that day and wheresoever Divine service was done that day as in Towns which have always Morning and Evening Prayers they were perceived to resort in greater numbers on that day than on any other to the Church As for King James of happy memory he did not only keep the said great Festivals from his youth as there is said but wished them to be kept by all his Subjects yet without abuse and in his Basilicon Doron published Anno 1598. thus declares himself that without superstition Plays and unlawful Games may be used in May and good Cheer at Christmas Now on the other side as they had quite put down those days which had been dedicated by the Church to Religious Meetings so they appointed others of their own authority For in their Book of Discipline before remembred it was thus decreed viz. That in every notable Town a day besides the Sunday should be appointed weekly for Sermons that during the time of Sermon the day should be kept free from all exercise of labour as well by the Master as by the Servant as also that every day in the said great Towns there be either Sermon or Prayers with reading of the Scriptures So that it seemeth they only were afraid of the name of Holy days and were contented well enough with the thing it self As for the Lords day in that Kingdom I find not that it had attained unto the name or nature of a Sabbath day until that Doctrine had been set on foot amongst us in England For in the Book of Discipline set out as formerly was said in 560. they call it by no other name than Sunday ordaining that upon four Sundays in the year which are therein specified the Sacrament of the Lords Supper should be administred to the people and in the year 1592. an Act of King James the third about the Saturday and other Vigills to be kept holy from Evensong to Evensong was annulled and abrogated Which plainly shews that then they thought not of a Sabbath But when the Sabbath doctrine had been raised in England Anno 1595 as before was said it found a present entertainment with the Brethren there who had before professed in their publick Writings to our Puritans here Davison p. 20. that both their causes were most nearly linked together and thereupon they both took up the name of Sabbath and imposed the rigour yet so that they esteem it lawful to hold Fasts thereon quod saepissime in Ecclesia nostra Scoticana factum est and use it often in that Church which is quite contrary unto the nature of a Sabbath And on the other side they deny it to be the weekly Festival of the Resurrection Non sunt dies Dominici festa Resurrectionis as they have resolved it Altare Damasc p. 669. which shews as plainly that they build not the translation of their Sabbath on the same grounds as our men have done Id. 696. In brief by making up a mixture of a Lords day Sabbath they neither keep it as the Lords day nor as the Sabbath And in this state things stood until the year 1618. what time some of the Ancient holy days were revived again in the Assembly held at Perth in which moving some other Rites of the Church of England which were then admitted it was thus determined viz. As we abhor the superstitious observation of festival days by the Papists and detest all licentious and prophane abuse thereof by the common sort of Professors so we think that the inestimable benefits received from God by our Lord Jesus Christ his Birth Passion Resurrection Ascension and sending down of the Holy Ghost was commendably and godly remembred at certain particular days and times by the whole Church of the world and may be also now Therefore the Assembly ordains that every Minister shall upon these days have the Commemoration of the foresaid inestimable benefits and make choice of several and pertinent Texts of Scripture and frame their Doctrine and Exhortation thereunto and rebuke all superstitious observation and licentious prophanation thereof A thing which much displeased some men of contrary persuasion first out of fear that this was but a Preamble to make way for all the other Holy days observed in England And secondly because it seemed that these five days were in all points to be observed as the Lords day was both in the times of the Assembly and after the dissolving of the same But pleased or dispeased so it was decreed and so still it stands But to return again to England It pleased his Majesty now Reigning whom God long preserve upon information of many notable misdemeanors on this day committed 1 Carol. 1. in his first Parliament to Enact That from thence-forwards there should be no Meetings Assemblies or concourse of people out of their Parishes on the Lords day for any sports or pastimes whatsoever nor any Bear-baitings Bull-baitings common Plays Enterludes or any other unlawful Exercises or Pastimes used by any person or persons in their own Parishes every offence to be punished by the forfeiture of 3 s. 4 d. This being a Probation Law was to continue till the end of the first Session of the next Parliament And in the next Parliament it was continued till the end of the first Session of the next 3 Carol. 1. which was then to come So also was another Act made in the said last Session wherein it was enacted That no Carrier Waggoner Wain-man Carman or Drover travel thence-forwards on the Lords day on pain that every person and persons so offending shall lose and forfeit 20 s. for every such offence And that no Butcher either by himself or any other by his privity and consent do kill or sell any Victual on the said day upon the forfeiture and loss of 6 s. 8 d. Which Statutes being still in force by reason that there hath not been any Session of Parliament since they were enacted many both Magistrates and Ministers either not rightly understanding or wilfully mistaking the intent and meaning of the first brought Dancing and some other lawful Recreations under the compass of unlawful Pastimes in that Act prohibited and thereupon disturbed and punished many of the Kings obedient people only for using of such Sports as had been authorized by his Majesties Father of blessed memory Nay which is more it was so publickly avowed and printed by one who had no calling to interpret Laws except the provocation of his own ill spirit That Dancing on the Lords day was an unlawful Pastime punishable by the Statute 1. Carol. 1. which intended so he saith to suppress Dancing on the Lords day as well as Bear-baiting Bull-baiting Enterludes and common Plays which were not then so rife and common as Dancing when this Law was made Things being at this height King Charles Declarat it pleased his excellent Majesty Observing as he saith himself how much his people were debarred of Recreation and finding in some
Submission brought down the Convocation to the same Level with the Houses of Parliament yet being made unto the King in his single person and not as in conjunction with his House of Parliament it neither brought the Convocation under the command of Parliaments nor rendred them obnoxious to the power thereof That which they did in former times of their self-authority in matters which concerned the Church without the Kings consent co-operating and concurring with them the same they did and might do in the times succeeding the Kings Authority and Consent being superadded without the help and midwifery of an Act of Parliament though sometimes that Authority was made Use of also for binding of the subject under Temporal and Legal penalties to yield obedience and conformity to the Churches Orders Which being the true state of the present business it makes the clamour of the Papists the more unreasonable but then withal it makes it the more easily answered Temporal punishments inflicted on the refractory and disobedient in a Temporal Court may add some strength unto the Decrees and Constitutions of the Church but hey take none from it Or if they did the Religion of the Church of Rome the whole Mass of Popery as it was received and settled here in Qu. Maries Reign would have a sorry crutch to stand upon and might as justly bear the name of a Parliament-Faith as the reformed Religion of the Church of England It is true indeed that had those Convocations which were active in that Reformation being either called or summoned by the King in Parliament or by the Houses separately or convenedly without the King Or had the Members of the same been nominated and impowered by the House alone and intermixt with a considerable number of the Lords and Commons which being by the way the Case of this New Assembly I do not see how any thing which they agree on can bind the Clergy otherwise than imposed by a strong hand and against their privileges Or finally had the conclusions or results thereof been of no effect but as reported to and confirmed in Parliament the Papists might have had some ground for so gross a calumny in calling the Religion which is now established by the name of a Parliament-Religion and a Parliament-Gospel But so it is not in the Case which is now before us the said Submission notwithstanding For being the Body being still the same privileged with the same freedom of debate and determination and which is more the Procurators of the Clergy invested with the same power and Trust which before they had There was no alteration made by the said Submission in the whole constitution and composure of it but only the addition of a greater and more excellent power Nor was there any thing done here in that Reformation but either by the Clergy in their Convocations and in their Convocations rightly called and Canonically constituted or with the councel and advice of the Heads thereof in more private conferences the Parliaments of these times contributing very little towards it but acquiescing in the Wisdom of the Sovereign Prince and in the piety and zeal of the Ghostly Fathers This is the ground-work or foundation of the following Building I now time I should proceed to the Superstructures beginning first with the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regal Crown 2. Of the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regal Crown AND first beginning with the Ejection of the Pope and his Authority that led the way unto the Reformation of Religion which did after follow It was first voted and decreed in the Convocation before ever it became the subject of an Act of Parliament For in the year 1530. 22 Hen. 8. the Clergy being caught in a premunire were willing to redeem their danger by a sum of money and to that end the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury bestowed upon the King the sum of 100000 l. to be paid by equal portions in the same year following but the King would not so be satisfied unless they would acknowledge him for the supream Head on earth for the Church of England which though it was hard meat and would not easily down amongst amongst them yet it passed at last For being throughly debated in a Synodical way both in the upper and lower Houses of Convocation they did in sine agree upon this expression Cujus Ecclesiae sc Anglicanae Singularem protectorem unicum Supremum Dominum quantum per Christi leges licet Supremum caput ipsius Majestatem recognoscimus To this they all consented and subscribed their Hands and afterwards incorporated it into the publik Act or Instrument which was presented to the King in the Name of his Clergy for the redeeming of their errour and the grant of their money which as it doth at large appear in the Records and Acts of the Convocation so it is touched upon in a Historical way in the Antiq. Britan. Mason de Minist Anglic. and other Authors by whom it also doth appear that what was thus concluded on by the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury was also ratified and confirmed by the Convocation of the Province of York according to the usual custom save that they did not buy their pardon at so dear a rate This was the leading Card to the Game that followed For on this ground were built the Statutes prohibiting all Appeals to Rome and for determining all Ecclesiastical suits and controversies within the Kingdoms 24 H. 8. c. 12. That for the manner of electing and consecrating of Arch-Bishops and Bishops 25 H. 8. c. 20. and the prohibiting the payment of all Impositions to the Court of Rome and for obtaining all such dispensations from the See of Canterbury which formerly were procured from the Popes of Rome 25 H. 8. c. 21. Which last is builkt expresly upon this foundation That the King is the only supream Head of the Church of England and was so recognized by the Prelates and Clergy representing the said Church in their Convocation And on the very same foundation was the Statute raised 26 H. 8. c. 1. wherein the King is declared to be the supream Head of the Church of England and to have all honour and preheminences which were annexed unto that Title as by the Act it self doth at full appear Which Act being made I speak it from the Act it self only for corroboration and confirmation of that which had been done in the Convocation did afterwards draw on the Statute for the Tenths and first fruits as the point incident to the Headship or supream Authority 26 H. 8. c. 3. The second step to the Ejection of the Pope was the submission of the Clergy to the said King Henry whom they had recognizanced for their supream Head And this was first concluded on in the Convocation before it was proposed or agitated in the Houses of Parliament and was commended only to the care of the
one is fundamental and held by the two Houses on no worse a title than a fundamental Constitution which is as much as any reasonable Parliamentarian need desire to have Therefore in Answer to the Fuller not taking notice of his foolish and seditious inferences we will clear those points 1. That the two Houses of Parliament are not co ordinate with the King but subordinate to him And 2. That the power of making Laws is properly and legally in the King alone As for the first we had before a Recognition made by Act of Parliament by which the Kingdom of England is acknowledged to be an Empire governed by one supream Head and King to whom all sorts and degrees of people ought to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience 24 H. 8. c. 12. which certainly the Lords and Commons had not made to the dethroning of themselves their Heirs and Successors from this co-ordinative part of Sovereignty if any such co-ordination had been then believed Or if it be supposed to excuse the matter that King Henry VIII being a severe and terrible Prince did wrest this Recognition from them which yet will hardly serve for a good defence what shall we say to the like recognition made in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign 1 Eliz. c. 1. when she was green in State and her power unsetled and so less apt to work upon her people by threats and terrors Assuredly had the Houses dream't in those broken times of that co-ordinative Sovereignty which is now pretended they might have easily regained it and made up that breach which by the violent assaults of King Henry VIII had been made upon them which was a point they never aimed at Besides if this co-ordinative Majesty might be once admitted it must needs follow that though the King hath no Superiour he hath many Equals and where there is equality there is no subjection But Bracton tells us in plain terms not only that the King hath no Superiour in his Realm except God Almighty but no Equal neither and the reason which he gives is exceeding strong Quia sic amitteret praeceptum cum par in Parem non habeat potestatem Beacton de leg Angl. l. 1. c. 8. because he could not have an Equal but with the loss of his Authority and Regal Dignity considering that one Equal hath no power to command another Now lest the Fuller should object as perhaps he may that this is spoken of the King out of times of Parliament and of the Members of the Houses seorsim taken severally as particular persons but when they are convened in Parliament then they are Sovereigns and no Subjects first he must know that by the Statute of Queen Elizabeth all of the House of Commons are to take the Oath before remembred for the defending of all preheminences and authorities united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm and for bearing faith and true allegiance to the King his Heirs and lawful Successors and that if any of them do refuse this Oath Stat. 5. Eliz. 1. he is to have no voice in Parliament 2. He cannot choose but know that even sedente Parliamento both the Lords and Commons use to address themselves to his Sacred Majesty in the way of supplication and petition and certainly it is not the course for men of equal rank to send Petitions unto one another and that in those Petitions they do stile themselves his Majesties most humble and obedient Subjects Which is not only used as the common Complement which the hypocrisie of these times hath taken up though possibly it might be no otherwise meant in some late addresses but is the very phrase in some Acts of Parliament 25 Hen. 8. c. 22. c. as in the Acts at large doth at full appear 3. They may be pleased to know how happy a thing it was for the Realm of England that this Fuller did not live in former times For had he broached this Doctrine some Ages since he would have made an end of Parliaments Princes are very jealous of the smallest points of Sovereignty and love to Reign alone without any Rivals their Souls being equally made up of Pompeys and Caesars and can as little brook an Equal as endure a Superiour And lastly I must let him know what Bodinus saith who telleth us this Legum ac edictorum probatio aut publicatio quae in Curia vel Senatu fieri solet Bedin de Rep. l. 1. c. 8. non arguit imperii majestatem in Senatu vel Curia inesse viz. That the publishing and approbation of Laws and Edicts which is made ordinarily in the Court or Parliament proves not the Majesty of the State to be in the said Court or Parliament And therefore if the power of confirmation or rejecting be of a greater trust and more high concernment than that of consulting and consenting as no doubt it is the power of consulting and consenting which the Fuller doth ascribe to the two Houses of Parliament will give them but a sorry title to Co-ordinative Sovereignty This leads me on unto the Power of making Laws which as before I said is properly and legally in the King alone tanquam in proprio Subjecto as in the true and adequate subject of that Power And for the proof thereof I shall thus proceed When the Norman Conqueror first came in as he won the Kingdom by the Sword so did he govern it by his Power His Sword was then the Scepter and his Will the Law There was no need on his part of an Act of Parliament much less of calling all the Estates together to know of them after what Form and by what Laws they would be governed It might as well be said of him as in the flourish and best times of the Roman Emperors Justin Institut l. 1. c. Quod Principi placuerit legis babet vigorem that whatsoever the King willed it did pass for Law This King and some of his Successors being then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and having a despotical power on the lives and fortunes of their Subjects which they disposed of for the benefit of their Friends and followers Normans French and Flemings as to them seemed best But as the Subjects found the Yoke to be too heavy and insupportable so they addressed themselves in their Petitions to the Kings their Sovereigns to have that Yoke made easier and the burden lighter especially in such particulars of which they were most sensible at the present time By this means they obtained first to have the Laws of Edward the Confessor contain'd for the most part in the Great Charter afterwards and by this means that is to say by pouring out their prayers and desires unto them did they obtain most of the Laws and Statutes which are now remaining of the time of King Henry the 3d and King Edward the first Many of which as they were issued at the first either in Form
use of a Liturgy surther than to be an help in the want or to the weakness of a Minister and thereupon it is inferred with contempt enough that if any Minister appear insufficient to discharge the duty of conceived Prayer it may be imposed on him as a punishment to use set forms and no other If these two Propositions did proceed from the same one spirit as no doubt they did the extream falshood of the last doth prove sufficiently that neither of them did proceed from the Spirit of Truth King Edward VI. the Lord Protector then being and the learned Prelates of that time were our first Reformers the two first approving and confirming the last labouring and acting in that weighty business but all contributing to the passing of an Act of Parliament for uniformity of Service and Administration of the Sacraments 2 and 3. Ed. 6. cap. 1. and in that Act it is said expresly That all Ministers in any Cathedral or Parish Church or other place within this Realm of England Wales and other the Kings Dominions shall from and after the Feast of Pentecost next coming be bounden to say and use all Mattens Evensong Celebration of the Lords Supper commonly called the Mass and Administration of each of the Sacraments and their common and open Prayer in such order and form as is mentioned in the same Book and none other or otherwise Which clause continued still in being notwithstanding the alteration of the Liturgie till K. Edward's death and was revived again in the Act of Parliament 1 Eliz. cap. 2. By which the second Liturgie was confirmed and ratified Assuredly they that are bound to officiate by a Form prescribed to use no other Form but that and to use that Form no otherwise than the Law requireth and requireth under several penalties contained in it cannot be said to be at liberty to use or not to use it as they list themselves nor can pretend in any reason nor with common sense That the first Reformers of Religion did never intend the use of a Liturgy further than to be an help in the want or to the weakness of a Minister What the Reformers did in other Countreys was no Rule to ours who in the modelling of that great work had not only an eye and respect as the forementioned Statute telleth us to the most sincere and pure Christian Religion taught by the Scripture as probably the others had but also to the usages in the Primitive Church which certainly the others had not So that the second Position which the proud Inference thence deducted being blown aside the whole weight of the cause must wholly rest upon the first which whether it be of strength enough to support the same is the main disquisition and enquiry which we have in hand For when this Proposition was first vented and the point had been somewhat ventilated betwixt the humble Remonstrant on the one part and the Smectymnians on the other I was required by those who had Authority to command me to try what I could do in drawing down the Pedegree and the descent of Liturgies from the first use and institution of them amongst the Jews till they were setled and established also amongst the Christians For since the Smectymnians had appealed to the ancient practice of the Jews and Christians affirming positively that no such Liturgies that is to say no stinted and prescribed Forms of Administration were anciently used by either of them it is most fit and just they should be tryed by the Records and practice of those elder times to which they have Appealed for their justification So that the point between us being matter of Fact I shall pursue it in the way of an Historical Narration in which the Affirmative being made good by sufficient evidence it will be very difficult if not impossible to prove the Negative And for the better making good of the Affirmative I have taken in the Jewish Rabbins and other Antiquaries of that people of most faith and credit the holy Fathers and other Ecclesiastical Authors since the times of Christ to testifie unto the truth of what here is said either by way of explication of such Texts of Scripture which do relate unto this cause or in the way of declaration as laying down the practice of the Jews or Christians in their several times And that it may be seen that Liturgies or Set Forms of worship were of general usage I have made diligent search into the best and most unquestioned monuments of the ancient Gentiles and traced out many of their Forms of prayer and sacrifice used by them in the most religious acts of those performances and placed that search betwixt the practice of the Jews and that of the Christians And I have placed it in that order to the end that it may appear that the Christians had not only some ground of Scripture Tradition Apostolical and the best judgments of their own times to direct this business but that they were also guided in it by the light of Nature the Word of God amongst the Jews and the constant practice of that people in the times precedent Nor have I only took this pains in tracing out the constant practice of all people in respect of Liturgies but also with relation unto the necessary adjuncts and concomitants of them Set Forms of Worship require set times and places to perform them in which gives occasion to insert some notes or observations touching the Festivals or days of Religious offices taken up by the Authority of the Church in several Ages according as the commemoration of some signal benefits or Gods special mercies toward them might invite them to it The like I have done also in the erecting and dedicating of those sacred places which have been destinated in all times to Religious offices from the first Consecrating of the Tabernacle by Gods own appointment till the last dedication of the Temple in the time of Herod and from the first deputing of some places by the Lords Apostles for the divine performances and administrations of the Christian Faith till calmer times permitted the erecting of those stately Fabricks which the Gentiles looked upon with envy and admiration Some other things are intermingled touching the Habit of the Priests or Ministers under either Testament in the time or act of their officiating as also of the Gestures used both by Priests and People according to the several offices and acts of worship And this I have drawn down unto the time of S. Austin's death when neither Superstition in point of worship nor Heterodoxie in point of Doctrine had gotten any predominancy in the Church of Christ which was then come unto her height both for peace and purity By which the Reader may perceive how warrantably this Church proceeded in her Reformation as to this particular how strict an eye was had therein as well to the most sincere and pure Christian Religion taught by the Scripture as to the usages
Sunday For if it be a sin to bathe or wash all the body on the Lords day then must it be a sin to wash the face upon that day if it be lawful to be done in any part why then necessity requiring is it unlawful for the whole It seems then by St. Gregories doctrine that in hot weather one may lawfully go into the water on the Lords day and there wade or swim either to wash or cool his body as well as upon any other Note also here that not the quality of the day but the condition of the thing is to be considered in the denominating of a lawful or unlawful Act that things unlawful in themselves or tending to unlawful ends are unfit for all days and that whatever thing is fit for any day is of it self as fit for Sunday Finally he concludes with this Dominicorum vero die à labore terreno cessandum est c. We ought to rest indeed on the Lords day from earthly labours and by all means to abide in prayers that if by humane negligence any thing hath escaped in the six former days it may be expiated by our prayers on the day of the Resurrection This was the salve by him applyed to those dangerous sores and such effect it wrought upon them that for the present and long after we find not any that prohibited working on the Saturday But at the last it seems some did who thereupon were censured and condemned by another Gregory of that name the seventh Damnavit docentes non licere die Sabbati operas facere as the Law informs us De consecratione distinct 3. cap. Pervenit But this was not till Anno 1074. or after almost 500 years after the times where now we are As for the other fancy that of not going to the Bathes on the Lords day it seems he crushed that too as for that particular though otherwise the like conceits did break out again as men began to entertain strange thoughts and superstitious doctrines about this day especially in these declining Ages of the Church wherein so many errours both in faith and manners did in fine defile it that it was black indeed but with little comliness The Church as in too many things not proper to this place and purpose it did incroach upon the Jew much of the ceremonies and Priestly habit in these times established being thence derived so is it not to be admired if in some things particular both Men and Synods began to Judaize a little in our present business making the Lords day no less rigidly to be observed than the Jewish Sabbath if it were not more For in the following Age and in the latter end thereof when Learning was now almost come to its lowest ebb there was a Synod held at Friuli by the command of Pepin then King of France a Town now in the Territory of the State of Venice The principal motive of that meeting was to confirm the doctrine of the holy Trinity and the incarnation of the Word which in those times had been disputed The President thereof Paulinus Patriarch of Aquilegia Anno 791. of our Redemption There in relation to this day it was thus decreed Diem dominicum inchoante noctis initio i.e. vespere Sabbati quando signum insonuerit c. We constitute and appoint that all Christian men that is to say all Christian men who lived within the Canons reach should with all reverence and devotion honour the Lords day beginning on the Evening of the day before at the first ringing of the Bell and that they do abstain therein especially from all kind of sin as also from all carnal acts Etiam à propriis conjugibus even from the company of their Wives and all earthly labours and that they go unto the Church devoutly laying aside all suits of Law that so they may in love and charity praise Gods name together You may remember that some such device as this was fathered formerly on Saint Austin but with little reason Such trim conceits as these had not then been thought of And though it be affirmed in the preamble to these constitutions nec novas regulas instituimus nee supervacuas rerum adinventiones inbianter sectamur that they did neither make new rules or follow vain and needless fancies Sed sacris paternerum Canâ—num recensitis soliis c. But that they took example by the antient Canons yet look who will into all Canons of the Church for the times before and he shall find no such example For my part I should rather think that it was put into the Canon in succeeding times by some misadventure that some observing a restraint ab omni opere carnali of all carnal acts might as by way of question write in the Margin etian à proprtir conjugibus from whence by ignorance or negligence of the Collectors it might be put into the Text. e if it were so passed at first and if it chance that any be so minded and some such there be as to conceive the Canon to be pure and prous and the intent thereof not to be neglected They are to be advertised that the Holy-days must be observed in the self same manner It was determined so before by the false Saint Austin And somewhat to this purpose saith this Synod now that all the greater Festivals must with all reverence be observed and honoured and that such Holy-days as by the Priests were bidden in the Congregation Omnibus modis sunt custodienda were by all ways and means to be kept amongst them that is by all those ways and means which in the said Canon were before remembred In this the Christian plainly out-went the Jew amongst whose many superstitions there is none such found Ap. Ainsw in Ex. 20.10 'T is tre indeed the Jews accounted it unlawful to marry on the Sabbath-day or on the Evening of the Sabbath or on the first day of the week lest say the Rabbins they should pollute the Sabbath by dressing Meat Conformably whereunto Can. 17. it was decreed in a Synod held in Aken or Aquisgranum Anno 833. nec nuptias pro reverentia tantae solennitatis celebrari visum est that in a reverence to the Lords day it should no more be lawful to Marry or be Married upon the same The Jews as formerly we shewed have now by order from their Rabbins restrained themselves on their Sabbath day from knocking with their hands upon a table to still a child from making figures in the air or drawing letters in the ground or in dust and ashes and such like niceties And some such teachers Olaus King of Norway had no question met with Anno 1028. For being taken up one Sunday in some serious thoughts and having in his hands a small walking stick he took his knife and whitled it as men do sometimes when as their minds are troubled or intent on business And when it had been told him as by way of jest how he
say it is moved by it self And he condemned yea mocked the Lutherans manner of speech that the Will followeth as a dead and unreasonable Creature for being reasonable by Nature moved by its own Cause which is God it is moved as reasonable and followeth a reasonable And likewise that God consenteth though men will not and spurn at him For it is a contradiction that the Effect should spurn against the Cause That it may happen that god may effectually convert one that before hath spurned before sufficient prevention but afterwards cannot because a gentleness in the Will moved must needs follow the Efficacy of the Divine Motion Soto said That every Divine Inspiration was only sufficient and that that whereunto Free-will hath assented obtaineth efficiency by that consent without which it is ineffectual not by the defect of it self but of the man The Opinion he defended very fearfully because it was opposed that the distinction of the Reprobate from the Elect would proceed from man contrary to the perpetual Catholick sense that the Vessels of Mercy are distinguished by Grace from the Vessels of Wrath. That Gods Election would be for Works foreseen and not for his good Pleasure That the Doctrine of the Fathers in the Affrican and French Councils against the Pelagians hath published that God maketh them to will which is to say that he maketh them consent therefore giving consent to us it ought to be attributed to the Divine Power or else he that is saved would be no more obliged to God than he that is damned if God should use them both alike But notwithstanding all these Reasons the contrary Opinion had the general applause though many confessed that the Reasons of Catanca were not resolved and were displeased that Soto did not speak freely but said that the Will consenteth in a certain manner so that it may in a certain manner resist as though there were a certain manner of mean between this Affirmation and Negation The free speech of Catanca and the other Dominicans did trouble them also who knew not how to distinguish the Opinion which attributeth Justification by consent from the Pelagian and therefore they counselled to take heed of leaping beyond the Mark by too great a desire to condemn Luther that Objection being esteemed above all that by this means the Divine Election or Predestination would be for Works foreseen which no Divine did admit The Ground thus laid we shall proceed unto a Declaration of the Judgment of the Church of Rome in the five Articles disputed afterwards with such heat betwixt the Remonstrants and the Contra Remonstrants in the Belgick Church so far forth as it may be gathered from the Decrees and Canons of the Council of Trent and such preparatory Discourses as smoothed the way to the Conclusions which were made therein In order whereunto it was advised by Marcus Viguerius Bishop of Sinigali to separate the Catholick Doctrine from the contrary and to make two Decrees in the one to make a continued Declaration and Confirmation of the Doctrine of the Churches Ibid. p. 215. and in the other to condemn and Anathematize the contrary But in the drawing up of the Decrees there appeared a greater difficulty than they were aware of in conquering whereof the Cardinal of Sancta Cruz one of the Presidents of the Council took incredible pains avoiding as much as was possible to insert any thing controverted amongst the School-men and so handling those that could not be omitted as that every one might be contented And to this end he observed in every Congregation what was disliked by any and took it away or corrected it as he was advised and he spake not only in the Congregations but with every one in particular was informed of all the doubts and required their Opinions He diversifyed the matter with divers Orders changed sometimes one part sometimes another until he had reduced them unto the Order in which they now are which generally pleased and was approved by all Nor did the Decrees thus drawn and setled give less content at Rome than they did at Trent for being transmitted to the Pope and by him committed to the Fryers and other learned men of the Court to be consulted of amongst them they found an universal approbation because every one might understand them in his own sense And being so approved of were sent back to Trent and there solemnly passed in a full Congregation on the thirteenth of January 1547. according to the account of the Church of Rome And yet it is to be observed that though the Decrees were so drawn up as to please all parties especially as to the giving of no distast to the Dominican Fryers and theis Adherents yet it is casie to be seen that they incline more favourably to the Franciscans whose cause the Jesuits have since wedded and speak more literally and Grammatically to the sence of that party than they to do the others which said I shall present the Doctrine of the Council of Trent as to these controverted Points in this Order following 1. Of Divine Predestination All Mankind having lost its primitive integrity by the sin of Adam they became thereby the Sons of wrath Concil Trid. Sess 6. c. 1. and so much captivated under the command of Satan that neither the Gentiles by the power of Nature nor the Jews by the Letter of the Law of Moses were able to free themselves from that grievous Servitude In which respect it pleased Almighty God the Father of all Mercies to promise first Ibid c. 2. and afterwards actually to send his only begotten Son Jesus Christ into the World not only to redeem the Jews who were under the Law but that the Gentiles also might embrace the righteousness which is by Faith and all together might receive the Adoption of Sons To which end he prepared sufficient assistance for all Hist of the Council f. 212. which every man having free will might receive or refuse as it pleased himself and foreseeing from before all Eternity who would receive his help and use it to God and on the other side who would refuse to make use thereof he predestinated and elected those of the first sort to Eternal Life and rejected the others 2. Of the Merit and Effect of the Death of Christ Him God proposed to be a propitiation for our sins by his Death and Passion and nor for our sins only Ses 6. c. 2 3. but for the sins of the whole World But so that though Christ died for all men yet all do not receive the benefit of his death and sufferings but only they to whom the merit of his Passion is communicated in their new birth or Regeneration by which the grace whereby they are justified or made just is conferred upon them 3. Of Mans Conversion unto God The Grace of God is not given no man by Jesus Christ to no other end session 6 can 2 3. but that thereby he might
Learning And as for Barns the far most learned of the three he had been once Prior of the Augustinian Fryers in Cambridge whose Doctrines he had sucked in at his first coming thither and therefore might retain them to the very last without relation to the Zuinglian or Calvinian Tenents or any differences then on foot between the Protestant Doctors and the Church of Rome Besides being of the same Order which Luther had quitted he might the more willingly encline to Luthers first opinion touching servitude of the will mans inability in co-operating with the Grace of God and being forcibly drawn in his own conversion velut inanimatum quiddam like a stock or stone in which he was tenaciously followed by the rigid Lutherans though he had afterwards changed his judgment touching that particular So that beholding Dr. Barns either as one that followed Luther in his first Opinions or travelled the Dominican way in the present points as an Augustinian it is no marvel if we find somewhat in his Writings agreeable to the palate of the Calvinists and rigid Lutherans From whence it is Dise of Free-will p. 278. that laying down the Doctrine of Predestination he discourseth thus viz. But yet sayst thou that he giveth to the one mercy and the other none I answer what is that to thee is not his mercy his own is it not lawful for him to give it to whom he will is thine eye evil because his is good take that which is thine and go thy way for if he will shew his wrath and make his power known over the vessels of wrath ordained to damnation and to declare the riches of his glory unto the vessels of mercy Id. ib. which he hath prepared and elected unto Glory what hast thou therewith to do But here will subtil blindness say God saw before that Jacob should do good and therefore did he choose him he saw also that Esau should do evil therefore did he condemn him Alas for blindness what will you judg of that which God foresaw how know we that God saw that and if he saw it how know we that it was the cause of Jacobs Election These Children being unborn they had done neither good nor bad and yet one of them is chosen and the other is refused St. Paul knoweth no other cause but the will of God and will you needs discuss another He saith not I will have mercy on him that I see shall do good but I will shew mercy to whom I will He saith not I will have compassion on him that shall deserve it de congruo but Of him of whom I will have compassion Now as he followeth the Dominicans or rigid Lutherans in laying down the grounds and method of Predestination so he draws more to them also and the Zuinglians also touching Gods workings on the will than possibly may be capable of a good construction Ib. p. 281. Gods saith he of his infinite power letteth nothing to be exempted from him but all things to be subject unto his action and nothing can be done by them but by his principal motion So that he worketh in all manner of things that be either good or had not changing their nature but only moving them to work after their natures So that good worketh good and evil worketh evil and God useth them both as instruments and yet doth he nothing evil but evil is done alone through the will of man God working by him but not evil as by an instrument Which last Position notwithstanding all the subtilty in the close thereof how far it is from making God to be the Author of sin I leave to be determined by men of more Sholastical and Metaphysical heads than my simplicity can pretend to For Tyndal next though I shall not derogate in any thing from his great pains in translating the Bible nor from the glory of his suffering in defence of those Truths for which he died yet there were so many Heterodoxes in the most of his Writings as render them no fit rule for a Reformation no more than those of Wicklif before remembred the number and particulars whereof I had rather the Reader should look for in the Acts and Monuments where they are mustered up together about the latter end of the Reign of King Henry the eighth than expect them here That which occurreth in him touchin Predestination is no more than this Prolog in Epist to the Romans p. 42. 1. Grace saith he is properly Gods favour benevolence or kind mind which of his own self without our deservings he reacheth to us whereby he was moved and inclined to give Christ unto us with all other gifts of Grace Which having told us in his Preface to Sr. Pauls Epistle to the Romans he telleth us not long after that in the 9 10 11. Chapters of the Epistle the Apostle teacheth us of Gods Predestination From whence it springeth altogether whether we shall believe or not believe be loosed from sin or not be loosed By which Predestination our Justifying and Salvation are clear taken out of our hands and put into the hands of God only which thing is most necessary of all for we are so weak and so uncertain that if it stood in us there would of truth no man be saved Ibid. 15. the Devil no doubt would deceive him but now God is sure of his Predestination neither can any man withstand or let him else why do we hope and sigh against sin Discoursing in another place of the act the Will hath on the Understanding he telleth us That the Will of man followeth the Wit that as the Wit erreth so doth the Will and as the Wit is in captivity so is the Will neither is it possible that the Will should be free when the Wit is in bondage c. as I err in my Wit so I err in my Will when I judg that to be evil which is good then indeed do I hate that which is good and then when I perceive that which is good to bee evil then indeed do I love the evil Finally in the heats of his Disputation with Sir Thomas Moor who had affirmed That men were to endeavour themselves and captivate their understandings if they would believe He first cryes out lib. 3. Hist Moor p. 306. How Beetle-blind is fleshly reason and then subjoyns that the Will hath no operation at all in the working of faith in my soul no more than the Child hath in begetting of his Father for saith Paul it is the gift of God and not of us my Wit must conclude good or had yet my Will can leave or take my Wit must shew me a true or an apparent cause why yet my Will have any working at all I had almost forgot John Frith and if I had it had been no great loss to our rigid Calvinists who not content to guide themselves in these Disputes by Gods Will revealed have too audaciously pried into the