disobedience to these Acts and the other Laws of the Realm And the several designes and plots against her to take away both her Kingdoms and Life might not onely oblige her to look to her self but also move her to a greater severity then she was naturally addicted to Yet hitherto it was not death for Priests or Jesuits to be in England if they did nothing else But some XIV years after this the Queen and Parliament supposed they had Reason to b 27 Eliz. cap. 2. Enact it Treason and Death onely for being found here yet they were so far from catching any one in a Trap or without warning that by the said Act they all had time given to transport themselves freely without any Attachment with liberty to take Ship at what Port they pleas'd the time allotted them being forty days after the ending of that present Session of Parliament Nay farther that if any were sick then upon security they might remain in the Kingdom six Months longer and then to depart And all this was more favourable then the Protestants received from Queen Mary Let us also add that those whom she had in prison she sent over upon her own charges and with kinde usage so far was she from thirsting after bloud as some would have her for confirmation thereof take one Certificate of twenty Jesuits and Priests and one Gentleman sent from the Tower of London Marshalsee and Kings-bench TO all Magistrates Officers and Ministers within the Realm of England or elsewhere to whom it may any wise appertain This may be to give certification that we whose names are here under-written who were imbarked at the Tower-wharfe of London the 21 of January 1584 and there received into the charge of Mr. a a One of the Yeomen Ushers to the Queens Chamber William Bolles and Mr. b b A Skinner of London Antony Hall by Commission from their Lordships and other her Majesties most honourable Privy-Council Have been by them the said William Bolles and Antony Hall very friendly and honestly intreated and with careful diligence safely conducted transported and conveyed to the Province of Normandy and by them left this third day of February according to the English Computation in the year of Christ 1584. Which said Bolles and Hall have in Our presence paid the c c Matthew Sâ—â—uâ—t Master of the d d Call'd the Mary Maâ—tin of Câ—lchâ—ster Bark which Transported us for the whole Fraught and Victuals in the Ship for the time of our remaining aboard And generally so well us'd us in all respects that we cannot but acknowledge our selves much beholden to them and fully satisfied in having been committed to the charge of so courteous Officers sith the case standeth so with us that we are banished our Country contrary to our desires wherein we take no little grief of minde For Testimony whereof we have hereto set our several hands this present third of February 1584. a a The first Jesuite that came into England he was son to the Epigâ—ammatist Jasper Heiwood b b Disputed with Dr. Jo. Rainolds John Hart William Tedder Arthur Pits Richard Slake Richard Norris c c Return'd into England call'd Bishop of Calcedon and wrote William Bishop d d A Jesuit return'd into England and wrote some Books Thomas Stephanson Christopher Tomson John Barnes e e Continued Sanders de Schismate ungrateful to the Queen Edward Rishton James Bosgrave Samuel Coniers f f Return'd into England wrote for the Oath of Allegiance William Warmington William Hartlie g g Return'd and executed at Mile-end Green 1588. William Dean h h Return'd executed at Lancaster 1560. Robert Nutter i i Return'd wrote in behalf of the Secular-Priests John Colleton k k Return'd wrote several Books was the chief man in putting out the Doway Notes on the Old Test Thomas Worthington William Smith Henry Orton Gentleman The next year also the Queen sent over XXXII more Priests and Jesuits and with what civility and kinde usage they were Transported I shall refer you to l Chron. fol. â—10 col 1. Stow or Howe 's for their own Certificate But to proceed we might shew at large even by the Confession of Romanists themselves that the Queen did nothing against the said Romanists but even what she was necessitated to do for the preservation of her self and Kingdom of which two or three instances will not be amiss William Watson a zealous Roman Priest and one who afterwards suffer'd for Treason confesseth how the a Quodlibets pag. 265. Pope plotted her destruction and that as he hinteth by the Instigâ—â—on of some English before which Her Majestie used us kindely for the space of the first ten years of her Highness Raign the State of the Catholicks in England that while was tolerable and after a sort in some good quiet Such as for their conscience were imprisoned or in durance were very mercifully dealt withal the state and change of things then considered some being appointed to remain with such their friends as they themselves made choice of others were placed with Bishops and others with Deans and had their Dyets at their Tables with such convenient Walks and Lodgings as did well content them They that were in ordinary Prisons had all such liberty and commodities as the place and their Estate could afford them Yea even thus much and more doth Parsons confess in his Philopater as also Father Creswell in his Scribe to the like effect b Id. pag. 266. How great quiet the State and Court was in for twelve years space no talk of Treasons or Conspiracies no Jealousies nor Suspicions no Envie nor Supplications no fear of Murtherings nor Massacrings no question of Conscience nor Religigion all lived in quiet content and right good fellowship was amongst them c. and then he confesseth that the Jesuits were the cause of the Laws against them Agnus Dei Medals Holy-grains c. He goeth on thus c Pag. 267. 268. I held directly that both her Majesties Laws and Proceedings against all sorts of Catholicks have been milde and merciful the opinion and judgement of her Highness in Religion one way and their foresaid practices against her another way duly consider'd The same Romanist having almost above measure commended the Queens d Id. pag. 274 276. Wisdom and Government seems to wonder why the Priests should be molested and though he saith their Afflictions have been extraordinary yet he also acknowledgeth so also hath the cause thereof been extraordinary and so far beyond the accustomed occasions of persecution given to any Prince in Christendom or Monarchie that is or ever was in the world to this hour unless the PURITANS of Scotland which P. 277. may in some sort equal the offence here to be set down as rather it is to be wondred at all things duly considered that any one Catholick is left on life in
hard He was adjudg'd unfit for Government And of all Regal Power and Rule debar'd For who durst contradict the b Henry IV. Dukes intent Or if they durst should patiently be heard Desire of change old wrongs new hopes fresh fear Being far the major part the cause must bear The King being thus deposed the Poet goeth on to declare how Henry the better to keep himself secure wish'd the death of Richard and how his meaning being understood the murther was barbarously accomplished Book III. § 56. He knew his time and yet he would not seem Too quick to wrath as if affecting bloud But yet complains so far that men might deem He would 't were done and that he thought it good And wish'd that some would so his life esteem As rid him of these fears wherein he stood And therewith eyes a a Sir Piers Exton Knight that then was by Who soon could learn his lesson by his eye 57. The man he knew was one that willingly For one good look would hazzard soul and all An Instrument for any villany That needed no Commission more at all A great ease to a King that should hereby Not need in this a Court of Justice call Nor seem to will the Act for tho' what 's wrought Were his own deed he grieves should so be thought 58. So foul a thing O thou Injustice art That tortrest both the doer and distrest For when a man hath done a wicked part How doth he strive t' excuse to make the best To shift the fault t'unburthen his charg'd heart And glad to finde the least surmise of rest And if he could make his seem others sin What great repose what ease he findes therein 59. This Knight but yet why should I call him Knight To give Impiety this reverend stile Title of honour worth and vertues right Should not be given to a wretch so vile But pardon me if I do not aright It is because I will not here defile My unstain'd Verse with his opprobrious name And grace him so to place him in the same 60. This Caitif goes and with him takes eight more As desperate as himself impiously bold Such Villains as he knew would not abhor To execute what wicked act he would And hastes him down to Pomfret where before The restless King convaid was laid in hold There would he do the deed he thought should bring To him great grace and favour with his King 61. Whether the soul receives intelligence By her neer Genius of the bodies end And so imparts a sadness to his sence Foregoing ruine whereto iâ— doth tendâ—â— Or whether Nature else hath conference With profound sleep and so doth warning send By prophetizing dreams what hurt is near And gives the heavy careful heart to fear 62. However so it is the now sad King Tost here and there his quiet to confound Feels a strange weight of sorrows gathering Vpon his trembling heart and sees no ground Feels sudden terror bring cold shivering Lists not to eat still muses sleeps unsound His senses droop his steady eyes unquick And much he ails and yet he is not sick 63. The morning of that day which was his last After a weary rest rising to pain Out of a little gate his eyes he cast Vpon those bordering Hills and open Plain And views the Town and sees how people past Where others liberty makes him complain The more his own and grieves his soul the more Conferring Captive Crowns with Freedom poor 64. O happy man said he that loe I see King Richards complaint in Pomfret Grazing his Cattle on those pleasant Fields If he but knew his good how blessed he That feels not what affliction Greatness yeilds Other than what he is he would not be Nor change his state with him that Scepters weilds Thine thine is that true life that is to live To rest secure and not rise up to grieve 65. Thou sit'st at home safe by thy quiet fire And hear'st of others harms but feelest none And then thou tell'st of Kings and who aspire Who fall who rise who triumphs who do mone Perhaps thou talk'st of me and dost inquire Of my restraint why here I live alone And pitiest this my miserable fall For pity must have part envy not all 66. Thrice-happy you that look as from the shore And have no venture in the wrack you see No int'rest no occasion to deplore Other mens travails whilst your selves fit free How much doth your sweet rest make us the more To see our misery and what we be Whose blinded greatness ever in turmoyl Still seeking happy life makes life a toyl 66. Great Dioclesian and more great therefore For scorning that whereto vain pride aspires Reckoning thy Gardens in Illyria more Than all the Empire all which th' earth admires Thou well didst teach that he is never poor That little hath but he that much desites Finding more true delight in that small a His Garden in Solonia a City in Dalmatia after he had resigned up the Roman Empire ground Than in possessing all the Earth was found 67. Are Kings that freedom give themselves not free As meaner men to take what they may give What! are they of so fatal a degree That they cannot descend from that and live Unless they still be Kings can they not be Nor may they their Authority survive Will not my yeilded Crown redeem my breath Still am I fear'd is there no way but death 68. Scarce this word death had sorrow uttered But in rusht one and tells him how a Knight Is come from Court his name delivered What news with him said he that trayterous wight What more removes must we be farther led Are we not sent enough yet out of sight Or hath this place not strength sufficient To guard us in or have they worse intent 69. By this the bloudy troop were at the door When as a sudden and a strange dismay Inforc'd them strain who should go in before One offers and in offering makes a stay Another forward sets and doth no more A third the like and none durst make his way So much the horrour of so vile a deed In vilest mindes hinders them to proceed 71. At length as to some great assault the Knight Cheers up his fainting men all that he can And valiantly their courage doth incite And all against one weak unarmed man A great exploit worthy a man of might Much honour wretch therein thy valour wan Ah poor weak Prince yet men that Presence fear Which once they knew Authority did bear 72. Then on thrusts one and he would formest be To shed anothers bloud but lost his own For entring in as soon as he did see The face of Majesty to him well known Like Marius Souldier at Minternum he Stood still amaz'd his courage overthrown The King seeing this starts up from where he sate Out from his trembling hand his weapon gate 73. Thus even his Foes that came to bring him death
Bring him a weapon that before had none That yet he might not idly loose his breath But dye reveng'd in action not alone And this good chance that this much favoureth He flacks not for he presently speeds one And Lyon-like upon the rest he flies And here lyes one and there another lies 74. And up and down he traverses his ground Now wards a felling blow now strikes again Then nimbly shifts a thrust then lends a wound Now back he gives then rushes on a main His quick and ready hand doth so confound These shameful beasts that four of them lies slain And all had perisht happily and well But for one act that O! I grieve to tell 75. This coward Knight seeing with shame and fear His men thus slain and doubting his own end Leaps up into a Chair that loe was there That whilst the King did all his courage bend Against those four that now before him were Doubting not who behind him doth attend And plyes his hands undaunted unâ—ffear'd And with good heart and life for life he stir'd 76. And whilst he this and that and each mans blow 'T is said that some of the strokes of the Swoâ—ds were to be seen in the Walls till these late times when the Castle was demolisht that King James by reason of this murther had no mâ—nd to take so full a view of the Castle at his coming out of Scotland as he at first intended being told of it as he was beholding the Castle Doth eye defend and shift being laid to sore Backward he bears for more advantage now Thinking the wall would safe-guard him the more When loe with impious hand O wicked thou That shameful durst not come to strike before Behind him gav'st that woful deadly wound That laid that most sweet Prince flat on the ground 77. Monster of men what hath thy fury done Vpon an overpressed Innocent Lab'ring against so many he but one And one poor soul with care with sorrow spent Could thine own eyes indure to look upon Thy hands disgrace or didst thou not relent But what thou didst I will not here Divine Nor stain my thoughts to enter into thine 78. But leave thee wretch unto black Infamy To dark eternal horror and disgrace The hateful scorn to all Posterity The out-cast of the world last of the Race Of whose curst seed Nature did then deny To bring forth more her fair-works to disgrace And as asham'd to have produc'd that past She stays her hand and makes this worst her last 79. There lyes that comely body all imbrude With sacred blood a midst the foul he shed Those holy streams became with that vile rude Vnhallowed stains confusedly interspred Ah! why was grosness with such grace indude To be with that sweet mixture honoured Or serv'd it but for some vile grave ordain'd Where an unbalmed Corps should be contain'd 80. Those fair distended limbs all trembling lay Whom yet nor life nor death their own could call For life removed had rid all away And death though entring seiz'd not yet on all That short-tim'd motion that soon finish shall The Mover ceasing yet a while doth stay As th' Organ sound a time survives the stop Before it doth the dying note give up 81. So holds those Organs of that goodly frame The weak remains of life a little space But ah full soon cold death possest the same Set are those Sun-like Eyes bloudless that face And all that comely whole a lump became All that fair form which death could scarce disgrace Lyes perisht thus and thus untimely Fate Hath finisht his most miserable state Though King Richard II thus lost his Kingdom and life by the Invasion of Henry IV yet no sooner came Henry V to the Crown but he shew'd his respect to Richard having his Corps convey'd from Langley to Westminster where he had him honourably buryed Stow p. 343 344. close by his Queen Anne his first Wife according to his desire when living and which was more observed yearly a day in memory of the said Richard The Epitaph of the said King Richard runs thus according to the Monkish mode of Poetry in those times Prudens Mundus Richardus jure Secundus R Holinshed vol. 3. Per factum victus jacet hic sub marmore pictus Verax sermone fuit plenus ratione Corpore procerus animo prudens ut Homerus Ecclesiae favit Elatos suppeditavit Quemvis prostravit Regula qui violavit And so much for King Richard II his miseries and murther and as for his Epitaph the ignorance and well-meaning of the Rimer shall pardon his Poetical faults being held famous and of great esteem in those times As of later times Ortuinus Gratius and the rest of the Magistri nostri and Virtuosi in the Epistolae obscurorum virorum thought their own Latine and Learning far above that of Erasmus Reuchlin and such others truely famous and immortal for their Learning and Oratory Sect. 3. The grand dispute and troubles amongst the Cordeliers concerning the trifling and childish Questions of the largeness of their Capuchin or Hood and the usage and right of the Bread and meat which they eat ANd now amongst all there Tragedies take one piece of foolish gravity where you shall finde the Pope and his Cardinals as serious about meer trifles as if in the Consistory they were met onely to invent the Game of Goose and his Holiness sitting consulting and troubling his head as wisely as Pantagruel in Rabelais in deciding the non-sence Law-case between the two foolish Lords I have heard of two Italian Brothers who fell out and kill'd each other upon the dispute which of them should possess the Heavens and command the Stars and History tells us that the Sir Hen. Wottons State of Christend p. 147 148. Aetolians and Arcadians had cruel Wars for a Wild-Boar that the Carthagenians and the people of Piraca for a Sea-rovers-ship that the Scots and Picts for a few Mastiff-Dogs and that the Wars between Charles Duke of Burgundy and the Switzers began for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins And some will tell us that that great hatred and antipathy betwixt the a Car. Garcia Antipatia de los Franceses y Espannoâ—es cap. 17. page 236. Epit. of the French Kings p. 280 this hapned anno 1463. French and Spaniards began meerly because the French were not so gloriously clad as the the other at an interview betwixt Lewes XI and Henry IV the King of Castile And the Indian Histories assure us that the King of Pegu having three white Elephants wanted a fourth for his Coach which to obtain from the King of Siam who had one b Myst of Jesuitis Part 3. pag. 54. rais'd an Army of a Million of men in which were three thousand Camels five thousand Elephants and two hundred thousand Horses whereby he destroy'd the Kingdom of Siam and forced the poor King to kill himself for the loss of his whole Empire and all