Esay 7.14 * Here 's habitatio Dei cum carne which the Magicians conceived impossible Dan. 2.11 God assumed our nature and so became Immanuel Behold the Lord rideth upon a swift cloud and shall come into Egypt c. Esay 19.1 This swift cloud in Aquila's translation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Euseb Demonstr evang lib. 6. cap. 20. is either our Saviours body or humane nature The hypostaticall union is likewise foretold by Jeremy together with intimation of our Saviours birth chap. 23. v. 5.6 Behold the dayes come saith the Lord that I will raise unto David a righteous branch and a king shall reigne and prosper and shall execute justice and judgement in the earth In his dayes Judah shall be saved and Israel shall dwell safely and this is the name whereby he shall be called THE LORD OVR RIGHTEOVSNESSE * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viz. Dionysius in an Epistle written to Euphranor and Ammonius against Sabellius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athanas de sentent Dionysii contra Arianos Intimations and characters of his divinitie run parallel with those of his humanity almost throughout histories concerning him in the Gospels His birth spoke him man but to be born of a †Non audiendus este Kimchius quatenus indigitari fingit ab Esaia prophetiae suae c. 7. commate 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virgin and as some conceive without pain together with the star and ‖ In the exposition of the sixth chapter de Fide attributed to Gregor Thaumuturg it s said he was born the quire of angels attended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that afterward he sate in the midst of Doctours 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quire of Angels proclaim'd him God His swadling bands and the manger spake him man and one disrespected amongst men but the shepherds and wisemen worshipping him express'd him God His baptisme administred by John declared him a man but the voice from heaven to be God He was tempted in the wildernesse but overcame wept for Lazarus but rais'd him from the dead slept upon the seas but after he was awaked stilled the waves tempered the clay with spittle but opened the eyes of one born blind Lastly by his death shewed himself man by his resurrection God Man ought to suffer in that he sinned t was impossible for any merely a creature to satisfie divine justice Whatsoever Jews Mahumedans hereticks and heathens may conceive of Christ true believers after S. Peter with much comfort acknowledge him the Sonne of the living God That Jesus Christ God and man was born is as I have prov'd a true saying it 's also worthy of acceptation The Church in whose person Solomon speaks Cant. 2.8 esteems it so The voice of my beloved behold he cometh leaping upon the mountains skipping upon the hils She shouts and skips for joy But neither is rejoycing abstracted from thankfulnesse both are requisite What 's worthy of all acceptation when it meets with ingenuous spirits produceth thankfulnesse as well as joyfulnesse Those are swine which feed upon akorns but never look up to the tree S. Paul expresseth both in the coÌ„mendation of his doctrine He thankfully acknowledges how advantagious Christs coming into the world was to himself the chief of sinners And certainly that acclamation of the Church is the voice of thankfulnesse as well as of rejoycing Their rejoycing is the eccho of their thankfulnesse No man saith our Saviour Mark 9.39 can do a miracle by my name that can lightly speak evil of me Who rejoyce so openly and so emphatically as the Church in the place quoted in the Canticles for a benefit received cannot easily become sons of Belial withdraw their necks from religion forget the obligation cast upon them I may safely adde that the rejoycing express'd by the Church if it be rightly analysed will be found to have in it more de amore amicitiae then concupiscentiae The godly rejoyce more in the advancement of Gods free mercy then in their own salvation They rather chuse to enjoy then to make use of Christ I shall shew before I proceed to the remainder of my Text that Christs comming into the world abstracted from the end of his coming express'd in my Text holds out to us ample matter both of rejoycing and thankfulnesse The approach of any good towards us is matter of joy and if it be freely bestowed upon us likewise of thankfulnesse and so much more of thankfulnesse by how much the more freely it comes from the Donour Grace restored to man as Thom. Aquin. 2. 2. q. 106. art 2. more obligeth to thankfulnesse then grace conferr'd at our creation quatenus that I may use his words magis datur gratis I shall first shew That Christs coming intimated some good towards us secondly That he came freely The former of these propositions is clear'd from the terminus à quo and the terminus ad quem of his motion together with the freenesse of the motion it self I must for the present take for a postulatum what I shall hereafter prove viz. That Christ was not compelled into the world What besides is repugnant to the freenesse of his coming as morall necessity by some fondly conceived to be cast upon him by mans merits cannot import that his coming should not be advantagious to us Christ freely disrob'd himself of glory assum'd the rags of our nature and so disguised visited sinfull mankind That one completely well much more a great man a Prince should bestow a visit upon one sick That any one should own a friend in great distresse especially one guilty of treason is wont to be esteem'd a great favour A traytour if his Sovereigne cast a favourable eye upon him interprets it a pledge of his propitious affections erects his languishing spirits Here the Monarch of heaven and earth visiteth mankind in sicknesse and distresse such as were disaffected towards him such as were traytours against him What is the ordinary temper of the world Cyprian well expresseth in his second Epistle I have not met with any Authour more elegant and copious to this purpose yet conceive that his expressions settle much below his subject I shall onely give you a tast of him you have accesse to the rest at your leasure Paulisper te crede subduci in montis ardui verticem celsiorem speculare inde rerum infra te jacentium facies oculis in diversa porrectis ipse à terrenis contactibus liber fluctuantis mundi turbines intuere Jam seculi ipse misereberis tuÃque admonitus plus in Deum gratus majori laetitia quod evaseris gratulaberis In the same epistle fiunt quae nec illis ipsis possunt placere qui faciunt The men of the world were more then vulgarly wicked when our Saviour came among them The wickednesse of man was great in the earth and all the imaginations of the thoughts of his heart were onely evil continually True religion was no where to
that the Israelites some time before Christs birth by reason of disturbances from their enemies were disinabled to distinguish exactly their tribes He addes Sive igitur in posterum prospicere voluerint sive accepto jam malo succurrere puto simul omnes ad nomen ejus tribus se contulisse in qua religionis puritas diutius steterat in qua redemptor expectabatur proditurus siquidem hoc erat in rebus ultimis suffugium Messiae expectatione se consolari Josephus in the eleventh of his Antiquities conceives that the Israelites were called Jews from Judas Macchabeus But in his second book against Apion the Israelites who came out of Egypt are called Jews His 20. books which contain the history of jews and their Ancestours from the creation are entitled I know not by whom first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Talmudists hold that their doctrine concerning moneths to be inchoated by the phasis and years to be intercalated was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 traditio Mosaica è monte Sinai and was to be executed by the Sanhedrin in the holy land Maymon Halach Kiddush-hachodesh c. 5. I find in Seder olam Rabba c. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to Genebrards translation Hac illa hora Israelitae coeperunt obligari astringi ad praecepta de polenta de praeputio neomeniâ He speaketh of the houre next after the Israelites passage over Jordan But I conceive that by chodesch he meaneth the moneth Nisan to be observed as the beginning of the yeare rather then the phasis of the moon By challah he meaneth the feast of unleavened bread Who desire to be inform'd at what time the Talmudists left off their uncertain accompt may have recourse to M. Selden De Anno Civ vet Judaeorum c. 17. p. 80. The manuscript Karite used by M. Selden affirmeth that the Israelites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the time of the kingdome sanctified their moneths at the phasis of the moon This place I find praised in an elegant discourse composed by the owner of that manuscript authour What M. Selden de anno civili veterum Judaeorum cap. 4. quoteth out of the same Karite importeth that the Karites imagined their lunatick observations as ancient at least as the deluge Perhaps they thought they were for some time intermitted The 150. dayes mentioned Gen. 7.24 and chap. 8.3 they conceive to have for their Epocha the 17. day of the second moneth which they suppose to have been Jiar on which Noah entred into the Ark and to expire at the end of the seventeenth day of the seventh moneth on which the ark rested on the mountains of Ararat If Jiar and the foure moneths next following had all been solide the summe should have been 151. dayes Hence they conclude that about foure solide moneths ought not to be continuous Besides that * The authour of Bereshith Rabba Jarchi and others after Eliezer in Parasch Noah Seder Olam Rabba c. 4. some Jewish writers conceive that 150. dayes which the waters are said to have prevailed on the earth succeeded the 40. dayes of rain †According to Seder Olam Rabba c 4. the last day of the 150. in which the waters prevailed was the last of Jair and the ark began to rest upon the mountains of Ararat on the 17. of Siwan which was the 7. moneth to Casleu in which the 40. dayes of rain ended Nachmanid in Parasch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tells us that some reckoned the 150. dayes for the prevailing of the waters to reach to the 17. of Nisan and the 17. of the 7. moneth on which the ark rested on the mountains of Ararat to be the 17. of Jair the 7. to Marcheschvan in which the rain began to descend Some that space is to be allowed after the 150. dayes for the abaiting of the waters before the ark rested upon the mountains of Ararat and though neither of these opinions should be true 't is not necessary that the 17. day of the second moneth and 17. of the seventh moneth should be included in the 150. dayes whence will they evince that there were not fewer then foure solide moneths continuous or if they will admit as many solide together as are possible by their suppositions concerning the 150. dayes in which the waters prevailed how will they prove that the seventh moneth was hollow viz. but of 29. dayes Another place in Eliah Ben Moseh quoted by my authour so oft already praised cap. 10. p. 54. clearly expresseth that Scripturary Jews esteem their way of computing years as ancient Noah Nullibi reperimus for this Latine well interpreteth the Originall in Scriptura praeceptam hoc de sanctificandis Neomeniis peculiare fuisse terrae Israeliticae Sed verò manavit â seculis vetussimis adeóque à tempore Noachi Abrahae Patris nostri quibus paex mos ille sanctificandi lunam quocunque locorum Some perhaps will object against Eliah Ben Moseh what Josephus saith of Apion lib. 2. against him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non animadvertit à seipso adductum quo coargueretur Karites who are wont to confine themselves rigourously to written truths are zealous beyond Pharisees for an orall tradition by which they may parcell out time into moneths and years They are easily reconciled to themselves It 's no unusuall thing that some one objection should hinder a rule from being generall If either sect of jews report truth 't was sometimes impossible to make before-hand a Calender for the year following neither are we enabled by any histories to reduce dayes of such uncertain years as have been mentioned to their due positures in any equable accompt Joseph Scaliger as also many other writers before and since affirmeth two things from either of which granted it necessarily followeth that moneths and years such as I have described according to the opinions of Talmudists and Karites were not used in our Saviours age 1. * De emendat temp l. 2. pag. 105. Lansbergius compendiously shews how the Jewish and Grecian years in his opinion differed Chron. saâ—r l. 1. c. 11. He contendeth that Jews from what time the Syro-Macedonians became Lords over them till after the destruction of Jerusalem used a cyclicall accompt viz. Calippus his period which consisted of 76. years 27759. dayes 940. Lunations contained foure metonicall cycles one day subducted I shall not need to explain how the Jews according to Scaliger varied from Calippus in the disposition of full and hollow moneths sith it sufficeth to my purpose to shew that Scaliger thought they used a cyclicall accompt and what were the reasons of his opinion 2. That translatio feriarum was in use throughout the same segment of time The first assertion he endeavoureth to confirm by the testimonies of Josephus and R. Adda This Doctour assigneth to the Jewish yeare 365. dayes 5. houres scrupl 997 1080. moment 48 76. Quid aliud vult saith Scaliger quà m periodum Judaicam fuisse annorum 76. R. Adda's period of
find in Eusebius quoted out of Enoch viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 determineth not whether the first moneth of the Hebrews yeare was near the Autumnall or Vernall Equinox But unlesse the vernall equinox be intimated by Enoch the place is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the purpose for which it is alledged * For larger satisfaction see Sixtus Senensis Bibliothecae Sanctae l. 2. p. 84. 85. Petrus Gassendus de vita Peireskii lib. 5. p. 169. The work ascribed to Enoch the Patriarch quoted by S. Jude which seemeth to be here pointed at besides that it was esteem'd spurious by the Jews and the Doctours of the Primitive Christian Church cannot pretend beyond a prophecy for the time of the Israelites after the Exodus We receive as most probable that Tisri in those times was the beginning of the Civil Nisan of the Ecclesiasticall yeare It remains that I relate what the Talmudists deliver concerning moneths for the times before the deliverance from Egypt Aben Ezra upon Exod. 12. telleth us that we find in in Scripture onely three names of moneths Zif Ethanim Bul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the holy language or Hebrew that the rest are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the language of the Caldeans and occurre onely in Zachary Daniel Ezra and Hester 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who were in the captivity That moneth which was the first of the yeare before the deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt afterwards called Tisri is named Ethanim 1. Kings 8.2 that which was the second since called Marcheschvan is Bul 1. Kings 6.38 And the eighth now called Jiar is Zif 1. King 6.1 Some I know have thought that Abib was the proper name of a moneth but Aben Ezra dissenteth from them in the place quoted and justly unlesse R. D. Kimchi in 's Sepher haschoraschim and Elias Levita in 's Methurgeman be defective in their explications of the word Abib The word must needs be otherwise construed in Lev. 2.14 we have mention of a second moneth Gen. 7.11 and 8.14 of a seventh moneth Gen. 8.4 of a tenth v. 5. of a first moneth v. 13. Moses in his Chronology of the floud probably was directed to write in the dialect of the age in which the floud happened It 's impossible to prove that in those times moneths were otherwise distinguished then by numbers expressing their order The Talmudists some of them so expresse that the observing of the phasis was enjoyn'd at what time the Passeover was instituted or afterward on mount Sinai as that they intimate it was not in use in times more ancient I shall not here repeat what testimonies I before quoted to this purpose Baal Hatturim upon Exod. 12. observeth that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Speak ye unto all the congregation of Israel is near to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it shall be the first moneth of the yeare to you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quia non consecrant neomenias ad phasin nisi in Synedrio magno Some Hebrew Doctours by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 12 2. understand the moon newly appearing after a conjunction God say they shewed Moses the new moon in the firmament and commanded that the phasis should be reckoned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the beginning of each moneth Rasi upon the comma quoted maketh mention of this conceit but rejecteth it Rambam in his comment upon the second chapter of Rosch Hasschana believeth it Abarbinel telleth us in Parasch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that every nation before the deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt numbred moneths and years 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et notum est quod non fiebat hoc ab iis figendo neomenias ad phasim lunae sed ad suos uniuscujusque gentis epilogismos We cannot conclude from the notation of Chodesch â—he word by which a moneth is signified in the history of the floud that the first phasis of the moon after a conjunction was in times so ancient the beginning of the civill moneth There 's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 renovatio in the beginnings of the moneths of peragration and of consecution The quantity of the moneths mentioned in the history of the deluge is variously defin'd among the Talmudists R.S. Jarchi consenteth with * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eliezer that moneths in the age of the floud were alternatim full and hollow viz. that I may with Hebrew authours call the moneths by those names which they obtain'd not till many generations after Tisri had 30 dayes Marcheschvan 29 Casleu 30. Tebat 29 c. To these adde Sedar Olam Rabba The computation of moneths dayes mentioned in the history of the floud is the same in the fourth chapter of that chronicle and with Rasi With Abarbinel the 150. dayes in which the waters prevail'd upon the earth are the whole distance between the beginning of the rain and the ark resting upon the mountains of Ararat and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 five perfect moneths He must necessarily mean by five perfect moneths the extent of five perfect moneths he could not but take notice that one fifth part of the time between the beginning of the rain and the resting of the ark consisted according to his own supposition of two pieces of moneths added together viz. part of Marcheschvan and part of Nisan He conceiv'd not as 't is manifest from what I lately cited out of his comment upon Exodus with the Karites that the foure moneths between the second and the seventh obtain'd each of them 30 dayes by reason of the phasis intercepted but that the modus of the civil moneth in the age of the deluge was 30. dayes Nachmanides in Parasc Noah differeth from some Hebrew Doctours whose opinion he there citeth about the distance between the beginning of the rain and the ark resting upon the mountains of Ararat but together with those and Abarbinel extendeth the 150. dayes of the prevailing of the waters from the beginning of the rain to the 17 of Nisan It 's clear that had the civill moneths in the age of the floud been conform'd as near as 't was possible to the distances between conjunctions Eliezer and Rasi c. were much to be preferred before these last quoted The twelve houres by which besides minutes the moneth of consecution or space between two conjunctions exceedeth 29 dayes multiplied by 12. make six dayes which according to these authours were digested each yeare into so many full moneths But it 's sufficiently known that the civill moneths of most nations anciently as do the Julian one excepted exceeded the space between conjunctions The notation of Chodesch the word by which a moneth is signified in the history of the floud no more intimateth that the civill moneth in Noahs time was rigourously conform'd to * Naturalis mensis est duplex aut enim lunaris aut solaris rursus lunaris tâ—iplicis generis aut quatenus luna ab eadem puncto zâ—dâ—aci profecta ad idem revertitur
qui dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—tem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod intervallum minus est quam viginti octo dierum majus quà m viginti septem Secundum genus est ejusdem syderis à sole profecti ad eundem reditus Haec dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tertii generis mensis est secundus dies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Scalig. de emendat temporum lib. 1. pag. 9. any kind of naturall moneth then doth the derivation of the word moneth that our moneths now used are such About moneths there are as I have shewed three opinions into which the Hebrew Doctours are parted one of the Karites and two of the Talmudists The Karites who would obtrude upon the times before the Exodus their uncertain accompt are overpowred and born down by the authority of the Talmudists This other sect of Jews hold part of them that moneths were alternatively full and hollow other of them that each moneth had 30 dayes Among those who embraced the former opinion the authour of Seder Olam Rabba and jarchi reckon the 17. day of Marcheschvan the first and the 27. of Casleu the last day of the fourtie in which the rain descended the 28. of Casleu the first and the 29. or last day of Jiar the last day of the 150. in which the waters prevailed upon the earth and the 17. of Siwan which is the seventh moneth to Casleu in which the rain ceased the day on which the ark began to rest on the mountains of Ararat and the tenth moneth on the first day of which the mountains appeared to be Ab the tenth to Marcheschvan in which the rain began to descend The first of Siwan on which the waters began to decrease is computed the first of the fourty dayes after which Noah opened the window of the ark Some writers who believe that the moneths in Noahs time were one full and another hollow throughout the yeare conceive that the ark rested on the mountains of Ararat on the 17. of Nisan and least there should want room for the 150. dayes affirm that the yeare of the floud was embolismaeus Those who hold that in the yeare of the deluge Casleu Tebat Sebat and Adar were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had each of them 30. dayes and at least seem all of them to have thought each moneth in the age of the floud and times adjoyning to have been of the same measure entertain'd severall opinions concerning the time of the resting of the ark * Augustine and Bede and many other Christians affirm that the moneth in which he ark rested was the seventh of the deluge not of the yeare and that hereby an eternall sabbath is shadowed out unto us The ark with S. Peter is a type of the Church which according to an ancient Cabbala whether derived from some divine revelation or onely from some private spirit I know not shall about the beginning of the 7. chiliade be completely received into eternall rest Nachmanides and Abarbinel affirm that it rested upon the mountains of Ararat on the seventeenth of Nisan Some quoted by Nachmanides preferre the 17. of Jiar They allow a moneth for the abating of the waters after the end of 150. dayes in which the waters prevailed upon the earth There 's yet place for another opinion viz. that there was a double Adar in the time of the deluge and the 150. dayes expired the space of a full moneth before the 17. of Nisan Those who held that moneths then in the age of the floud were throughout common years one full and the next hollow cannot unlesse they intercalate a moneth between Marcheschvan and Nisan with any face of reason affirm that the ark rested on the 17. of Nisan upon the mountains of Ararat The space between the beginning of the rain and the resting of the ark unlesse a moneth extraordinary intercede cannot possibly according to their supposition amount to so much as 148. dayes Casleu should contain 30. dayes Tebat 29 Sebat 30. Adar 29. to which must be added should the rain have begun together with the 17. of the second moneth * Some Jews affirm that the rain begun in the day time which some deny 13. dayes of Marcheschvan The summe is 131. 16 dayes of Nisan added produce 147. Former ages have not sufficiently inform'd us whether or no any dayes or moneths were intercalated before the beginning of the yeare was altered much lesse that this or that kind of embolisation was then used I should believe were it clear'd that there was intercalation in those times that there was a Weelul rather then a Weadar The authour of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus reasoneth that when Nisan was the first moneth of the yeare no moneth but Adar ought to be doubled by intercalation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Non autem embolisant nisi Adar cujus rationem inveni quod scilicet impossibile sit alium mensem in anno superaddere praeter Adar quem faciunt Adar secundum Nam Nisan est caput anni a quo computamus menses cùm scriptum sit Primus ille est vobis de Sivan dicitur In mense tertio de Tisri dicitur In mense septimo de Tebat dicitur In mense decimo de Adar dicitur in mense duodecimo qui est mensis Adar Quod si duplicarent mensem alium non satisfieret Scripturae The Hebrew authour de neomeniis tecuphis translated into Latine by Munster sub titulo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 translationes sanctiones hath this sentence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dicimus autem à diebus Ezrae deinceps non inveniri Elul embolisatum But he meaneth I conceive a day was not inserted in Elul but in Marcheschvan when an accession of a day was made to the ordinary yeare by reason of translations of feasts which being granted his sentence implyeth not that Elul was doubled in times more ancient The Chaldeans as Scaliger affirmeth De Emend Temp. l. 2. after they had received the calippicall period as oft as a moneth was to be inserted had Elul alterum in the end of their yeare Scaliger in the book now praised speaking of the yeare of the ancient Hebrews which began in Autumne saith Fine anni ut solet intercalabatur mensis Other arguments are obvious against those who hold that an Adar was intercalated in the yeare of the deluge 1. Their opinion hath no foundation in sacred history nor yet in humane of any antiquity 2. Were it granted that the ordinary civill yeare in Noahs time consisted of 354. dayes no one can attain by mere conjectures whether or no they conform'd their civil years to solar years much lesse what kind of intercalation if any was then used The excesse of the solar yeare might severall wayes be digested into their civill accompt Those who repute the moneth in which the
naturam eâ animi vi attigerit quâ id apprehendere convenit convenit autem vi quadam cognatâ quâ cùm adhaeserit séque ei quod verè est miscuerit atque indè reverâ intelligentiam veritatémque genuerit cognoscet utique verum veréque vivet atque aletur The soul by an earnest desiring and diligent searching after truth that is by love is united saith he to the idea's of the chief good is thence enlightened and strengthened and so conceiv's and brings forth truth apprehensions congruous to the idea's in the divine essence Jews vary somewhat from this opinion as holding that the soul whilest the spirit of prophecy resteth upon it is mingled with the order of Angels call'd Ishim I shall not spend time in explaining their conceit which hath in it more subtilty then truth See Maimon in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 2. sect 2. and Jews cited by Vorstius upon the place * Prophecy must necessarily differ also from the beatificall vision quia evacuabitur in patria 1. Cor. 13.8 Prophecy is not to be referred to innate idea's stirred up and quickened in the mind not to a metamorphosis of the mind by which some Rabbines imagine it to be elevated into Angelicall perfection but to representations produc'd in the understanding Those forms infus'd into the minds of Prophets whether visio or verbum were in them * Tho. Aquin. in 2.2 quaest 171. art 3. non per modum habitûs sed per modum passionis seu impressionis transeuntis As Prophets could not foretell all things so neither had they those supernaturall impressions which they received remaining with them at all times Propheticall light was in their understanding as in the aire not as in the Sunne S. Paul spake with tongues more then all the Corinthians 1. Cor. 14.18 probably with more then the rest of the Apostles by acquired skill but God suggested language to each of his extraordinary ministers according to necessity That I may yet further explain idea's impress'd upon the minds of Prophets I shall shew how they differed one kind of them from the other The word of the Lord in the mind of the Prophet is of the same nature with representations produc'd by words Vision after the manner of resemblances arising from things Sicut humana consuetudo verbis ità divina potentia factis loquitur as S. Austine in his 49. epistle He who by his word created the world doth by his power also form his creatures into words Nor doth he in this way onely apply himself to the outward senses as did Tarquinius to the messenger sent from his sonne by lopping off the heads of the tallest poppies Who received Propheticall vision had elegant characters written in their minds by the finger of God Her 's eloquence above the style of humane expression In the first chapter of Ezechiel the eighth verse Behold I even I am against thee and will execute judgements in the midst of thee in the sight of the heathen Here 's Verbum Domini Thus saith the Lord is prefix'd before it In the second verse of the tenth chap. And he spake unto the man cloth'd in linen and said Go in between the wheels even under the Cherub and fill thy hand with coals of fire from between the Cherubims and scatter them over the city And he went in my sight Here is vision There the species impress'd in the mind of the Prophet were immediately verborum but there rerum There seemed something to be spoken here somewhat to be done There the Lord foretold the destruction of Jerusalem here by coles of fire scattered over the city praefigur'd it The word of the Lord was either proper or tropicall and sometimes was contain'd in one trope and sometimes in an allegory of this last sort is that Esay 6.25 The wolf and the lambe shall feed together The same distinction hath place in vision In externall visions there might be tropi allegoria rerum by which future things were presignified Again what was presented to the eye was sometimes reall sometimes merely an apparition of the former sort was the cloud which appeared to Elijahs servant and according t◠Aben-ezra the fire in the bush which consumed it not His words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it was in the bush burning round about He conceived the fire to purifie the place of the Shechinah or divine presence here as afterwards the Mount on which the law was given The mountain burned with fire Deut. 9.15 The Shechinah had fire with it in the first temple Of the other sort of externall visions not improbably was the writing upon the wall read by Daniel Dan. 5.17 By the vision of the cloud rain was foretold by the fire in the bush not consuming it God reveal'd to Moses that the Israelites afflicted by the Egyptians should not be consumed That was a tropicall vision this an allegoricall In the minds of Prophets which I may fitly terme Theaters of future events we may observe the like difference of visions They were proper tropicall or allegoricall To this last sort may be referred what we have in the 8. verse of the 8. chapter of the Revelation A great mountain burning with fire was cast into the sea and the third part of the sea became bloud As also third parts of the sunne moon and starres darkened and the day and night not shining for a third part verse 12. And the starre falling down from heaven to earth Rev. 9.1 the locusts coming out of the smoke upon the earth c. vers 3. such also the visions of the horses and them that sate on them verses the 17 18 19. by the instances given the first difference of vision and the word of the Lord is sufficiently illustrated Secondly These differed in that vision oft times by simple appearances by terms of invention as hieroglyphicks exhibited what should come to passe Such was the vision of the seven thunders Rev. 10.4 this is a vision of sounds This question is propounded in Plato lib. 6. de repub 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherewith do we see such things as are seen by us the answer is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with sight 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do we not also by hearing see those things which are heard and by other senses other sensible objects His answer is affirmative Each kind of sensible objects are seen by that sense to which they are proportionable Colours are seen by the eye sounds by the eare c. Both sounds and colours all things which were apprehended by any Prophet such excepted as had representations answerable to articulate and significant voices were seen by the mind This of thunder is I say a vision of sounds Here Deus factis loquitur here things exhibited to the eye of the mind represent other things distinct from themselves But the word of the Lord requireth axiomaticall disposition as we may gather from examples throughout the Scripture Thirdly
full credit to divine stories who never consulted with any map who knew not in what parts of the world the scenes were situate Many true believers are uncapable of such knowledge Sacred Scripture oft wholly omits the circumstance of place I shall not need to repeat here what hath been said before against Astrologers who have imagined that the time of God the Sonne incarnated was determined by the starres I could wish that none out-strip'd them in madnesse and blasphemy Those conceive some of them that God hath design'd the starres for harbingers of what he intendeth to bring to passe in the sublunary world others who ascribe to theÌ„ efficacy above their sphere of activity acknowledge that it was conferred upon them by God To subordinate an eternall God to time to make omnipotency depend upon times and seasons to affirm that God could not sooner or later have perform'd what was requisite for the redemption of sinfull men that he could not but effect what things were done or suffered for us at what times they were accomplished farre surpasseth the wildest conceits of vainest Astrologers No one who is compos sui will imagine that God more depended upon time for the union of the two natures of Christ or his suffering death for us then in the creation of the world Time had no existence before the Genesis of the world begun Time saith Spensippus is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Stoicks it's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle neither expresseth what thing time is nor adequately what things are thereby measured describing it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The rest quoted expresse not the relative nature or formality of time Motions measure themselves and other motions distinct from them and beings which were for their kind complete or all whose parts coexisted in the least time and in the least part of time conceiveable as well as those which were extended into succession were made up of prius and posterius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Saturn the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 time with the Poets is the of-spring of heaven with Eratosthenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the motion of the sunne I cannot with these confine time to the heavens I cannot see but that the motion of a sublunary body may measure the duration of things and consequently be called time agreeably enough to reason and some authorities cited I conceive there was no artificiall motion before man was created but certainly there was naturall at leastwise of the firmament or of the earth Whether or no Angels are able to comprehend the durations of things permanent without some measure applyed or extrinsecall time I shall not need to determine Moneths and years most properly so called are the same with the proper motions of the Moon and Sun We owe dayes whether naturall or artificiall as they denote time to the motion of the earth or else to the common or participated that I may so speak with Philosophers motion of the Sunne Time as distinguished from eternity which limitation I insert as knowing how largely some late authours have used the word necessarily succeeded it's existence supposed in order of nature somewhat created It is clear that time depended upon the Creation not God about to create the world upon time Old Saturn should now be more aged had God been pleased to have anticipated the creation Neither can I see how God is intrinsecally more determined to one time whether imaginary or reall rather then another in creation and the sending of his Sonne into the world then to one person before another in election and the application of Christs merits I know also who thought it a crime mortall not to assent without doubting that the number of years between mans creation and his redemption might be infallibly gathered from Scripture Others deem that events mentioned in sacred Scripture as the Exodus and the destruction of the first Temple the beginning and end of the seventy years captivity God the Sonne incarnated Christs nativity passion resurrection and ascension ‖ See bold Determinations concerning the dayes of the birth death of Adam that I may quote authours not inaccessible apud Joannem Stadium Astronom Histor pag. 17. Doctiss Selden De Ann. Civ vet Judaeorum cap. 8. pag. 44. c. may be applyed to years moneths and dayes on which they came to passe in Cyclicall accompts Chytraeus in a preface to his lectures upon Herodotus and Thucidides determineth both which were the years and dayes of Christs incarnation and passion As for the year of his birth he approveth our common accompt * See Origan Ephemerid part 1. c 1. Lansbergius in the dedication of his three books of sacred Chronol Joseph Scalig. in Proâ—egom ad libros de Emend Temp p. 22. de emendat Temp. l. 6. Sethus Calvisius Isagoges Chronol cap. 46. Gerardus Johan Vossius de natali anno Christi p. 11. which as it is well known is rejected by Chronologers of best judgement We have not a clear computation of the years between our Saviours birth and the first assembly at Nice transmitted to us Neither is it agreed what time interceded between his birth and passion He assum'd our nature if we may beleieve Chytraeus on the 25. of March and 34. years after suffered †Chrysost and August went before him in this opinion The Tesserescaedecatitae boasted that they had learned from the acts of Pilate that Christ suffered on the 25 of March Epiphanius reporteth that he found an History of the acts of Pilate which told him that Christ suffered on the 15. of the kalends of April that is on the 18 of March on the same day of the moneth On the same day according to this Authour 1509 years backward or before his incarnation the first passeover was celebrated by the Israelites before their Exodus from Egypt And our first parents on the same day 2453 years upward were created ‖ Euseb and many after him in several ages affirm that Christ rose from the dead on the 25 of March on which day they conceive the world was created not more to be excused then Chytraeus 'T is not difficult to discover how Chronologers both Jewish and Christian dissent from this Doctour were it lawfull to digresse so farre It s obvious to suspect him with many others to be seduced by an ambition of making things answerable in nature to be likewise sutable to in time He had an eye upon the correspondency between the first and the second Adam and between man form'd and reform'd Again between the Paschall Lambe and the Antitype the Lambe which taketh away the sinnes of the world * Christ saith Chrysostome ought necessarily to suffer on the 25th of March because he was on that day conceiv'd Moreover between Christs coming and the end of his coming He came to save sinners He assum'd a body that he might be fitted to suffer for mens iniquities