part of the sayd gulfe is Sclauonia and next Grecia then the streits of Constantinople and then the sea called Euxinus which is within the sayd streights and comming
of the place and of as many things worth the noting as you may then conueniently see from time to time These orders if you diligently obserue you may thereby perfectly set downe in the plats that I haue giuen you your whole trauell and description of your discouery which is a thing that will be chiefly expected at your hands But withall you may not forget to note as much as you can learne vnderstand or perceiue of the maner of the soile or fruitfulnesse of euery place and countrey you shall come in and of the maner shape attire and disposition of the people and of the commodities they haue and what they most couet and desire of the commodities you cary with you It behoueth you to giue trifling things vnto such people as you shall happen to see and to offer them all courtesie and friendship you may or can to winne their loue and fauour towardes you not doing or offering them any wrong or hurt And though you should be offered wrong at their handes yet not to reuenge the same lightly but by all meanes possible seeke to winne them yet alwayes dealing wisely and with such circumspection that you keepe your selues out of their dangers Thus I beseeth God Almightie to blesse you and prosper your voyage with good and happie successe and send you safely to returne home againe to the great ioy and reioycing of the aduenturers with you and all your friends and our whole countrey Amen Certaine briefe aduises giuen by Master Dee to Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman to bee obserued in their Northeasterne discouerie Anno 1580. IF we recken from Wardhouse to Colgoieue Island 400. miles for almost 20. degrees difference onely of longitude very neere East and West and about the latitude of 70. degrees and two thirde parts From Colgoieue to Vaigats 200. miles for 10. degrees difference onely in longitude at 70. degrees of latitude also From Vaigats to the promontorie Tabin 60. degrees difference of longitude the whole course or shortest distance being East and West in the latitude likewise of 70. degrees maketh 1200. miles then is summa totalis from Wardhouse to Tabin 600. leagues or 1800. English miles Therefore allowing in a discouery voiage for one day with another but 50. English miles it is euident that from Wardhouse to Tabin the course may bee sailed easily in sixe and thirtie dayes but by Gods helpe it may be finished in much shorter time both by helpe of winde prosperous and light continuall for the time requisit thereunto When you are past Tabin or come to the longitude of 142. degrees as your chart sheweth or two three foure or fiue degrees further Easterly it is probable you shall finde the land on your right hand runne much Southerly and Eastward in which course you are like either to fall into the mouth of the famous riuer Oechardes or some other which yet I coniecture to passe by the renowmed Citie of Cambalu and the mouth to be in latitude about 50. or 52. degrees and within 300. or 400. miles of Cambalu it selfe being in the latitude of 45. degrees Southerly of the saide riuers mouth or els that you shall trend about the very Northerne and most Easterly point of all Asia passing by the prouince Ania and then to the latitude of 46. degrees keeping still the land in view on your right hand as neere as you may with safetie you may enter into Quinsay hauen being the chiefe citie in the Northern China as I terme it for distinctions sake from the other better knowen And in or about either or both of these two warme places you may to great good purpose bee occupied the whole winter after your arriuall in those quarters as sometime by sea sometime in notable fresh riuers sometime in discreet view and noting downe the situation of the Cities within land c. and euer assaying to come by some charts or maps of the countrey made and printed in Cathay or China and by some of their bookes likewise for language c. You may also haue opportunitie to saile ouer to Iapan Island where you shall finde Christian men Iesuits of many countreys of Christendome some and perhaps some Englishmen at whose handes you may haue great instruction and aduise for you affaires in hand Notes in writing besides more priuie by mouth that were giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt of Eiton in the Countie of Hereford Esquire Anno 1580 to M. Arthur Pet and to M. Charles Iackman sent by the Merchants of the Moscouie companie for the discouery of the Northeast straight not altogether vnfit for some other enterprises of discouery hereafter to be taken in hand What respect of Islands is to be had and why VVHereas the Portingals haue in their course to their Indies in the Southeast certaine ports and fortifications to thrust into by the way to diuers great purposes so you are to see what Islands and what ports you had neede to haue by the way in your course to the north-Northeast For which cause I wish you to enter into consideration of the matter and to note all the Islands and to set them downe in plat to two ends that is to say That we may deuise to take the benefit by them And also foresee how by them the Sauages or ciuill Princes may in any sort annoy vs in our purposed trade that way And for that the people to the which we purpose in this voyage to go be no Christians it were good that the masse of our commodities were alwayes in our owne disposition and not at the will of others Therefore it were good that we did seeke out some small Island in the Scithian sea where we might plant fortifie and staple safely from whence as time should serue wee might feed those heathen nations with our commodities without cloying them or without venturing our whole masse in the bowels of their countrey And to which Island if neede were and if wee should thinke so good wee might allure the Northeast nauie the nauie of Cambalu to resort with their commodities to vs there planted and stapling there And if such an Island might be found so standing as might shorten our course and so standing as that the nauie of Cambalu or other those parties might conueniently saile vnto without their dislike in respect of distance then would it fal on t well For so besides lesse danger and more safetie our ships might there vnlade and lade againe and returne the selfe same summer to the ports of England or of Norway And if such an Island may be for the stapling of our commodities to the which they of Cambalu would not saile yet we might hauing ships there imploy them in passing betweene Cambalu and that stapling place Respect of hauens and harborowes ANd if no such Islands may bee found in the Scithian sea toward the firme of Asia then are you to search out the ports that be about Noua Zembla all along the tract of
and some other spices The saide shippe called the Holy Crosse was so shaken in this voyage and so weakened that she was layd vp in the docke and neuer made voyage after Another voyage to the Iles of Candia and Chio made by the shippe the Mathew Gonson about the yeere 1535 according to the relation of Iohn Williamson then Cooper in the same ship made to M. Richard Hackluit in the yeere 1592. THe good shippe called the Mathew Gonson of burden 300 tunnes whereof was owner old M. William Gonson pay-master of the kings Nauie made her voyage in the yere 1535. In this ship went as Captaine Richard Gray who long after died in Russia Master William Holftocke afterward Controuller of the Queenes Nauie went then as purser in the same voyage The Master was one Iohn Pichet seruant to old M. William Gonson Iames Rumnie was Masters mate The master cooper was Iohn Williamson citizen of London liuing in the yeere 1592 and dwelling in Sant Dunstons parish in the East The M. Gunner was Iohn Godfrey of Bristoll In this ship were 6 gunners and 4 trumpetters all which foure trumpetters at our returne homewards went on land at Messina in the Iland of Sicilia as our ship road there at anker gat them into the Gallies that lay neere vnto vs in them went to Rome The whole number of our companie in this ship were about 100. men we were also furnished with a great bote which was able to cary 10 tunnes of water which at our returne homewards we towed all the way from Chio vntill we came through the straight of Gibaltar into the maine Ocean We had also a great long boat and a skiff We were out vpon this voyage eleuen moneths yet in all this time there died of sicknesse but one man whose name was George Forrest being seruant to our Carpenter called Thomas Plummer In a great lygier booke of one William Eyms seruant vnto Sir William Bowyerâ Alderman of London bearing date the 15 of Nouember 1533 and continued vntill the 4 of Iuly 1544. I find that he the said William Eyms was factor in Chio not only for his Master but also for the duke of Norfolkes grace for many other worshipful marchants of London among whom I find the accompts of these especially to wit of his said Master sir William Bowyer of William Nicholas Wilford Marchant-taylors of London of Thomas Curtis pewterer of Iohn Starky Merter of William Ostrige Marchant of Richard Field Draper And further I find in the said ligier booke a note of the said Eyms of all such goods as he left in the hands of Robert Bye in Chio who became his Masters factor in his roome and another like note of particulers of goods that he left in the hands of Oliuer Lesson seruant to William and Nicholas Wilford And for proofe of the continuance of this trade vntill the end of the yeere 1552. I found annexed vnto the former note of the goods left with Robert Bye in Chio a letter being dated the 27 of Nouember 1552 in London The Epitaph of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read in the south I le of Saint Peters Church in the citie of Norwich which was knighted by Charles the fift at the winning of Tunis in the yeere of our Lord 1538. HEre vnder lyeth the corpes of Peter Reade Esquire who hath worthily serued not onely his Prince and Countrey but also the Emperour Charles the fift both at his conquest of Bârbarie and at his siege at Tunis as also in other places Who had giuen him by the sayd Emperour for his valiant deedes the order of Barbary Who dyed the 29 day of December in the yeere of our Lord God 1566. The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with Charles the fift 1541 drawen out of his booke De Republica Anglorum instauranda THomas Chalonerus patria Londinensis studio Cantabrigensis educatione aulicus religione pius veréque Christianus fuit Itaque cum inuenilem aetatemâ mentemque suam humanioribus studijs roborasset Domino Henrico Kneuetto à potentissimo rege Henrico eius nominis octauo ad Carolum quintum imperatorem transmisâo legato vnà cum illo profectus est tanquam familiaris amicus veleidem à confilijs Quo quidem tempore Carolo quinto nauali certamine à Genua Corsica in Algyram in Africa contra Turcas classem soluente ac hostiliter proficiscente ornatissimo illo Kneuetto legato regis Thoma Chalonero Henrico Knolleo Henrico Isamo illustribus viris eundem in illa expeditione suapte sponte sequentibus pariterque militantibus mirifice vitam suam Chalonerus tutatus est Nam triremi illa in qua fuerat vel scopulis allisa vel grauissimis procellis conquassata naufragus cum se diù natatu defendisset deficientibus viribus brachijs manibusque languidis ac quasi eneruatis prehensa dentibus cum maxima difficultate rudenti quae ex altera triremi iam propinqua tum fuerat eiecta non sine dentium aliquorum iactura ac fractura sese tandem recuperauit ac domum integer relapsus est The same in English THomas Chaloner was by birth a Londiner by studie a Cantabrigian by education a Courtier by religion a deuout and true Christian. Therfore after he had confirmed his youth and minde in the studies of good learning when Sir Henry Kneuet was sent ambassadour from the mighty Prince Henry the 8. to the Emperour Charles the fift he went with him as his familiar friend or as one of his Councell At which time the said Charles the 5. passing ouer from Genoa and Corsica to Alger in Africa in warlike sort with a mighty army by sea that honorable Kneuet the kings ambassadour Thomas Chaloner Henry Knolles and Henry Isham right worthy persons of their owne accord accompanied him in that expedition serued him in that warre wherin Thomas Chaloner escaped most wonderfully with his life For the gally wherein he was being either dashed against the rockes or shaken with mighty stormes and so cast away after he had saued himselfe a long while by swimming when his strength failed him his armes hands being faint and weary with great difficulty laying hold with his teeth on a cable which was cast out of the next gally not without breaking and losse of certaine of his teeth at length recouered himselfe and returned home into his countrey in safety The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham with the great Barke Aucher to Candia and Chio in the yeere 1550. IN the yeere 1550. the 13 of Nouember I Roger Bodenham Captaine of the Barke Aucher entered the said ship at Grauesend for my voiage to the Ilands of Candia and Chio in the Leuant The master of my ship was one William Sherwood From thence we departed to âilbery hope and there remained with contrarie windes vntill the 6. of Ianuary 1551. The 6 of Ianuarie the M. came to Tilbery and I had prouided a skilfull pylot to
night we drew to the East end of the Iland The 9 and 10 we sayled along with a prosperous winde and saw no land The 11 in the morning we had sight of the Iland of Cyprus and towards noone we were thwart the Cape called Ponta Malota and about foure of the clocke we were as farre as Baffo and about sunne set we passed Cauo Bianco and towards nine of the clocke at night we doubled Cauo de le garte and ankered afore Limisso but the wind blew so hard that we could not come neere the towne neither durst any man goe on land The towne is from Cauo de le garte twelue miles distant The 12. of August in the morning wee went on land to Limisso this towne is ruinated and nothing in it worth writing saue onely in the mids of the towne there hath bene a forâresse which is now decayed and the wals part ouerthrowen which a Turkish Rouer with certaine gallies did destroy about 10. or 12. yeeres past This day walking to see the towne we chanced to see in the market place a great quantitie of a certaine vermine called in the Italian tongue Caualette It is as I can learne both in shape and bignesse like a grassehopper for I can iudge but little difference Of these many yeeres they haue had such quantitie y t they destroy all their corne They are so plagued with them y t almost euery yeere they doe well nie loose halfe their corne whether it be the nature of the countrey or the plague of God that let them iudge that best can define But that there may no default be laied to their negligence for the destruction of theÌ they haue throughout the whole land a constituted order that euery Farmor or husbandman which are euen as slaues bought and sold to their lord shall euery yeere pay according to his territorie a measure full of the seede or egges of these forenamed Caualette the which they are bound to bring to the market and present to the officer appointed for the same the which officer taketh of them very straight measure and writeth the names of the presenters and putteth the sayd egges or seed into a house appointed for the same and hauing the housefull they beate them to ponder and cast them into the sea and by this palicie they doe as much as in them lieth for the destruction of them This vermine breedeth or ingendereth at the time of corne being ripe and the corne beyng had away in the clods of the same ground do the husbandmen find y e nestes or as I may rather terme them cases of the egges of the same vermine Their nests are much like to the keâes of a hasel-nut tree when they be dried and of the same length but somewhat bigger which case being broken you shall see the egges lie much like vnto antes egges but somewhat lesser Thus much I haue written at this time because I had no more time of knowledge but I trust at my returne to note more of this island with the commodities of the same at large The 13. day we went in the morning to the Greekes church to see the order of their ceremonies of their communion of the which to declare the whole order with the number of their ceremonious crossings it were to long Wherefore least I should offend any man I leaue it vnwritten but onely that I noted well that in all their Communion or seruice not one did euer kneele nor yet in any of their Churches could I euer see any grauen images but painted or portrayed Alâo they haue store of lampes alight almost for euery image one Their women are alwayes seperated from the menâ and generally they are in the lower ende of the Church This night we went aboord the ship although the wind were contrary we did it because the patrone should not find any lacke of vsâ as sometimes he did when as tarying vpon his owne businesse he would colour it with the delay of the pilgrimes The 14. day in the morning we set saile and lost sight of the Island of Cyprus and the 15. day we were likewise at Sea and sawe no land and the 16. day towards night we looked for land but we sawe none But because we supposed our selues to be neere our port we tooke in all our sailes except onely the foresaile and the missen and so we remained all that night The 17. day in the morning we were by report of the Mariners some sixe miles from Iaffa but it prooued contrary But because we would be sure wee came to an anker seuen mileâ from the shore and sent the skiffe with the Pilot and the master gunner to learne the coast but they returned not hauing seen tree nor house nor spoken with any man But when they came to the sea side againe they went vp a little hill standing hard by the brinke whereon as they thought they sawe the hill of Ierusalem by the which the Pilot knew after his iudgement that wee were past our port And so this place where we rode was as the mariners sayd about 50. mile from Iaffa This coast all alongst is very lowe plaine white sandie and desert for which cause it hath fewe markes or none so that we rode here as it were in a gulfe betweene two Capes The 18. day we abode still at anker looking for a gale to returne backe but it was contrary and the 19. we set saile but the currant hauing more force then the winde we were driuen backe insomuch that the ship being vnder saile we cast the sounding lead notwithstanding the wind it remained before the shippeâ there wee had muddie ground at fifteene fadome The same day about 4. of the clocke wee set saile againe and sayled West alongst the coast with a fresh side-winde It chanced by fortune that the shippes Cat lept into the Sea which being downe kept her selfe very valiauntly aboue water notwithstanding the great waues still swimming the which the master knowing he caused the Skiffe with halfe a dosen men to goe towards her and fetch her againe when she was almost halfe a mile from the shippe and all this while the shippe lay on staâes I hardly beleeue they would haue made such haste and meanes if one of the company had bene in the like perill They made the more haste because it was the patrons cat This I haâe written onely to note the estimation that cats are in among the Italians for generally they esteeme their cattes as in England we esteeme a good Spaniell The same night about tenne of the clocke the winde calmed and because none of the shippe knewe where we were we let fall an anker about 6 mile from the place we were at before and there wee had muddie ground at twelue fathome The 20 it was still calme and the current so strong still one way that we were not able to stemme
and his gentlemen for to ride which were very richly furnished and by the way there meâ with vs other chauses to accompany vs to the Court. When we came there wee passed thorow two gates at the second gate there stood very many men with horses attending on their masters When we came within that gate we were within a very faire Court yard in compasse twise so bigge as Pauls Church-yard On the right hand of the sayd Court was a faire gallerie like an Alley and within it were placed railes and such other prouision On the left side was the like halfe the Court ouer it was diuided into two parts the innermost fairer then the other The other part of that side is the place where the Councell doe vsually sit and at the inner end of that is a faire place to sit in much like vnto that place in Pauls Church-yard where the Maior and his brethren vse to sit thither was our Ambassadour brought and set in that place Within that sayde place is another like open roome where hee did eate Assoone as wee came in wee were placed in the innermost alley of the second roome on the left side of the Court which was spread with carpets on the ground fourescore or fourescore and tenne foot long with an hundred and fiftie seuerall dishes set thereon that is to say Mutton boiled and rosted Rice diuersly dressed Fritters of the finest fashion and dishes daintily dight with pritty pappe with infinite others I know not how to expresse them We had also rosted Hennes with sundry sorts of fowles to me vnknowen The gentlemen and we sate downe on the ground for it is their maner so to feede There were also Greekes and others set to furnish out the roome Our drinke was made with Rose water and Sugar and spices brewed together Those that did serue vs with it had a great bagge tied ouer their showlders with a broad belt like an arming belt full of plates of copper and gilt with part of the sayd bagge vnder his arme and the mouth in his hand then he had a deuise to let it out when he would into cuppes when we called for drinke The Ambassadour when hee had eaten passed by vs with the chauses aforesayd and sate him downe in an inner roome This place where he sate was against the gate where we came in and hard by the Councell chamber end somewhat on the left side of the Court this was at the East end of the Court for we came in at the West All this time our presents stood by vs vntill we had dined and diner once ended this was their order of taking vp the dishes Certaine were called in like those of the Blacke gard in the Court of England the Turks call them Moglans These came in like rude and rauening Mastifs without order or fashion and made cleaâe riddance for he whose hungry eye one dish could not fill turned two one into the other and thus euen on the sudden was made a cleane riddance of all Then came certaine chauses and brought our gentlemen to sit with the Ambassadour Immediatly came officers appointed Ianisers to beare froÌ vs our presents who caried them on the right side of the Court and set them hard by the doore of the Priuy chamber as we call it there all things stoode for the space of an houre Thus the Ambassadour and his gentlemen sate still and to the Southward of them was a doore whereas the great Turke himselfe went in and out at and on the South side of that doore sate on a bench all his chiefe lordes and gentlemen and on the North side of the West gate stood his gard in number as I gesse them a thousand men These men haue on their heads round cappes of mettall like sculles but sharpe in the toppe in this they haue a bunch of Ostridge feathers as bigge as a brush with the corner or edge forward at the lower end of these feathers was there a smaller feather like those that are commonly worn here Some of his gard had smal staues most of them were weaponed with bowes and arrowes Here they waitedâ during our abode at the Court to gard their Lord. After the Ambassadour with his gentlemen had sitten an houre and more there came three or foure chauses and brought them into the great Turkes presence At the Priuy chamber doore two noble men tooke the Ambassadour by ech arme one and put their fingers within his sleeues and so brought him to the great Turke where he sumptuously sate alone He kissed his hand and stood by vntill all the gentlemen were brought before him in like maner one by one and ledde backewards againe his face towards the Turke for they might neither tarry nor turne their backs and in like maner returned the Ambassadour The salutation that the Noble men didâ was taking them by the hands All this time they trode on cloth of golde most of the Noble men that sate on the South side of the Priuy chamber sate likewise on cloth of golde Many officers or Ianisaries there were with staues who kept very good order for no Turke whatsoeuer might goe any further then they willed him At our Ambassadours entring they followed that bare his presents to say twelue fine broad clothes two pieces of fine holland tenne piâces of plate double gilt one case of candle sticks the case whereof was very large and three foot high and more two very great cannes or pots and one lesser one basin and ewer two poppiniayes of siluer the one with two heads they were to drinke in two bottles with chaines three faire mastifs in coats of redde cloth three spaniels two bloodhounds one common hunting hound two greyhounds two little dogges in coats of silke one clocke valued at fiue hundred pounds sterling ouer it was a forrest with trees of siluer among the which were deere chased with dogs and men on horsebacke following men drawing of water others carrying mine oare on barrowes on the toppe of the clocke stood a castle and on the castle a mill All these were of siluer And the clocke was round beset with iewels All the time that we stayed at the Councell chamber doore they were telling or weighing of money to send into Persia for his Souldiours pay There were carried out an hundred and three and thirty bags and in euery bagge as it was tolde vs one thousand ducats which amounteth to three hundred and thirty thousand * and in sterling Englâsh money to fourescore and nineteene thousand pounds The Captaine of the guard in the meane time went to the great Turke and returned againe then they of the Court made obeisance to him bowing downe their heads and their hands on their breasts and he in like order resaluted them he was in cloth of siluer he went and came with two or three with him and no more Then wee went out at the first gate and there we were commanded to stay vntill
Saluages very brutish which would not stay but retired from them For the space of 15 or 20 dayes we could find no reliefe but onely foules which wee killed with our pieces which were cranes and geese there was no fish but muskles and other shel-fish which we gathered on the rockes After 15 or 20 dayes being here our Admirall went with his pinnasse vnto the Iland which lieth off this Baie where hee found great store of Penguines Seales whereof he brought good plenty with him And twise after that we sent certain of our men which at both times brought their bots lading vnto our ships After we had bene here some time we got here a Negro whom we compelled to march into the country with vs making signs to bring vs some cattell but at this time we could come to the sight of none so we let the Negro goe with some trifles Within 8 dayes after he with 30 or 40 other Negros brought vs downe some 40 bullocks and oxen with as many sheepe at which time we bought but few of theÌ But within 8 dayes after they came downe with as many more then we bought some 24 oxen with as many sheepe We bought an oxe for two kniues a stirke for a knife and a sheepe for a knife and some we bought for lesse value then a knife The oxen be very large and well fleshed but not fat The sheepe are very big and very good meat they haue no woll on their backs but haire and haue great tailes like the sheepe in Syria There be diuers sorts of wild beasts as the Antilope wherof M. Lancaster killed one of the bignes of a yong colt the red fallow Deere with other great beasts vnknowen vnto vs. Here are also great store of ouer-growen monkeis As touching our proceeding vpon our voyage it was thought good rather to proceed with two ships wel manned then with three euill manned for here wee had of sound and whole men but 198 of which there went in the Penelope with the âdmiral 101 and in the Edward with the worshipfull M. captaine Lancaster 97. We left behââd 50 men with the Roiall marchant whereof there were many pretily well recouered of which ship was master and gouernour Abraham Kendal which for many reasons we thought good to send home The disease that hath consumed our men hath bene the skuruie Our souldiers which haue not bene vsed to the Sea haue best held out but our mariners dropt away which in my iudgement proceedeth of their euill diet at home Sixe dayes after our sending backe for England of the Marchant Roiall from Agoada de Saldanha our Admirall M. captaine Raimond in the Penelope and M. Iames Lancaster in the Edward Bonauenture set forward to double the Cape of Buona esperansa which they did very speedily But being passed as far as Cape dos Corrientes the 14 of SepteÌber we were encountre with a mighty storme and extreeme gusts of wind wherein we lost our Generals companie and could neuer heare of him nor his ship any more though we did our best endeuour to seeke him vp and downe a long while and staied for him certaine dayes at the Iland of Comoro where we appointed to stay one for another Foure dayes after this vncomfortable seperation in the morning toward ten of the clocke we had a terrible clap of thunder which slew foure of our men outright their necks being wrung in souder without speaking any word and of 94 men three was not one vntouched whereof some were striken blind others were bruised in their legs armes and others in their brests so that they voided blood two dayes after others were drawen out at length as though they had bene racked But God be thanked they all recouered sauing onely the foure which were slaine out right Also with the same thunder our maine maste was torne very grieuously from the head to the decke and some of the spikes that were ten inches into the timber were melted with the extreme heate theereof From thence wee shaped our course to the north-Northeast and not long after we fell vpon the Northwest end of the mighty Iland of S. Laurence which one of our men espied by Gods good blessing late in the euening by Moone light who seeing afarre off the breaking of the Sea and calling to certaine of his fellowes asked them what it was which efâsoones told him that it was the breaking of the Sea vpon the Shoulds Whereupon in very good time we cast about to auoyd the danger which we were like to haue incurred Thus passing on forward it was our lucke to ouer-shoote Mozambique and to fall with a place called Quitangone two leagues to the Northward of it and we tooke three or foure Barkes of Moores which Barkes in their language they call Pangaias laden with Millio hennes and ducks with one Portugall boy going for the prouision of Mozambique Within few dayes following we came to an Iland an hundred leagues to the Northeast of Mozambique called Comoro which we found exceeding full of people which are Moores of tawnie colour and good stature but they be very trecherous and diligently to be taken heed of Here wee desired to store our selues with water whereof we stood in great need and sent sixteene of our men well armed on shore in our boate whom the people suffred quietly to land and water and diuers of them with their king came aboord our ship in a gowne of crimosine Sattin pinked after the Moorish fashion downe to the knee whom we entertained in the best maner and had some conference with him of the state of the place and marchandises vsing our Portugall boy which we had taken before for our interpreter and in the end licensed the king and his company to depart and sent our men againe for more water who then also dispatched their businesse returned quietly the third time likewise we sent them for more which also returned without any harme And though we thought our selues furnished yet our master William Mace of Radcliffe pretending that it might be long before we should finde any good watering place would needes goe himselfe on shore with thirtie men much against the will of our captaine and hee and 16 of his company together with one boat which was all that we had and 16 others that were a washing ouer-against our ship were betrayed of the perfidious Moores and in our sight for the most part slaine we being not able for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour From hence with heauie hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar the 7 of Nouember where shortly after wee arriued and made vs a new boat of such boards as we had within boord and rid in the road vntill the 15 of February where during our aboad we sawe diuers Pangaias or boates which are pinned with woodden pinnes and sowed together with Palmito cordes and calked with the
enter we plied our great ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted for otherwise we did them litle harme and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle being close by her we fired a mat on her beak-head which more and more kindled and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit and from the mat vp to the wood of the bow-sprit and thence to the top-saile yard which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger and to make shew of parle But they that had the charge before encouraged them making shew that it might easily be put out and that it was nothing Whereupon againe they stood stifly to their defence A none the fire grew so strong that I saw it beyond all helpe although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then we desired to be off from her but had litle hope to obtaine our desire neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well In deed I made litle other reckoning for the ship my selfe and diuers hurt men then to haue ended there with the Carack but most of our people might haue saued themselues in boats And when my care was most by Gods prouidence onely by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile and the ropes about the spritsaile-yard of the Carack whereby we were fast intangled we fell apart with burning of some of our sailes which we had then on boord The Exchange also being farther from the fire afterward was more easily cleared and fell off from abaft And as soone as God had put vs out of danger the fire got into the fore-castle where I thinke was store of Beniamin and such other like combustible matter for it flamed and ran ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner The Portugals lept ouer-boord in great numbers Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat with leaue to vse his owne discretion in sauing of them So he brought me aboord two gentlemen the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira which as appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of Huighen de Linschoten was gouernour of Moçambique and Cesala in the yeere 1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of importance in the East Indies And the shippe wherein he was comming home was cast away a litle to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza and from thence he trauelled ouer-land to Moçambique and came as a passenger in this Carack The other was called Bras Carrero and was captaine of a Carack which was cast away neere Moçambique and came likewise in this ship for a passenger Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat onely these two we clothed and brought into England The rest which were taken vp by the other ship boats we set all on shore in the I le of Flores except some two or three Negros whereof one was borne in Moçambique and another in the East Indies This fight was open off the Sound betweene Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward The people which we saued told vs that the cause why they would not yeeld was because this Carack was for the king end that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey for that yeere in her and that the captaine of her was in fauour with the king and at his returne into the Indies should hane been Uiceroy there And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor without and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise moreouer she had the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique and the company of her together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a litle to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza Yet through sicknesse which they caught at Angola where they watered they say they had not now aboue 150 white men but Negros a great many They likewise affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her but we found them to differ in most of their talke All this day and all the night she burned but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels blew her abroad so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the water Some of them say that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios and some that she was lesse but she was much vndermasted and vndersoiled yet she went well for a ship that was so foule The shot which wee made at her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts which we had and sixe or 7 shot at about one with another some 49 shotâ the time we lay aboord might be two houres The shot which we discharged aboord the Carack might be some twentie Sâcars And thus much may suffice concerning our daungerous conflict with that vnfortunate Carack The last of Iune after long trauersing of the seas we had sight of another mightie Carack which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the great S. Philip the Admirall of Spaine but the next day being the first of Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack which after some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld but they standing stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same Wherefore seeing no good could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take in the boording But by reason that wee which were the chiefe Captaines were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict and because of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions our valiant and resolute determinations were crossed and to conclude a long discourse in few wordes the Carack escaped our hands After this attending about Coruo Flores for some West Indian purchase and being disappointed of our expectation and victuals growing short we returned for England where I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape Sprat without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie 1593 THe Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men the owner whereof was the worshipfull M. Richard Staper being bound for Liuorno Zante and Patras in Morea being laden with marchandize to the value of 11 or 12 thousand pounds sterling set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of August 1593 and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great quantitie of wheate and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of Wight the 6. day of October the winde being faire and the 16 of the same moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent where on the next morning we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs to which we gaue chase with very much winde the sayle being a Spaniard which wee found in fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue
the North side the sea that seuereth it from Groneland thorow which Northren Seas the Passage lyeth which I take now in hand to discouer Plato in Timaeo and in the Dialogue called Critias discourseth of an incomparable great Iland then called Atlantis being greater then all Affrike and Asia which lay Westward from the Straights of Gibraltar nauigable round about affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis did aswell enioy the gouernance of all Affrike and the most part of Europe as of Atlantis it selfe Also to proue Platos opinion of this Iland and the inhabiting of it in ancient time by them of Europe to be of the more credite Marinaeus Siculus in his Chronicle of Spaine reporteth that there haue bene found by the Spaniards in the gold Mines of America certaine pieces of Money ingraued with the Image of Augustus Caesar which pieces were sent to the Pope for a testimonie of the matter by Iohn Rufus Archbishop of Consentinum Moreouer this was not only thought of Plato but by Marsilius Ficinus an excellent Florentine Philosopher Crantor the Graecian and Proclus and Philo the famous Iew as appeareth in his âooke De Mundo and in the Commentaries vpon Plato to be ouerflowen and swallowed vp with water by reason of a mightie earthquake and streaming downe of the heauenly Fludgates The like whereof happened vnto some part of Italy when by the forciblenes of the Sea called Superum it cut off Sicilia from the Continent of Calabria as appeareth in Iustine in the beginning of his fourth booke Also there chanced the like in Zeland a part of Flanders And also the Cities of Pyârha and Antissa about Meotis palus and also the Citie Burys in the Corynthian bosome commonly called Sinus Corinthiacus haue bene swallowed vp with the Sea and are not at this day to be discerned By which accident America grew to be vnknowen of long time vnto vs of the later ages and was lately discouered againe by Americus Vespucius in the yeere of our Lord 1497. which some say to haue bene first discouered by Christophorus Columbus a Genuois Anno 1492. The same calamitie happened vnto this Isle of Atlantis 600. and odde yeres before Plato his time which some of the people of the Southeast parts of the world accompted as 9000. yeeresâ for the maner then was to reckon the Moone her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere which is our vsuall moneth depending à Luminari minoâi So that in these our dayes there can no other mayne or Islande be found or iudged to bee parcell of this Atlantis then those Westerne Islands which beare now the name of America counteruailing thereby the name of Atlantis in the knowledge of our age Then if when no part of the sayd Atlantis was oppressed by water and earthquake the coasts round about the same were nauigable a farre greater hope now remaineth of the same by the Northwest seeing the most part of it was since that time swallowed vp with water which could not vtterly take away the olde deeps and chanels but rather be an occasion of the inlarging of the olde and also an inforcing of a great many new why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage and nauigation from England to India c. seeing that Atlantis now called America was euer knowen to be an Island and in those dayes nauigable round about which by accesse of more water could not be diminished Also Aristotle in his booke De mundo and the learned Germaine Simon Gryneus in his annotations vpon the same saith that the whole earth meaning thereby as manifestly both appeare Asia Africk and Europe being all the countreys then knowen is but one Island compassed about with the reach of the sea Atlantine which likewise prooueth America to be an Island and in no part adioyning to Asia or the rest Also many ancient writers as Strabo and others called both the Ocean sea which lieth East of India Atlanticum pelagus and that sea also on the West coasts of Spaine and Africk Mare Atlanticum the distance betweene the two coasts is almost halfe the compasse of the earth So that it is incredible as by Plato appeareth manifestly that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus of the mountaine Atlas in Africk or yet the sea adioyning to Africk had the name Oceanus Atlanticus of the same mountaine but that those seas and the mountaine Atlas were so called of this great Island Atlantis and that the one and the other had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas sometime king thereof who was Iaphet yongest sonne to Noah in whose time the whole earth was diuided betweene the three brethren Sem Cam and Iaphet Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest will be found fauourable to this our enterprise and am the rather imboldened to beleeue the same for that I finde it not onely confirmed by Plato Aristotle and other ancient Phylosophers but also by all the best moderne Geographers as Gemma Frisius Munsterus Appianus Hunterus Gastaldus Guyccardinus Michael Tramasinus Franciscus Demongenitus Bernardus Pureanus Andreas Vauasor Tramontanus Petrus Martyr and also Ortelius who doth coast out in his generall Mappe set out Anno 1569 all the countreys and Capes on the Northwest side of America from Hoâhelaga to Cape de Paramanâia describing likewise the sea coastes of Cataia and Gronland towards any part of America making both Gronland and America Islands disioyned by a great sea from any part of Asia All which learned men and painefull trauellers haue affirmed with one consent and voice that America was an Island and that there lyeth a great Sea betweene it Cataia and Grondland by the which any man of our countrey that will giue the attempt may with small danger passe to Cataia the Moluccae India and all other places in the East in much shorter time then either the Spaniard or Portugal doeth or may doe from the neerest parte of any of âheir countreys within Europe What moued these learned men to affirme thus much I know not or to what ende so many and sundry trauellers of both ages haue allowed the same But I coniecture that they would neuer haue so constantly affirmed or notified their opinions therein to the world if they had not had great good cause and many probable reasons to haue lead them thereunto Now least you should make small accompt of ancient writers or of their experiences which trauelled long before our times reckoning their authority amongst fables of no importance I haue for the better assurance of those proofes set downe some part of a discourse written in the Saxon tongue and translated into English by M. Nowel seruant to Sir William Cecil lord Burleigh and lord high treasurer of England wherein there is described a Nauigation which one Ochther made in the time of king Alfred King of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of which discourse were these Hee sailed right
the ore onely To prooue that those Indians came not by the Northeast and that there is no thorow nauigable passage that way Cap. 6. IT is likely that there should be no thorow passage by the north-Northeast whereby to goe round about the world because all Seas as aforesayd are maintained by the abundance of water waxing more shallow and shelffie towards the ende as we find it doeth by experience in Marâ Glaciali towards the East which breedeth small hope of any great continuance of that sea to be nauigable towards the East sufficient to saile thereby round about the world 2 Also it standeth scarcely with reason that the Indians dwelling vnder Torrida Zona could endure the iniurie of the cold ayre about the Septentrional latitude of 80. degrees vnder which eleuation the passage by the Northeast cannot bee as the often experience had of all the South parts of it sheweth seeing that some of the inhabitants of this cold climate whose Summer is to them an extreme Winter haue bene stroken to death with the cold damps of the aire about 72 degrees by an accidental mishap and yet the aire in such like Eleuation is alwaies cold and too cold for such as the Indians are 3 Furthermore the plercing cold of the grosse thicke aire so neere the Pole wil so stiffen and furre the sailes and ship tackling that no mariner can either hoise or strike them as our experience farre neerer the South then this passage is presupposed to be hath taught vs without the vse whereof no voiage can be performed 4 Also the aire is so darkened with continuall mists and fogs so neere the Pole that no man can well see either to guide his ship or direct his course 5 Also the compasse at such eleuation doth very suddenly vary which things must of force haue bene their destructions although they had bene men of much more skill then the Indians are 6 Moreouer all baies gulfes and riuers doe receiue their increase vpon the flood sensibly to be discerned on the one side of the shore or the other as many waies as they be open to any main sea as Mare Mediterraneum Mare Rubrum Sinus Persicus Sinus Bodicus Thamesis and all other knowen hauens or riuers in any part of the world and each of them opening but on one part to the mâine sea doe likewise receiue their increase vpon the flood the same way and none other which Mare Glaciale doeth onely by the West as M. Ienkinson affirmed vnto me and therfore it followeth that this north-Northeast sea receiuing increase but onely from the West cannot possibly open to the maine Ocean by the East 7 Moreouer the farther you passe into any sea towards the end of it on that part which is shut vp from the maine sea as in all those aboue mentioned the lesse and lesse the tides rise and fall The like whereof also happeneth in Mare Glaciale which proueth but small continuance of that Sea toward the East 8 Also the further yee goe toward the East in Mare Glaciale the lesse salt the water is which could not happen if it were open to the salt Sea towards the East as it is to the West only seeing Euery thing naturally ingendreth his like and then must it be like salt throughout as all the seas are in such like climate and eleuation And therefore it seemeth that this Northeast sea is maintained by the riuer Ob and such like fresshets as Mare Goticum and Mare Mediterraneum in the vppermost parts thereof by the riuers Nilus Danubiusâ Neper Tanais c. 9 Furthermore if there were any such sea at that eleuation of like it should be alwaies frozen throughout there being no tides to hinder it because the extreme coldnes of the aire being in the vppermost part and the extreme coldnesse of the earth in the bottome the sea there being but of small depth whereby the one accidentall coldnesse doth meet with the other and the Sunne not hauing his reflection so neere the Pole but at very blunt angles it can neuer be dissolued after it is frozen notwithstanding the great length of their day for that the sunne hath no heate at all in his light or beames but proceeding onely by an accidentall reflection which there waâteth in effect 10 And yet if the Sunne were of sufficient force in that eleuation to preuaile against this ice yet must it be broken before it can be dissolued which cannot be but through the long continuance of the sunne aboue their Horizon and by that time the Sommer would be so farre spent and so great darkenes and cold ensue that no man could be able to endure so cold darke and discomfortable a nauigation if it were possible for him then and there to liue 11 Further the ice being once broken it must of force so driue with the windes and tides that no ship can saile in those seas seeing our Fishers of Island and the New found land are subiect to danger through the great Islands of Ice which fleete in the Seas to the sailers great danger farre to the South of that presupposed passage 12 And it cannot be that this Northeast passage should be any neerer the South then before recited for then it should cut off Câremissi Turbi Tartari with Vzesucani Chisani and others from the Coâtinent of Asia which are knowen to be adioyning to Scythia Tartaria c. with the other part of the same Continent And if there were any thorowe passage by the north-Northeast yet were it to small ende and purpose for our traffique because no shippe of great burden can Naâigate in so shallow a Sea and ships of small burden are very vnfit vnprofitable especially towards the blustering North to performe such a voyage To prooue that the Indians aforenamed came only by the Northwest which induceth a certaintie of our passage by experience Cap. 7. IT is as likely that they came by the Northwest as it is vnlikely that they should come either by the Southeast Southwest Northeast or from any other part of Africa or America and therefore this Northwest passage hauing bene alreadie so many wayes proued by disproouing of the others c. I shall the lesse neede in this place to vse many words otherwise then to conclude in this sort That they came onely by the Northwest from England hauing these many reasons to leade me thereunto 1 First the one halfe of the windes of the compasse might bring them by the Northwest beâring alwayes betweene two sheats with which kind of sayling the Indians are onely acquainted not hauing any vse of a bow linâ or quarter winde without the which no ship can possibly come either by the Southeast Southwest or Northeast hauing so many sundry Capes to double whereunto are required such change and shift of windes 2 And it seemeth likely that they should come by the Northwest because the coast whereon they were driuen lay
East from this our passage And all windes doe naturally driue a ship to an opposite point from whence it bloweth not being otherwise guided by Arte which the Indians do vtterly want therefore it seemeth that they came directly through this our fret which they might doe with one wind 3 For if they had come by the Cape de buona Sperança then must they as aforesaid haue fallen vpon the South parts of America 4 And if by the fret of Magellan then vpon the coasts of Afrike Spaine Portugall France Ireland or England 5 And if by the Northeast then vpon the coasts of Ceremissi Tartarij Lâppia Island Terra de Labrador c. and vpon these coasts as aforesaid they haue neuer bene found So that by all likelihood they could neuer haue come without shipwracke vpon the coastes of Germanie if they had first striken vpon the coastes of so many countries wanting both Arte and shipping to make orderly discouery and altogether ignorant both in the Arte of Nauigation and also of the Rockes Flats Sands or Hauens of those parts of the world which in most of these places are plentifull 6 And further it seemeth very likely that the inhabitants of the most part of those countries by which they must haue come any other way besides by the Northwest being for the most part Anthropophagi or men eaters would haue deuoured them slaine them or at the least wise kept them as wonders for the gaze So that it plainely appeareth that those Indians which as you haue heard in sundry ages were driuen by tempest vpon the shore of Germanie came onely through our Northwest passage 7 Moreouer the passage is certainely prooued by a Nauigation that a Portugall made who passed through this fret giuing name to a Promontorie farte within the same calling it after his owne name Promontorium Corterialis neere adioyning vnto Polisacus fluuius 8 Also one Scolmus a Dane entred and passed a great part thereof 9 Also there was one Saluaterra a Gentleman of Victoria in Spaine that came by chance out of the West Indias into Ireland Anno 1568. who affirmed the Northwest passage from vs to Cataia constantly to be beleeued in America nauigable And further said in the presence of sir Henry Sidney then lord Deputie of Ireland in my hearing that a Frier of Mexico called Andrew Vrdaneta more then eight yeeres before his then comming into Ireland told him there that he came from Mar del Sur into Germany through this Northwest passage shewed Saluaterra at that time being then with him in Mexico a Sea Card made by his owne experience and trauell in that voyage wherein was plainly set downe and described this Northwest passage agreeing in all points with Ortelius mappe And further this Frier tolde the king of Portugall as he returned by that countrey homeward that there was of certainty such a passage Northwest from England and that he meant to publish the same which done the king most earnestly desired him not in any wise to disclose or make the passage knowen to any nation For that said the king if England had knowledge and experience thereof it would greatly hinder both the king of Spaiâe and me This Frier as Saluaterra reported was the greatest Discouerer by sea that hath bene in our age Also Saluaterra being perswaded of this passage by the frier Vrdaneta and by the common opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting America offered most willingly to accompanie me in this Discouery which of like he would not haue done if he had stood in doubt thereof And now as these moderne experiences cannot be impugned so least it might be obiected that these things gathered out of ancient writers which wrote so many yeeres past might serue litle to prooue this passage by the North of America because both America and India were to them then vtterly vnknowen to remooue this doubt let this susfise That Aristotle who was 300. yeeres before Christ named Mare Indicum Also Berosus who liued 330 yeres before Christ hath these words Ganges in India Also in the first chapter of Hester be these wordes In the dayes of Assuerus which ruled from India to Aethiopia which Assuerus liued 580 yeeres before Christ. Also Quintus Curtius where he speaketh of the conquests of Alexander mentioneth India Also Arianus Philostratus and Sidrach in his discourses of the warres of the king of Bactria and of Garaab who had the most part of India vnder his gouernment All which assureth vs that both India and Indians were knowen in those dayes These things considered we may in my opinion not only assure our selues of this passage by the Northwest but also that it is nauigable both to come and go as hath bene prooued in part and in all by the experience of diuers as Sebastian Cabota Corâerialis the three brethren aboue named the Indians and Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico c. And yet notwithstanding all this there be some that haue a better hope of this passage to Caâaia by the Northeast then by the West whose reasons with my seuerall answeres ensue in the chapter following Certaine reasons alleaged for the proouing of a passage by the Northeast before the Queenes Maiestie and certaine Lords of the Counsell by Master Anthonie Ienkinson with my seuerall answeres then vsed to the same Cap. 8. BEcause you may vnderstand as well those things alleaged against me as what doth serue for my purpose I haue here added the reasons of Master Anthony Ienkinson a worthy gentleman and a great traueller who conceiued a better hope of the passage to Cataia from vs to be by the Northeast then by the Northwest He first said that he thought not to the contrary but that there was a passage by the Northwest according to mine opinion but assured he was that there might be found a nauigable passage by the north-Northeast from England to goe to all the East parts of the world which he endeuoured to prooue three wayes The first was that he heard a Fisherman of Tartaria say in hunting the Morce that he sayled very farre towards the Southeast finding no end of the Sea whereby he hoped a thorow passage to be that way Whereunto I answered that the Tartarians were a barbarous people and vtterly ignorant in the Arte of Nauigation not knowing the vse of the Sea Card Compasse or Starre which he confessed to be true and therfore they could not said I certainly know the Southeast from the Northeast in a wide sea and a place vnknowen from the sight of the land Or if he sailed any thing neere the shore yet he being ignorant might be deceiued by the doubling of many points and Capes and by the trending of the land albeit he kept continually alongst the shore And further it might be that the poore Fisherman through simplicitie thought that there was nothing that way but sea because he saw no land which proofe vnder correction giueth small assurance
opened a gulfe betwixt the Wâst Indies and the extreame Northerne land but such a one that either is not to be trauelled for the causes in the first obiection alledged or cleane shut vp from vs in Europe by Groenland the South ende whereof Moletius maketh firme land with America the North part continent with Lappeland and Norway Thirdly the greatest fauourers of this voyage can not denie but that if any such passage be it lieth subiect vnto yce and snow for the most part of the yeere whereas it standeth in the edge of the frostie zone Before the Sunne hath warmed the ayre and dissolued the yce eche one well knoweth that there can be no sailing the yce once broken through the continuall abode the sunne maketh a certaine season in those parts how shall it be possible for so weake a vessel as a shippe is to holde out amid whole Islands as it were of yce continually beating on eche side and at the mouth of that gulfe issuing downe furiouâly from the north and safely to passe when whole mountaines of yce and snow shall be tumbled downe vpon her Well graunt the West Indies not to continue continent vnto the Pole grant there be a passage betweene these two lands let the gulfe lie neerer vs then commonly in cardes we finde it set namely betweene the 61. and 64. degrees north as Gemma Frâsius in his mappes and globes imagineth it and so left by our countryman Sebastian Cabot in his table which the Earle of Bedford hath at Cheinies Let the way be voyde of all difficulties yet doeth it not follow that wee haue free passage to Cathayo For examples sake You may trend all Norway Finmarke and Lappeland and then bowe Southward to Saint Nicholas in Moscouia you may likewise in the Mediterranean Sea fetch Constantinople and the mouth of Tanais yet is there no passage by Sea through Moscouia into Pont Euxine now called Mare Maggiore Againe in the aforesaid Mediterranean sea we saile to Alexandria in Egypt the Barbarians bring their pearle and spices from the Moluccaes vp the Red sea or Arabian gulph to Sues scarcely three dayes iourney from the aforesayd hauen yet haue wee no way by sea from Alexandria to the Moluccaes for that Isthmos or litle straight of land betweene the two seas In like maner although the Northerne paâsage be free at 61 degrees of latitude and the West Ocean beyond America vsually called Mar del Zur knowen so be open at 40. degrees eleuation from the Island Iapan yea three hundred leagues Northerly aboue Iapan yet may there be land to hinder the thorow passage that way by Sea as in the examples aforesaid it falleth out Asia and America there being ioyned together in one continent Ne can this opinion seeme altogether friuolous vnto any one that diligently peruseth our Cosmographers doings Iosephus Molerius is of that minde not onely in his plaine Hemispheres of the world but also in his Sea card The French Geographers in like maner be of the same opinion as by their Mappe cut out in forme of a Hart you may perceiue as though the West Indies were part of Asia Which sentence well agreeth with that old conclusion in the Schooles Quic quid praeter Africam Europam est Asia est Whatsoeuer land doeth neither apperteine vnto Afrike nor to Europe is part of Asia Furthermore it were to small purpose to make so long so painefull so doubtfull a voyage by such a newfound way if in Cathayo you should neither bee suffered to land for silkes and siluer nor able to fetch the Molucca spices and pearle for piracie in those Seas Of a law denying all Aliens to enter into China and forbidding all the inhabiters vnder a great penaltie to let in any stranger into those countryes shall you reade in the report of Galeotto Perera there imprisoned with other Portugals as also in the Iaponish letters how for that cause the worthy traueller Xauierus bargained with a Barbarian Merchant for a great summe of pepper to be brought into Canton a port in China The great and dangerous piracie vsed in those Seas no man can be ignorant of that listeth to reade the Iaponish and East Indian historie Finally all this great labour would be lost all these charges spent in vaine if in the ende our trauellers might not be able to returne againe and bring safely home into their owne natiue countrey that wealth riches which they in forrein regions with aduenture of goods danger of their liues haue sought for By the Northeast there is no way the Southeast passage the Portugals doe hold as the Lords of those Seas At y e Southwest Magellans experience hath partly taught vs and partly we are persuaded by reason how the Easterne current striketh so furiously on that straight and falleth with such force into that narrow gulph that hardly any ship can returne that way into our West Ocean out of Mar del Zur The which if it be true as truely it is then wee may say that the aforesayd Easterne current or leuant course of waters continually following after the heauenly motions looseth not altogether his force but is doubled rather by an other âurrent from out the Northeast in the passage betweene America and the North land whither it is of necessity caryed hauing none other way to maintaine it selfe in circular motion consequently the force and fury thereof to be no lesse in the straight of Anian where it striketh South into Mar del Zur beyond America if any such straight of Sea there be then in Magellans fret both straights being of like bredth as in Belognine Zalterius table of new France and in Don Diego Hermano de Toledo his Card for nauigation in that regiââ we doe fââde precisely set downe Neuerthelesse to approoue that there lyeth a way to Cathayo at the Northwest from out of Europe we haue experience namely of three brethren that went that iourney as Gemma Frisius recordeth and left a name vnto that straight whereby now it is called Fretum trium fratrum We doe reade againe of a Portugall that passed this straight of âhom Master Frobisher speaketh that was imprisoned therefore many yeeres in Lisbone to verifie the olde Spanish prouerbe I suffer for doing well Likewise Andrew Vrdaneta a Fryer of Mexico came out of Mar del Zur this way into Germanieâ his Carde for he was a great Discouerer made by his owne experience and trauell in that voyage hath bene seene by Gentlemen of good credite Now if the obseruation and remembrance of things breedeth experience and of experience proceedeth arte and the certaine knowledge we haue in all faculties as the best Philosophers that euer were doe affirme truely the voyage of these aforesayd trauellers that haue gone out of Europe into Mar del Zur and returned thence at the Northwest do most euidently conclude that way to be nauigable and that passage free So much the more we are so
and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576. THe 7. of Iune being Thursday the two Barks viz. the Gabriel and the Michael our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe and bare down to Detford and there we ancred the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boultspriâ and forâmâst aboard of a ship that rode at Detford else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich The 8. day being Friday about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford and set saile all three of vs and bare downe by the Court where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could Her Maiestie beholding the same commended it and bade vs farewell with shaking her hand at vs out of the window Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings and thanked vs for it and also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs and declared to the company that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient and diligent to their Captaine and gouernours in all things and wished vs happie successe The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend by the castle or blockehouse we obserued the latitude which was 51. degrees 33. minâ And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone I had sight oâ Faire yle being from vs 6. leagues North and by East and when I brought it Northwest and by North it did rise at the Southermost ende with a litle hommocke and swâmpe in the middes The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale I cast about to the Westward the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me and the land of Faire yle West Southwest from me I sailed directly to the North head of that said land scunding as I ranne in hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms and gray redde shels and within halfe a mile of that Island there are 36. fathoms for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde and I found by my sounding hard rockes and foule ground and deepe water within two cables length of the shoare 28. fathome and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast the flood setteth Southeast and the ebbe Northwest The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head I did obserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest froÌ me 6. leagues and Swinborne head East southeast from me I found my eleuation to be 37. degr and my declination 22. degr 46. min. So that my latitude was 59. degr 46. min. At that present being neere to Swinborne head hauing a leake which did trouble vs as also to take in fresh water I plyed roome with a sound which is called S. Tronions and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water and faire sande You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17.15.12.10.9.8 and 7. fathoms and the sound lyeth in North northwest and there we roade to a West sunne stopped our leake and hauing refreshed our selues with water at a North northwest sunne I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay And running off toward Fowlay I sounded hauing fiftie fathome and streâmâe ground and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande hauing fiftie fathome at the South head and streamie ground like broken otmell and one shell being redde and white like mackerell The 27. day at a South sunne I did abserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees 59. min. truly obserued the winde at South Southwest I sailed West and by North. From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone the wind at South a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues and at the ende of this watch I sounded hauing 60. fathome with little stones and shels the Island from vs 8. leagues East The first of Iuly from 4. to 8. a clocke wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues and at that present we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to the Westwards this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6. leagues From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues At that present I found our Compasse to be varied 11. deg and one 4. part to the Westwards which is one point The 11 day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16. leagues and rising like pinacles of steeples and all couered with snowe I found my selfe in 61. degr of latitude Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150â fathoms we hoised out our boate and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land but the land lying full of yce they could not get on land and so they came aboord againe We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues The 18. day at a Southeast sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg So I obserued it till I found it at the highest and then it was eleuated 52. deg I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce seeming a firme lande and we cast Westward to be cleare of it The 26. we had sight of a land of yce the latitude was 62. degrees and two minutes The 28. day in the morning was very foggie but at the clearing vp of the fogge wee had sight of lande which I supposed to be Labrador with great store of yce about the land I ranne in towards it and sownded but could get no ground at 100. Fathom and the yce being so thicke I could not get to the shoare and so lay off and came cleare of the yce Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare and sought a harborowe all the sownd was full of yce and our boate rowing a shoare could get no ground at a 100. fathom within a Cables length of
should continue or prosecute the same The voyage of the Grace of Bristol of M. Rice Iones a Barke of thirty fiue sunnes vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of Newefoundland as farre as the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec for the barbes or âynnes of Whales and traine Oyle made by Siluester Wyet Shipmaster of Bristoll WEe departed with the aforesaid Barke manned with twelue men for the place aforesaid from Bristoll the 4 of Aprill 1594. and fell with Cape d'Espere on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteneth of May in the height of 47. We went thence for Cape Raz being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues the very same day The 20. day we were thwart of Cape Raz Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marie which is distant from Cape Raz 19 leagues and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia almost at the entrie thereof From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing by the broken Islands of the Martyers and when we were thwart of the said Isles of the Martyers our course to the Isles of S. Pedro was West and by North. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a faire harbour which we went into with our barke and found there 2 ships of Sibiburo fishing for Cod where we stayed 2 dayes and tooke in balest for our ship There are as faire and tall firre trees growing therein as in any other part of Newfoundland Then wee departed thence and as we came out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship vpon the lee and in 2 houres space we tooke with our hookes 3 or 4 hundred great Cods for our prouision of our ship Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the gulffe of S. Laurence betwene Cape Briton and the said Isle and set our course West North West and fel with Cape de Rey which wee found to be distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues From Cape de Rey to Cape de Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13 leagues From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran Northeast and by East some 18 or 19 leagues In this bay of Saint George we found the wrackes of 2 great Biskaine ships which had bene cast away three yeres before where we had some seuen or eight hundred Whale finnes and some yron bolts and chaines of their mayne shrouds fore shroudes al their traine was beaten out with the weather but the caske remained still Some part of the commodities were spoiled by tumbling downe of the clifts of the hils which couered part of the caske and the greater part of those Whale finnes which we vnderstood to be there by foure Spaniards which escaped were brought to S. Iohn de Luz Here we found the houses of the Sauages made of fiâre trees bound together ââ the top and set round like a Doue-house and couered with the barkes of firre trees wee found also some part of their victuals which were Deeres flesh roasted vpon wooden spits at the fire a dish made of a ryne of a tree sowed together with the smowes of the Deere wherein was oâe of the Deere There were also foules called Cormorants which they had pulckt and made ready to haue dressed and there we found a wooden spoone of their making And we discerned the tracks of the feete of some fortie or fiftie men women and children When we had dispatched our businesse in this bay of S. George and stayed there ten dayes wee departed for the Northren point of the said bay which is nine or ten leagues broade Then being enformed that the Whales which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay and yet escape the fisher for a time are woont vsually to shoot themselues on shore on the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec which lieth in the very mouth of the great riuer that runneth vp to Canada we shaped our course ouer to that long Isle of Natiscotec and wee found the distance of the way to the Estermost ende thereof to be about forty foure leagues and it standeth in the latitude of 49. Here we arriued about the middest of Iune at the East end and rode in eighteene fadome water in faire white sand and very good ankerage and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found wonderfull faire and great Cod fish we went also seuen of vs on shore and found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees and heard and sawe store of land and sea foules and sawe the footing of diuers beastes in the sand when we were on shore From the Easter end we went to the Norther side of the Island which we perceiued to be but narrow in respect of the length thereof And after wee had searched two dayes and a night for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to haue found there and missed of our purpose we returned backe to the Southwarde and were within one league of the Island of Penguin which lyeth South from the Eastermost part of Natiscotec some twelue leagues From the Isle of Penguin wee shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island of Cape Briton then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro and so came into the Bay of Placencia and arriued in the Easterside thereof some ten leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint Iohn de Luz and of Sibiburo and of Biskay which were to the number of threescore and odde sayles whereof eight shippes onely were Spaniardes of whom we were very well vsed and they wished heartily for peace betweene them and vs. There the man of Saint Iohn and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on vs to make vp our voyage with fish Then wee departed ouer to the other side of the Bay where we arriued in an harbour which is callâd Pesmarck and there made our stage and fished so long that in the ende the Sauages came and in the night when our men were at rest cut both our pinnesse and our shippes boate away to our great hinderance of our voyage yet it was our good fortune to finde out our pinnesses and get them againe Then for feare of a shrewder turne of the Sauages we departed for Cape Saint Marie and hauing passed Cape Raz we passed Northwaâde fourteene leagues and arriued in Farrillon and finding there two and twentie sayles of Englishmen wee made vp our fishing voyage to the full in that harborough the twentieth foure of August to our good content and departing thence we arriued first in Combe and staied there a seuen night and afterward in Hungrod in the riuer of Bristoll by the grace of God the 24 of Sâptember 1594. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the Isle of Ramea THe Hopewell of London of the burthen of 120 tunnes whereof was M. William Crafton
and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes wherof was M. Steuen Benner bound vnto the riuer of Canada set to sea at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of London merchants the saide Charles Leigh himselfe and Steuen Van Herwick brother to the sayd Abraham going themselues in the said ships as chiefe commanders of the voyage departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8 of April 1597. And after some hindrances arriuing at Falmoâth in Cornewal the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe And with prosperous windes the 18 of May we were vpon the banke of Newfoundland The 19 we lost the Chancewel The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of Assumption where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French ship and afterward in the same bay wee met with our conâort Whereupon we presently put to sea againe and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay where we remained by extremitie of foule weather and to mend a pinnes of 7 or 8 tunnes which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of Dartmouth the Admiral of that place vntill the last of May. On which day departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke Shallops but could find none The first of Iune we set saile from Rogneuse and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme The 4 we set saile and this day we saw a great Island of yce The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in a fog at the mouâh of the bay of Placentia The 11 at Sunne setting we had sight of Cape Briton And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we cast anker vnder the north-Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground In that place we caught great store of Cods which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland The 13 wee weyed anker againe and being becalmed about a league from the shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes aboue ground and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship The 14 we came to the 2 Islands of Birds some 23 leagues froÌ Menego where there were such abundance of Birds as is almost incredible to report And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds we saw great store of Morsses or sea Oxen which were a sleepe vpon the rockes but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee from them The 16 we arriued at Brians Island which lyeth 5 leagues West from the Island of Birds About this Island ther is as great aboundance of cods as in any place can be found In litle more then an houre we caught with 4 hookes 250 of them Here we caught also a great Tuâbut which was an elâe long and a yard broad which was so great that the hooke could not hold her into the ship but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke escaped In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for corne and meadow great store of wood but of smal groweth Springes of fresh water we found none in all the Island but some standing pooles of raine water The same day at night we weyed anker againe The 17 we had stormy weather The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea where we appointed to meet with our consort And approching neere vnto the harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our great boate into the harborough with the masters mate and some dozen more of the company who when they came in found 4 ships Namely 2 of Saint Malo in Britaigne and two of Sâbâburo adioyning to Saint Iohn de luz being the French Kings subiâcts whom they supposed to haue bene of Spaine and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into haâborough âinding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre and a mightie great cuârent in when wee had cast anker we sent presently to speake with the masters of all thâ ships but those onely of Saint Malo came aboord whom wee entertained very friendly and demaunded of whence the other two shippes were They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de Luz or Sibiburo Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both the sayd shippes to request them to come aboord and to bring with them their Charters parties and other euidences to the ende we might knowe of whence they were At which message one of the sayde Masteâs came aboord with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe whom when we had examined they sayd that they were of Sibiburo and the French Kings subiectes We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough peaceably to deliuer vp their powder and munition promising them that if we found them to be the French Kings subiectes it shoulde be kept in safetie for them without diminishing But they woulde not consent thereunto whereunto we replyed that vnlesse they would consent thereunto we would hold them to be our enemies They not consenting we sent the boate well manned to fetch thâir powder and munition from aboorde their ship but straightly commanded our men not to touch any thing else in the ship vpon their further perill which they promised to performe When they came aboorde the saide ships which were mored together they were resisted by force of armes but quickly they got the victorie which done they fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes contrary to their promise whereupon we sent another to forbidde them but when he came to them none was more ready of pillage then he Whereupon I went my selfe and tooke away from our men whatsoeuer they had pillaged and gaue it againe to the owners onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were When I had done I gaue the Baskes possâssion of their shippe againe and tolde them they should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings of subiects Then I caryed away all our men and also tooke with me two or three of the chiefest of them and when I came aboord went to examining of them and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France whereupon I tolde the master of the âaid ship that I was throughly satisfied that he was of France and so diâmissed him in peace Of the other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine but had nâ certaine proofe thereof wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace After I had thus dismissed them our ships company fell into a mutiny and more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away But they weâe
This Island is so full of birds that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them yet for the great number that there is it would not seeme that any were taken away We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them This Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees and 40 minutes Upon the eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further with a prosperous weather came to the Port called The Port of white sands that is in the Bay called The Bay of Castelâ where we had purposed to meete stay together the 15 of the said moneth In this place theâefore we looked for our fellowes that is to say the other two ships till the 26 of the moneth on which day both came together So soone as our fellowes were come we set our ships in a readines taking in both water wood other necessaries And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth early in the morning we hoised saile to passe on further sayling along the Northerne coast that runneth Northeast and Southwest til two houres after Sun-set or thereabouts then we crossed along two Islands which doe stretch further foorth then the others which we called S. Williams Islands being distant about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest All the coast from the Castels to that place lieth East West Northeast Southwest hauing betweene it sundry little Islands altogether barren and full of stones without either earth or trees except certain valleyâ only The next day being the 30 of Iuly we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe among which there is a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes where many good harboroughs seeme to be them we named S. Marthas Islands from which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous shallow wherein are fiue rockes which lie from Saint Marthas Islands about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands on the East on the West side to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues âthwart a cape of the lower Islands which we named S. Germans Islands Southeastward from which place about three leagues there is a very dangerous shallow Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas about two leagues from the sayd Islands there lyeth a banke of sand vpon which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe and therefore seeing the danger of the coast we strucke saile and went no further that night The next day being the last of Iuly we went all along the coast that runneth East and West and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about with Islands and drie sands and in trueth is very dangerous The length from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without any signe or shew of harboroughs till we came to Cape Thiennot which treÌdeth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage and therefore we sailed on all that night West and Westnorthwest till it was day and then the wind turned against vs wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might harbour our ships and by good hap found one fit for our purpose about seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot that we named S. Nicholas Hauen it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea Upon the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse But note by the way that this crosse must be brought Northeast then bending toward it leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water and within the hauen foure Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane outward halfe a league All this coast is full of shoulds and very dangerous albeât in sight many good hauens seeme to be there yet is there nought else but shelues and sands We staied and rested our selues in the sayd hauen vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday on which day we hoysed sayle and came toward land on the South side toward Cape Rabast distaât from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast and Southsouthwest but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary winde and because we could find no hauen there toward the South thence we went coasting along toward the North beyond the aboue sayd hauen about ten leagues where we found a goodly great gulfe full of Islands passages and entrances toward what wind so euer you please to bend for the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape of lande stretching somewhat further foorth than the others and about two leagues within the land there is an hill fashioned as it were an heape of corne We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay The twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay or gulfe sayling Westward and discouered a Cape of land toward the South that runneth West and by South distant from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay about fiue and twenty leagues And of the two wilde men which wee tooke in our former voyage it was tolde vs that this was part of the Southerne coaste that there was an Island on the Southerly parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo where the yeere before we had taken them to Canada and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay on the North shore extending toward Canada and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape there is aboue a hundreth fadome water Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so many Whâles seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape The next day after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth hauing passed the Straight we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward the South which landes are full very great and high hilles and this Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption and one Cape of the said high countreys lyeth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest the distance betweene which is about fiue and twenty leagues The Countreys lying North may plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly more then thirty leagues in length We trended the sayd landes about toward the South from the sayd day vntill Tewesday noone following the winde came West and therefore wee bended toward the North purposing to goe and see the land that we before had spâed Being arriued there we found the sayd landes as it were ioyned together and low toward the Sea And the Northerly mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East and West and
of Pinos which lieth on the Southside of Cuba nigh vâto the West end or Cape called Cape S. Anthony And thâ same day we gaue chase to a Frigat but at night we lost sight of her partly by the slow sayling of our Admirall lacke of the Moone-light our Pinnesse whom Captaine Cooke had sent to the Cape the day before On the 11 we came to Cape S. Anthony where we found our consort the Moonelight and her Pinnesse abiding for our comming of whom we vnderstood that the day before there passed by them 22 saile somâ of them of the burden of 300 and some 400 tunnes loaden with the Kings treasure from the maine bound for Hauana from this 11 of Iuly vntil 22 we were much becalmed and the winde being very scarse and the weather exceeding hoat we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken wherefore we were driuen to land all the Spaniards sauing three but the place where we landed them was of their owne choise on the Southside of Cuba neere vnto the Organes and Rio de Puercos The 23 we had sight of the Cape of Florida and the broken Ilands therof called the Martires The 25 being S. Iames day in the morning we fell with the Matanças a head-land 8 leagues towards the East of Hauana where we purposed to take fresh water in and make our abode two or three dayes On Sunday the 26 of Iuly plying too and fro betweene the Matanças and Hauana we were espied of three small Pinnasses of S. Iohn de Vllua bound for Hauana which were exceeding richly loaden These 3 Pinnasses came very boldly vp vnto vs and so continued vntill they came within musket shot of vs. And we supposed them to be Captaine Harps pinnesse and two small Frigats taken by Captaine Harpe wherefore we shewed our flag But they presently vpon the sight of it turned about made all the saile they could from vs toward the shore kept theÌselues in so shallow water that we were not able to follow them and therefore gaue them ouer with expence of shot pouder to no purpose But if we had not so rashly set out our flagge wee might haue taken them all three for they would not haue knowen vs before they had bene in our hands This chase brought vs so far leeward as Hauana wherfore not finding any of our consorts at y e Matanças we put ouer again to the cape of Florida from thence thorow the chanel of Bahama On the 28 the Câpâ of Florida bare West off vs. The 30 we lost sight of the coast of Florida and stood to Sea for to gaine the helpe of the current which runneth much swifter a farre off then in sight of the coast For from the Cape to Virginia all along the shore are none but eddie currents setting to the South and Southwest The 31 our three ships were clearely disbocked the great prize the Admirall and the Moone-shine but our prize being thus disbocked departed from vs without taking leaue of our Admirall or consort and sayled directly for England August ON the first of August the winde scanted and from thence forward we had very fowle weather with much raine thundering and great spouts which fell round about vs nigh vnto our ships The 3 we stoode againe in for the shore and at midday we tooke the height of the same The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie Ilands West of Wokokon But the weather continued so exceeding foule that we could not come to an anker nye the coast wherefore we stood off againe to Sea vntill Monday the 9 of August On munday the storme ceased and we had very great likelihood of faire weather therefore we stood in againe for the shore came to an anker at 11 fadome in 35 degrees of latitude within a mile of the shore where we went on land on the narrow sandy Iland being one of the Ilandes West of Wokokon in this Iland we tooke in some fresh water and caught great store of fish in the shallow water Betweene the maine as we supposed and that Iland it was but a mile ouer and three or foure foote deepe in most places On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anker at the north-Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan by reason of a breach which we perceiued to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea here we road all that night The 13 in the morning before we wayed our ankers our âoates were sent to sound ouer this breach our ships riding on the side thereof at 5 fadome and a ships length from vs we found but 4 and a quarter and then deeping and shallowing for the space of two miles so that sometimes we found 5 fadome and by by 7 and within two casts with the lead 9 then 8 next cast 5. then 6 then 4 then 9 againe and deeper but 3 fadome was the least 2 leagues off froÌ the shore This breach is in 35 degr a halfe lyeth at the very Northeast point of Croatoan wheras goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner waters which part the Ilandes and the maine land The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask in 36 degr and one third in fiue fadom water three leagues from the shore At our first coÌming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the I le Raonoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587 which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore Captain Cooke Cap. Spicer their coÌpany with me with intent to passe to the place at Raonoak where our countreymen were left At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people This was accordingly performed our twoe boats put off vnto the shore in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the shore nine eight and seuen fadome but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first but it was much further from the harbour where we landed then we supposed it to be so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke we found no man nor signe that any
the South parts of y e Ilands called De los Ladrones that is The Ilands of rouers or Islas de las Velas vnder 13. degrees and ½ in latitude Septentrionall and 164. degrees in longitude Orientall vpon the sixed Meridionall line which lyeth right with the Iland of Terçera From thence we helde our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues till we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo that is The point of the holy Ghost lying in the Iland Tandaya the first Iland of those that are called Philippinas Luçones or Manillas which is a countrey with fewe hilles with some mines of brimstone in the middle thereof From the point aforesayde wee sailed West for the space of eighteene leagues to the point or entrie of the chanell which runneth in betweene that Iland and the Iland of Luçon This point or entrie lieth scarce vnder 12. degrees All the coast that stretcheth from the entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo del Spirito santo is not very faire Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a hauen of indisserent greatnesse called Baya de Lobâs that is The Bay of woolues hauing a small Iland in the mouth thereof and within the chanell about halfe a league from the ende of the sayd Iland lyeth an Iland or cliffe when you passe by the point in the middle of the chanell âhân you haue fiue and twentie fathom deepe with browne sand there we found so great a streame running Westward that it made the water to cast a skum as if it had beene a sande whereby it put vs in feare but casting out our lead wee found fiue and twentie fathom deepe From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North and North and by East about tenne leagues lyeth the Iland of Catanduanes about a league distant from the lande of Luçon on the furthest point Eastward and from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West and Southwest lyeth the Iland Capuli about sixe leagues from thence stretching Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast being fiue leagues long and foure leagues broad and as wee past by it it lay Northward from vs vnder twelue degrees and ¾ and somewhat high lande Foure leagues ârom the aforesayd Iland of Capuli Northwestward lie the three Ilands of the hauen of Bollon in the Iland of Luçones stretching North and South about foure leagues distant from the firme lande halfe a league whereof the furthest Southward lieth vnder thirteene degrees In this chanell it is twentie fathom deepe with white sand and a great streame running Southeast we passed through the middle of the chanell From this chanell wee helde our course Southwest and Southwest and by West for the space of twentie leagues vntill wee came to the West ende of the Iland of Tycao which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues This point or hooke lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¾ In the middle betweene this Iland and the Iland Capuli there lie three Ilands called the Faranias and we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all the Ilands at the depth of of 22. fathom with white sand From the aforesayd West point of the Iland Tycao to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sayle about the length of a league or a league and an halfe we put into that chanell holding our course South and South and by West about three leagues vntill we were out of the chanell at sixteene fathom deepe with halfe white and reddish sande in the chanell and at the mouth thereof whereof the middle lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ââ and there the streames runne Northward The Iland of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and Southeast and is lowe lande whereof the Northwest point is about three leagues from the coast of Luçon but you cannot passe betweene them with any shippe but with small foists and barkes of the countrey This shallowe channell lieth vnder twelue degrees and running thorow the aforesaid chanell betweene the Ilands Tycao and Buryas as I sayd before we sayled Southward about two leagues from the Iland of Masbate which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long being in brâdth 4. leagues and lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¼ in the middle thereof and is somewhat high land From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas wee helde our course Westnorthwest for thirteene leagues leauing the Iland Masbate on the Southside and the Iland Buryas on the North side at the ende of thirteene leagues wee came by an Iland called Banton which is in forme like a hat vnder twelue degrees and ââ when we had sayled the aforesayd thirteene leagues and eight leagues more on the South side wee left the Iland called Rebuiam which stretcheth Northwest and Northwest and by North and Southeast and Southeast and by South for the space of eight leagues being high and crooked lande whereof the North point lyeth vnder tweluâ degrees and 2 3. and there you finde 35. fathom deepe with white sand From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine leagues there beginne and followe three Ilandes one of them being called Bantonsilla which is a small Iland in forme of a sugar loafe the second Crymara being somewhat great in length reaching East and West about two leagues the third Itaa or the I le of Goates hauing certaine houels By all these Ilands aforesayd you may passe with all âortes of shippes whereof the foremost lyeth Southward vnder twelue degrees and ââ From the Iland of Bantonsilla or small Banton wee helde our course Northwest for the space of foure leagues to the chanell betweene the Ilands called de Vereies and the Iland Marinduque the Vercies lying on the South side vnder twelue degâees and 3 4. which are two small Ilands like two Frigats and the Iland Marinduque on the North side vnder twelue degrees and 4 5. which is a great Iland stretching West northwest and Eastâoutheast hauing in length 12 in bredth 7. leagues On the North side with the Iland Luçon it maketh a long and small chanell running somewhat crooked which is altogether full of shallowes and sandes whereby no shippes can passe through it The furthest point Westward of the same Iland lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and 1 4. It is high lande on the East side hauing the forme of a mine of brimstone or fierie hill and on the West side the land runneth downâward at the point thereof being round like a loafe of bread in the chanell betweene it and the Vereies there are 18. fathom deepe with small blacke sand From the aforesayd chanell of Vereies and Marinduque wee helde our course Westnorthwest twelue leagues to the lande of Mindora to the point or hooke called Dumaryn lying full vnder thirteene degrees Fiue leagues forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left an Iland called âsla del maestro del Campo that is The Iland of the Colonell lying vnder twelue degrees and 3 4. which is a small and flat Iland In this
Cuba and from thence to Hauana lying hard by which is the chiefest port that the king of Spaine hath in all the countreys of the Indies and of greatest importance for all the ships both from Peru Hunduras Porto rico S. Domingo Iamaica and all other places in his Indies arriue there in their returne to Spaine for that in this port they take in victuals and water and the most part of their lading here they meet from all the foresayd places alwayes in the beginning of May by the kings commandement at the entrance of this port it is so narrow that there can scarse come in two ships together although it be aboue sixe fadome deepe in the narrowest place of it In the North side of the comming in there standeth a tower in which there watcheth euery day a man to descrie the sailes of ships which hee can see on the sea and as many as he discouereth so many banners he setteth vpon the tower that the people of the towne which standeth within the port about a mile from the tower may vnderstand thereof Under this tower there lieth a sandy shore where men may easily go aland and by the tower there runneth a hill along by the waters side which easily with small store of ordinance subdueth the towne and port The port within is so large that there may easily ride a thousand saile of ships without anker or cable for no winde is able to hurt them There inhabit within the towne of Hauana about three hundred Spanyards and about threescore souldiers which the king mainteineth there for the keeping of a certeine castle which hee hath of late erected which hath planted in it about twelue pieces of small ordinance and is compassed round with a small ditch wherethorow at their pleasure they may let in the sea About two leagues from Hauana there lieth another towne called Wanabacoa in which there is dwelling about an hundred Indians and from this place 60 leagues there lieth another towne named Bahama situate on the North side of the Island The chiefest city of this Island of Cuba which is aboue 200 leagues in length is also called Sant Iago de Cuba where dwelleth a bishop about two hundred Spanyards which towne standeth on the South side of the Island about 100 leagues from Hauana All the trade of this Island is cattell which they kill onely for the hides that are brought thence into Spaine for which end the Spanyards mainteine there many negroes to kil their cattell and foster a great number of hogs which being killed and cut into small pieces they dry in the Sun and so make it prouision for the ships which come for Spaine Hauing remained in this Island two moneths I tooke shipping in a frigat and went ouer to Nombre de Dios and from thence by land to Panama which standeth vpon the South sea From Nombre de Dios to Panama is 17 leagues distance from which towne there runneth a riuer which is called the riuer of Chagre which runneth within 5 leagues of Panama to a place called Cruzes thorow which riuer they cary their goods and disimbarke them at the sayd Cruzes and from thencâ they are conueyed on mules backs to Panama by land where they againe imbarke them in certeine small shippes in the South sea for all the coast of Peru. In one of these ships I went to Potossi and from thence by land to Cusco and from thence to Paita Here I remained the space of seuen moneths and then returned into the kingdome of Guatimala and arriued in the prouince of Nicoia and Nicaragua From Nicaragua I trauelled by land to a prouince called Nicamula which lieth toward the North sea in certaine high mountaines for that I could not passe thorow the kingdome of Guatimala at that time for waters wherewith all the Low countreys of the prouince of Soconusco lying by the South sea are drowned with the raine that falleth aboue in the mountaines enduring alwayes from April to September which season for that cause they call their Winter From this prouince I came into another called De Vera Paz in which the chiefest city is also called after that name where there dwelleth a bishop and about forty Spanyards Among the mountaines of this countrey toward the North sea there is a prouince called La CaÌdona where are Indian men of war which the king can not subdue for that they haue townes and forts in a great lake of water aboue in the sayd mountaines the most part of them goe naked and some weare mantles of cotton wooll Distant from this about 80 leagues I came into another prouince called the prouince of Chiapa wherein the chiefest city is called Sacatlan where there dwelleth a bishop and about an hundred Spanyards In this countrey there is great store of Cottân wooll whereof the Indians make fiue linnen cloth which the Christians buy and cary into Noua Hispania The people of this prouince pay their tribute to the king all in Cotton wooll and Feathers Foureteene leagues from this city there is another called Chiapa where are the finest gennets in all the Indies which are caried hence to Mexico 300 leagues from it From this city I trauelled still thorow hilles and mountaines till I came to the end of this prouince to a hill called Ecatepec which in English signifieth The hill of winde for that they say it is the highest hill that euer was discouered for from the top of it may be discouered both the North and the South seas and it is in height supposed to be nine leagues They which trauell ouer it lie alwayes at the foot of it ouer night and begin their iourney about midnight to trauell to the top of it before the Sunne rise the next day because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards that it is impossible for any man to goe vp from the foot of this hill to Tecoantepec the first towne of Noua Hispania are about fifteene leagues And so from hence I iourneyed to Mexico By and by after I came to Mexico which was in the yere 1572 in the company of another Spanyard which was my companion in this iourney we went together toward the prouince of Panuco which lieth vpon the coast of the North sea and within three dayes iourney we entred a city called Mestitlan where there dwelt twelue Spanyards the Indian inhabitants there were about thirty thousand This city standeth vpon certaine hie mountaines which are very thicke planted with townes very holesome and fruitfull hauing plentifull fountaines of water running thorow them The high wayes of these hilles are all set with fruits and trees of diuers kindes and most pleasant In euery towne as we passed thorow the Indians presented vs with victuals Within twenty leagues of this place there is another city called Clanchinoltepec belonging to a gentleman where there inhabit about fourty thousand Indians and
therefore I had alwayes a longing and desire to this my natiue countrey and to returne and serue againe in the Mines where I might haue gathered great riches and wealth I very well saw that at one time or another I should fall againe into the danger of that diuelish Inquisition and so be stript of all with losse of life also and therefore I made my choise rather to learne to weaue Grogranes and Taffaties and so compounding with a Silke-weauer I bound my selfe for three yeeres to serue him and gaue him an hundred and fiftie Pezos to teach me the science otherwise he would not haue taught mee vnder seuen yeeres prentiship and by this meanes I liued the more quiet and free from suspition Howbeit I should many times be charged by familiars of that diuelish house that I had a meaning to runne away into England and to be an heretike Lutherane againe To whom I would answere that they had no neede to suspect any such thing in mee for that they knewe all very well that it was impossible for me to escape by any maner of meanes yet notwithstanding I was called before the Inquisitor and demaunded why I did not marrie I answered that I had bound my selfe at an occupation Well said the Inquisitor I knowe thou meanest to runne away and therefore I charge thee here vpon paine of burning as an heretike relapsed that thou depart not out of this citie nor come neere to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua nor to any other port To the which I answered that I would willingly obey Yea said he see thou doe so and thy fellowes also they shall haue the like charge So I remained at my science the full time and learned the Art at the end whereof there came newes to Mexico that there were certaine Englishmen landed with a great power at the port of Acapulco vpon the South sea and that they were comming to Mexico to take the spoyle therof which wrought a maruellous great feare amongst them many of those that were rich began to shift for themselues their wiues children vpon which hurlie burlie the Uiceroy caused a generall muster to be made of all the Spaniards in Mexico and there were found to be the number of 7000 and odde housholders of Spaniards in the citie and suburbs and of singlemen vnmaried the number of 3000 and of Mestizoes which are counted to be the sonnes of Spaniards borne of Indian women twenty thousand persons and then was Paul Horsewel I Miles Philips sent for before the Uiceroy and were examined if we did know an English man named Francis Drake which was brother to Captaine Hawkins to which we answered that Captainee Hawkins had not any brother but one which was a man of the age of threescore yeeres or thereabouts and was now gouernour of Plimmouth in England And then he demanded of vs if we knewe one Francis Drake and we answered no. While these things were in doing there came newes that all the Englishmen were gone yet were there eight hundred men made out vnder the leading of seueral Captains wherof two hundred were sent to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua vpon the North Sea vnder the conduct of Don Luys Suares two hundred were sent to Guatimala in the South sea who had for their captaine Iohn Cortes two hundred more were sent to Guatulco a port of the South sea ouer whom went for captaine Don Pedro de Robles and two hundred more were sent to Acapulco the port where it was said that Captaine Drake had bene And they had for Captaine doctor Robles Alcalde de Corte with whom I Miles Philips went as interpreter hauing licence giuen by the Inquisitors When we were come to Acapulco we found that Captaine Drake was departed from thence more then a moneth before we came thither But yet our captaine Alcalde de Corte there presently embarked himselfe in a small ship of threescore tunne or thereabout hauing also in companie with him two other small barkes and not past two hundred men in all with whom I went as interpreter in his owne ship which God knoweth was but weake and ill appointed so that for certaine if we had met with Captaine Drake he might easily haue taken vs all We being imbarked kept our course and ranne Southward towards Panama keeping still as nigh the shore as we could and leauing the land vpon our left hand and hauing coasted thus for the space of eighteene or twentie dayes and being more to the South then Guatimala we met at last with other ships which came from Panama of whom we were certainely informed that he was cleane gone off the coast more then a moneth before and so we returned backe to Acapulco againe and there landed our Captaine being thereunto forced because his men were very sore sea-sicke All the while that I was at Sea with them I was a glad man for I hoped that if we met with master Drake we should all be taken so that then I should haue beene freed out of that danger and miserie wherein I liued and should returne to mine owne countrey of England againe But missing thereof when I sawe there was no remedie but that we must needes come on land againe little doeth any man know the sorow and griefe that inwardly I felt although outwardly I was constrained to make faire weather of it And so being landed y e next morow after we began our iourney towardes Mexico and past these townes of name in our way as first the towne of Tuatepec 50 leagues from Mexico from thence to Washaca 40 leagues from Mexico from thence to Tepiaca 24 leagues from Mexico and from thence to Pueblo de los Angeles where is a high hill which casteth out fire three times a day which hill is 18 leagues in maner directly West from Mexico from thence we went to Stapelapa 8 leagues from Mexico and there our captaine and most of his men tooke boat and came to Mexico againe hauing bene foorth about the space of seuen weekes or thereabouts Our captaine made report to the Uiceroy what he had done and how farre he had trauelled and that for certaine he was informed that captaine Drake was not to be heard of To which the Uiceroy replied and said Surely we shall haue him shortly come into our hands driuen a land through necessitie in some one place or other for he being now in these seas of Sur it is not possible for him to get out of them againe so that if he perish not at sea yet hunger wil force him to land And then againe I was commanded by the Uiceroy that I should not depart the citie of Mexico but alwaies be at my masters house in a readinesse at an houres warning when soeuer I should be called for that notwithstanding within one moneth after certaine Spaniards going to Mecameca 18 leagues from Mexico to send away certaine hides and Cochinilla that they had there at
him brought me to Portsmouth where they set me on land the 2. day of December last past 1590. From thence I was sent by M. Muns the lieutenant of Portsmouth with letters to the R. honorable the Earle of Suffex who commanded his secretary to take my name and examination how long I had bene âut of England and with whom I went which he did And on Christmas euen I took my leaue of his honor and came to Redriffeâ The Computation of my imprisonment I suffered imprisonment in Mexico two yeeres In the Contratation house in Siuill one yeere In the Inquisition house in Triana one yeere I was in the Gallies twelue yeeres In the euerlasting prison remediles with the coat with S. Andrews crosse on my back 4. yeres And at libertie I serued as a drudge Hernando de Soria 3. yeeres which is the full complement of 23. yeeres Since my departure from England vntill this time of my returne I was siue times in great danger of death besides the many perils I was in in the Gallies First in the Port of S. Iohn de Vllua where being on shore with many other of our company which were all slaine sauing I and two other that by swimming got aboord the Iesus of Lubek Secondly when we were robbed by the wild Indians Thirdly after we came to Mexico the viceroy would haue hanged vs. Fourthly because he could not haue his mind to hang vs he would haue burnt vs. Fiftly the Generall that brought vs into Spaine would haue hanged vs at sea Thus hauing truely set downe vnto you my trauels misery and dangers endured the space of 23. yeeres I ende A relation of the Hauen of Tecuanapa a most conuenient place for building of ships situate vpon the South sea not farre from Nicaragua which was sent vnto the viceroy of Mexico or to the king of Spaine wherein are described the riuers of Ometepec Tlacamama and Tlacolula falling into the said Hauen with the townes people and mountaines adioyning to the said riuers and other things fit for the building and victualling of ships THe Port and small harbour of Tecuanapa hath in the briest time of Sommer in the chanell little lesse then one fathome at low water and at full sea one fathome and an halfes in the time of raine with the increasing of the land-water it hath three fathoms and more It lyeth toward the West and there the Bishopricks of Guaxacan and Tlarcali are separated From hence toward the point called Punta de Intla and Dordaci there is a Bay 2. leagues distant which though it be no special harbour yet vpon an extremity ships may come and ride there as in times past they haue done This Bay on the right hand toward the North maketh a lake somewhat large towards the midst of the chanell and in some parts deepe but specially on the side of Cuahintla but on either side it is but shallow As you passe betweene the sea certaine great and large woods of orenge trees and trees of other nature which grow along the sea coast which are of no great bredth al the countrey appeareth very open howbeit on the side of Cuahintla the mountaines haue many creeks and a small lake called Tulaningo and the countrey cannot be trauelled except you take the way betweene the sea and the end of this lake which may be about two leagues of sandy way And on the North side there is another small creeke And going by the sands side one quarter of a league you come to the way that leadeth vnto Quacapotla a mansion of Intla The riuer of Ometepec being the principal riuer which commeth to this halâen hath his head in the mountaines of Xicayan de Touer about 24. leagues froÌ this hauen from diuers brooks which come out of the mountaines of Cacatepec and beneath a towne called Suchistlahuaca litle more then 3. leagues all the brooks ioyne together and from that place you may passe downe to the sea with Canoâs and Lighters and you might come farther but for the fall of a furious streame or current which ruÌneth between two great rocks passing from Cocahulapa a mansion of Ometepec vnto Yanguitle a mansion of the said Ometepec These inconueniences being past which in my iudgement may be about one league the riuer is more nauigable so that you may sayle in the same about 12. leagues During the space of which 12. leagues about a league and a halfe distance from the waters side and in many other parts of the same riuer it hath great quantitie of woods which vse to grow in hot soiles fiâ for ship-timber as Hubertrees Suchicuhitil whereof they of Nicaragua make great profit Also there be white okes and Tehegurtes in great quantitie and many other kinds of timber and in the mountaines there be firre-trees okes and cork-trees which easily may bee caried downe the riuer because they may be cut some 2 3 4 and 5. leagues from the riuer and may be brought downe to the waters side with the seruice and helpe of those that dwell in the townes thereabout At the head of these brooks where the riuer beginneth is the towne which is called Xicaian belonging to the heires of Francis de Touer y de Guillen containing about 350. Indians of rude speech and of little policie being 24. leagues from the sea little more or lesse The place it selfe is hot although the mountaines round about be cold A little from this is the towne of Aioanapa possessed by the heires of Perez Gomez hauing in it about 300. Indians of the selfe same speach and qualitie The countrey is more subiect to heate then cold yet hath it neere it cold countreys and mountaines It is distant from Xicaâââ de Toâer 4. leagues and from the sea 20. leagues Sire leagues downeward toward the South is the towne of Suchistlahuaca on the said riuer and the inhabitants are of the same speach and qualities The countrey is more subiect to heaâe then cold It is in the charge of Gonzaluo Fernandez a citizen of Mexico and hath about 150. Indians and is 15. leagues distant from the sea From this towne vnto the towne of Ometepec are 6. leagues The place is very hoat and in the same gouernment and is situate betweene certaine hils one league from the riuer âe and his followers haue vnder them about 700. Indians which speake the Ayacastecan Amulgan and Niciecan tongâes and this place is from the sea nine leagues From this towne vnto Ihualapa are two great leagues it is in the gouernment of the heires of Laurence de Castro of the foresaid temperature and the people vse the said language and are of the like stature and it standeth three leagues from the riuer and from the sea ten leagues These are the best townes and of the best traffique that are vpon all this coast The Indians are rich in Cacao and victuals and in
from the fury of the enemies shot And so with ensigne displayed taking with vs our sixe dead men wee retired with more safetie to the hauen where we tooke a frigat which rode ready fraught with the kings tribute in siluer and other good commodities which were presently to bee transported to S. Iuan de Vllua and brought the same and our Periago or Canoa to my ship which lay in two fadome water sixe leagues from the town being not able to come any neerer for the sholds vpoÌ that coast Ouer against the place where our ship rode stoode a towne of 300 or 400 Indians called Sebo which we likewise tooke where wee found Champeche-wood good to dye withal with waxe and hony This done we left this coast and turned vp to Cape de Cotoche againe and ankored euery day at noone because of the brizes and in turning vp I lost my barke called the Aduenture which was taken by 2 frigats of warre which were manned out from Campeche wherein Captaine Hen and thirteen of my men were taken and afterward executed as since we vnderstand by some Spanish prisoners that were taken in those parts After we had stayed fiue weekes on this coast wee shaped our course for Hauana where finding nothing we disemboqued and came along by the Isle of Bermuda and crossed ouer to The banke neere Cape Race in 22 fadomes and from thence sayling for England we fel with Sillie about the first of Iuly and within two dayes after arriued at Plimmouth where we found the Right honorable the Erle of Essex setting forth with a great fleet for the Isles of the Açores An excellent ruttier for the Islands of the VVest Indies and for Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna IF a man depart from the barre of S. Lucar in Summer time hee must steere Southwest vntil hee hath sight of Punta de Naga which is in the Isle of Tenerif The markes to know it be these An high point sâoping to the sea at the Easter point it hath two down falles like particions and they shew to be separated from the maine of the Island stand in 28 degrees a halfe And if thou wilt haue sight of the Grand Canaria and findest thy selfe with Punta de Naga thou shalt then steere Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Canaria which standeth in 28 degrees And thou must come to ankor on the Southeast side of the Island But I aduise thee if it be in winter time that thou keepe another course and that as followeth The course that a man must keepe departing in winter for the Indies from Sant Lucar DEparting from Sant Lucar in winter thou shalt goe West and by South keeping along the coast because if thou goe farre from the coast thou shalt meete with the wind off the sea vntill thou be as high shot as Cape Cantin which is a low flat cape with the sea And thou shalt see a great wood before thou come at this cape called Casa del Cauallero And from thence thou shalt steere thy olde course that is Southwest and by South for the Isles of Alegrança and Lancerota and when thou art North and South with Alegrança thou shalt steere thence Southwest and so thou shalt see the Canaria which is a round high land and standeth in twentie eight degrees What thou must doe if a contrary wind take thee fiftie leagues off the shore VVHen thou art fifty leagues shot on thy way into the sea Southwest off and there thou chance to meete with a contrary winde off the sea and if it force thee to put roome then thou shalt steere Northeast and by East and shalt hall with sight of Cabos del Plata which shew when thou art a seaboord so farre as thou mayest descrie them to be like two points of white sand and if it be cleere thou shalt see within the land certain high hilles lying Northwest and by West called las Sierras de Zahara and being three leagues from land thou shalt haue thirtie fadomes water and sand And from thence to the bay of Cadiz thou shalt goe along Northwest by the coast and if thou be in thirtie or forty âadomes thou shalt haue âaze but if thou bee in lesse then thirtie fadomes thou shalt haue other sounding which if it chance then thou art against S. Pedro. And if it bee by day thou shalt see the Ermitage of Sant Sebastian which seemeth to be a shippe under sayle And thou shalt goe into the bay taking heede of the Puercos giue them a good birth off And if thou chance to bee benighted when thou fallest with the bay and wouldest goe into the bay thou shalt carie thy lead in thy hand and be sounding and finding thy selfe in rockie ground thou shalt steere North because of shunning the Puercos and yet giue them not too great a birth because of The Diamant and so thou mayest goe in sounding when thou thinkest good And being benighted and then not East and West with the bay and if thou doest not goe into it then make the largest boord thou caust keeping off till day If thou be at the Canaries and wouldest sayle to Nueua Espanna thou shalt sayle foure and twenty houres South because of the calmes of Fierro And from thence thou shalt goe Westsouthwest vntill thou finde thy selfe in twenty degrees And then thou must goe West and by South which is the course for the Isle Deseada And from Deseada thou shalt goe West and by North because of the variation of the compasse And falling with Deseada thou shalt finde it to rise low with the sea and it standeth in 15 degrees And the eastermost part is the sharpest and smaller then the West point And if thou are going for Tierra firma thou shalt goe West and by South vntill thou come to Dominica and there on the Northwest side is a riuer where thou mayest water The marks to know it bee a certaine high land full of hilles And seeing it when thou art farre off to the seaward it maketh in the middest a partition so that a man would thinke it deuided the Island in two parts And this Island standeth in 14 degrees and a halfe I aduise thee that if thou wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna and so doest passe betweene Guadalupe and Monserate to the Westward that being thus open off the entrance betwixt them thou shalt go Westnorthwest and so shalt haue sight of Santa Cruz which standeth in seuenteene degrees and a halfe And the markes to know it be these It is an Island not uery high and lyeth East and West and at the East end it is lower then at the West end And going forward on thy course thou shalt runne Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe to haue sight of the Isle of San Iuan de Puerto rico which is an Island lying East and West and standeth in eighteene
degrees And the markes be these That on the West end it is lowest and the Eastermost is the highest And if thou fall with the middest of the Island then thou shalt goe a long it to the West vnto Cabo Roxo which is the end of the Isle And from thence the coast runneth North to Punta Aguada Cape Roxo hath certaine red cliffes Thou must steere West and by South from Cape Roxo to find Mona and so thou shalt haue sight of Mona And the marks thereof be these it is a low land lying East and West and on the East end it is highest it hath a slope towards the sea and standeth in 18â degrees rather lesse then more And if it be by daâ then thou shalt runne West and shalt see Saona which is an Island lying without Hispaniola and âyeth East and West and is full of trees and hath certaine sandy bayes And if it bee cleere weather thou shalt see within the land of Hispaniola certaine hie hils called las Sierras de Yguey And being benighted vpon Mona then thou shalt steere West and by South because of certaine shoalds that lye off Saona but hauing day light and no sight of land thou shalt loofe vp Northwest and so passe by it and as thou goest along the coast of Hispaniola and seest the sea to be cast vp into the aire then thou shalt be about 10 leagues off the harbour of Santo Domingo and these mountings vp are called The Spoutes But I aduise thee that if thou bee benighted when thou fallest with Santo Domingo then thou must keepe the hils called Sierras de las minas viejas to the Northwest And if thou wouldest goe into Santo Domingo and meetest there with a forcible Northerly wind then the best way is to runne East till it be day And hauing daylight thou shalt cast abâut and so thou must ply to wind-ward vntill the Northerly wind be done and when it is past make all the saile thou canst to hale with the sight of Calle de las Damas and when thou hast sight thereof thou shalt lye with thy stemme with a sandie Bay which lye thou the other side and then must take in thy maine saile and go so till thou bring thy selfe open with the midst of the riuer and so hauing opened the riuerâ thou must go with great care in the middest of the same with all thy sailes vp except thy maine saile ând thou must haue thy boat out if it be needefull to sound or to tow thy ship if the cast too much to the loofe for the currents will cast here to the loofe wherefore bee sure to haue thy boat out to helpe thy steârage and this is the way whereby thou must worke The course from Santo Domingo to go for Nueua Espanna I Aduise thee that if thou wilt goe from Santo Domingo for Nueua Espanna thou shalt goe Southwest and by South and so thou shalt haue sight of Punta de Niçao which is a low point and is the end of the hilles called Sierras de las minas Vieias and towards the Northwest of them thou shalt see a lowe land and to goe into Hocoa thou shalt stirre from this poynt of Niçao Westnorthwest and thou shalt see the point of Puerto Hermoso and the Bay that it maketh and thou must be sure to keepe neere the shore to find a good road and feare âot to go neere the land for all is deepe water and cleare ground and let not fall thine anker till thou be past all the riuers and beware of the land for if thou ride much without thy anker wil come home because it is rocky and slatte ground And thou must be ready that when thine anker commeth home thou haue thy moarings readie in thy boat to carry on shore with foure or fiue men and if thou thinke good thou mayest let them fall on land with a rope And when thou are come to anker thou mayest send on shore to moare so shalt thou be best moared The course from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna GOing from Hocoa to Nueua Espanna thou shalt stirre Southwest and this way thou shalt and the Isles Beata and Alto velo Beata hath these marks It is a low land with the sea and full of trees and on the East side an high land or cliffe and Alto velo hath these markes A blacke round land and the Eastermost part thereof is highest and it hath a downefall When thou art North and South with * then thou shalt go West vntill thou be so farre shot as the Frailes and from thence goe West and by North and keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of Cape Tiburon And if by keeping this course thou haue sight of a little Island thou mayest make account it is the Isle of Baque and it is hard to the land and from thence thou shalt go West keeping thy selfe out vntill thou double a poynt that maketh as it were a great Bay and then thou must go West and by North till thou come to Cape Tiburon that hath a round blacke land and in some part thereof certaine white cliffes I aduise thee that when thou art against Cape de Tiburon thou stirre Northwest and so thou shalt haue sight of Cuba which lyeth East and West and thou shalt see certaine hilles which are called Sierras del Cobre and in the highest of them is the harbour of S. Iago de Cuba and finding thy selfe so thou mayest runne West vnto Cape de Cruz. And before thou seest Cape de Cruz thou shalt see the hils called Sierras de Tarquino and from these hils to Cape de Cruz the land wareth lower and lower and it is lowest of all at the Cape it selfe And if thou chance to haue the water troubled as though thy ship did raise vp the sand from the ground be not afraid for this place is called The nine fathoms for thou shalt find no lesse water vpon it and it is the shallowest water that thou shalt haue Thou must marke that Cape de Cruz maketh an eâde of the coast that commeth from the East to the West and beginneth the course that goeth North and South and standeth in 19. degrees rather more then lesse From Cape de Cruz thou must stirre Westnorthwest and this way thou shalt haue sight of the Isle de Pinos and if thou haue faire weather then thou must goe Northwest and by West because of the currents that will set thee out to sea And keeping this course thou shalt haue sight of an high land I tell thee it is the marke of the Isles called los Iardines and is commonly called the land of Zagneio and then thou shalt goe West and by South and if it bee by night then goe Westsouthwest vntill thou haue brought thy selfe out from The Iardines And being by day thou shalt keepe off the land and
currents Remember that when you see one league before you a Rocke and a Shoald that hath vpon it but 2. fathomes water and your marke if you come out of the sea is an Hill and the Hil is not very hie it standeth East and West and vpon it are some little risings and they are not very high and vpon these risings stand two round homocks close together you shall see the Teates of Hauana To know along the shore when you are against the Harbour of Xaroca the markes are these A little to the Westward one league you shall see along the shore a Hill that is broken and that broken Hill is ouer tââ Harbour of Xaroca and then a little more to the Westward a league there is another broken Hill And you shall see that North and South from these broken hits is a Flat off And from that to Hauana is 7. leagues and it is all cleane ground and you may goe along the shore till you come to Hauana To know the harbour of Hauana you shall see before you come at it one litle rocke of stone not very hie and smooth toward the sea vpon the rocke standeth a litle white tower wherein they keepe watch And then if you haue the winde large you shall see the harbour open and then you may beare in with it Your shippe being of great burthen when you are within then keepe on the West side âecââse on the East side on the West end of the Rocke aforesayde there lieth a ledge to the Westward which hath but three or foure fathoms ½ vpon it If your ship be of small burthen you may run along the weather shore vntill you come right against the Castle and then halfe the Bay ouer you may come to an anchor How to worke comming through the olde Chanell if you be not minded to goe ouer the Pracellas or shoalds If you will come through the olde Chanel when you come as hie as the Shoalds comming vpon your course from the Caio de Moa as I told you keepe 2. leagues from the Pracel or shoald and then set our course West vnto the low islands of the Firme land And vpon this course you shal kea the Flats on the point of Caio Romano and within it is one Flat higher then the other and smooth vpon and in the middest it maketh as it were broken land and when you are in the chanel in the day time you must take heede you come not neere the shore by 2. leagues and by your sounding no neerer then 3. fathoms And you must take heede stil when y e night commeth to keepe 2. or three leagues off for feare of the shoalds And in the night you must goe Northwest as is aforesaid And also you must take heed that you keepe in the middle of the chanel as nere as you can toward the shoald And finding much wind being benighted from midnight till day stirre West Northwest and when it is towards day then you may edge towards the Flats as is aforesaid And as you stirre hence one day and one night from Caio Romano to the inwards of the Chanell you shall see the firme land of Cuba and other markes and among the rest around hamocke which you may easily know It is called Alcane de Barasoga And from thence to Sauano and to Basquo is 6. leagues and likewise Hauana 6. leagues And from thence to crosse vnder the Fort is 45. leagues And stirre hence vpon your course aforesaid And if you haue gone from Barasoga 30. leagues you shall see none of the Flats of Mecala And giue them a bredth off two or three leagues and keepe your course West Northwest as aforesayd vntill it be day and presently you may edge round to the Flats And thus stirring keepe your course vntill you see the hilles of Camaloqua And looke that when you come from Caio de Moa along the Pracel or shoald by night close by it you shall not see what land it is till it be day and in the Morning you shall set your course as is aforesayd vntill you see the shoald and in seeing it you may stirre on your course as is aboue menâioned vntill you come to Hauana For to set your course from the point of Mance to Caio Romano when you are North and South with the point of Mance you shall stirre thence West Northwest vntil you thinke you be Northeast and Southwest with the hill of Hama And this hill is an high hill and smooth to the seaside And from this hill to Caio Romano you shall stirre Northwest and by West and vpon this course you may be bolde to see Caio Romano And the marke of this Flat is that it maketh an hie land and smooth vpon the top and in the middest of it it sheweth as it were broken And when you come to it you must take heede you come not neere it by 2. leagues because it is sowle And looke that you bring not your selfe too neere the hill of Hama by night For you must take heede of Caio Romano to keepe off it vntill Morning in the Morning you may goe your course vntill you see it and then set your course as is abouesaid A principal ruttier conteining most particular directions to saile from S. Lucar in Andaluzia by the Isles of the Canaries the small Isles called Las Antillas along the South parts of the Isles of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Hispaniola and Cuba and from Cabo de Corrientes or Cabo de S. Anton without and within the litle Isles called Los Alacranes to the port of S. Iuan de Vllua in Nueâa Espanna and the course from thence backe againe by Hauana and through the Chanell of Bahama to Spaine together with the speciall markes of all the Capes Islands and other places by the way and a briefe declaration of their latitudes and longitudes IF you depart from the barre of S. Lucar de Barameda toward the West Indias in the Summer time you must stirre a way Southwest vntill you come to the head-land called Punta de Naga vpon the Isle of Tenerif But if your departure be from the sayd barre in the Winter you must stirre away Southwest and by South vntill you come to the height of Cape Cantin on the coast of Babarie the markes and signes whereof be these following The markes to know Cape Canâin CApe Cantin is a lowe Câpe and small to the sea-ward and maketh a snowt like the nose of a galley and hath vpon the tâp of the poynt a Heath or shrubby place and on the toppe thereof staâd two homocks that to the sea-ward being higher then the other but that on the Souther side sheweth like a tower and this Cape is in 32. degrees and ½ And he that wil seeke from this Cape to discouer Punta de Naga beforesayd must stirre away Southwest and by West
the head of The Martires and if you see the coast beare off you Northeast and Southwest as I haue sayde stir away 4. or 5. leagues from the landward right off and then stir away Northeast and being in 28. degrees and a halfe you shall be shot out of the chanell and then shall you be East and West with Cape de Cannaueral or The Cape of Reedes The course to come through the chanell of Bahama homeward for Spaine IF in Winter you should passe through the chanell of Bahama for Spaine stirre away the first Sangradura or course Eastnortheast and afterward East and by North and so shall you passe by the South side of Bermuda and you must take heede that you goe these foure hundred or fiue hundred leagues because you shall not come neere the said Isle of Bermuda when you are gone this course then put your selfe in what heigth you will and make your way as you will your selfe But if you passe the chanell in the Summer time towards Spaine stir away Eastnortheast and you shall passe by the North side of Bermuda and when you haue brought your selfe in 35. degrees stirre East and by North vntill you bring your selfe to 25. degrees and ½ and from thence stir away East for the Isle of Fayal or of Flores Markes to know the Isle of Fayal THe Island called Fayal vpon the Southwest side maketh an high hill or loafe like to the top of Brasilla in the Island of Terçera and behinde that high Pike or loafe is an harbour called Puerto Pini and vpon the East side it maketh a little plaine Island and vpon the North side there standeth a rocke or Island by it selfe And from this Island being one of The Açores you may shape your course to which of the Islands you please or to any other place which you know Markes to know the Isle of Flores IF you happen to fall with Flores first by this you shall know it the Island lyeth north-Northeast and Southsouthwest and the West ende thereof maketh a rocke or cliffe like the cliffe of Tiburon and comming neere the lande you shall see two little Islands neere the point of the lande and to the Northward of this cliffe or rocke a little from the land you may ride and water and betweene that and the village in euery bay you may likewise ride and water and you shall see the water run into the sea in euery part that you looke on Now followeth the course and direction to saile from Passage on the Northeast part of S. Iuan de Puerto rico vnto Hauana by the North side of the Isle of Hispaniola and by The old chanell IF you depart from S. Iuan de Puerto rico to seeke Cabo del Enganno you must stirre away Westnorthwest and so shall you see a round heape or loafe in the sea which lieth on the Southwest side of the gulfe of Semana and from thence it beginneth about the hill of the Cape del Enganno this is the mouth of the gulfe And if it should be neere night when you see this lande stir away Northwest with a small sayle because of certaine rockes called Las Ouejas or The Sheepe and in the morning cast about to see the land to the Southwestward and if when you see the land it seemeth vnto you a small island at full sea like a round mountaine then is it The cape del Enganno and from thence stir away West and by North toward Cabo Franco Markes of Cabo Franco Cabo Franco is a low Cape euen with the sea and hath these markes * And from thence stir away West and you shall see an high mountaine and on the top thereof a cloudie homock like the top of a hat and at the soote of this hill is the hauen or harbour called El puerto de plata And if you will goe into this port you must leaue the Island on the West side and then take heede of that which you see and borrow on the castles side And from thence to goe with the olde chanell you must stirre away Northwest vntill you come out of sight of lande and then stir away West and by North and so shall you goe with the lande of Baracoa and here are hilles very high which make the teats which looke like 3. crownes And you shall passe betweene the Isle of Tortugas or Hinagua and the Island of Iaico and from thence run alongst the coast Northeast and Southwest and hauing doubled the outmost high hill or mountaine you shall see in the midst thereof a round hill and vpon the Southwest side by the sea you shall see a lowe euen lande foure or fiue leagues long and a lowe point and this point of the hill is called Las sierde Cabanca and then beginneth the bay of Cayo Romano and ahead the sierras you shall see a rounde loafe which is in the midst of the same bay and ahead of that you shall see a hill flat on the top like a table sixe or seuen leagues which hill is not very high and from these hilles to Cayo Romano you haue fiue and thirtie leagues and you must stirre the one halfe of the course Northwest and the other halfe Northwest and by West and so shall you make or see the sayd Cayo Romano vpon the larboord side of you Note that from Cayo Romano to Cabo de Cruz you haue three leagues anâ they lie North and South one from another Markes of Cayo Romano CAyo Romano is an high Island and lyeth Northeast and Southwest and stretcheth it selfe as it were 4. leagues and comming on it Northeast Southwest it maketh a loafe or round heape or homock in the midst there are two saddles as wee terme them or lowe partitions the one on the one side and the other on the other side and comming with it North and South it maketh all one lowe send or saddle in the midst And if night should come on you at this Cayo Romano enter not the chanell because in the mid way is an Isle flat or Cayo which lyeth North and South with Cayo Romano and it is called Cayo de la Cruz and at full sea you shall discerne a heath which this Cayo hath in the midst of it which is like to a saileâ but al night beare but your foresaile a glasse one way and another glasse the other way vntill it be day and then enter the chanell and leaue these Cayos on the larbourd side of you Note that if you bee within sight of the Parcel and see two litle Islands of white sand that then you are on the cantell of the Parcel and if you goe more a head coasting the Parcell about fifteene leagues you shall see three Islands full of trees which are called Las Anguillas and all these three Islands beare North and South one from another Item from Cayo
and from those mountaines they brought it when they would hâuâ it but they made no great account of it for they neither buy nor sell and amongst them is nothing but change In this countery they eate bread of rootes and Maiz and they eate certaine rootes which they call Aies and Batatas but the Batatas bee better then the other rootes and being rawe they haue a smell of Chestnuts they are to be eaten rosted These Indians doe make wine of the fruit of Date-trees which fruit is yellow in colour and is as great as a little Doues egge and being in season is good to be eaten and of it proceedeth good wine and is preserued for a long time These kinde of people do make their houses with vpper roomes and they sleepe in them as also al their habitation is in the vpper roomes and that which is belowe they leaue open and also they vse certaine mantels of cotten wooll and these they tie at the endes with ropesâ and the one ende of of the rope they make fast to one part of the house and the other ende to the other part of the house and in these they lye which bee their beddes and these kinde of beds bee vsed in all India and there is not in any part of India any chambers that the people do vse to lodge in aloft fâom the ground nor they make any hie roomes but only in this part of India in al other places they make their houses without any loftes or chambers and they couer their houses with the leaues of date trees and of grasse And from this fresh water-sea vnto Paria the coast lyeth West Northwest and is so ful of sholds that the ships cannot come neer to the land There are froÌ this riuer to Paria 250 leagues In this fresh water sea the tydes do ebbe flow as much as they do in Britayne and it standeth in 6 degrees and a halfe Paria standeth on the other side of the Equinoctial toward the North in seuen degrees In Paria the sea floweth but little and from Paria towards the West the sea doth not flow From the entry of the gulfe of Paria vnto the Cape that lyeth towards the West are 35 leagues and froÌ thence the coast turneth towardes the north-Northeast other 35 leagues from thence the coast turneth toward the West Before this gulfe standeth the Island of Trinidad and towards the West doeth appeare the gulfe of Paria like to halfe a round circle after the fashion of a Diameter and at the end of this circle is the entery in of Paria at this entery there is betweene the land and the Island 8 leagues and on the other side there is but litle space betweene the Iland and the land but it is deepe and hath a good entry this Iland of Trinidad hath in length 25 leagues and as many in bredth and standeth in eight degrees and is inhabited of many people and as yet not vnder subiection Here the Indians do vse to shoote with bowes and arrowes which are of a fathome in length made of reeds which grow in that Countrey and at the ende of them is artificially ioyned a piece of wood very strong vnto the which piece of wood at the end of it they put a bone of a fish in place of an arrow head these kinde of bones bee harder then Diamonds and euery one of them be three or foure fingers long they are taken out of a fish that hath three of these bones one vpon the backe another vnder euery wing but that which groweth vpon the backe is the strongest and the greatest In this Island the people saith that there groweth golde and in this Island and in Paria growe reedes so great that they make staues of them and cary of them into Spaine Likewise there bee Popiniayes very great and gentle and some of them haue their foreheads yellow and this sort do quickly learne to speak and speak much There be likewise in the gulfe of Paria pearles although not many but very good and great CERTAINE VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS AND Traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasil together with a Ruttier for all that coast and two intercepted letters which reueale many secrets of the state of that Countery the rest of our Voyages to Brasil which haue bene either intended or performed to the Riuer of Plate the streight of Magellan the South sea or farther that way being reserued for the geuerall heades next insuing A briefe relatioÌ of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plimmouth father to Sir Iohn Haukins knight late Treasurer of her Maiesties Nauie in the yeere 1530 and 1532. OLde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth a man for his wisedome valure experience and skill in sea causes much esteemed and beloued of K. Henry the 8 and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time not contented with the short voyages commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe armed out a tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes called the Paule of Plimmouth wherwith he made three long and famous voyages vnto the coast of Brasil a thing in those dayes very rare especially to our Nation In the course of which voyages he touched at the riuer of Sestos vpon the coast of Guinea where hee traffiqued with the Negros and tooke of them Elephants teeth and other commodities which that place yeeldeth and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil he vsed there such discretion and behaued himself so wisely with those sauage people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them Insomuch that in his second voyage one of the sauage kings of the countrey of Brasil was contented to take ship with him and to be transporâed hither into England whereunto M. Haukins agreed leauing behinde in the Countâry as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth This Brasilian king being arriued was brought vp to London and presented to K. Henry the 8. lying as then at White-hall at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle maruaile and not without cause for in his cheekes were holes made according to their sauage maner and therein small bones were planted standing an inch out from the said holes which in his owne Countrey was reputed for a great brauerie He had also another hole in his nether lip wherein was set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease All his apparel behauiour and gesture were very strange to the beholders Hauing remained here the space almost of a whole yeere and the king with his sight fully satisfied M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment purposed to conuey him againe into his countrey but it fell out in the way that by change of aire and alteration of diet the said Sauage king did
Master Robert Withrington Captaine of the Admirall Master Christopher Lister Captaine of The barke Clifford Iohn Anthonie Master of the Admirall Thomas Hood Pilot for the Streights William Anthonie Master of the barke Clifford Dauid Collins Tristram Gennings Master William Withrington Master Beumond Withrington Master Wasnes Master Wilkes Master Norton Master Harris Thomas Anthonie Nicholas Porter The master Gunner And Alexander Gundie his mate Iohn Sarracol This company being all assembled together the Master of the Admiral declared that the cause of our assembly was to determine after good aduice what course or way were best and most likely to all mens iudgements to be taken First for the good preferment of my Lords voyage then the health of our men and lastly the safegard of our shippes and further shewed his minde to vs all in these wordes as neere as I could cary them away MY masters my Lords determination touching this our voyage is not vnknowen vnto you all hauing appointed it to be made and by the grace of God to be performed by vs for the South sea But for as much as wee doe all see the time of the yeere to bee farre spent as also the windes to hang contrary the weather drawes on colder and colder the nights longer and longer our bread so consumed that we haue not left aboue two moneths bisket our drinke in a maner all spent so that we haue nothing but water which in so cold a countrey as the Streights if we should get in and bee forced there to winter would no doubt be a great weakening to our men and a hazard of the ouerthrow of the voyage These things considered both our Captaine Master Hood and I doe rather thinke it good for the wealth of our voyage the health of our men and safetie of our ships to goe roome with the coast of Brasill where by Gods grace wee shall well victuall our selues both with wine which is our greatest want and other necessaries Besides it is giuen vs here to vnderstand by the Portugals which we haue taken that there is no doubt but that by Gods helpe and our endeuour wee shall bee able to take the towne of Baya at our pleasure which if wee doe put in practise and doe not performe it being somewhat aduised by them they offer to loose their liues And hauing by this meanes victualled our selues wee may there spend vpon the coast some three or foure moneths except in the meane time wee may happen vpon some good thing to content my Lord and to purchase our owne credits otherwise wee may take the Spring of the yeere and so proceede according to my lords directions And assure your selues by the assistance of God wee will not returne without such benefite by this voyage as may redound to my lords profite and the honour of our countrey Nowe if there bee any of you that can giue better course and aduise then this which I haue deliuered let him speake and wee will not onely heare him but thanke him for his counsell and followe it To this speech of M. Anthony M. Lister our captaine answered in this sort M. Withrington M. Anthony both you know that the last words that my lord had with vs in such a chamber were that in any case we should follow our voyage only for the South sea except by the way we might perchance meete with such a purchase as that wee might returne with 6000 pounds and therefore I see no safetie howe wee may dare offer to goe backe againe being so neere the Streights as we are for my part I neither dare nor wil consent vnto it except we be further forced then yet wee are Mâ accompt is this that he that dieth for this yeere is excused for the next and I rather choose death then to returne in disgrace with my lord Hereunto both the captaine and master of the Admirall replied that they were all of that mind yet notwithstanding that in going roome the voyage was in better possibilitie to bee performed then in wintring either in the Streights or at Port S. Iulian all things considered And so agreeing and concluding all in one they were determined presently to beare vp The next day being the 8 of February there fell out many and diuers speeches on each part concerning the altering of our course some would continue for the Streights and other some would not Whereupon a viewe was taken in both ships of victuals and reasonable store was found for both companies and the winde withall comming to the North we determined to take out of the prizes the best necessaries that were in them and so cast them off and to plie for the Streights All this time wee held on our course and the 15 day wee found our selues in the height of 44 degrees but then the winde came to the South with much raine wind cold and other vntemperate weather continuing in that sort fiue or sixe dayes in which time we hulled backe againe into the height of 42 degrees Sunday being the 20 of February our Admirall being something to the leeward of vs and the storme somewhat ceased put aboord his flag in the mizen shrowds as a token that hee would speake with vs and thereupon wee bare roome with him and hauing halled one another captaine Withrington shewed the disposition of all his company which was rather to goe roome with the coast of Brasil then to lie after that sort in the sea with foule weather and contrary winds Our captaine on the other side shewed the contrary disposition of his men and company willing notwithstanding to proceede but in the ende both the shippes fell asunder and our captaine sayd Seeing then there is no remedie I must be content though against my will The 21 day the weather grew faire and the wind good at the South for the Streights yet our Admirall bare roome still we supposing hee would haue taken the benefit of the time whereupon our whole company began to thinke of the inconueniences that would arise by deuiding our selues and losing our Admirall being very willing to continue their course and yet not without the company of the Admiral And then wee began to cast about after him and at the last bare with him and he tolde vs that vpon a second viewe of the victuals hee found their store so slender and their want so great that there was no remedy for them but to seeke some meanes to be relieued which was the onely cause that hee bare Northward This speech made vs of the barke to enter into a new consultation and we found many of our men weake and all our calieuers not seruiceable and the Smiths that should mend them to be in the Admiral We considered also that by breaking of company eche ship should be the more weakened wee continued in this consultation til the foure and twentieth day and in all that time found master captaine Lister most desirous to accomplish and to fulfill
cast off another and filled our owne ships with the necessaries of them The 8 day wee put off to sea but yet with much adoe came againe to our ankoring place because of the weather The 10 day the admirall sent for vs to come aboord him and being come hee opened a Carde before all the company and tolde vs that my lords voyage for the South sea was ouerthrowen for want of able men and victuals and that therefore hee thought it best to plie for some of the Islands of the West India or the Açores to see if they could meete with some good purchase that might satisfie my lord These wordes were taken heauily of all the company and no man would answere him but kept silence for very griefe to see my lords hope thus deceiueâ and his great expenses and costs cast away The common sort seeing no other remedie were contented to returne as well as he The 16 day wee espied a sayle whereupon our pinnesse and Dalamor gaue her chase and put her ashore vpon the Island where the men forsooke her and ran away with such things as they could conueniently carte our pinnesse boorded her and found little in her they tooke out of her nine chests of sugar and one hogge and 35 pieces of pewter and so left her vpon the sands From this time forward we began to plie Northwards and the first of Iuly fell with the land againe where we fished and found reasonable good store I tooke the latitude that day and found our selues in 10 degrees and 22 minutes The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck and wee came so neere it that Dalamor as he told vs espied some of the ships that were in the harbour yet notwithstanding we all fell to leeward of the riuer could not after that by any meanes recouer the height of it againe but we ceased not on all parts to endeuour the best we could oftentimes lost company for a day or two one of another but there was no remedie but patience for to Fernambuck we could not come hauing so much ouershot it to the Northward and the wind keeping at the South and Southwest The 20 day I tooke the Sunne in 5 degrees 50 minuts which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck and the further wee went the more vnto wardly did the rest of our ships worke either to come into hauen or to keepe company one with another And âruely I suppose that by reason of the froward course of the Admirall he meant of purpose to lose vs for I know not how the neerer we endeuoured to be to him the further off would he beare from vs and wee seeing that kept on our owne course and lookt to our selues as well as we could The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation for our best course some would goe for the West India some directly North for England and in conclusion the greater part was bent to plie for our owne countrey considering our necessities of victuals and fresh water and yet if any place were offered vs in the way not to omit it to seeke to fill water The 26 day in the morning we espied a lowe Island but we lost it againe and could descrie it no more This day we found our selues in 3 degrees and 42 minutes The 27 day we searched what water we had left vs and found but nine buts onely so that our captaine allowed but a pinte of water for a man a day to preserue it as much as might be wherâwith euâry man was content and we were then in number fiftie men and boyes The first of August we found our selues 5 degrees to the Northward of the line all which moneth we continued our course homâward withoât touching any where toward the end whereof a sorrowfull accident fell out in our hulke which being deuided from vs in a calme fell a fire by some great negligence and perished by that meanes in the seas wee being not able any wayes to helpe the ship or to saue the men The 4 day of September we had brought our selues into the height of 41 degrees 20 minutes somwhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores and thus bulting vp and downe with contrary winds the 29 of the same moneth we reachâd the coast of England and so made an end of the voyage A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal borne in the citie of Eluas continued vnto the yere 1587. Wherein among diuers rare things not hitherto deliuered by any other writer certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truâly reported whâch was intercepted with the author thereof at the riuer of Plate by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586. FRancis Drâke an Englishman being on the sea and hauing knowledge of the small strength of the towne of Nombre de Dios came into the harborough on a night with foure pinnesses and landed an hundreth and fifty men and leauing one halfe of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there hee with the rest entred the towne without doing any harme till hee came at the market place and there his company discharging their calieuers and sounding their trumpets which made a great noyse in the towne were answered by their fellowes in the force who discharged and sounded in like maner This attempt put the townesmen in such extreme feare that leauing their houses they fled into the mountaines and there be thought themselues what the matter should be in the towne remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarme But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion ioyned foureteene or fifteene of them together with their pieces to see who was in the towne and getting to a corner of the market-place they discouered the Englishmen and perceiuing that they were but a few discharged thâir pieces at them and their fortune was such that they slew the trumpetter and shot the captaine whose name was Francis Drake into the legge who feeling himselfe hurt retired toward the Fort where he had left the rest of his men but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet and being not answered againe and hearing the calieuers discharged in the towne thought that their fellowes in the towne had bene slaine and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses Now Francis Drake whom his men carried because of his hurt when he came to the fort where he left his men and saw them fled he and the rest of his company were in so great feare that leauing their furniture behinde them and putting off their hose they swamme waded all to their Pinnesses and departed forth of the harbour so that if the Spaniards had followed them they might haue slaine them all Thus Captaine Drake did no more harme at Nombre
had good store of gold pearles and emraldes but the Spaniards haue destroyed most of those Indians from off the earth and in many of those Ilands there is nothing of any value wherefore I haue small cause to intreate any further of them But Hispaniola is an Iland of great bignesse and hath bene very full of people and abounded with mines of golde and with pearles but now all is wasted away It was at the Spaniards first coming thither as full of inhabitants as any place of that bignesse in the whole world yet now there are none left for they were men of so hard a heart that they murthered themselues rather then they would serue the Spaniards for being men vnder so small ciuill gouernement as they were neuer was there any people knowen of so resolute and desperate mindes for oftentimes a great number of them being together ouer night they should be found all dead before the morning such extreme hate did this brutish people beare against the Spaniards that they chose rather to die the death then to indure their insolencies It happened on a time that a Spaniard calling certaine Indians to worke in the mines which labour of all others did most grieue them they rather then they would goe offered to lay violent hands on themselues which the Spaniard perceiuing sayd vnto them seeing you will hang your selues rather then goe and worke I likewise will hang my selfe and will beare your company because I will make you worke in an other world but the Indians hearing this replied we will willingly worke with you here to the intent you may not goe with vs into another world so vnwilling were they of the Spaniards companie So that of all the inhabitantes of this Iland there were none that escaped death satte onely these fewe which came to passe by the meanes of this one Spaniarde otherwise they would haue hanged themselues also Some of these people are yet liuing but very few This Iland of Hispaniola is for the most part called The I le of Sant Domingo because the chiefe citie thereof is so called which was the first citie in all the West Indies that was inhabited There are in this citie aboue eight hundred sixe-houses of good building inhabited by Gentlemen of great wealth This Iland is vnhealthfull for it raineth here the most part of the yeere The riches that now this Iland affordeth are sugar for here are many Ingenios or sugar-houses and great store of hides by reason of the abundance of cattell there are copper mines also which is the cause that they haue such store of copper-money for their gold mines be all exhausted and the golde which they haue commeth from other places This Iland being as is beforesaide destitute of the first inhabitants and the Spaniardes lacking men to worke in their Ingenios and to looke vnto their cattell they were forced to bring Negros thither out of Guinea where they haue so increased that the Iland is nowe as full of them as it was of the naturall inhabitantes so that the Spaniardes carrie Negros from this Iland to the maine lande and there sell them The chiefest victuall that they haue in this Iland is a kinde of roote called Iuca which being eaten as it commeth new out of the ground is present death but first they boyle it and after presse it and the liquor that is strained therefrom is deadly poyson howbeit this roote being pressed so dry that there remaineth no moisture in it they mingle and temper the same with water and so make cakes therof which are very sauory good to eat this is all the bread which they haue in those Ilands There go from hence yerely into Spaine 7 or 8 ships at the least full fraighted with sugar hides Neere vnto Hispaniola lyeth another greater Iland called Cuba it is like vnto Hispaniola although there is not so much sugar The principall towne of this Ilande is called Hauana which hath an excellent harborough belonging thereunto The townesmen are very rich by reason of the fleetes that come from Nueua Espanna and Tierra firma which touch there for the safeguarde of which fleetes and of the towne it selfe there is a castle built neere the said harborough kept with Spanish souldiers neither is there any castle or souldiers in all the Ilands but onely here There is also another Iland inhabited with Spaniards called Boriquen or Sant Iuan de Puerto rico It is but little yet euery way as plentifull as the other two are and therfore I omit to speake thereof But now to prosecute my discourse of the port-townes vpon the maine lande Eastwarde and Southward from Margarita there are no townes inhabited by Spaniardes or Portugals till you come to Fernambuck vpon the coast of Brasill notwithstanding that betweene the sayd Iland and Fernambuck runneth the mightie riuer of Marannon whereof both because of the greatnesse and the riches contayned therein I must needes make some relation in regarde I haue promised to speake of euery place that is of any value in all the Indies This riuer is one of the greatest in the world and was first found when as the Spaniardes sought out the other coast but none can passe vp this riuer because of the greatnesse of the current which commeth downe as also there are many shelues of sand lying in the mouth thereof wherby it was long before the riches in and about this riuer were knowen vntill such time as the kingdome of Peru was conquered at which time a Captaine called Gonsalo Pizarro passing thorough the countrey of Peru came at length into a lande which they named La Canela because there groweth great store of Smamome but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the East Indies The sayd Captaine proceeding farther into the countrey came at length to a mightie riuer where he sawe the countrey people rowing in their Canoas and bringing golde to buy and sell with the Spaniards Captaine Pizarro seeing this was desirous to finde out the ende of this riuer but he could not trauell by lande because of the high mountaines wherefore he made a small Barke or Pinnesse to goe and discouer from whence the saide Indians brought their golde and sent in the saide Pinnesse a Captaine vnder him called Orellana who with fiftie men went downe the riuer but could not returne to their Generall Pizarro because of the great current which was very strong against them forcing them to passe along the riuer and to enter into the Sea and so they sayled on forwarde to the foresaide Ile of Margarita but as they passed downe this riuer they found it well inhabited with Indians which were possessed of great store of golde These men with their Pinnesse were passing downe this riuer eight monethes for the riuer lyeth very crooked which maketh a long way by water neither durst the Spaniardes euer lande because
Malucos were in that part of the worlde which was allotted to the king of Spaine and that he would finde a shorter way thither then the Portugales tooke and layed before them such infallible reasons that the Councell giuing credite vnto his wordes sent him to sea with fiue ships and 400 men all very well appointed With these fiue ships setting saile from S. Lucar he came to the coast of Brasill where at that time two places were inhabited by Portugales and so sayling on along that coast he passed by the riuer of Plate which riuer was discouered a little before by Solis And notwithstanding many stormes and great mutinies among his companie he came at length vnto 48 degrees to the Southwards of the riuer of Plate where he found an harbour which he named Puerto de Sant Iulian and wintered there and there also he hanged 5 men and put on shore a Priest because they would haue made the company to stand against their captaine and so to haue returned backe againe But in the end hauing pacified his men he put to sea and within 5 dayes after he found the streights which by him were so much desired but before he entered the said streights there befell such a mutinie in one of his ships that the same ship returned backe againe And so himselfe with the other foure ships entering the streights one of the said foure with all the men therein was cast away at the very enterance which losse notwithstanding he proceeded on with the other three ships and passing many troubles and dangers in this long discouery ceased not to prosecute his intended voyage This discouery was at the first thought very profitable vnto the Spaniards but of late it hath prooued very hurtfull vnto them by meanes of certaine coasters which haue sayled the selfe same course These streights stand in 52 degrees and a halfe of Southerly latitude Also here is to be noted that it is colder to the Southward of the line then to the Northward in such wise that in forty degrees to the Southward the colde is more sharpe then in fiftie degrees to the North experience doth alwaies shew the same for it is as colde euen in the streights of Magellan as it is in sixty degrees of Northerly latitude Howbeit the colde is not the cause why nauigators frequent not the same but the Westerly and Southerly windes which blowe most furiously on that coast and that oftentimes out of the very mouth of the streightes and so continue for the most part of the yeere Also there runneth sometimes such a strong current that if the winde and it goe all one way the cables cannot holde neither can the ship withstand the force thereof For which cause and also for that there is no harbour till you be passed 30 leagues into the said streights most part of the ships that haue gone thither haue indured many troubles before they could come to the streights and being come to the mouth thereof they haue bene hindered by the current and winde and so haue beene put backe againe And to the end you may vnderstand the truth I will declare vnto you all the shippes that haue past through the said streights since Magellan first found them vnto this present yeere of 1586 when I haue once ended my discourse of Magellan his owne voyage Nowe you are by the way to vnderstande that the North side of the enterance of these streights is plaine lande without any wood or trees here are likewise some Indians though not many yet are they very mightie men of bodie of ten or eleuen foot high and good bow-men but no man-eaters neither haue they any victuals but such as they get by hunting and fishing they couer their bodies with the skinnes of beasts that they kill to defend them from the colde neither was there euer to this day any siluer or golde found among them or in their countrey These Streights they say extend in length from East to West about an hundred and twentie leagues At the middle of these streights on the North side are many mountaines couered with snow which mountaines stretch from thence along the frontiers of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada euen vnto the shore of the North sea at Santa Martha as I haue before signified It is a wonder to behold the exceeding heigth of these mountaines and the way which they continue couered with snow for euen vnder the Equinoctiall line they haue as much snowe vpon their tops as in 52 degrees Also it is worthy the remembrance that all this countrey towarde the South sea is very fruitfull and the people very discreete and gentle but all the coast towardes Brasill vpon the North sea is poore whereas neuer yet was found any commoditie of account and the people themselues are very cruell and saluage for the will of God is that good and ciuill men should inhabite fruitfull countries And for the better vnderstanding hereof you must note that all the land lying betweene the said ridge of mountaines and the South sea is called by the names of Chili Peru and Nueuo reino de Granada which are the best and richest countreys in all the world and most part of the land from the said mountaines to the North sea is called Brasiâl being a mountainous countrey where as yet was neuer found either golde or siluer From the said mountaines in the middle of the streights the land riseth high till you come to the end of the streights where you enter into the South sea in which place next the South sea the streights are very dangerous by reason of the sholdes rocks that lie on the North side Thus Magellan after he had entered the South seaâ within 60 dayes came to the Iles of the Malucos without touching at any land vntill he came thither and so seeking there to lade his ships at an Iland inhabited by Moores he was by them treacherously slaine Now the Spaniards being too few for the managing of all three ships because many of them were dead partly with sicknes and partly with the hardnesse of the voiage determined to abandon one of their said ships and so manned the other two which two being laden with spices and other riches knew not what course they were best to take howbeit at length it was determined that one of these two ships should go for Nueua Espanna and the other for the cape of Buena Esperança and so for Spaine The ship that went for Spaine was called The Victorie the Pilot whereof was a Bisâain named Iuan Sebastian del Cano to whom the king gaue great rewardes and appointed him the globe for his armes whereon was written Primus omnium circunde distime that is thou art the first man that euer sayled about me And albeit this voyage was so long and troublesome as is before mentioned yet many others haue attempted the same And the next that sought
with another of 80 leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sayled 150 leagues before they could knowe whither it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that contiâent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellanâ for they coasted it to eighteene âegrâes and could not find the ende thereof The gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of golde hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the countrey and also for that the Indians were very stoue men and fought continually agaiâst them they could neuer leaue from whence that gold come nor yet what store was in the land These Indiâns vse to goe to sea in great Canoas that will carrie 100 men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small pinnesse and two faleâns a fewe may ouercome 100 of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whome on the sudden certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the ships boat and slewe all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too wary in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their pinnesse and burnt the towne and in this towne they found the small graines of gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the ende of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the wind continuing still in one place might bee an occâsion of longer tarying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-bourd and to lye nine moneths bearing it vp and downe in the sea before they could get into any harborow of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernement and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Streights of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needs runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as hogges hennes excellent almonds potatos sugar-canes with diuers other sortes fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of gold which the Indians will giue you in truck for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of gold brought home notwithstanding 40000 pezos with them besides great store of cloues and ginger and some sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the ende that the Spaniards supposing them to bee those Isles from whence Salomon fetched gold to adorne the temple at Ierusalem might bee the more desirous to goe and inhabite the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Isilands Captaine Drake entered the South sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the ende that such Englishmen and of other nations as passed the Streights of Magellan to goe to the Malâcos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people The admirable and prosperous Voyage of the worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire into the South sea and from thence round about the circumference of the wâole earth begun in the yeere of our Lord 1586 and finishâd 1588. Written by Master Francis Pretty lately of Ey in Suffolke a Gentleman employed in the same action WEe departed out of Plimmouth on Thursâay the 21. of Iuly 1586. with 3. sayles to wit The Desire a ship of 120. tunnes The Content of 60 tuns and the Hugh gallant a barke of 40. tunnes in which small Fleete were 123. persons of all sortes with all kinde of furniture and victuals sufficient for the space of two yeeres at the charges of the worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Tââmley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire beeing our Generall On Tuesday the 26. of the same moneth we were 45. leagues from Cape Finis terrae where wee mette with 5. sayles of Biskaynes comming from the Grande Bay in Newfound-land as we supposed which our Admirall shot at and fought with them 3. houres but wee tooke none of them by reason the night grew on The first of August wee came in sight of Forteuentura one of the Isles of the Canaries about ten of the clocke in the morning On Sunday being the 7. of August we were gotten as high as Rio del oro on the coast of Barbarie On Munday the 19. we fell with cape Blanco but the winde blew so much at the North that we could not get vp where the Canters doe vse to ride and fish therefore wee lay off 6. houres West Southwest because of the sand which lieth off the cape Southwest and by South The 15. day of the same moneth we were in the height of cape Verde by estimation 50. leagues off the same The 18. Sierra leona did beare East off vs beeing 45. leagues from vs and the same day the winde shifted to the Northwest so that by the 20. day of the sayd moneth we were in 6. degrees ½ to the Northward from the Equinoctiall line The 23. we put roome for Sierra leona and the 25. day wee fell with the poynt on the South side of Sierra leona which Master Brewer knew very well and went in before with the Content which was Uice-admirall and we had no lesse then 5. fathoms water when we had least and had for 14. leagues in Southwest all the way running into the harbour of Sierra leona 16 14. 12. 10 and 8. fathoms of water The 26. of the said moneth âe put into the harborough and in going in we had by the Southermost point when we had least 5. fathoms water faire by the rocke as it lieth at the said point and after we came 2 or 3. cables length within the said rocke we neuer had lesse then 10.
the other ship was laden with wheate-meale and boxes of marmalade One of these ships which had the chiefe marchandise in it was worth twentie thousand pounds if it had bene in England or in any other place of Christendome where wee might haue solde it Wee filled all our ships with as much as wee could bestow of these goods the rest wee burnt aud the ships also and set the men and women that were not killed on shoare The 20 day in the morning wee came into the road of Paita and being at an anker our Generall landed with sixtie or seuentie men skinnished with them of the towne and draue them all to flight to the top of the hill which is ouer the towne except a few slaues and some other which were of the meaner sort who were commanded by the gouernours to stay below in the towne at a place which is in building for a fort hauing with them a bloodie ensigne being in number about one hundred men Nowe as wee were rowing betweene the ships and the shoare our gunner shot off a great peece out of one of the barkes and the shot fel among them and draue them to flie from the fort as fast as they might runne who got them vp vpon an hill and from thence shot among vs with their small shot After wee were landed and had taken the towne wee ran vpon them and chased them so fiercely vp the hilles for the space of an houre that wee draue them in the ende away perforce and being got vp the hilles wee found where they had layd all their stuffe which they had brought out of the towne and had hidden it there vpon the mountaines We also found the quantitie of 25 pounds weight in siluer in pieces of eight rials and abundance of houshold stuffe and storehouses full of all kinde of wares but our Generall would not suffer any man âo carrie much cloth or apparell away because they should not cloy themselues with burthens for hee knew not whether our enemies were prouided with furniture according to the number of their men for they were fiue men to one of vs and wee had an English mile and an halfe to our ships Thus wee came dowâe in safetie to the towne which was very well builded and maruellous cleane kept in euery streete with a towne-house or Guild hall in the middest and had to the number of two hundred houses at the least in it Wee set it on fire to the ground and goods to the value of fiue or sixe thousand pounds there was also a barke riding in the roade which wee set on fire and departed directing our course to the Iland of Puna The 25 day of May wee arriued at the Iland of Puna where is a very good harbour where wee found a great shippe of the burthen of 250 tunnes riding at an anker with all her âurniture which was readie to bee haled on ground for there is a speciall good place for that purpose Wee sunke it and went on shoare where the lord of the Iland dwelt which was by the waters side who had a sumptuous house maruellous well contriued with very many singular good roomes and chambers in it and out of euery chamber was framed a gallerie with a stately prospect into the sea on the one side and into the Iland on the other side with a maruellous great hall below and a very great storehouse at the one ende of the hall which was filled with botijas of pitch and bash to make cables withall for the most part of the cables in the South sea are made vpon that Iland This great Casique doth make all the Indians vpon the Iland to worke and to drudge for him and hee himselfe is an Indian borne but is married to a maruellous faire woman which is a Spaniard by reason of his pleasant habitation and of his great wealth This Spanish woman his wife is honoured as a Queene in the Iland and neuer goeth on the ground vpon her feete but holdeth it too base a thing for her But when her pleasure is to take the ayre or to goe abroad shee is alwayes carried in a shadowe like vnto an horse-litter vpon foure mens shoulders with a veile or canopie ouer her for the sunne or the winde hauing her gentlewomen still attending about her with a great troope of the best men of the Iland with her But both shee and the lorde of the Iland with all the Indians in the towne were newly fled out of the Iland before wee could get to an anker by reason wee were becalmed before wee could get in and were gone ouer vnto the maine lande hauing carried away with them to the summe of 100000 crownes which wee knew by a captaine of the Iland an Indian which was left there with some other vpon the Iland vnder him whom wee had taken at sea as wee were comming into the road being in a balsa or canoa for a spie to see what wee were The 27 our General himselfe with certaine shot and some targettiers went ouer into the maine vnto the place where this foresayde Indian captaine which wee had taken had tolde vs that the Casique which was the lord of all the Iland was gone vnto and had caried all his treasure with him but at our comming to the place which wee went to lande at wee found newly arriued there foure or fiue great balsas which were laden with plantans bags of meale and many other kinds of victuals Our Generall maruelled what they were and what they meant asking the Indian guide and commanding him to speake the trueth vpon his life being then bound fast hee answered being very much abashed as well as our companie were that hee neither knewe from whence they should come nor who they should bee for there was neuer a man in any one of the balsas and because hee had told our Generall before that it was an easie matter to take the sayd Casique and all his treasure and that there were but three or foure houses standing in a deseât place and no resistance and that if hee found it not so hee should hang him Againe being demaunded to speake vpon his life what hee thought these Balsas should bee hee answered that hee coulde not say from whence they should come except it were to bring 60 souldiers which hee did heare were to go to a place called Guaiaquil which was about 6 leagues from the saide yland where two or three of the kings shippes were on the stocks in building where are continually an hundred souldiers in garisons who had heard of vs and had sent for sixtie more for feare of burning of the shippes and towne Our Generall uot any whit discouraged either at the sight of the balsas vnlooked for or for hearing of the threescore souldiers not vntill then spoken of with a braue courage animating his companie in the exployte went presently forward being in the
Aguatulco in sixe fadoms waâer and a Southsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the port of S. Iago in 6 fadoms water and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the port of Natiuidad in 8 fadoms water and a Southeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the bay of Xalisco in 9 fadoms water and a Westsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the Northwest part of the island of S. Andrew in 17 fadoms water Item You may anker vnder the island of Chiametlan in 4 fadoms water and a Southeast winde is the woorst Item You may anker in the port of S. Lucas on the Cape of California in 12 fadoms water and a Southeast winde is the woorst A note of what depths we ankered in among the ilands of the Philippinas ITem You may anker on the Southwest part of the island of Capul in 6 fadoms water and a Wesâsouthwest winde is the woorst Item You may anker all along the South part of the island of Panna in shoald water in the depth of 10 or 12 fadoms Item You may anker in the bay of Lago grande in seuen fadoms water which bay is on the South side of the island of Panna Item You may anker at the East end of Iaua maior in 16 fadoms water and an Eastsoutheast winde is the woorst Item You may anker on the North part of the island of Santa Helena in 12 fadoms water A note of our finding of the winds for the most part of our voyage 1586. IN primis From the 21 day of Iuly vnto the 19 day of August we found the winde at Northnortheast being in the latitude of 7 degrees Item From the 19 day of August vnto the 28 day of September wee found the wind for the most part betweene the West and the Southwest being in 24 degrees Item From the 28 day of September vnto the 30 day of October we found the windes betweene the Northeast and the Eastnortheast Item From the 23 of Nouember from the island of S. Sebastian vnto the 30 day of Nouember we found the winde betweene the Southeast and the Southsoutheast being in 36 degrees Item From the 30 day of Nouember vnto the 6 day of December we found the windes to be betweene the West and the Southwest Item From the 6 day of December vnto the first day of Ianuary we found the winds for the most part betweene the North and the Northeast bring then in the latitude of 52 degrees Item From the first day of Ianuary vnto the 23 day of February we found the windes to be betweene the Northwest and the Westsouthwest wee being all that time in the Streights of Magellan Item From the 23 day of February vnto the first day of March we found the winds to be betweene the South and the Southeast being then in the South sea in the latitude of 48 degrees Item From the first day of March vnto the 7 day of March we found the winde to be at the North and the Northnortheast in the latitude of 43 degrees Item From the 7 day of March vnto the 14 day of March wee found the windes to be betweene the South and the Southwest in the latitude of 37 degrees Item From the 14 day of March vnto the 28 day of May we found the winds to be betweene the South and the Southwest in the latitude of 3 degrees to the South of the Line A note of the varying of our windes to the North of the Equinoctiall line on the coast of New Spaine ITem From the 28 day of May vnto the 5 day of Iuly we found the winds for the most part to be betweene the Southsoutheast and the Southsouthwest being in the latitude of 10 degrees to the Northward of the Line on the coast of New Spaine Item From the 5 day of Iuly vnto the 14 day of October we found the windes for the most part to be at the Eastnortheast in the latitude of 23 degrees Northward and almost vnder the tropicke of Cancer A note of the windes which we found betweene the coast of New Spaine and Islands of the Philippinas on the coast of Asia IN the yeere of our Lord 1587 we departed from the cape of Santa Clara on the coast of California the 19 day of Nouember and we found the winds to be betweene the East and the Eastnortheast vntill the 29 day of Ianuary departing then from the ilands of the Philippinas being in the latitude of 9 degrees Item From the 29 day of Ianuary vnto the 19 day of March wee found the windes for the most part betweene the Northnortheast and the Northwest being then among the Ilands of Maluco in the latitude of 9 degrees Item From the 19 day of March vnto the 20 day of May wee found the windes for the most part betweene the South and the Eastsoutheast being then betweene the Ilands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança in the latitude of 34 degrees to the South of the Line Item From the 20 day of May vnto the 11 day of Iuly we found the winds for the most part betweene the South and the Southeast being then betweene the cape of Buena Esperança and and 15 degrees vnto the Southward of the line Item From the 11 day of Iuly vnto the 18 day of August we found the winds for the most part betweene the Northeast and Eastnortheast bring then betweene the latitude of 15 degrees to the Southward of the line and 38 degrees vnto the Northwards of the line A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the right honourable the Lord Hunsdon Lord Chamberlaine one of her Maiesties most honourable Priuy Councell touching the successe of his voyage about the world RIght honourable as your fauour heretofore hath bene most greatly extended towards me so I humbly desire a continuance thereof and though there be no meanes in me to deserue the same yet the vttermost of my seruices shall not be wanting whensoeuer it shall please your honour to dispose thereof I am humbly to desire your honour to make knowen vnto her Maiesty the desire I haue had to doe her Maiesty seruice in the performance of this voyage And as it hath pleased God to giue her the victory ouer part of her enemies so I trust yer long to see her ouerthrow them all For the places of their wealth whereby they haue mainteined and made their warres are now perfectly discouered and if it please her Maiesty with a very small power she may take the spoile of them all It hath pleased the Almighty to suffer mee to circompasse the whole globe of the world entring in at the Streight of Magellan and returning by the cape de Buena Esperança In which voyage I haue either discouered or brought certeine intelligence of all the rich places of the world that euer were knowen or discouered by any
de San Barâardo La Bacilla The shoalds of Serrana Serranilla Cape de Corrientes Cape de San Antonio The Tââtugâââ Seranilla An Island in 16. degrees ãâã Câââ de Cameron The vaâiâtioâ of the compasse Isla de Pinos The currentâ sât here sometimes Wesâ Isla de Coâââ The latitude of ãâ¦ã 19. deg and one âieââe Las Tortugas The little Islâ called Vermâââ Marââ oâ Vââla Rica The low ground of Almeria Lâs Sierras ãâã Papalo Saint Paul Monte de Cârneâos Casa de Buytroâ The castle of S. Iuan de Vâlââ The hospitall The riuer of ãâã Alacranes or âââpâorâ The triangle âârta or âaââa The high hils ãâã â Maâtin ãâã de Medelin S. Iuan de Vllua ãâã in 18. deg and a halfe The Tortugas The currents to the East âan de Cabanas âauana âeâ Martyres The sholds of Mimbresâ that is of Osiars The Chanell reacheth to 28 degrees La Bermuda * The variation of the Compasse Flores and Câeruo Saint George Terzera The Cape of S. Vincent The windes are alwayes at Northwest in the summer The markes oâ Capâ S. Vincent The Asagresal The Cape of Saint Mary The course in winter from the chanel of Baâama The variation of the Compasse Many lost vpon Bermuda by negligence The Isle of S. Marie * Faial The barre oâ S. Lucar Sierras de Monchico To aâoyde men of warre The castle of Aimonte The Cape of S Nâcolas on the East ende of Cuba Pontâ de Mayâca âaraâoa A âlâââd on the East side of Baracoa âaâo de ââa This worde Cayo in the Biskapur âââgue signifieth a date â shoald Pracellas The Mosâwes Camoloquea The flats of Mecaâa to be auoyded Cropeda a flat Island 2. Rockes of stone Punta de Caueus Matanâas The currents The Teates of Hauana The âarbour of Xââoca Markes to know the harbour of Hauana Caio de Moa Caio Romanââ Alcane de Barasoga Sauano Basquo The Flats of Mecala Take heede of that which is here saâd for it hath litle reason Sierras de Camaloquâa Caio de Moa Pracellas Hauana Punta de Mance Sierra del Hama Caio Romano The markes of the Flat of Caio Romano Punta de Naga Punta de hidalgo The calmes of ãâã The variation of the compasse Deseada in 15. âegrees and a halâe Warlike and dangerous Indians like âhose oâ Dominica These 2. the white and the gray Islands are rather baââ rockes in the sea foâ so doeth Farrallon the Spanish word signifie But I interprâte it Island because all the rocks separated froÌ the bigger Islands are saâd to be litle Islands This white bare Island is made whitâ vp the dâng of birdes and sea-foules that resort vnto it These rockes are called Los ãâã or the spoâtes The point oâ Causedo âan Domingo The point of Niâao The Isle of Beata Ocoa Puerto hermoso The Isle of Alto Veloâ ãâã Frailes ãâã Las sierras de donna Maria. Isla Baque Cape Tiburon The Isle of Nauaza Sierras de Cobââ Sierras de Tarquino Los Caimanes Los Iardines Las sierras de Guanaguarico A conuenienâ watering place The Isle Vermeja Villa rica â Iuan de Vllua â volcan or burning hil âierras de Sant Martân Sierras de Villa ãâã âio de las palmas Rio de las monâanâas Rio de Panuco Rio Heâmoâo oâ The beautiâull âiuer The current of the bay of Mexico the winde being at the East setteth to the Northâ and 40. leagues from thââhoâe to the Northeast The mountaines oâ Tamaclipa ãâã tide at the riuer of Panuco Laâ sieâras de Tarquia â Luis de Tamâice Cabo Roxo A watering place The bay ââ Cassones All these are vpon the ãâã of Tabasco Las sierras de â Pabâââ Punta delgada oâ The slendââ pointâ Cabezaâ anegadas are ãâã heads ãâã vnder water Comedera de Peâcado Cabo de Coââienteâ Cabo de S. Aââton Cape Sisal vpon the coast of Campeche in lucatan Or Isla de Arenas Sierras de S. Martin Roca partida Or Minsapa Of Antoniserro Las Tortugas The hilles called Los Organos vpon Cuba neere Hauana Rio de puercos Baya honda La quadrilla de sierras El pan de Caâannas La mesa de Marien The tower of Hauana Note Chipiona a towne standing vpon the coast of Andaluzia next vnto S. Lucas El pan de Matanzas Barrancas If you will recouer Hauana go also signifie creeks or broken entrances of landes Cabeza de los Martires Which Martires are a number of small Ilands lying ahead the Cape of Florida Los Mimbres The markes of Pan de Matanzas Punta de los Puercos The furious current in the chanell of Bahama Directions is know whether you be in the chanell of Bahama or no. Cabo de Cannaueral in 28. deg and a halfe The course ãâã Winter The Isle of Bermuda The course in the Summer more Northerly Puerto Pini El Passaje place on the Northeast part of the Isle of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Cabo del Enganno the most Easter in Cape of Hispaniola Or Semana Las Ouejas Cabo Franco El Puerto de Plata Baracoa Isla de Tortugas otherwise called Hinagua The Isle of Iaico Las sierras de Cabanca Cayo Romano This word Cayo in the âââcaian tongue signifieth a flat or a shâld Cabo de Cruz. This Island lyeth 100. leagues from Hauana The great Parcel Las Anguillas Another Cayo 6 or 7 leagues from Cayo de Cruz. El Puerto de Maranzas or The hauen ãâã slaughters ãâã Las Sierras de Guana Cruz del Padre La Baia de Conel La Baia de Caos or Cayos Or Camoloquec Note large * This is a very commoditus Isle for ãâã in our way to Virginia * large A treatâse of the West Indieâ The yle oâ Trinidad Curiâpaâ Parico Tierra de Breâ The death of Captaine Whiddon â Englishmen betrayed by Antony Berreo The Citie of S. Ioseph taken Antony Berreo taken prisoneâ Sir W. Ralegâ passed 400. miles toward Guianaâ The statelines of Manoa marg Fran. Lopez de Gomara hist. gen cap. 120. Iuan Martineâ the first that euer saw Mânoa Diego de Ordaâ went âoorth with 600 souldiers 1531. Fran. Lopez bist gen de las Ind. cap. 87. The great city of Manoa or El Dorado The author of the name of El Doradoâ The substance of this report is in the end of the nauigation of the great riuer of Marannon written by Gonzalo Fernando de âuiedo to cardinall Bembââ Ramusin Vol 3. fol. 416. Sir Robert Duddeleyâ Reade Iosephus Acosta The voyage of sir Iohn Burgh to the West Indiesâ 1534. Gomar cap. 84â 86. Don Pedro de Siluaâ Pedro Hernandez de Serpa Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada Antonio Berreo A new rich trade of the French to the riuer of Amazones The seat of the Amazones Many great riuer a falling into Orenoque The prouince of Emeria inhabited by gentle Indians Carapana Morequito Vides the gouernour of Cumana competâtor with Berreo in the conquest of Guiana Macureguaray Ten Spanyards arââe at Manoa Aromaia Saima anâ âââkiri
Iuramentum or othe ministred to the Captaine YOu shall sweare to be a faithfull true and loyal subiect in all points and duties that to a subiect appertaineth to our soueraigne Lord the kings Maiestie his heires and successors and that you shall wel and truely to the vttermost of your capacitie wit knowledge serue this present voiage committed to your charge and not to giue vp nor sooner intermit the same vntil you shall haue atchieued the same so farre foorth as you may without danger of your life and losse of the fleete you shall giue good true and faithful counsell to the said societie and to such as shal haue the charge with or vnder you and not to disclose the secrets or priuities of the same to any person by any maner of meane to the preiudice hurt or damage of it You shal minister iustice to all men vnder your charge without respect of person or any affection that might moue you to decline from the true ministration of iustice And further you shal obserue and cause to be obserued as much as in you lieth all and singular rules articles prouisions hitherto made or heereafter to be made for the preseruation or safe conduct of the fleete and voyage and benefit of the company You shall not permit nor suffer the stocke or goods of the company to be wasted imbezeled or consumed but shall conserue the same whole and entire without diminishment vntill you shall haue deliuered or cause to be deliuered the same to the vse of the companie And finally you shal vse your selfe in all points sorts and conditions as to a faithfull captaine and brother of this companie shall belong and appertaine So helpe you God c. The othe ministred to the Maister of the ship c. YOu shall sweare by the holy contents in that booke that you according and to the vttermost of your knowledge and good vnderstanding in mariners science and craft shall in your vocation doe your best to conduct the good shippe called the N. c. whereof you nowe are Maister vnder God both vnto and from the portes of your discouerie and so vse your indeuour and faithfull diligence in charging discharging lading againe and roomaging of the same shippe as may be most for the benefite and profite of this right woorshipfull fellowship and you shall not priuately bargein buy sell exchange barter or distribute any goods wares merchandize or things whatsoeuer necessary tackles and victuals for the shippe onely excepted to or for your owne lucre gaine or profit neither to nor for the priuate lucre gaine or profit of any other person or persons whatsoeuer And further If you shall know any boatswaine mariner or any other person or persons whatsoeuer to buy sell barter trucke or exchange any goods wares marchandizes or things for priuate account reckoning or behalfe you shall doe your best to withstand and let the same and if you cannot commodiously so doe that then before the discharge of such goods bought for priuat account you shal giue knowledge therof to the cape marchant of this said fellowship for the time being And you shal not receiue nor take nor suffer to be receiued or taken into your said ship during this voyage any maner person or persons whatsoeuer going or returning but onely those mariners whâch without fraud or guile shall be hired to be of your company and to serue in mariners craft and science onely So helpe you God c. These foresaid shippes being fully furnished with their pinnesses and boates well appointed with al maner of artillerie and other things necessary for their defence with al the men aforesaid departed from Ratcliffe and valed vnto Detford the 10. day of May 1553. The 11. day about two of the clocke we departed from Detford passing by Greenwich saluting the kings Maiesty then being there shooting off our ordinance so valed vnto Blackwall and there remained vntil the 17. day and that day in the morning we went from Blackwall and came to Woolwâch by nine of the clocke and there remained one tide and so the same night vnto Heyreth The 18. day from Heyreth vnto Grauesend and there remained vntil the twentieth day that day being Saterday from Grauesend vnto Tilberie Hope remaining there vntill the two and twentieth day The 22. day from Tilbery Hope to Hollie hauen The 23. day from Hollie Hauen till we came against Lee and there remained that night by reason that the winde was contrary to vs. The 24. day the winde being in the Southwest in the morning we sailed along the coast ouer the Spits vntill we came against S. Osyth about sixe of the clocke at night and there came to anker and abode there all that night The 25. day about tenne of the clocke we departed from S. Osyth and so sailed forward vnto the Nase and there abode that night for winde and tide The 26. day at fiue of the clock in the morning we weyed our anker and sailed ouer the Nase the winde being at the Southwest vntill wee came to Orwell wands and there came to an anker and abode there vntill the 28. day The same day being Trinitie Sunday about 7. of of the clocke before noone we weyed our ankers and sailed til we came athwart Walsursye and there came to an anker The 29. day from thence to Holmehead where we stayed that day where we consulted which way and what courses were best to be holden for the discouerie of our voyage and there agreed The 30. day of May at fiue of the clocke in the morning wee set saile and came against Yermouth about three leagues into the sea riding there at anker all that night The last of May ânto the Sea sixe leagues Northeast and there taried that night where the winde blew very sore The first of Iune the winde being at North contrary to vs wee came backe againe to Orwell and remained there vntill the 15. day tarying for the winde for all this time the winde was contrary to our purpose The 15 day being at Orwel in the latitude of 52 degrees in the morning wee weyed our ankers and went forth into the wands about two miles from the towne and lay there that night The 16 day at eight of the clocke we set forward and sayled vntill we came athwart Alburrough and there stayed that night The 17 day about fiue of the clocke before noone we went backe vnto Orfordnesse aud there remained vntill the 19 day The 19 day at eight of the clocke in the morning we went backe to Orwel and abode there three dayes tarying for the winde The 23 day of Iune the wind being faire in the Southwest we hailed into the seas to Orfordnesse and from thence into the seas ten leagues north-Northeast then being past the sands we changed our course sixe leagues Northnortheast about midnight we changed our course againe and went due North continuing in the same vnto the 27 day The 27 day about
pezos of gold neuer were there before that day souldiours so rich in so small a time and with so little danger And in this iourney for want of yron they did shooe their horses some with gold and some with siluer This is to bee seene in the generall historie of the West Indies where as the doings of Pizarro and the conquest of Peru is more at large setforth To this may I adde the great discoueries and conquests which the princes of Portugall haue made round about the West the South and the East parts of Africa and also at Calicut and in the East Indies and in America at Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands in fortifying peopling and planting all along the sayd coastes and Islands euer as they discouered which being rightly weyed and considered doth minister iust cause of incouragement to our Countreymen not to account it so hard and difficult a thing for the subiects of this noble realme of England to discouer people plant and possesse the like goodly lands and rich countreys not farre from vs but neere adioyning offring themselues vnto vs as is aforesayd which haue neuer yet heretofore bene in the actuall possession of any other Christian prince then the princes of this Realme All which as I thinke should not a little animate and encourage vs to looke out and aduenture abroad vnderstanding what large Countreys and Islands the Portugals with their small number haue within these few yeeres discouered peopled and plânted some part whereof I haue thought it not amisse briefly in particular to name both the Townes Countreys Islands so neere as I could vpon the sudden call them to remembrance for the rest I doe referre the Reader to the histories where more at large the same is to be seene First they did winne and conquere from the princes of Barbary the Island of Geisera towne of Arzala not past an 140. mile distant from their Metropolitane chiefe city of Fessâ and after that they wonne also from the said princes the townes of Tanger Ceuta Mazigam Azamor and Azaffi all alongst the Sea coasts And in the yeere of our Lord 1455. Alouis de Cadomosta a Gentleman Uenetian was hee that first discouered for their vse Cape Verd with the Islânds adioyning of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonauista and Sant Iago discouering also the riuer Senega otherwise called Niger and Cape Roxo Sierra Leone and in a few yeeres after they did discouer the coast of Guinea and there peopled and built the castleof Mina then discouered they further to the countreys of Melegetres Benin and Congo with the Ilands of Principe da Nobon S. Matthewe and S. Thomas vnder the Equinoctiall line which they propled and built in the said Island of S. Thomas the hauen towne or port of Pauosan After that about the yeere of our Lord 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent foorth who was the first man that discouered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon Esperanze passing the currents that run vpon the said coast on the Southeast part of Africa between the said maine land the Island of S. Laurence otherwise called of the antients Madagascar he discouered to y e harbor named the Riuer of y e Infant After that since the yeere of our Lord God 1497. and before the ful accomplishment of the yeere of Christ 1510. through the trauailes and discoueries of Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Thomas Lopes Andrew Corsalc Iohn de Empoli Peter Sintra Sancho de Toar and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonso de Albuquerque they did discouer people and plant at Ceffala being vpon the East side of Africa in the twenty degrees of latitude of the south Pole and direct West from the Iland of S. Laurence at which port of Ceffala diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold as also vpon the said East side of Africa they did afterward discouer people and plant at Mozambique Quiolâ Monbaza and Melinde two degrees of Southerly latitude and so vp to the streight of Babel-Mandell at the entring of the red sea all vpon the East coast of Africa from whence they put off at the Cape of Guarda Fu and past the great gulfe of Arabia and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus and the Island of Ormus and so passing the large and great riuer Indus where he hath his fall into the maine Ocean in 23. degrees and an halfe vnder the tropike of Cancer of Septentrional latitude they made their course againe directly towards the South and began to discouer people and plant vpon the West side of the hither India at Goa Mangalor Cananor Calecut and Cochin and the Island of Zeilam And here I thinke good to remember to you that after their planting vpon this coast their forces grew so great that they were able to compell all the Moores the subiectes of the mightie Emperour of the Turkes to pay tribute vnto them euer as they passed the gulfe of Arabia from the port of Mecca in Arabia Foelix where Mahomet lieth buried or any of the other portes of the sayd land euer as they passed to and from the hauens of Cochin Calecut and Cananor and by their martiall maner of discipline practised in those partes the great and mightie prince the Sophie Emperour of the Persians and professed enemie to the Turke came to the knowledge and vse of the Caliuer shot and to enterlace and ioyne footemen with his horsemen sithence which time the Persians haue growen to that strength and force that they haue giuen many mightie and great ouerthrowes to the Turke to the great quiet of all Christendome And from the Island of Zeilam aforesayd they also discouered more East in passing the gulfe of Bengala and so pâssed the notable and famous riuer of Ganges where hee hath his fall into the maine Ocean vnder the tropike of Cancer and to the Cape of Malaca and vnto the great and large Islands of Sumatra Iaua maior Iaua minor Mindanao Palobane Celebes Gilolo Tidore Mathin Borneo Machian Terenate and all other the Islands of Molucques and Spiceries and so East alongst the coasts of Cathaia to the portes of China Zaiton and Quinsay and to the Island of Zipango and Iapan siâuate in the East in 37. degrees of Septemerionall latitude and in 195. of longitâde These are their noble and worthie discoueries Here also is not to bee forgotten that in the yere of our Lord 1501. that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did discouer people and plant to their vse the holdes and forts which they haue in Brasill of whom he being but a priuate gentleman the whole countrey or firme land of the West Indies is commonly called and knowen by the name of America I doe greatly doubt least I seeme ouer tedious in the recitall of the particular discoueries and conquests of the East and West Indies wherein I was the more bold to vrge the patience
of the Reader to the end it might most manifestly and at large appeare to all such as are not acquainted with the histories how the king of Portugall whose Countrey for popularity and number of people is scarce comparable to some three shires of England and the king of Spaine likewise whose natural Conntrey doth not greatly abound with people both which princes by means of their discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres post haue as it appeareth both mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent whose aid we shall not need to doubt seeing the cause and quarell which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory by the enlargement of the Christian faith To conclude since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray And that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous predecessors of renowmed memorie and leaue vnto our posteritie a deuine memoriall of so godly an enterprise Let vs I say for the considerations alledged enter into iudgement with our selues whether this action may belong to vs or no the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God shall take our desired effect whereof there is no iust cause of doubt Then shal her Maiesties dominions be enlarged her highnesse antient titles iustly confirmed all odiâus idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished diuers decayed townes repaired and many poore and needy persons relieued and estates of such as now liue in want shall be embettered the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannicall neighbours the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished All which no man doubteth are things gratefull in the sight of our Sauiour Christ and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie Bee of good cheere therefore for hee that cannot erre hath sayd That before the ende of the world his word shall bee preached to all nations Which good worke I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts Wherefore my deere countreymen be not dismayed for the power of God is nothing diminished nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospell any whit abated Shall wee then doubt he will be lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarell which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad and the banishment of idlenes at home then he was to Columbus Vasques Nunnes Hernando Cortes and Francis Pizaâro in the West and Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Alonso de Albuquerque in the East Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts giue the attempt and leaue the sequell to almightie God for if he be on our part what forceth it who bee against vs Thus leauing the correction and reformation vnto the gentle Reader whatsoeuer is in this treatise too much or too little otherwise vnperfect I take leaue and so end A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie and of furthering new discoueries c. I Understand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of Bristoll as by conference with sir George Peknam that you haue endeuoured giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet vnknowen as your studie in these things is very coÌmendable so I thanke you much for the same wishing you do continue your trauell in these and like matters which are like to turne not only to your owne good in priuate but to the publike benefite of this Realme And so I bid you farewell From the Court the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie AFter my heartie commendations I haue for certaine causes deferred the answere of your letter of Nouember last till now which I hope commeth all in good time Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot but much commend And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert as you haue heard long since hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within these 10. dayes who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you write of be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with him or so soone after as you may I hope this trauell wil proue profitable to the Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme herein I pray you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt and M. Thomas Steuenton to whome I referre you And so bid you heartily farewell Richmond the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the Citie of Bristoll to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principall Secretary to her Maiestie concerning a Westerne voyage intended for the discouery of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of Cape Briton RIght honourable vpon the âeceit of your letters directed vnto me and deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton bearing date the 11. of March I presently conferred with my friends in priuate whom I know most affectionate to this godly enterprise especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants whereupon my selfe being as then sicke with as conuenient speede as he could hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered where after dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this citie he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me piruatly to be read in publike and after some good light giuen by M. Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterpriseâ and were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be liked that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present apparently knowen by their own speach and very willing offer the summe of 1000. markes and vpward which summe if it should not suffice we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery a ship of threescore and a barke of 40. tunne to bee left in the countrey vnder the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlilâ of whom we haue heard much good if it shall stand with your honors good liking and his acceptation In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M. Steuenton your honours messenger and one well knowen to vs as captains And here in humble maner desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your further direction by a generall
Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast are East and West and there is 15. leagues distance betweene them The Bay of Molues or Gaspay is in 48. degrees and the coast lyeth North and South and taketh a quarter of the Northeast and Southwest vnto the Bay of Heate and there are 3. Isles one great one and two smal from the Bay of Heate vntill you passe the Monts nostre Dame al the land is high and good ground al couered with trees Ognedoc is a good Bay and lyeth Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast and it is a good Harbour and you must saile along the shore on the Northside by reason of the low point at the entrance therof and when you are passed the poynt bring your selfe to an ancre in 15. or 20. fathoms of water toward the South shore and here within this Hauen are two riuers one which goeth toward the Northwest and the other to the Southwest And on this coast there is great fishing for Coddes and other fish where there is more store then is in Newfoundland and better fish And here is great store of riuer foule as Malards wild Geese and others And here are all sorts of trees Rose trees Raspesses Filbird trees Apple trees Peare trees and it is hotter here in Sommer then in France The Isle of Ascension and the 7. Isles which lie on the North shore lie Southeast and Westnorthwest and are distant 24. leagues The Cape of Ognedoc and the 7. Isles are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast are distant 35. leagues The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 7. Isles are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is 25. leagues and this is the breadth of this Sea and from thence vpward it beginneth to waxe narrower and narrower The 7. Isles are in 50. degrees and ½ The 7. Isles and the poynt of Ongear lie Northeast and Southwest and the distance betweene them is 15. leagues and betweene them are certaine small Islands and the point of Ongear and the mountaines Nostre Dame which are on the South side of the entrance of the riuer are North and South and the cut ouer from the one to the other is ten leagues and this is here the abredth of the Sea The poynt of Ongear and the riuer of Caen lie East and West and they are distant 12. leagues And all the coast from the Isle of Ascension hither is very good ground wherein growe all sortes of trees that are in France and some fruits The poynt of Ongear is in 49. degrees and ¼ And the riuer of Caen and the Isle of Raquelle lye Northeast and Southwest and they are distant 12. leagues The Isle of Raquelle is in 48. degrees and â
In this riuer of Caen there is great sâore of fish And here the Sea is not past 8 leagues broad The Isle of Raquelle is a very low Isle which is neere vnto the South shore hard by a high Cape which is called the Cape of Marble There is no danger there at all And betweene Raquelle and the Cape of Marble ships may passe And there is not from the Isle to the South shore aboue one league and from the Isle vnto the North shore about foure leagues The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance of Saguenay are Northeast Westsouthwest and are distant 14. leagues and there are betweene them two small Islandes neere the North shore The entrance of Saguenay is in 48. degrees and â
and the entrance hath not past a quarter of a league in breadth and it is dangerous toward the Southwest and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to waxe wider and wider and it seemeth to bee as it were an arme of the Sea And I thinke that the same runneth into the Sea of Cathay for it sendeth foorth there a great current and there doth runne in that place a terrible rase or tyde And here the riuer from the North shore to the South shore is not past foure leagues in breadth and it is a dangerous passage betweene both the lands because there lie bankes of rockes in the riuer The Isle of Raquelle and the Isle of Hares lye Northeast and Southwest and take ¼ of the East and the West and they are distant 18. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Liepueres or Hares lie Northnortheast Southsouthwest and are distant 5. leagues The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Raquelle are Northnorthwest and Southsouthwest and are distant three leagues The Isle of Hares is in 48 and 1 16 of a degree From the Mountaines of Nostre Dame vnto Canada and vnto Hochelaga all the land on the South coast is faire a lowe land and goodly champaigne all couered with trees vnto the brink of the riuer And the land on the North side is higher and in some places there are high mountaines And from the Isle of Hares vnto the Isle of Orleans the riuer is not past 4 or 5 leagues broad Betweene the Isle of Hares and the high land on the North side the sea is not past a league and an halfe broad and it is very deepe for it is aboue 100. fathoms deepe in the middest To the East of the Isle of Hares there are 2 or 3 small Isles and rockes And from hence to the Isle Des Coudres or of Filbeards all is nothing but Isles and rockes on the Southshore and towards the North the sea is fayre and deepe The Isle of Hares and the Isle of Filbeards lie northeast West and Southwest and they are distant 12 leagues And you must alwayes run along the high land on the north shore for on the other shore there is nothing but rocks And you must passe by the side of the Isle of Filbeards and the riuer there is not past a quarter of a league broad and you must sayle in the middest of the chanel and in the middest runneth the best passage either at an hie or a low water because the sea runneth there strongly and there are great dangers of rocks and you had neede of good ancre and table The isle of Filbeards is a small isle about one league long and halfe a league broad but they are all banks of sand The isle of Filberds stands in 47. deg and ¾ The isle of Filberds and the isle of Orleans lie northeast and southwest and they are distant 10 leagues and thou must passe by the high land on the northside about a quarter of a league because that in the midst of the riuer there is nothing but sholds and rocks And when thou shalt bee ouer against a round Cape thou must take ouer to the South shore southwest and a quarter toward the South and thou shalt sayle in 5.6 and 7 fathoms and there the riuer of Canada beginneth to bee fresh and the salt water endeth And when thou shalt be athwart the point of the isle of Orleans where