antiquitie were repulsed by it at a siege forced to retire in a battell durst not come neare it after they had gained the field of the rest of the Army And the Consull Aemilius a man that had seene much seruice and fought many a battaile and was one of the best Generalls of that time confessed he neuer saw so fearefull a sight as when he beheld the Phalange advancing into the field the bodies ioyned the Targets serred and locked together darting out fire like lightning the front rough with couched and charged pikes and armed with yron and threatning present death to him that durst approach 3 Occupying two Cubits of ground We may not take it as though the souldier betwixt file and file had two Cubits or three foote of ground For we learned before that in locking vp the Phalange the distance betweene man and man in front was but a Cubit But it is to be vnderstood betweene ranke and ranke For Polybius saith that the souldier ought to haue roome for the vse of his weapon which cannot be without granting him three foote behinde the pike being some-times to be pushed forward some-times to be drawne backe sometimes otherwise handled as occasion of fight shall require The length of the Pike is 16 Cubits a Sixteene Cubits which is twenty foure foote is a great length for a Pike and it verifieth the words of Livy that the Macedonian Pike is vnwealdy by reason of the length and weight yet doe wee read of pikes of that length The Aeâ—essans had such The Chalybes pikes were about 15 cubits long But 16 was the length at the first the Maccdonians brought it to 14 which they tooke to be a sufficient length against the enemie and easier for the Pike-man to beare and handle 4 The space in charging betwixt the handes taking vp two cubiâ—s Herein is a difference betweene Aelian and Polybius Aelian would haue no more then 2 cubits lost in charging Polybius saith 4. are lost and with Polybius agreeth Leo. But the cause of the difference arisetâ— out of the forme of the pike and of the manner of holding it in the charge If it be held at the butt end with the right hand and supported toward the armed end with the left as the manner in charging is it cannot loose aboue two cubits and Aeâ—an is in the right But if in holding it you set the right hand 2 cubits from the butt and then must 4 cubits of necessitie be lost Whereof 2 rest behinde the right hand the other two are taken vp by the space betwixt both hands Our manner of charging is at this day to take the butt end in the right hand and in so doing we loose but two cubits But it seemeth our pikes are not made in that forme they were in Polybius time In Polybius age they had weiâ—hts at the but end to make the sharpe end the lighter as the heauie pummell lightereth the sword in handling This weight was called secoma as it were a counter-weight to the heauinesse and length of the pike Neither do I read any thing elsewhere then in Polybius concerning the counter-weight of a pike To the handle of an Oare I finde in Atheneus that lead was added to make the part standing out from the shippe more light But yet Polybius and Aelians opinions may well agree and in pikes that haue counterweights at their ends the hold for charging being taken two cubits from the butt end there may be lost foure cubits where the other sort being held at the butt end it selfe loose but 2 cubits 5 The pikes of the other behinde cannot reach to the first ranke How shall they beare their pikes then Polybius sheweth what the manner was Those rankes saith he that stand behinde the fifth can helpe nothing to the fight in front And therefore they charge not their pikes low but beare them towards their forestanders shoulders the points somewhat erected to secure the battaile from aboue intercepting by their thicke lying the missiue weapons which flying ouer the front would otherwise fall vpon their heads that are placed toward the reare Polybius saith the manner was neither to charge nor order their pikes but to beare them forwards stoping towards the shoulders of their companions before Yet by bearin them so what security they could â—ue from the missiue weapons that came aloft I cannot yet conceiue An arrow dart or stone vnlesse it hit iust on the middest of the pikes would do as much and sometimes more harme by glancing then if it had not touched them at all Some would haue the hinder pikes longer The opinion of them whom Aelian here speakâ—th of hath little reason to ground vpon For either the pike of thâ—m that come in the fiue rancks behinde especially the two last must exceede in length or else the fileleaderâ— pikes in shortnesse both which are â—like vnprofitâ—ble If they bee too long they cannot be weilded if these too short the enemie shall reach the file-leaders and not the file-leaders the enemie The measure of the longest pike was 16 cubits which yet for aptnesse and vse was by the Macedonians reduced to 14. Say then the sixteenth ranke carrieth pikes of 16 cubits two of the cubits according to Aelian are taken away in handling other ten by reason of the distance of the fiue former rankes Foure cubits alone remaine and reach ouer the front If the file Leader in the front shorten his pike to foure cubits to make an euen extention he shall not come neere the enemie by ten cubits who in pushing will reach home to him For what length soeuer is taken from the file-leader in front the same is giuen to the enemie that pusheth with him And hee shall bee able to wound the file-leader and not the file-leader him especially the pikes differing in so great a proportion 6 The superordinarie Lieutenant of euery Syntagma I haue before noted the dutie of a Lieutenant of the Syntagma and it is here well expressed by Aelian He that desireth to see more touching the same let him resort to Xenophons Cyropaedia lib. 3. 28. and lib. 7. 178. B. and to Leo cap. 14. § 79. The place of the light-armed and the number of euery file CHAP. XV. THus much of ordering and marshalling the armed-foote I will adde a word or two of the light-armed or naked 1 The Generall is to place the light-armed so that they be readie for all attempts of the enemy sometime in front sometime in flanke sometime in the Reare according to occasion or necessity For our purpose let them be thus ordered We will frame also of them 1024 files as many as the Phalange of the armed conteined So that the first file of the light-armed be placed directly behinde the first file of the armed and the second file behinde the second and so the rest 2 Yet shall they not be sixteene to the file but halfe so many namely eight
particularly to the first aspect So that this is vsed after the making of an Anastrophe For alwaies in motions it is requisite that the Souldiers faces moue forward To moue backeward hath many inconueniences of stumblings vpon vneuen ground or stones or pittes or stubbes or such like Which is the cause that in Anastrophe after a Wheeling Aelian willeth that the Souldiers turne their faces the contrarie way first then moue on till they haue recouered their first ground then open rankes and files and lastly to restore to the first aspect And as it differeth from Anastrophe so differeth it likewise from Metabole Metabole only turned faces about this setteth the Souldier in his former posture not onely for his face but for his armes also which are ordered as at first The wordes wherein this motion is expressed by Aelian are Ep orthon apodounai and Eis orthon apocaâ—astesai which is interpreted by Gaza in arrectum reddere to restore vp right by Arcerius rectum reddere to restore right and so the words sound Aelian interpreteth it to set againe the Souldiers sight in the same aspect in which it stood at first as if being placed with his face against the enemy he be commanded to turne his face to the Pike and then againe to restore his face to his first posture he must returne and set his face against the enemy Aelian therefore referreth it to the sight he first had which if it bee the right meaning how can it be vpright or right more in that then in any other posture For the Souldier not onely in front but in flanke and in the reare carrieth himselfe vpright or right I doubt not but that it may be applied to the vpright standing of men as appeareth by sundry places of Pausanias Who reherseth that Mineruas Image set in the Temple Parthenion standeth vpright orthon esti and in an other place that in Corinth in the Temple Pantheon there were two Images of Mercurie standing vpright Ortha and that in the Temple of Fortune the image of Fortune was carued of Parian stone and stood vpright Orthon and that in Neptunes Temple situate in the Corinthian Isthmus the images of Amphitrite and Neptune stand in a Chariot and the boy Palemon vpright vpon a Dolphin Orthos In all which places Orthos designeth the site of men But here as I take it cannot be so applied Because in euery motion not onely in this the men stand vpright How then can they be restored to their standing vpright when they doe it already I take the originall of the appellation to come from another cause and that is from the ordering of the Pike For when the battaile is first set in the field euery Souldier standes with his Pike ordered that is vpright For to order a pike is to set the butt end on the ground before the Souldier somewhat wide of his right foote and to hold it vpright with the right hand borne euen with the shoulder But when you beginne or continue any motion the manner is to aduance or to shoulder the Pike and so to proceede But being commanded to returne to the first posture it must bee ordered againe So that the first posture of an armed man is to stand with his pike vpright And after many motions and windings he at last returneth to the same posture which I take the command of Ep'orthon apodounai to signifie Now that I may not seeme to relie vpon a probable coniecture alone I will bring witnesse for the confirmation of my opinion It is reported by Diodorus Siculus that Agesilaus the Lacedemonian King with an armie of eighteen thousand foote and fifteen hundred horse inuaded Boeotia The Athenians before hearing of Agesilaus comming had sent fiue thousand foote and 200 horse to aide the Thebans who gathering their armie together seized vpon a long narrow hill distant 20 furlongs from the City And making the hard accesse to the place a kinde of fortification against the enemie they there waited his comming fearing to hazard vpon euen ground in regard of the renowne and glory of Agesilaus Agesilaus hauing imbattailed his troupes led them against the Boeotians and approching neere sent his light armed to sound their disposition to fight which being easily repulsed by the Thebans by the aduantage of the higher ground hee aduanced the rest of his forces being imbattailed in such manner as might giue greatest terror Chabrias the Athenian willed his Souldiers to awaite the enemy contemptuously both keeping their first array and their Targets at their knees and continuing their Pikes vpright ordered who when they iointly as vpon a word giuen did as they were commanded Agesilaus both wondering at the good order and at the assured fashion of the enemy thought it not fit to striue with vnequall ground and by forcing them to fight to compell them to be valiant whether they would or no. Hitherto Diodor Sicul. of the Strategem of Chabrias against Agesilaus which consisted in the contempt of Agesilaus and all his forces First in not stirring one foote to meete the enemy then in keeping the array they held before further in sincking their Targets to their knees Lastly in continuing the former order of their Pikes that is not making readyto charge but remaining with their Pikes ordered as they were at first Agesilaus aduancing his armie thought to strike a feare into his enemie Chabrias trusting to the strength of the place scorned the Brouado of Agesilaus conceiuing he would not be so hardy to aduenture the fight vpon so great an inequallity of ground He therfore willeth the Cap 28 The Macedoman Countermache by file The reare The front of the first standing The Countermarche in action The file leaders with their faces about standing firme The bringers vp dismarching The front after Countermarche The ground taken before the front of the Phalange Cap 29 The Lacedemonian Countermarche The Countermarche in action The file-leaders aduancing in Countermarche The bringers vp standing firme w th their faces turned about The front after Countermarche The ground taken beyond the reareof the Phalange Cap 20 The Chorean Countermarche The Front in the first standing The Bringers vp moving The fileleaders dismarching The front after Countermarche Cap. 20. Countermarche by Ranke The Countermarche in action diers not to alter their posture but to continue as they were The words concerning the Pike are En ortho tò dorati menein That is to continue their pikes vpright En ortho Now whether the same be the posture that the Tacticks describe when they speake or restoring Ep ' ortho vpright I referre to the iudgement of the Reader a Poliaenus remembring this Stratagem vseth somewhat different words and yet consenteth in meaning Chabrias saith he commanded his Souldiers not to runne out against the enemy but quietly to stand still holding their pikes before vpright and their Targets before their knees which they were wont to doe when they would a little ease
be to provide armes Armes are the security of theire own souldiers the terror of the ennemy the assured ordinary meanes of victory The antiquity of armes is all one with the beginning of warre For when of auncient time mighty men puffed vp with pride and led by ambition sought by violence to enlarge their empire and to bring vnder subiection their bordering neighboures they were enforced to flye to the invention of armes without which noe victory could bee obteyned Since armes haue been taken vp for defence also necessity the mother of artes inventing a meanes to withstand ambition As Antalcidas wel obiected to Agesilaus being wounded by the Thebans you are well rewarded for your labour quoth hee since you would needes teache the Thebans to fight that had neither will nor skill so to doe For the Thebans being put to necessity of defence grewe warlick through many invasions of the Lacedemonians saith Plutarch Whoe were the inventers of the seueral pieces of armour and of the diuers kindes of weapons vsed in old tyme may appeare by the relation of Pliny in his natural history This is certeyne that the most warlick nations and most victorious haue alwayes sought to haue advantage of theire enemies by advantage of armes The end of armes is either to defend or assault Hence are armes diuided into two kindes Defensiue and Offensiue Defensiue are those which are worne to resist the force and charge of the enemy Of this sort are the head-piece gorget curace vambrace gantlets tases greves and target For whereas there are eleven partes in man the woundes of any of which bring with theÌ„ vndoubted death as some authors write the braines the two temples the throate the breast the belly the two muscles aboue the two elbowes the other two aboue the knees the privy members pierced with a thrust the headpiece serveth for the defence of the braine and temples the gorget for the throate the curace for the breast the vambrace for the muscles of the armes the tases for the privities belly the greves for the muscles aboue the knees and the target for further assurance of the whole body being moueable against all strokes and profers of the assailants Offensiue armes are such as men endevour to wound or kill withall as flieng weapons of all kindes arrowes stones out of slings or the hand swordes pikes partizans iavelines and the like But as defence and security of a mans self is more agreable to nature then to hurt an enemy so are the defensiue armes preferred before the offensiue in that they bring safety to him that beareth them where as the other are imployed in annoieng the enemy onely The Poets sett foorth theire bravest and valiantest men alwayes best armed for defence So Achilles in Homer and Aeneas in Virgil are armed to point with armes wrought by Vulcan to the end to remaine vntowched amiddest the stormes of theire enemies weapons The Graecian Law-givers punished that souldier that in fight cast away his target not him that lost his sword or pike Plutarch writeth that at such time as Epaminondas assaulted Sparta the most warlicke City of Greece there was in the City a Spartan named Isadas who was the sonne of Phoebidas hee that surprised the Castle of Thebes called Cadmaea and thereby stirred vp the warre betwixt the Thebans and Lacedaemonians ruinated the principality of the Lacedaemonians in Greece This man being in the flower of his age and personable and large of lymmes ranne foorth of his howse all naked his body annointed with oyle without apparaile or armes except a sword in one hand a Iavelin in the other and breaking through the throng of those that fought on his side came to handes with the enemy and overthrowing some and killing other some continued the fight till the enemy was repulsed and at last returned into the City without wounde The chief magistrate vnderstanding hereof rewarded him with a Crowne for his valor but yet fined him at a hundred drachmes for that he durst veÌ„ter to fight without armes defensiue iudging it a 〈◊〉 almost impossible that a naked man should escape with life fighting against the armeaâ—andes of so many valiant enemies as the Thebans were In armes was required that they should bee strong that they should bee fitte that they should bee comely strong to protect or annoy fitt to sette close to the body and bee manageable comely to grace him that beareth them That defensiue armes ought to be strong may bee shewed by the end of armes which is to saue harmlesse against arrowes dartes and other offensiue armes of the enemy If they faile of this end they are of noe vse it being better to be vnarmed then cary armes that will not defend Without armes you haue the body free and at liberty carieng armes though never so light they must bee a cumber to you and some what hinder the motion of your body Armes therefore ought to bee sufficient to resist the weapons of the enemy The inconvenience of defectiue and weake armes is well noted by Vegetius From the building of the City of Rome saith hee till the time of the Emperour Gratian the foote armed theire bodies with Cataphractes and head-pieces But when field exercise through negligence and slouth was given over armour began to growe heavy because it was sieldome put on They made suite therefore to the Emperour first that they might leaue of their Cataphractes then their headpieces So our souldiers encountring with the Gothes were oftentimes wholy defeated and slaine by the multitude of theire arrowes And a litle after so cometh it to passe saith he that they whoe without armes are exposed in the battaile to woundes thinke not so much of fight as of running away Yet must wee not imagine that those souldiers fought in theire ordinary apparaile onely I encline rather to the opinion of Stewechius whoe holdeth that they tooke themselues to theire military coates called in Notitia vtrâque Thoracomachi and to theire Targets This Thoracomachus was a garment invented long before Gratians time and worne vnder the armours of the souldiers and was a kind of felt but being noe profe against arrowes and theire targets not sufficient to cover theire heads and whole bodies from arrowes They were obnoxius to the shotte of the Gothes and receyved those overthrowes Vegetius speaketh of The matter whereof strong armes were made I find to bee divers Some were forged of Steele as the armour of Goliath and the head-piece of K. Saul For it is not there sette downe what his curace was of Notwithstanding it is likely it was of the same matter of which his headpiece was made WheÌ„ I say these armours were of Steele I follow therin the iudgement of Tremelius and Iunius whoe so translate it with them also agreeth Vatablus For the old traÌ„slation hath that they were of brasse I haue not elsewhere read of steele armour And
thus To your Pike turne your face that is we ought to set the particular before and then inferre the generall Like reason is if you say turne about your face or countermarch For these are also generall words And therefore wee should do well to set the particular before As to the Pike turne your face about or to the Target turne your face about Likewise the Lacedemonian countermarch not the Countermarch Lacedemonian For if you place the word Countermarch first some of the Souldiers will happily fall to one kind other to another kinde of Countermarch For which cause words of double sense are to be auoided and the speciall to be set before the generall Of silence to be vsed by Souldiers CHAP. LIII BVt aboue all things silence is to bee commanded and that beed be giuen to directions As Homere specially signifieth in his discriptions of the Graecian and Troian fights The skilfull Cheef-taines pressed on guiding with carefull eie Their Armed troupes who followed their Leaders silently You surely would haue deem'd each one of all that mighty thronge Had been bereft of speach so bride led he his heedfull tongue Fearing the dread Commanders checke and awfull hest's among Thus march't the Greekes in silence breathing flames of high desire And feruent zeale to backe their friends on foes to wreake their ire As for the disorder of the Barbarians he resembleth it to birdes saying As sholes of fowle geese cranes and swannes with necks far stretched out Which in the slimy fennes Caïsters winding streames about Sheare here and there the liquid skie sporting on wanton wing Then fall to ground with clanging noise the fennes all ouer ring None otherwise the Troians fill the field with heaped sounds Of broken and confused cries each where tumult abounds And againe The Captaines marshall out their Troupes ranged in goodly guise And foâ—rth the Troians pace like birds which lade the aire with cries Not so the Greekes whose silence breathed flames of high desire Fernent in zeale to back their friends on foes to wreake their ire The words of Command CHAP. LIIII Thus then are we to command TO your Armes Stand by your Armes Cariage away from the battaile Marke your directions Seperate your selues Aduance your Pikes File and ranke your selues Looke to your Leader Reare Commander order your file Keepe your first distances Faces to the Pike moue a little further stand so as you were Faces to the Target moue a little further stand so Faces about to the Pike moue a little further stand so Double your Depth To your first posture Double your Length To your first posture The Lacedemonian countermarch To your first posture The Macedonian countermarch To your first posture The Choraan countermarch To your first posture Battaile wheele to the Pike To your first posture Battaile wheele about to the Pike To your first posture These precepts of the Art Tacticke most inuincible Caesar I haue laide out to your Matie which will be a meanes of safety to such as shall vse them and of â—he ouerthrow of their enemies THE EXERCISE OF THE ENGLISH IN the seruice of the high and mighty Lords the LORDS the ESTATES of the vnited PROVINCES in the Low COVNTRIES THE Soldiers are diuided into two kindes Foote and Horse The Foote againe are of two kindes Pikemen and Musketiers Pikemen are armed with a head-peece a Curace and Tases defensiue and with a Pike of fifteene foote long and a Rapier offen siue The Armour is all yron the Pike of Ashen wood for the Steale and at the vpper end an yron head of about a handfull long with cheekes about the length of two foote and at the butt-butt-end a round strong socket of yron ending in a pike that is blunt yet sharpe enough to fixe to the ground The forme thereof is expressed in the grauen figure The Musketier hath a head-peece for defence a Musket the barrell of the length of 4 foote the bore of 12 bullets to the pound a Bandelier to which are fastned a convenient number of charges for powder sometimes as many as 15 or 16 a lether bagge for bullets with a pruning yron a Rest for the Musket with an yron forke on the vpper end to support it in discharging and a pike on the nether end to sticke into the ground lastly a Rapier The figure of this armour also is here inserted These soldiors both Pike-men and Musketiers are diuided into Companies and euery Company consisteth halfe of Pikes halfe Musketiers The Companies are some more in number some lesse Some reach to 300 men some 200 some 100 some 90 some 80 some 70. Euery Company hath these officers of the field A Captaine a Lieutenant an Ensigne 2 Serieants 3 Corporalls two Drommes and for other vses a Clerke a Surgion and a Prouost Companies are compacted into Regiments and the Regiments commanded by Coronells Regiments conteine not alwaies a like number of Companies some hauing 10 some 11 12 13 14 15 some 30 Companies and aboue In euery Regiment are a Coronell a Lieutenant Coronell a Serieant Maior all officers of the field a Quarter-master and a Prouost-martiall for other imployments It shall not be greatly to the purpose to mention higher officers then Coronells my principall intent being no other then to set downe the armes and exercise of our Nation in the said vnited Provinces Their armes are spoken of Their exercise followes FIrst both Pikes and Muskets are ordered into files of 10 deepe The Musketiers are sometime placed before sometime in flanke sometimes in the reare of the pikes To exercise the motions there are two distances to be obserued The first is when euery one is distant from his fellow 6 foote square that is in file and ranke 6. The second is when euery Souldier is 3 foote distant one from the other aswell in file as in Ranke And because the measure of such distances cannot be taken so iustly by the eye the distance of 6 foot betwixt the files is measured when the Souldiers stretching out their armes doe touch one an others hands and betwixt the Rankes when the ends of their pikes come well nigh to the heeles of them that march before And the measure of 3 foote betwixt the files is when their elbowes touch one another betwixt the rankes when they come to touch the ends of one anothers Rapiers For to march in the field the distance of 3 foote from file to file is kept and of 6 foote from Ranke to Ranke To order themselues in Battaile as also to goe towards the enemy the distance of 3 foote in file and ranke is obserued and likewise to conversion or wheeling The Musquettiers also going for to shoote by Rankes keep the same distance of 3 foot but going to skirmish they goe a la Disbandade which is out of order There is yet another sort of distance which is not vsed but for to receiue the enemy with a firme stand
were called Thureo and were in forme like a doore from whence they had theire name For Thura signifieth a doore These the Romans and Gaules vsâ—d albeit sâ—me what different in forme The round had eight full handfulls in diameter as Alian saith and were termed Asâ—ides Long targets were much disliked by the Graecians Cyrus in Xenophon derideth them as both hindering the sight being vnwieldy and Philopoemen chaunged them into round targets following the Macedonian manner The targets of PhilopoemeÌ„ Pausanias termeth Argâ—lican targets It may be because they were first vsed by the Argiues in the battaile betwixt Acrisius Danaes father and Praetus who contended about the kingdome of Argos Of what matter these targets were is a quaestion Some take them to haue been made of other matter covered over with brasse that otherwise the souldier should not haue been able to haue born them for the weight I deny not that in auncient time some targets were plated with brasse the rather because I find that Alexander to match the Indian pompe covered the targets of his souldiers with plates of silver But that the ordinary Macedonian target was so covered I deny Aelian after calleth them chalce brasen not epichalce covered with brasse Polyb. saith that the Macedonians in the time of K. Philip the sonne of Demetrius were called Chalcaspides Brasen targetiers not epichalkitai by which name as Hesychius hath they were called that had their targets covered with brasse So likewise in the time of Perseus And the Megapolitans whoe imitated the Macedonian manner of arming are termed Chalcaspides in Polybius I haue shewed that the Lacedemonians had brasen targets by the institution of Lycurgus that in the time of the Heroes almost all armour was made of brasse The targets of the Lacedemonians that were slaine at the battaile of Leuctra were brasse and to bee seene in the time of Pausanias and the brasen target of Pyrrhus Which he left at Argos being there slaine was kept in the temple of Câ—es As for the weight it is not so great but it may become lighâ— enough by vse and exercisâ— wee see iron targets in vse at this day and not hard to be borne And albeit the weight bee not for euery mans strength yet since it hath beene and is the manner to make choice of souldiers and to fitte them with armes according to the ability of their bodies I see noe reason but the stronger sort might well bear them Another sort of targets there was which differed from the Macedonian not so much in forme of roundnesse as in matter and manner of carieng They were made of wicker and borne in the left hand as our bucklers which wee vsed not long since and some covered over with hides some not Xenophon saith that Cyrus the elder armed the Persians with these wicker targets reko ning vp the nations through whose Countries the Graecians passed in their returne out of Persia describing their armes reporteth that the Chalybes Taochi Phasians had targets of this kinde Now that they were borne in the left hand is clear by the same Xenoph. Hee writeth thus of the fight betwixt Cyrus Craesus The Egyptians Persians encountring together the fight was hard sharpe the Egyptians aswel in number as in armes had the advantage For they fought with stiffe long pikes theire large targets better covered their bodies then Curaces or wicker targets and being borne on their shoulders availed to joint-thrusting foreward Serring therefore their targets close they advaunced ranne on The Persians were not able to endure the shock by reason they bore theire wicker targets at the armes end but retiring by litle litle giving taking blowes they mainteined the fight till they came to the Engins So farre Xenophon Out of which words a man may plainely vnderstand the manner af bearing these wicker targets which by reason of lightnesse might easily bee held out at armes end And as the Egyptian target which reached downe to the foote must needes bee heavy and therefore had â—eed of the shoulder to support it so was it with the brasen targets of the Macedonians which were also weighty by reason of the matter they were made of These therefore were likewise caried on the shoulder Plutarch witnesseth it in the life of Aemilius And the same Plutarch rehearseth that Cleomenes the King of Sparta taught his Lacedaemonians in steede of a speare to vse a pike with hoth handes and to beare theirâ— targets vpon the strappe not by the handle The wordes are obscure need light which I will giue as shortly as I can I find three wordes emongest the Graecians all perteyning to a target They are those Telamon ochane or ochanon and porpax Telamon in this sence for it signifieth otherwise a band is by all confessed to bee the broade strappe which is fastened to the handle of the target holdeth the target being cast about the necke vnto the back Of Ochane porpax is some variance Suidas saith that Ochanon is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The hold of the target Hesychius calleth it the Porpax of the target the band 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of Porpax Hesychius saith it is the handle of the target taketh Porpe iâ— the same sence making it the thing bearing vp the targett into which the hand and arme to the elbow is thrust Suidas saith Porpax is it that they hold the target by which is called ochanes againe that some take it for the band of the target other some for the middel iron that goeth through the target on which the souldier taketh hold So that both Hesychius Suidas agree that Ochanon Porpax are sometime alone and signify the handle of the Target In which sence Herodotus Pausanias take Ochanon also Hesychius further interpreteth it for the band of the target 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signification better agreeth with the meaning of Plutarch who maketh an apparant difference betwixt theÌ„ reporting that Cleomenes taught the Lacedemonians to cary their targets by the Ochane not by the Porpax When he saith by the Ochane bee meaneth by the strappe by which being fastened about the necke the target is throwne over to the back resteth vpon the left shoulder That which I say will better appeare if we marke what the Lacedemonians did before what Cleomenes adviseth them vnto Before they caried a speare in the right hand and a target by the handle in the left so that both their hands were ful The speare was not able to match the enemies pike for Cleomenes had often to doe with the Macedonians Achaeans whoe both vsed pikes pikes the Lacedemonians could not wield with one hand So then to giue them liberty of both hands he counselled theÌ„ to cary their targets at theire backs by the strappe
or Ochane which was the Macedonian manner and not to hold them any more by the Porpax or handle and so to free their left hand to apply both to the menaging of a pike This I take to be the direct meaning of Plutarch Cleomenes then perswaded them to leaue theire speares take pikes And left the target in the left hand might proue an impediment to the vse of a pike hee thought best they should cary them at their backe by the Ochane To cary them then by the strappe at the backe is to giue free vse to the left hand without which a pike specially a long pike such as Cleomenes advised them vnto cannot be wielded as experience will teache any man that list to make triall 4 And long pikes Pikes for the most parte haue beene called by two names by the Graecians Doru and Sarissa Aelian nameth them Dorata both heere and in other places of this book Xenophon speaking of the weapons of the Chalybes saith they had Dorata of 15. cubits long armed with iron at one end onely Tet is Doru taken for a speare oftentimes as in that place of Plutarch last recited where Cleomenes perswaded the Lacedemonians to chaunge theire Dorata speares into Sarissas pikes The like recounteth hee of Philopoemen whoe chaunged the speares of the Achaeans into pikes calling the speares Dorata the pikes Sarissas And even in this place Aelian termeth them not Dorata simply but with addition of Perimekestera of a longsise And after describing the armes of the Peltastes hee saith theire speares Dorata were much shorter then the pikes Sarissae of the armed Properly the pike of the Macedonian is termed Sarissa if sometime Doru some other word is added to avoide the ordinary signification of Doru as Doru macron in Xenophon Doru perimekes in Aelian Yet deny I not but it may bee called Doru of the matter For Doru signifieth wood of any kinde and by consequent the wood a pike is made of But as I said the Macedonian pike is properly called Sarissa What the length of this pike was Aelian will shewe in the 14. Chapter And for the wood it was made of I take it to haue beene Corneil For I finde that the Macedonian horsemans staffe was of that wood Arrian confirmeth it saieng And nowe the Macedonians had the better both by reason of the strength of theire bodies and experience in warre and also because they fought with Corneil launces against Iavelins For I assent not to the translater of Arrian whoe turneth Xystois Craneinois into Corneil dartes where it should bee Corneil launces For in that place Alexander is reported to haue fought with a launce and to haue broken it in fight and to haue asked another of Aretes one of the Quiries of his stable whoe had also broke his and fought with the truncheon and to haue taken the launce of Divarates the Corinthian and returned presently to the fight and therewith overthrowne Mithridates the sonne in lawe of Darius Besides it is said that the Macedonians had the advantage in weapons Take it thus that they fought with dartes against Iavelins what advantage had they especially being come to the shock Dartes are vsed a farre of At hand noe man fighteth with them vnlesse hee haue noe other weapon I thinke noe man will deny but that a Iavelin in closing is more advantagious then a darte And that Xyston signifieth a launce Aelian himselfe testifieth in this Chapter calling the launciers Doratophori or Xystophori The Macedonian then had his horsemans staffe of Corneil Whiâ— Pliny affirmeth to bee a sound and a fast wood If his launce a man may â—bably coniecture his pike also which exceeded the launce in length and thicknesse onely Wee at this day preferre the Ashe before all woodes for toughnesse lightnesse and beautie especially if the vaine runne through to the end Notwithstanding I finde in Cicuta a knight of Venice an old souldier and one that followed the Emperour Charles the fift in his warres of Africk that the opinion of his time enclyned rather to Firre both for lightnesse and strength I haue not seene the experience therefore leaue I the iudgement to triall Wee haue then out of Aelian that the armed had both target and pike that one man should at one time vse both target and pike in fight against the enemy will seeme incredible in our dayes Yet vsed the Macedonian souldiers both at one instant they both charged theire pikes and covered themselues with theire targets against the flyeng weapons of the enemy The manner was this when they closed with the enemy they charged theire pikes with both handes and with a slight wryeng of the body and lifting vp the right shoulder whirled their target hanging at their backe vpon the left shoulder that stood next the enemy in the charge and so covered all theire body to the midle and beneath I haue touched it in the practise of Cleomenes It appeareth more plainely in Plutarch describing the battaile betwixt K. Perseus and the Consul Aemilius Hee hath this The enemy approaching Aemilius issued out of his Campe and fownd the legionary Macedonians bearing nowe the heades of their pikes stiffe vpon the targets of the Romans not suffering them to come vp to the sword which when hee sawe and sawe with all the other Macedonians casting about their targets from behinde their shoulders and receiving the Roman targetiers with their pikes abased together at one signal and likewise the firmenesse of the battaile shutte vp serred the roughnesse of the front the pikes lyeng out before he became astonied affrighted as having never before beheld so fearefull a sight Which passion spectacle hee afterward oftentimes recounted to his familier friends This ioyâ—ing of targets in the front is called Synaspismos whereof wee shall haue occasion to speake heere-after 5 The light They had divers names given them in the Greek history Sometimes they are called Euzoni because they so girded vp theire apparaile about theÌ„ that they were light and fitt for motion Sometimes Askeuoi because they beare no military furniture of defence Sometimes Elaphroi because they resemble as some think a harte in lightnesse and swiftnesse Sometimes Gynnietae naked because they were without defensiuâ— armes Sometimes Psyloi naked or light as they are heere termed by Aelian and by Appian and the other that I cited 6 Flyeng weapons onely The light-armed are divided into three kindes Archers Darters and Slingers Which three kindes were of much vse emongest the Graecians and they beare onely flieng weapons Xenophon testifieth that Cyrus the elder had them And the Graecians in theire returne out of Persia Alexander had them in his warre against Darius and Pyrrhus in his warre in Italy Sicill and Greece The Graecians against Brennus King of the Gaules Both the Athenians The bans at the battaile of Delos 7 Arrowes Archers haue alwayes
more then a long line as it were and carieth neither Thicknes nor breadth but in respect of the Phalange the depth whereof is measured by the file And in the fourth the twelfth and fourtenth chapters hee termeth the depth of the Phalange it self Thicknes Pachos alone with out adding Bathos shewing thereby that Pachos also signifieth the dimension of the Phalange from the front to the reare But where some are of opinion that Platos breadth ought to bee read in those places in stede of Pachos Thicknes they perswade mee not to bee of theire mind For Aelian himself giveth an Attenuation or Thinning which hee calleth Liptysmos to the Phalange and that cannot bee vnderstood vnlesse there were in it a kind of Thicknes before And to make it more plaine hee saith that this Leptysmos is when the depth of the Phalange is gathered vp and from sixteen men it becometh a lesse number So that the Thicknes of the Phalange is the full sixteen which is also the depth and making of it Thinner is to lessen the depth To a Place Platos is fittly attributed a Place being onely superficies which consisteth of longitude and latitude So Poliaenus speaking of a valley wherein an ambush was layde to entrap Alexander saith the length stretched farre out but the breadth Platos was narrowed to foure furlongs The name of Platos is likewise given to a place by Polybius But to say the truth Platos in a Phalange rather signifieth the length then the depth as appeareth by Aelian after in the foure and fourty chapter And Leo calleth the front of the Phalange Platos and when hee would haue the front enlarged or doubled hee giveth this word of direction Plátynon pròs tà amphâ—tera mere enlarge the front on both sides 4 The right wing That which in the English toung is called a wing is termed in Greeke Keras a horne Wee in our warres of auncient time divided our armies into three parts The vantgarde the battaile and the reare-warde and when wee came to fight set them for the most parte in an even front the battaile in the middest on the right hand the vant-garde which was called the right-wing on the left the reare-warde which was called the left-wing Properly enough for our embattailing For the battaile is as it were the body and the vant-garde and reare-warde are the wings which in a manner sticke out from the body and whereby the body is supported that that wee call wings the Graecians and Romans called horns in the battaile The word Keras signifieth a point bearing out from the height or ends of any thing It is vsed for the toppe of Rocks and for promontories and such like And in a Phalange it properly signifieth the two points the right and the left of the winges The English worde wing I am faine to retaine because it is familiar and in vse Aelian heere will haue the wings to stretche out from the middle section to either point the right and left of the Phalange vnder which appellation must fall to the right wing the whole space that beginneth at the middle intervall and runneth along to the corner of the battaile on the right hand to the left all that is comprehended betwixt the same space and the left corner of the battaile 5 Thâ— twâ—â—fould section In Greeke it is named Dichotomia because it parteth and divideth the Phalange into two even parts beginning at the front and stretching out to the reare And Aelian in the tenth chapter of this book nameth it Apotome But heere hee speaketh of no more intervalls or partitions of the Phalange then of this one in the midst I would thinke there should bee more Onosander saith let there bee certaine intervalls in your battaile that if your enemy advance your light-armed after they haue spent theire missiue weapons and before the Phalanges joyne may retire leasurely in the intervalls and without disorder come behinde to the reare For it is not safe for them in retiring to fetch a compasse about the whole armie or to turne in againe on the outside of the winge For the enemy hasting to come to hands would easily prevent and intercept them in the middest so that they neither should bee able to breake through the armed already closed for fight and falling vpon theire owne weapons they must needes disorder theire owne people every man after other seeking to finde a way through them to escape the danger hee is in Thus much Onosander from whom wee may learne both that theire ought to bee more sections in the Phalange then one and that the institution of them had this cheefe end to receiue the light-armed in theire spaces after they had skirmished with the enemy and were by them forced to retire I may adde that Aelian placing the light-armed in the reare of the Phalange if you giue but one section vnto it it will be as hard for them to advance and sâ—rue before the front as it will bee to retreat after theire service done It seemeth that Leo giveth three intervalls to the Phalange of the auncient Tacticks Hee saith they opposed the bodies of the armed against the enemy and divided them into foure parts the right and left and the middle-right and middle-left parte Making so many parts the parts must bee distinguished as I collect by intervalls which ought to bee one after the first body of the right-wing another after the second which is the middle section the third after the third And this Third section is bounded with the fourth body which maketh the point of the left-wing For if the Phalange were whole and entire without more intervalls then one how could there bee foure parts For esteeming them by Phalangarchies without leauing spaces betweene it could not bee saide there were but foure parts of the Phalange considering that as well the Merarchies Chiliarchies Pentecosiarchies Syntagmataes are parts of it as the Phalangarchies But being distinguished by partition of intervalls the foure Phalangarchies become foure parts namely the right left middle-right and middle-left as Leo heere termeth them The same Leo speaketh after more plainely enioyning his generall to seperate and disioyne Diachorizein the whole number of his armie into foure parts For as Choris signifieth a part or severed so Diachorizo being derived from it signifieth to put asunder or sette a part Suidas is yet a little more cleare A Phalangarchie saith he is two Merarchies of foure thowsand and ninty six men This as some saye is the section Apotome of the wing as other it is a Meros Of auncient time it was called Strategia and the commander Strategos but nowe hee is termed Phalangarcha Suidas maketh the wing to haue a partition or section and saith some call a Phalangarchie by the name of this section Before wee heard out of Aelian that the wing right or left did stretche out from the middle section to the outward most point of the battaile on either
the Syntagma a Lieutenant or Reare Commander so in our Companies In the Syntagma is an Ensigne and an Ensigne-bearer the like in our Companies In a Syntagma is one Sergeant our Companies haue more The Syntagma had a trumpet and our Companies for the most part haue two drummes We onely want a Crier which euery Syntagma amongst the Macedonians had What the vse and place of all the Officers was I will straight discouer 5 Fiue superordinarie men Namely the Ensigne the Reare-commander the Trumpetter the Sergeant and the Crier of whom we last spake That which I translated superordinary is in Greeke Ectactoi Suidas giues the reason why they were so called because saith he they were not numbred as part of the battaile that is ordered in files ranckes As Xenophon saith of Miriarches Chiliarches and Taxiarches other Commanders whom Cyrus called to him that they were not recounted amongst the militarie numbers and might depart from the Phalange without altering the forme thereof In the files they could not be because they should so increase the number in the files and make one longer then an other and hinder doublings and other motions besides the deformity they should bring in in making the battaile vneuen And a file of themselues they could not make The like disorder would they bring in the ranckes where they could not conueniently stand vnlesse some body filed with them being much short of a file of themselues Besides their imployment is to stirre here and there apart as they are commanded where they of files and ranckes neuer moue single but iointly as shall seem good to their Commander And albeit these fiue bee remoued from the battaile yet remaineth the battaile without them entire of it selfe and in perfect forme as though there were no neede of them when notwithstanding their vse is otherwise so needfull that although the battaile may be it cannot well be without them An Ensigne Our vse is to call the Ensigne-bearer an Ensigne for breuities sake As a Drummer a Drumme a Trumpetter a Trumpet and that not absurdly A distinction will easily appeare in common speech by the application of words of circumstance to the one or the other The end why ensignes were diuised appeareth in Diodorus Siculus he giuing diuers reasons why the Aegyptians whom he accounted the ancientest of men were carried away with superstition of worshipping Beasts after the manner of the Countrey hath amongst other words these in effect A second cause the Aegyptians giue because of old time being in diuers conflicts thorough disorder in their Armie vanquished by their borderers they had recourse to the inuention bearing of Ensignes in their troupes They say therefore that preparing images of the beasts they now worshippe and fastening them to the ends of long staues the Commanders caused them to be borne aloft by meanes wherof euery man knew of what troupe he was And seeing this good order auailed much to victorie they conceiued that the beasts were the cause of their safety In recompence whereof they ordered that none of these beasts should be killed but be honoured with religious care and worship Ensignes were then deuised for readines to direct souldiers in particular whither to resort in time of fight Caesars practise agreeth hereto he telling of his owne souldiers disorder hath thus Whatsoeuer part they came into by chance and to what Ensigne soeuer there they staied least in seeking their owne they might happily lose the time of fight And Vegetius enlargeth the cause wruing thus The ancient warriors perceiuing that in time of fight the order and embattailing of an Armie was quickly brought in route and confusion to auoide this inconuenience diuided the Cohorts into Companies and appointed an Ensigne of euery Company So that in the Ensigne was written of what Cohort and of what number in the Cohort the Companie was Which the souldier seeing or reading could not estray from their Companions though the tumult were neuer so great Leo also maketh this the vse of the Ensigne Wee command also saith he that the heads of the Ensignes of euery Company or Band be of one colour and that the silke of euery Turme or Drunge haue a colour by it selfe And to the end that euery Companie may with ease know their owne Ensigne other markes and tokens are to be added to the heads of the Ensignes that according to Turmes and Drunges and Companies they may be knowne But in any case let the Ensignes of euery Turmarchy be different one from an other cleare to be discerned that the souldiers may know them euen at a farre distance His meaning as I take it is that euery great body or regiment should beare in their Ensignes a seuerall colour and that the Companies of that body should likewise hold themselues to the same colour in their Ensignes So notwithstanding that as the vse is at this day the Ensignes of euery Company should haue a seuerall marke to bee knowne by besides the colour in generall For so both the Regiment may be quickly discerned and one Company with facilitie be distinguished from another What the forme of the Ensigne was we may out of the former place of Diodorus see The Aegyptians saith he counterfeating the shape of those Beasts which they worshippe fastened the Portract to the end of long staues Xenophon testifies the like of the Standerd of Cyrus Cyrus saith he commanded his army to cast their eyes vpon the Standard and to follow it with equall pace and in order The Standard was a golden Egle stretcht out vpon the end of a long staffe Which Standard is at this day the Standard of the Kings of Persia. The Ensigne was nothing else but the figure of some beast aduanced high vpon the end of a long staffe As of an Egle of a Wolfe of a Horse and such like and sometimes they added peeces of coloured silke fastned vnder these images to make a greater difference betwixt the Ensignes Whether our Ensignes at this day made of many ells of Taffaty or the ancient Ensignes of the Graecians I may also adde of the Romans for they obserued the same forme are the better for vse I will not now dispute I may notwithstanding freely say that the stronger reason weigheth for the Ancient For besides the authoritie of such excellent wits as they were and so exquisite in their inventions the reason of the lightnes is to be preferred Besides the winde hath no such force ouer them and they neither hinder the Souldiers that stand next by entangling nor by flapping in their faces nor take away the sight of such things as are to be obserued and regarded in the field For the matter whereof the Ensigne was made see Iustus Lipsius in his Commentaries to Polybius As for the armour of the Ensigne-bearer especially the Ensigne-bearer of the armed I take it for I haue no authoritie therein that he had the same defenfiue Armour that the
Souldier which fought vnder the Ensigne had excepting the Target both to assure himselfe from the flying weapons of the light armed and from the pike and sword of the armed in case the battaile were entred and pierced as farre as the Ensigne For it was no reason he should carry a Target lest both his hands should be bound the right with the Ensigne the left with the Target and so he haue no vse of either against the enemy And in the left hand I would giue him a speare or â—auelin not a pike which cannot be weilded with one hand for his owne defence and to offend the enemy Which weapon I haue read Ensignes of ancient time did beare What the Ensignes place was whether in front or in the middest of the Battatle I see it controverted Patricius absolutely affirmeth that the Ensignes were placed in the middest of the front and had 8 files on the right and 8 on the left to the end they might be seene and followed by all That Ensignes were first invented to be a marke of seuerall bodies military in an Army I haue before shewed But it followeth not thereof that they were placed in the front in time of fight For being in the middle they no lesse gaue notice what the body was than in the front The reason of following is of lesse force Inasmuch as the Souldier well knoweth whom to follow though he had no Ensigne at all the Commander alwaies with his motion giuing him direction when to advance forward when to turne his face to the right or left hand when to countermarch when to double and when to vse all other motions military And the Commanders were therefore called Leaders because they went on before and the Souldiers followed after So that the Ensigne in regard of following neede not to be set in the front Yet in exercising the troupes and in marches I finde that the Ensigne was in the front together with the Captaine Crier Trumpeter and Guide But I take the reason to be because being in the middest and hauing neither file nor ranke with the rest they might happily bring a confusion and be a hinderance to the changes and diuers figures of the Battaile When the time of fight was the Ensigne retired to his place that is to the middest For so Leo interpreteth himselfe in his precept of closing files which must be done saith he not onely by File-leaders in front Commanders of fiue and Bringers-vp in the Reare but in the middest also where the Ensigne standeth And I rather agree to Leo herein because I see it was the manner of the Romans also to place their Ensignes in the middest of their Maniples From whence came the appellations of Antesignani Souldiers that stood before the Ensignes and Postsignani that stood behinde Besides the Ensigne being in the front the Ensigne bearer may soone get a clap who falling the Ensigne goeth to ground and is in danger of loosing which was the greatest disgrace among the Romans that might befall Lastly Aelian himselfe in plaine words placeth the Cornet of horse farre from the front For speaking of the ordinarie Horse-troupe he saith it is to consist of 64 horse the first ranke of 15 horse the 2 of 13 the 3 of 11 the 4 of 9 descending still and diminishing 2 horse in euery ranke till you come to one He addeth he shall carry the Cornet that standeth in the second ranke next the ranke-Commander on the left hand which ranke is the second ranke himselfe declareth making the ranke of 15 the first the 2 the 13 which is the 7th from the front and next the reare but one If the Cornet haue no place in front why should the Ensigne considering both serue to one vse and the reasons of seeing and following are equall to both And albeit Suidas place the Ensigne the Crier the Trompet and Sargeant before the Battaile the Lieutenant in the reare he is notwithstanding to be vnderstood of the times of marching or of exercise which I noted before For what should that Rable of vnarmed being 4. in euery Syntagma and in the whole Phalange 256. doe in the front in the time of fight but onely pester the chosen of the Armie who therefore haue the front that they may make speedier way into the enemies battell 7 A Reare-commander Was the same that a Leutenant is with vs. He commandeth the Souldiers in the Reare no lesse then the Syntagmatarch in the front and had his place in the Reare What the duty of a Reare-commander was I haue shewed out of Cyrus words in Xenophon And Aelian afterwards setteth it downe most plainly He was armed as the rest of the armed of the Syntagma namely with Pike and Target and with such other armes as I haue described in my notes vpon the second Chapter 8 A Trumpet The invention of the Trumpet is attributed to Tirrhenus Hercules sonne But the different vse of these officers is worth the noting out of Suidas The Crier saith he serueth to deliuer directions by voice the Ensigne by signall when noise taketh away the hearing of the voice the Trumpet by sound when thorough thicknes of dust a signall cannot be discerned The Sargeant to bring such things and dispatch such messages as his Syntagmatarch commands So that these officers were held all necessary for a Company the one supplying the defect of the other and seruing for vse when the other failed The Trumpet then was to be vsed according to Suidas when neither the Crier nor Ensigne could doe seruice With the Trumpet was the signall giuen for the Campe to remoue for the Campe to lodge By the Trumpet the Souldiers were taught their time to fight their time to retreate The Trumpet set and discharged the watch From the Trumpet came the measure of the Marche and the quicknes and slownes of Pace In briefe the Trumpet did all the offices that the Dromme doth with vs at this day Whether the Trumpet or Dromme are of most vse in the field I may not now dispute Onely I will say that the Graecians and Romans the most expert and iudicious Souldiers that euer were held themselues to the Trumpet and neuer vsed the Dromme The Dromme was first invented by Bacchus who as Polyenus reporteth fighting against the Indians in stead of Trumpets gaue the signall of Battaile with Cymballs and Drommes From him it came to the Indians who vsed it altogether as Curtius noteth in the battell betwixt King Alexander the Great and Porus. The Dromme of Parthians is described by Plutarch in the life of Crassus and by Appian And Leo saith the Saracens who invaded Christendome and infected the Turkes with their superstition ordered their fights by the Dromme From this Easterne Asiaticall people it was brought into Europe and now the generall custome is among stall Europaean Nations that the foote haue Drommes in the field the horse Trumpets And
which respect a place fit hath alwaies beene sought for their seruice to secure them from the accesse of the Horse or of the enemies armed Which place was either behinde the Phalange as Aelian here would haue it or else in the wings betwixt the Horse and the armed or if they skirmished loose before the front and chanced to bee pressed with the enemy they retired into the interualls and conueied themselues behind the Phalange in safetie Leo saith if there be any place of strength it will much helpe the light-armed For after their flying weapons spent reâ—iring thither they will be in more securitie as a steepe rockie place or the bancke of a riuer or a high hill or such other Our stories report that at the battaile of Agincourt in France 200 English Archers were bestowed in a meddow fenced with a deepe ditch from whence they so gauled the French horse and foot that they were a great helpe to the victorie The like happened before at Poitiers where that braue Prince of Wales eldest sonne of Edward the third hauing to fight with the whole power of France vnder the leading of their King gaue safegard to his Archers with hedges and ditches and other strengths So that the French-horse hauing no accesse to disorder them were ouerwhelmed with the tempests and stormes of their arrowes and such a victory obteined by our nation as might maâ—ch the most renowmed of all antiquitie To say nothing of the inuention which Henrie the fifth vsed against the horse of France for securing his Archers The storie saith he deuised stakes of two yards long and armed both ends with pikes of iron the one to sticke into the ground and the other to gall and enter the horses bellies in case they came to charge our Archers home By meanes whereof he caried the famous victorie of Agincourt This for the assurance of the light armed when they come to fight without which assurance their seruice would be weake and scarce worth the hauing Their seruice then according to Aelian hath many particulars And they are good to Prouoke the enemie If the enemie be in a wood a fenâ—e a hill a fort a towne or other place of strength that admitteth no accesse the manner hath beene to send out the light armie to shew themselues and with a Brauado to towle him out of his aduantage and bring him into the field where he may more easily be dealt withall Examples are plentifull but I will content my selfe with a Macedonian example Alexander leading his armie against the Triballs that had hid themselues in a wood commanded his Archers and Slingers to runne out and to shoote and sling amongst the Barbarians to see if he could towle them into the plaine The Archers and Slingers spared not to let flie and the Triballs being wounded with arrowes threw themselues out of the wood with all speed to fall vpon the vnarmed Archers Alexander presently commanded Philotas with the Horse of vpper Macedonia to charge the right wing on which part they cast out themselues furthest And Heraclides and Sopolis with the horse of Bottiâ—a and Amphipolis the left himselfe stretching out in length the Phalange of foote setting the rest of horse before the Phalange led against the midst of the enemie As long as it was but a skirmish the Triballs had not the worst But after the Phalange close serred came vp roundly to them and the Horsemen charged them no longer with darts but pressed and ouerbore them with their horse they fled thorough the wood to the riuer To beginne the fight Leo agreeth If saith he we haue light-armed enough let them before the armie ioyne send their darts and arrowes at the enemie and after the fight of the armed is begunne plie the flanke with their missiue weapons that at ouce both their flankes may be assaulted It hath beene and is now the ordinarie course to beginne the fight with the light-armed And because wee shall read of no batâ—aile almost wherein it was not so I will forbeare examples To wound a farreof The light serue to great purpose if the Generall desire not to come neere to fight but seeke to annoy his enemie a farre of without danger of his owne folkes Liuy telleth of Cn. Manlius Volso that being to make warre against the Gallo Graecians that fled into the mountaines and awaited the Romans there and sought to defend themselues by aduantage of the place he prepared great plenty of darts arrowes bullets and small stones for Slinges and leauing his legionariâ— soulâ—iers behind led his light armed against the enemy that possessed certaine straights by which his armie must passe After some fight the Gallo-Graecians being not sufficiently armed to dâ—fend their bodies from the missiue weapons the light-armed of the Romans forced the passagâ— And following them euen to the Campe where their Companions came to their aide they first droue them into their Campe and after the Legionarie Souldiers comming vp they wonne it I haue before rehearsed the historie of Iphicrates who with his Targetires that came seldome to hand blowes but plied the enemie with darâ—s a farre of ouerthrew and slewe a whole Moira of the Lacedemonians The Acarnans likewise with this kinde of fight much incumbred Agesilaus that made an excursion into their Countrey The story is this a Agesilaus hauing taken a great prey in the territory of the Acarnans rested that day where he had taken it being busie in selling of it In the meane time many Acarnan Targetieres assembled themselues together where Agesilaus was incamped vpon the side of a mountaine and with darting and slinging they forced his Campe to descend to the plaine themselues in the meane time being free from hurt The next day Agesilaus led away his armie The passage out of the place was straight by reason of the mountaines lying about in a circle which the Acarnans possessing plied the Lacedemonians with darts and stones from the higher ground and sometimes descending to the skirts of the hills they pressed the armie so that it could not moue forward And when the armed foote or horse fell out vpon them they profited little For the Acarnans retired immediately to their strength Agesilaus perceiuing it would be hard for his armie to winde out of those straights so long as the enemy so hung vpon them resolued to charge those on his left hand For the ascent on that side was more easie both for his horse and armed foote Commanding therefore his men to charge the armed of 29 yeeres of age first fell on and the horse after them vpon the spurre Himselfe followed with the rest The Acarnans therefore that were descended and busie a darting were quickly put to flight and many slaine in seeking to remount the hills But their armed foote and most of their Targetiers stood imbattailed on the toppe and from thence both threwe other missiues and lanced Iauelines wherewith they wounded horsemen and killed
Pag. 93. Whether there were Captaines of the Centuries of the Light-armed Pag. ibid. The bodies of the Armed and light-armed compared Pag. ibid. CHAP. XVII The vse of light armed Pag. 95. Light-armed ioyned with the Armed Pag. ibid. The light-armed good To prouoke the enemy Pag. 96. To wound a farre of Pag. ibid. To disarray Pag. 97. To repulse horse Pag. 98. To beate in the enemies light-armed Pag. ibid. To discouer suspected places Pag. ibid. For farre and speedy attempts Pag. 99. CHAP. XVIII The forme of Horse-battailes Pag. ibid. The seruice of Horse Pag. 100. The Thessalian horsemen Pag. 101. The fable of Centaures Pag. ibid. The Rhombe Pag. 102. Whether the Rhombe or Square be better in Horse Pag. ibid. The Wedge Pag. 104. Whether the Rhombe or Wedge be better Pag. ibid. Diuers kindes of Squares Pag. 105. The Square in figure Pag. ibid. The depth in the Square Pag. 106. The Square in number Pag. 107. CHAP. XIX Diuers formes of Rhombes Pag. ibid. A Rhombe filing and ranking Pag. 108. A Rhombe neither filing nor ranking Pag. 109. A Rhombe filing not ranking Pag. 110. A Rhombe ranking not filing Pag. ibid. CHAP. XX. The Horse-troupe of the Macedonians Pag. 111. The number and manner of framing it Pag. ibid. The place of the Cornett Pag. ibid. The distance betwixt horse and horse Pag. 112. The distance betwixt Troupe and Troupe Pag. 113. CHAP. XXV Turning of Soldiors faces Pag. 117. The end of this motion Pag. 118. Two turnings or Metabole Pag. 119. Turning to the Pike or Target Pag. ibid. Turning to the enemy or from the enemy Pag. ibid. The words of direction in this motion Pag. 120. CHAP. XXVI Wheeling the battaile Pag. 120. How it is done Pag. 121. A Treble wheeling Pag. ibid. The end of this motion Pag. ibid. Examples of double wheeling Pag. 122. CHAP. XXVII To restore to the first posture Pag. 123. What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth Pag. ibid. CHAP. XXVIII Countermarches Pag. 125. The Macedonian Countermarch by file Pag. 127. The Lacedemonian Pag. ibid. The Choraean Pag. 129. Countermarches by ranke Pag. 132. The words of direction Pag. ibid. CHAP. XXIX Doubling Pag. 133. The length doubled in number Pag. 134. The vse of it Pag. 135. The danger of it the enemy being nigh Pag. 136. The Depth doubled Pag. ibid. The words of command in this motion Pag. 137. FINIS a Veget. prolog lib. 3. b Xenoph. cyropâ—d lib. 29. B. c Xenophon cyrop lib 8 c. 227. d Plâ—t in Philopaement â— infra cap. 3. f Leo. cap. 1. g Dio â—pat tionem in vitâ—Adriani a Veget lib. 2. 〈◊〉 â— b Tacit. in vita Agâ—colae c Dio in vita Neâ—vae d Spartian in vita Adriani a Vegetius lib. â— cap â— b Polyb. lib. 10. pag 615. â— c Plutarch in Pyrrho a Cicero epist. 〈◊〉 lib. 9 〈◊〉 1â— b Epistel ad Qfâ—at lib. 1. epi. 1. c Tuscul. questi lib. 2. 146. d Livv decad 4. lib. 5 87. â— e Plut. in Pyrrho f Plutarch in Pyrrho g Plutarch in Pyrrho h Iust lib 18 655. A. i Lib. 25 667. D k Plut. in Pyrrho l Iustin. lib. 2â— 668. C. Athenaeus Dipnoseph lib. 3. 73. B. m Plutarch in Philopaement n Ibid. a Emilius Probus â—n vita Iphicratis Xenoph. histor graec lib. 6. 587. B. c Diod sicul lib. 15 479. Polyaen lib â— in Iphicrate Iustin. lib 6. 631. B. c. b Adrian lib 2. 42 c. c Tuscul. question lib. 2. 146. d Plin. natural hist. lib 7 cap â—0 pag 115 e Cicero de natura deor lib 2 â—7 a Plutarch in Agesilao b Plin. natural histor lib. 7. â—56 c 〈◊〉 Paral â— Pag. 57. a Plut. in 〈◊〉 b Plutarch in Agesilao c Drachma hath iâ— it 6 oboles that is about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sterling Iul Poll. x. lib. â— cap. â— 43â— c Vegetius lib. â— cap. 20. A cataphract is the iust and full armour of the fonte Heereafter wee shall see what that armour is d Stewechius in Vegetâ—um pag. 5â— e Notitia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c Occident in fine â— Samuel cap. 17 vers â— a Homer Iliad 6 b Pausan. in laconâ—cis 16â— c Athen dâ—pnoseph lib 14. 627 A d Pausan. 〈◊〉 e Livy lib 1 27 C f Xeno in Re◠〈◊〉 685 E g Homer â— Iliad h 〈◊〉 Prob. in Iphicrate i Xenoph. Cyâ—o lib 6 169. 3 k Plutarch in Alexandro l Patrie Paral. m Plutarch in Demeâ—io n Iust. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— dial 6 ad Poly o Plin. naâ—al lib. 8. caq. 48. a Cesar de bell ciuiâ— lib. 3 b Xenoph. de ex ped Cyr. l. 4. 3â—8 B These winges came down from theire showlders toward theire elâ— bowes c Cesar de belle ciuil lib. â— d Xenop de exp Cyri. l. 4 340 A e 1 Sam. c. 17. v. 38 f cap. 9. v 2 g Xenoph hist. brec li. 6 596 D h Cicerâ— Tuscul quest lib 2 a 〈◊〉 cap. 12 b Aemil prob in Iphicra Diod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15 480 c Xenoph. hist. 〈◊〉 l 〈◊〉 52â— D d 〈◊〉 in PhiloPolyâ— l. 6 in Phi loâ—m § â— Pauâ—an in A◠〈◊〉 e Polyb li 2. 118 C 120 c lib â— 26â— E lib. ◠〈◊〉 â— c. f Suidas in macâ— a Xenoph. Cyr. lib 6 Copides were swordes a litle bending at the pointes like fiâ—hes Curt. l. â—â— 375 b Polyb lib 17 pag 763 C c Plutarch in Lu cuâ—o d Plut in Alex. e Xenoph. Cyrop lib 1 8 C f Xenoph Cyrop lib â— 1â—9 B g Xenop Cyrop lib 7 172 B h Curtius lib â— Silver-targetiers i Plutarch in Caesare k Plinius histornat lib 7 cap 28 Polyb lib â— 4 〈◊〉 B C a Herod li. 1. 34 b Polyen li. 7 in psammench § 1. c Plu in Philop. Polyâ— li. 11. â—29 â— d Plutarch in 〈◊〉 a Plutarch in Pelonida Polyen l. 3 in Iphier § 22 Leo ca. 20 §. 19â— b Thucyd. lib. 4. 3. 5. B. C. c Arrian li. â— 3â— â— d Arrian li. 1. 1â— E. e Plutarch in Pyrrâ—o f Polyb li. 4 â— 3â—â— g Appion in Syriac 107. D. * Aâ—milius Probus in vita Iphicrat a Xenoph Cyr. lib 7 1-â—â— b 〈◊〉 in Pho cicis 648 c Pausan in Pho cic 660 Gyaâ—othorax d Polyen li 4 in Philipp § 10 e Ad Ephes. cap 6 v 14 f Diod Sicul. lib 17 619 615 g Leo cap 6 § 25 35 37 h Plut. in Timol. i Veget. â— 1 ca. 20 k Xenoph. Cyr. 167 C l Veget. li. 1 cap 20 m Diod Sicul. lib 18 n Livy lib 9. 243 C o Livy lib 1. 27 C p cap. 12 a Polyen li. 6 in Philopoe §. â— Pâ—ut in Philopoe b Pausan. in Ar. cad 4â—4 c Pausan. in Corinthiacis 1â—1 Pliâ—nat hiâ— l. â— cap. 56 d cap. 12 e Polyb. l 2 〈◊〉 B lib. 4 331 â— 332 C f Pluâ— in Aemiliâ— g Polyb. l. 2. 150 B 332 D lib. 4 h Xenop de rep Laced 68 â— i Pausan in Boeoticiâ— 56â—